The Four Books: Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, and The Works of Mencius

BOOK I. HSIO R

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CHAPTER I. 1. The Master said, " Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance and application?

2. "Is it not delightful to have friends coming from distant quarters?

TITLE OF THE WORK. — =& f§, "Discourses and Dialogues"; that is, the discourses or discussions of Confucius with his disciples and others on various topics, and his replies to (heir inquiries. Many chapters, however, and one whole book, are the sayings, hot of the sage himself, but of some of his disciples. The characters may also be rendered "Digested Conversations," and this appears to be the more ancient signification attached to them, the account being that, after the death of Cojifucius, his disciples collected together and compared the memoranda of his conversations which (hey had severally preserved, digesting them into the twenty books which compose the work. Hence the title — g^ fg, "Discussed Sayings," or "Digested Conversations." See m SS tfc m. m m. »• I have styled the work "Confucian. Analects," as being more descriptive of its character than any other name I could think of.

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — $ jfn ^ — . The two first characters in the book, after the introductory — "The 31 aster said," are adopted as its heading. This is similar to the custom of the Jews, who name many books in the Bible from the first word in them. ® — , "The first"; that is, of the

twenty books composing the whole work. In some of the books* we find a unity or analogy of subjects, which evidently guided the compilers in grouping the chapters together. Others seem devoid of any such principle of combination. The sixteen chapters of this book arc occupied, it is said, -with the fundamental subjects which ought to engage the attention of the learner, and the great matters of human practice. The word Jfl, "/earn," rightly occupies the forefront in the studies of a nation, of which its educational system has so long been the distinction and glory.

1. THE WHOLE WORK AND ACHIEVEMENT OF THE LEARNER, FIRST PERFECTING HIS KNOWLEDGE, THEN ATTRACTING: BY HIS FAME LIKE-MINDED INDIVIDUALS, AND FINALLY COMPLETE IN HIMSELF. 1. ^f-, at the commencement, indicates Confucius, rf-, "a son," is also the common designation of males — especially of virtuous men. We find it, in conversations, used in the same way as our "Sir." When it fottoics the surname, it is equivalent to our

"Mr.," or may be rendered "the philosopher," "the scholar," "the officer," etc. Often, however, it is better to leave it untranslated. When it precedes the surname, it

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3. " Is he not a man of complete virtue, who feels no discomposure though men may take no note of him?"

CHAPTER II. 1. The philosopher Yu said, "They are few who, being filial and fraternal, are fond of offending against their superiors. There have been none,

it is better to consider ffi as merely redundant; — see Wang Yin-chih's masterly Treatise on the particles, chap, iii; it forms chaps. 1208 to 12i7 of the Jt ^ £5$ jj$. Dt, read yue, as always when it has the entering tone marked, stands for fg;. What is learned becomes by practice and application one's own, and hence arises complacent pleasure in the mastering mind. t&) as distinguished from J| floh), in the next paragraph, is the internal, individual feeling of pleasure, and the other, its external manifestation, implying also companionship. 2. fift, properly "fellow students"; but, generally, individuals of the same class and character, like-minded, 3. Jf -^P, I translate here — "a man of complete virtue!" Literally, it is — "a princely man." See on ^p, above. It is a technical term in Chinese moral writers, for which there is no exact correspondency m English, and which cannot be rendered always in the same way. See Morrison's Dictionary, character ^f-. Its opposite is /]) A» "a small, mean man." A -7 &0» '"Man do not know him," but anciently some explained— "man do not know," that is, are stupid tinder his teaching. The interpretation in the te*t is, doubtless, the correct one.

2. FILIAL PIETY AND FRATERNAL SUBMISSION ARE THE FOUNDATION OF ALL VIRTUOUS PRACTICE. 1. Yu,

indicates that the person spoken of was the master of the writer, as -J- V/fc •?•» "nay master, the philosopher Vjt-" Standing single and alone, as •in the text, it denotes Confucius, the philosopher, or, rather, the master. If we render the term by Confucius, as all preceding translators have done, we miss the indication which it gives of the handiwork of Ins disciples, and' the reverence which it bespeaks for him. •§!) m *h° °ld commentators, is explained 'by =§, "to read chantingly," "to discuss." Chu Hsi interprets it by ^J, "to imitate," and makes its results to be W l£ ffii IS %)J) "the understanding of all excellence, and the bringing back original goodness." Subsequent scholars profess, for the most part, great admiration of this explanation. It is an illustration, to my mind, of the way in which Chu Hsi and his followers are continually being wise above what is written in the classical books, fj is the rapid and frequent motion of the wings of a bird in flying, used for "to repeat," "to practice." H ia the obj. of the third peio. pronoun, and its antecedent is to be found, in the pregnant meaning of ^. /ft J0» • • • •¥ is explained by JE ^, "is it not?" See 03 $ fa f£ ft if . To bring out the force of "also" in $;, some say thus: — "The occasions for pleasure are many, is this not also ont?" But

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who, not liking to offend against their superiors, have been fond of stirring up confusion.

2. "The superior man bends his attention to what is radical. That being established, all practical courses naturally grow up. Filial piety and fraternal submission.!—are they not the root of all benevolent actions ? "

named ^r, and styled ^- i^f, and :f- ^, a native of ®, was famed among the other disciples of Confucius for his strong memory, and love ior the doctrines of antiquity. In something about him he resembled the sage. See Meacius, III, Pt. I»iv, 13. /£f -?• is "Yu, the philosopher," and he and Tsang Shan are the only two of Confucius's disciples who are mentioned in this style in the Lun Yu. This has led to an opinion on the part of some, that the work was compiled by their disciples. This may not be sufficiently supported, but I have not found the peculiarity pointed out satisfactorily explained. The tablet of Yu's spirit' is now in the same apartment of the sage's temples as that of the sage himself, occupying che sixth place in the eastern range of "the wise ones." To this position it was promoted in the third year of Ch'ien Lung of the Manchu dynasty. A degree of activity enters into the meaning of ^ in ^ A. = " play ing the man," "as man, showing themselves filial," etc. $fa liere = t&, ''to ..be submissive as a younger brother," is in the fourth tone With its proper signification, it was anciently in the third tone, jfi] =

"and yet," different from its simple conjunctive use=" and," in the preceding chapter, jff, a verb, "to love," in the fourth tone, differs from the same character in the third tone, an adjective, = "good." fj£ third tone, = " few." On the idiom — ?Jc £. '&» see Pre"mare's Grammar, p. 156. 2. ;§• J* has a less intense signification here than in the last chapter. I translate — " The superior man," for want of a better tefm. /$;, "the root," "what 'is radical," is here said of filial and fraternal duties, and j|£, "ways" or "course*," of all that is intended by ^ ( =ff ) £;, below. The particles -& % resume the discourse about ^ 5$, and introduce some further description of them. See Premare, p. 158. ^| , in the second tone, is hali intftrrogative, an answer in the affirmative being implied. (£l is explained here as "the principle of love," "the virtue of the heart." Mencius says — f- -til 4? A -tfe- " •£ is man," in accortiance with which, Julien translates it by fwmanitas. Benevolence often comes near it, but, as has been said before of ^ =f-, we cannot give a uniform rendering oi the term.

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CHAPTER III. The Master said, " Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with true virtue."

CHAPTER IV. The philosopher Tsang said, "I daily examine myself on three points: — whether, in transacting business for others, I may have been not faithful;— whether, in intercourse with friends, I may have been not sincere; — whether I may have not mastered and practiced the instructions of my teacher. "

'3. FAIR APPEARANCES ARE SUS- PICIOUS. 35 Q" •$• •(&, — see Shuching, II, iii, 2. jP;, "skill in workmanship"; then, "skill," "cleverness," generally, and sometimes with a bad meaning, as here, =" artful," "hypocritical." •(§-, "a law,", "an order," also "good," and hero like )£5') with a bad meaning, = " pretending tK) be good." •(&, "the manifestation of the feelings made in the color of the countenance," is hero used for the appearance generally.

4. HOW THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG DAILY EXAMINED HIMSE.LF, TO GUARD AGAINST HIS BEING GUILTY OF ANY IMPOSITION Tscung, whoso name was 2j~ (shan), and his designation 3- f$, was one of tho principal disciples of Confucius. A follower of the sage from his sixteenth year, though inferior in natural ability to some others, by his filial piety and "other moral qualities, he entirely won the Master's 'esteem, and by persevering attention mastered his doctrines. Confucius, it is said, employed him in the composition of the 3£ jfg, or "Classic of Filial Piety." The authorship of the ;fc &, "The Great Learning," is also ascribed to

him, though incorrectly, as we shall see. Portions, moreover, of his composition are preserved in the Li Chi. His spirit tablet among tho sage's four assessors, occupying the first place on the west, has. precedence of that of Mencius. ft, read hsing, "to examine." H ^ is naturally understood of "three times," but tho context and consent of commentators make us assent to the interpretation— "on three points." j|, "tho body," "one's personality"; ft &= myself, ffi is in the fourth tone, = " for." So, frequently, below. Jg» from tjj, "middle," "the center," and ifr, "the heart, " = loyalty, faithfulness, action with and from the heart. Jffl, see chap. i. $C, "two hands joined," denoting union, ffl t ^, = whon together, "friends." f$ ^ =»| is very enigmatical. The translation follows Chu Hsi. ffj § explained quite differently: "whether I have given instruction in what I had not studied arid practiced?" It does seem more correct to take fg actively, "to give instruction," rather then passi%fely, "to receive instruction." See Mao Hsi-ho's pu, & & *fj, XV, article 17.

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CHAPTER V. The Master said, "To rule a country of a thousand chariots, there must be reverent attention to business, and sincerity; economy in expenditure, and love for men ; and the employment of the people at the proper seasons. "

CHAPTER VI. The Master said, "A youth, when at home, should be filial, and, abroad, respectful to his elders. He should be earnest and truthful. He should overflow in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the good. When he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them in polite studies."

5. FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES FOB THE GOVERNMENT OF A LAKGE STATE, i|£ is used for %$, "to rule," "to lead," and is marked in the fourth tone, to distinguish it from i£, the noun, which was anciently read with the third tone. It is different from jft; which refers to the actual business of government, while i{J is the duty and purpose thereof, apprehended by the prince. The standpoint of the principles is the prince's mind. |$g, in fourth tone, "a chariot," different from its meaning in the second tono, " to ride." A country of one thousand chanots_was one of the largest fiefs of the empire, which could bring such an armament into tho field, _The last principle, — ffi. JS & 8$-. means that the people should not be called from their

husbandry at improper seasons, to do service on military ' expeditions and public works.

6. RULES FOR THE TRAINING OF THE YOUNG: — DUTY FIUST AND THEN -ACCOMPLISHMENTS. J$ J-, "younger brothers and sons," taken together, = r/ow//i*, a youth. The second |& is for $, as in chap. ii. A tfJ» "coming in, going out," = at home, abroad. JJl ia explained by ChA Hsi by ^, "wide," "widely"; its proper meaning is "the rush or overflow of water." jj, "strength," here embracing the idea of leisure. £jl ]£, not literary studies merely, but all the accomplishments of a gentleman also: — ceremonies, music, archery, horsemanship, writing, and numbers.

CHAPTER VII. Tsze-hsia said, " If a man withdraws his mind from the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerely to the love of the virtuous ; if, in serving his parents, he can exert his utmost strength; if, in serving his prince, he can devote his life; if, in his intercourse with his friends, his words are sincere: — although men say that he has not learned, I will certainly say that he has."

7. TSZE-HSIA'S VIEWS OF THE

SUBSTANCE OF LEABNING. Tsze-hsiS

was the designation of f» jSj, another of the sage's distinguished disciples, and now placed fifth in the eastern range of "the wise ones." He was greatly famed for his learning, and his views on the Shih-ching and the Ch'un Ch'iu^ are said to be preserved in the commentaries of ^, and of £. i£ ^ and ££ ^ |fc. He wept himself blind on the death of his son, but lived to a great age, and was much esteemed by the people and princes of the time. With regard to the scope of this chapter, there is some truth in what the commentator Wu, Q, says, — that Tszo-hsia's words may be wrested to depreciate learning, while those of the Master in the preceding chapter hit exactly the due medium. The second %£ iff a concrete noun. Written in full, it is composed of the

characters for a nwniat&r, loyal, and c precious shelL It conveys the ideas of talents and worth in the concrete, but it is not easy to render it uniformly by any one term of another language. Th« first ^ is a verb, = " to treat as a hsien." -g, has a different meaniag from that in the third chapter. Here it means "sensual pleasure." Literally rendered, the first sentence would be, "esteeming properly the virtuous, and changing the love of woman," and great fault is found by some, as in g9 ^ gfc &. XIII, i, with Cnu Hsi's interpretation which I have followed; but there is force in what his adherents say, that th» passage is not to be understood as if the individual spoken of had ever been given to pleasure, but simply signifies the sincerity of his love for the virtuous. Jfc here=gj, "to give to," "to devote."

CHAPTER VIII. 1. The Master said, "If the scholar be not grave, he will not call forth any veneration, and his learning will not be solid.

2. "Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles.

. 3. " Have no friends not equal to yourself.

4. " When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them;"

CHAPTER TK. The philosopher Tsang said, "Let there be a careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents, and let them be followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice; — then the virtue of the people will resume its proper excellence."

CHAPTER X. I. Tsze-ch'in asked Tsze-kung, saying,

TO THE OFFICES TO THE DEAD: — Alt

ADMONITION or TSANG SHAN, jfe, "the end,"=»death, and ^, "distant," have both the force of adjectives, =" the dead,'' and "the departed," or "the long gone." tK and jg. mean, "to be careful of," "to follow," but their application is as in the translation. J?, "thick," in opposition to •$$, "thin"; metaphorically,=«7ood, excellent. The force of f^, "to return," is to show that this virtue is naturally proper to the people.

10. CHABACTERTSTICS OF CONFU- CIUS, AND THEIB INFLUENCE ON THE PRINCES OF THE TIME. 1. Tsze-ch'in and Tazo-k'ang ( ~fa) are designations

8. PRINCIPLES OF TION. 1. ^ -J- has here Its lightest meaning, = a student, one who wishes to be a Chun-tsze. JL 3c Hl» of the Han dynasty, in the second century before Christ, took G9, in the sense of "obscured," ','dulled," and interprets — "Let him learn, and he will not fall into error." The received interpretation, as in the transl., is better.
9. 3fe, as a verb, "to hold to be chief." It is often used thus. 3. The object of friendship, with Chinese moralists, is to improve one's knowledge and virtue; — hence* this seemingly, but not really, selfish maxim. . 9. THE GOOD EFFECT OF ATTEN- TION CN THE PABT OF SUPELBIOBS

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" When our master comes to any country, he does not fail to learn all about its government. Does he ask his information? or is it given to him?"

2. Tsze-kung said, " Our master is benign, upright, courteous, temperate, and complaisant, and thus he gets his information. The master's mode of asking information! — is, it not different from that of other men?"

CHAPTER XL The Master said, "While a man's father is alive, look at the bent of his will ; when his father is dead, look at his conduct. If for three years

of pfc "fa, one of the minor disciplga of Confucius. His tablet occupies the twenty-eighth place, on the west, in the outer part of the temples. On the death of his brother, his wife and major-domo wished to bury some living persons with him, to serve him in the regions below. Taze-ch'in proposed that the wife and. steward should themselves submit to the immolation, which made them stop the matter. Tsze-kung, with the double surname ff§ jfc, and named |^, occupies a higher place in the Confucian ranks. He is conspicuous in this work for his steadiness and smartness in reply, and displayed on several occasions practical and political ability. ^, "a general designation for males," =a man. ^

^, — a common designation for a teacher or master, jg; ^(5, " this country ,"=uny country, j^, "must," = does not Jail to. The antecedent to both the ^ is the whole clause ^3t Jfe. !$J, with no tone marked = "to give to," "with/' "to";4a, as in chap. ii. 2. The force of ^- |f ia well enough' expressed by the dash in English, the previous -tfe indicating a pause in the discourse, which the ^, "it," resumes. See Wang Yin-chih's Treatise, chap. ix.

11. ON FILIAJ, DUTY, ff, is, in the feurth tone, explained by ff j3j» " traces of walking," ^conduct. It is to be understood that the way of the father had not been very bad. An old interpretation, that the three years are to be understood of the

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he does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial."

CHAPTER XII. 1. The philosopher Yu said, "In practicing the rules of propriety, a natural ease is to be prized. In the ways prescribed by the ancient kings, this is the excellent quality, and in things small and great we follow them.

2. "Yet it is not to be observed in all casos. If one, knowing how such ease should be prized, manifests it, without regulating it by the rules of propriety, this likewise is not to be done."

CHAPTER XIII. The philosopher Yu said, "When agreements are made according to what is right, what is spoken can be made good. When respect is shown

three years of "mourning for the father, is now rightly rejected. The meaning should not be confined to that period.

12. IN CEREMONIES A NATURAL EASE IS TO BE FBIZED, AND YET TO BE SUBORDINATE TO THE END OF CEREMONIES, THE REVEREN- TIAL OBSERVANCE OF PROPRIETY.

1. jj§ is not easily rendered in another language. There underlies it the idea of what is proper. It is $ £ 2» "the fitness of things," what reason calls for in the performance of duties towards superior beings, and between man and man

Our term "ceremonies" comes near its meaning hero, jg is here a name tor jjg, as indicating the courses or •ways to be trodden by men. In /]•» ~k S3 £., the antecedent to ;£ is not 4JJ, but. jfg or if|. 2 Observa the force of' the /fr, "also," in the lost clause, and how it affirms the general principle enunciated in the fiiat paragraph.

13. TO SAVE FROM FUTURE BE- PENTABCCE, WE MUST BE CARE^TTL

ijt OCTR FIRST 8TEP8. A different view of the scope ol this chapter is taken jpy Ho Yen. It illustrates, ucc'crdmg to hiin) the difference

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according to what is proper, one keeps far from shame and disgrace. When the parties upon whom a man leans are proper persons to be intimate with, he can make them his guides and masters."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "He who aims to be a man of complete virtue in his food does not seek to gratify his appetite, nor in his dwelling place does he seek the appliances of ease; he is earnest in what he is doing, and careful in his speech he frequents the company of men of principle that he may be rectified: — such a person may be said indeed to love to learn/1 J

CHAPTER XV. 1. Tsze-kung said, "What do you pronounce concerning the poor man who yet does not flatter, and the rich man who is not proud?" The

between being sincere and righteousness, between being respectful and propriety, and how a man's conduct may be venerated. The later view commends itself, the only difficulty being with jjr ]j$, "near to," which we must accept as a meitisis for -g- 5p, "agpeemg with " -fs=fg #J, "a covenant," " agreement." Jg, fourth tone, "to keep away from." The force of the 4^ = "he can go on to make1 them his masters," ^ being taken as an active verb.

14. WITH WHAT MINI) ONE AIM- ING TO BE A CHTTN-TSZE PURSUES HJS tEABUmo. H© may be well,

even luxuriously, fed and lodged, but, with his higher aim, these things are not his seeking, — 1& ;£. A nominative to pj |fj must be supposed,— all this; or such a person. The closing particles, -fff, f5, give emphasis to the preceding sentence, —yes, indeed.

f5. AN ILLUSTRATION OP THE SUCCESSIVB STEPS IN SELF-CULTIVA- TION. 1. Tsze-kung had been poor, and then did not cringe. He became rich and was not proud. He asked Confucius about the style of character to which he had attained, Confucius allowed its worth, but sent

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Master replied, " They will do ; but they are not equal to him, who, though poor, is yet cheerful, and to him, who, though rich, loves the rules of propriety."

2. Tsze-kung replied, "It is said in the Book of Poetry, 'As you cut and then file, as you carve and then polish.' — The meaning is the same, I apprehend, as that which you have just expressed."

*3. The Master said, "With one like Ts'ze, I can begin to talk about the odes. I told him one point, and he knew its proper sequence."

him to higher attainments, (fn* here, =" and yet." fpj #u, "what as?"="what do you say — what is to bo thought — of this?" Observe the force of the fc, "not yet." 2. The ode quoted is the first of the songs of Wei (f$f), praising the. prince Wu, who had dealt with himself as an ivory worker who first cuts the bone, and then files it smooth, or a lapidary whose hammer and chisel are followed by all the appliances for smoothing and polishuig. See the Shih-chmg, I, v, Ode I, st. 2. In It IPf £ IB, the antecedent to 3£ is the passage of the ode, and that to $fr is the reply of Corfucius. £. $$, see Pre"mare, p. 156 Che clause might be translated — " xs not that passage the saying of this?" Or, "Does -not that mean this?" 3. IntKrcetta and his coadjutors translate here as if

5^ were in the 2nd pers. But the Chinese comm. put it in the 3rd, end correctly. Premare, on the character •&» says, "Fere semper adjungitur n&minibus propriifi. Sic in libra Lun Yu, Confucius loqueus de suia diacipulia, Yeou, Keou, Hoei, velipsoa alloqucns, dicit & •&, 3J* •&, [a] -til." It is not to be denied that the name before -til is sometimes in the 2nd pers., but generally it is in the 3rd, and the forco of the -rfl= quoad.^ ffl, •(&, quwid Ts'ze. g, ^, 'nearly — -fa ^* (or E. without marking the tone), in chap. xiv. The last clause may be given — "Tell him the past, and he knows the future;" but the connection determines the moaning as in the translation. f$, as in chap, x, is a particle, a mere |& j$j, as it is called, "a helping or supporting word.''

CHAPTER XVL The Master said, "I will not be afflicted at men's not knowing me; I will be afflicted that I do not know men."

16. PERSONAL ATTAINMENT SHOULD BE orra CHIEF AIM. Comp. chap, i, 3. After the negative ^, as in chap, ii, 1, observe the transposition in g, £n, which is more elegant than #0 fi would be. g,,

"seli," the person, depending on tho context. We cannot translate "do not be afflicted,'* because ~fc is not used imperatively, like ^J. A nominative to 5R has to bo assumed, — ?fc, "I," or 3J J-, 'Hhe superior man."

BOOK II. WEI CHANG

CHAFTEB I. The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — ^ Efc ^ H. This second Book contains twenty-four chapters, and is named ^ i&) " The practice of government. " That ia the object to which learning, treated of in the last Book, should lead, and here we have the qualities which constitute, and the character of the men who administer, good government.

1. THE rNTLtTEKCE OF VERTUE EN A HITLER. $& is explained by ;$, and the old commentators say |jj ^ Kl 4 13 2. HU "what creatures get at their birth is called their virtue"; bufc this is a mere play pn the common sound of different words. Chu Hsl makes it = ff '£ ffS f ^ Jr *C), "the practice of truth and

acquisition thereof ia the heart." His view of the comparison is that it sets forth the illimitable- influence which virtue in a ruler exercises without his using any effort. This is extravagant. His opponents say that virtue is the polar etar, and the various departments of government the other stare. This is farfetched. We must be content to accept the vague utterance without minutely determining its meaning, ^b ^ is, no doubt, " tho north polar star," anciently believed to coincide exactly with the place of the real pole. :&. in the third tone, used for ^, "to fold the hands in saluting," here = "to turn respectfully towards."

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CHAPTER II. The Master said, "In the Book of Poetry are three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced in one sentence — * Having no depraved thoughts. "

CHAPTER III. 1. The Master said, "If the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame.

2. "If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given tkem by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of shame, and moreover, will become good/'

CHAPTER IV. 1. The Master said, "At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning.

2. THE PURE DESIGN OF THE

BOOK or POETRY. The number of compositions in the Shih-chirig is rather more thaa the round number here given. — ff =— ^jj, "one sentence." jSJc=]8) "to cover," "to embrace." ,® $£ 315, see Shih-ching, IV, ii, 1, Bt..4. The sentence there is indicative, and in praise of the duke Hsi, who had no depraved thoughts. The sag* would seem to have been intending the design in compiling the Shih* A few 'individual pieces are calculated to have a different effect.

3. HOW RULEBS SHOtriLD .PREFER MORAL APPLIANCES. 1. i|J, BS in I,

v. ^, "them," refers to j^, below, ffjf, as opposed to Hi, = laws and prohibitions. */% ="corn earing

evenly"; hence, what 13 level, equal, adjusted, and here with the corresponding verbal force. Bi £&» "The people will avoid," that is, avoid breaking the laws through fear of the punishment. 2. JJ& has the signification of "to como to," and "to correct," from either of which the text may be explained. — "will come to good,'* or "will correet themselves." Observe the different application of _§. and flj) in pars. 1 and 2, i. i|jj="but"; It = " moreover." 4. CONFUCIUS'S OWJM ACCOUNT OF HIS OBADUAI, PROGRESS AND ATTAIN- MENTS. Commentators are perplexed with this chapter. Holding of Confucius that £ jffj $n £, & jffj ^7- ;£, "he was porn with knowledge, and did what was right with

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2. "At thirty, I stood firm. 3o "-At forty, I had no doubts.

4. "At fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven. K-

5. "At, sixty, my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth.

6. **At seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right."

CHAPTER V. 1. Mang I asked what filial piety was. The Master said, "It is not being disobedient."

2. Soon after, as Fan Ch'ih' was driving him, the Master told him, saying, "Mang-sun asked me what

entire ease," they say that he here conceals his sagehood, and puts himself en the level of common men, to set before them a stimulating example. We may believe that the compilers of the Analects, the.sage'a immediate disciples, did not think of him so extravagantly as later men have done. It is to be wished, however, that he had been more definite and diffuse in his account of himself. I. ;&', in fourth tone,= "and." The "learning," to which) at 15, Confucius* gave himself, is to be understood of the subjects of the "Superior Learning." See ChO Hsi's preliminary essay to the Ta Hsio. 2. The "standing firm" probably indicates that he no more heeded to bend his will. 3. The "no doubts'" may have been concerning what was proper in all circumstances and events. 4. "The decrees of Heaven/' = the things decreed by Heaven, the constitution of things

making what was proper to be So 5. "The ear obedient" is the mind receiving as by intuition the truth from the «ar. 6 $5, "an instrument for determining the square." ^ 8$ £g, "without transgressing the square." The expressions describing the progress of Confucius at the different periods of his age are often employed as numerical designations of age.

5. FILIAL PIETY MUST BE SHOW: ACCORDING TO THE BULES OF PKO- .PRIETY. 1. Mang i was a great officer of the State of Lu, by name Ho-chi (J5J ,gi)» an(i the chief of one of the three great families by which in the time of Confucius the authority of that State was grasped. Those families were descended from three brothers, the sons by a concubine of the duke Hwan ( 71 1-694 B.C.), who were distinguished at first by the prsenomena of -ft. $L) and:p. To these was subsequently added

, Jil

)fpj

filial piety was, and I answered him, — 'not being disobedient."

3. Fan Ch'ih said, "What did you mean?" The Master replied, "That parents, when alive, should be served according to propriety; that, when dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety."

.CHAPTER VL Mang Wu asked what filial piety was. The Master said, "Parents are anxious lest their children should be sick."

the character $£, "grandson," to indicate their princely descent, jsmd •ft J£, & $8, and ^ $g became the respective surnames of the families. ff -[^ was change^ into i£ $£ by the father of Mang 1, on a principle of humility, as he thereby only claimed to be the eldest of the inferior sons or their representatives, and avoided the presumption of seeming to be a younger full brother of the reigning duke. g$, "mild and virtuous," was the posthumous honorary title given toHo-chi. On-^, seel, i, 1. 2. Fan, by name £§, and designated -J- j||, vraa a minor disciple of the sage. Confucius repeated his remark to Fan, that he might report the

5xplanation of it to his friend Mang , or Mang-sun 1, and thus prevent him from supposing that all the sage intended was disobedience to parents. Cor"~p, the whole of Confucius's explanation with I, ix.

6. THE ANXIETY or PABENTS

ABOUT THEIR CHILDREN — AN ARGU- MENT FOR FILIAL PIETY. This enigmatical sentence has been interpreted in two ways. Chu Hsi takes "^ ( = tf)not'n the sense of "only," but of "thinking anxiously. "— "Parents have the sorrow of thinking anxiously about their— i. e., their children's — being unwell. Therefore children should take care of their persons." The old commentators again take Pjfc in the sense of "only " — "Let parents have only the sorrow of their children's illness. Let them have no other occasion for sorrow. This will be filial piety " Mang Wu (the honorary epithet, = "Bold and of straightforward principle") was the son of Mang 1, and by name gj (Chih). \fa merely indicates that he was the eldest son.

jsi

CHAPTER VII. Tsze-yu asked what filial piety was. The Master said, "The filial piety of nowadays means the support of one's parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support; — without reverence, what is there to distinguish the one support given from the other?"

CHAPTER VIII. Tsze-hsia asked what filial piety was. The Master said, "The difficulty is with the countenance. If, when their elders have any troublesome affairs, the young take the toil of them, and if, when the young have wine and food, they set them before their elders, is THIS to be considered filial piety?"

7. HOW THERE MUST BE REV- ERENCE IN FILIAL DUTY. Tsze-VU

was the designation of ff j§, a native of fp^, and distinguished among the disciples of Confucius for his learning. He is now 4th on the west among "the wise ones." §| ia in the 4th tone,="to minister support to," the act of an inferior to a superior. Chu Hsi gives a different turn to (ihe sentiment. — "But dogs and horses likewise manage to get their support." The other and older interpretation is better. §g ]fe, "Coming to," = as to, quoad. JJ'J = ".to discriminate," "distinguish."

8. THE DUTIES OF FILIAL PIETY MUST BE PERFORMED WITH A CHEER- FUL COUNTENANCE. ^ followed by

3£=the "troublesome affairs" hi the translation. The use of ^ -J-: in the phrase here extends filial duty to elders generally, — to the ^ ^J, as well as to the ££ •$£• We have in translating to supply their respective nominatives to the two ^. ^, read tsze, "rice," «md then, food generally. ;& & Kg=|S| :5fc & 01 £="They give them to their elders to eat." ^fc /£ = elders. The phrase, here meaning parents, uncles, and elders generally, is applied by foreign students to their teachers. J^, asptrate(i,=^IJ, "then," a transition particle. To these different interrogatories, the sage, we are told, made answer according to the character of the questioner^ as each one needed instruction.

CHAPTEB IX. The Master said, " I have talked with Hui for a whole day, and he has not made any objection to anything I said; — as if he were stupid. He has retired, and I have examined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. Hui! — He is not stupid."

CHAPTER X. 1. The Master said, "See what a man does.

2. "Mark his motives.

3. "Examine in what things he rests.

4. "How can a man conceal his character? How can a man conceal his character?" )

9. THE QUIET BECEpnvrry XJP THE DISCIPLE Hfo.. Yen Htii (g{ |B]), styled if- $5, was Confucius 's favorite disciple, and is now honored with the first place east among his four assessors in his temples, and with the title of fg H |g =?-, "The second sage, the philosopher Yen," At twenty-nine hia hair was entirely white, and at thirty-three he died, to the excessive grief of the sage. The subject of Jg is [ej, and that of •S" (aa in I, jv) is |j-. :£ It, "his privacy," meaning only his way when not with the master. • /ff), "also," takes up in (&., — He was so, and also thus, [a] {&, see I, xv, 3.

10. HOW TO DETEBBONB THE

CHAKACTEKS or MEN. *1 £1 is explained as=ff, orff JU, "does." The same, though not its common meaning, is the first given to it in th« diet. For the noun to which the three 3£ refer, we must go down to X in the 4th par.» There is a climax in Jj'r 0.» fit ft ("what from"), and jfjTf 3f, and a corresponding one in the verbs |g, jg, and &. 4. ^, generally a final particle, in 2nd tone, is here in the 1st, an interrogative, =how? Its interrogative force blends with the exclamatory of fjfc at the end.

CONFUCIAN ANACECTS

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CHAPTER XL The Master said, "If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge, so as continually to be acquiring new, he may be a teacher of others."

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, "The accomplished scholar is not a utensil."

CHAPTER XIII. Tsze-kung asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said, "He acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according to his actions."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "The superior man is catholic and no partisan. The mean man is a partisan and not catholic."

11. TO BE ABLE TO TEAOH OTHERS ONE MUST FROM HIS OLD STORES BE CON rLNUAXLY DEVELOPING THINGS

NEW. jn is expressed in the dictionary by fc£, and, with reference to this very passage, it is said, "one's old learning being thoroughly mastered, again constantly to practice it, is called jjj.." Modern commentatorseay that the "new learning is in the old." The idea probably is that of assimilating old acquisitions and new. Compare cfj jjjj, XXVIl,

12. THE GENTRAX, APTITUDE OF

THE CHUN-TSZE. This is not like our English saying, that "such a man is a machine," — a blind instrumout. A utensil has its particular use. It answers for that and no other. Not so with the superior

man, who is ad omnia paratus.

13. HOW WITH THE SUPERIOR MAN

WORDS FOLLOW ACTIONS. The reply is literally — "He first acts his words and afterwards follows them." A tianelator's difficulty is with the latter clause. What is the antecedent to £ ? It would seem to be It H", but in that case there is no room for words at all. Nor is there according to the old commentators. In the interpretation I have given, Chp Hsi follows the famous Chau Lien.ch-i(ttJ $ ft).

14. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEH THE CHUN-TSZE AND THE SMAXL MAN. Jt, here in 4th tone, =:" partial," "parti.ianly." The sentiment is this: — "With the Chun-tBze, it is principles not mon; with the small man, the reverse "

ffii ffii

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "Learning without thought is labor lost; thought without learning is perious."'

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed ! "

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, «Yu, shall I teach you what knowledge is? When you know a thing, to hold that you know it; and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do not know it; — this is knowledge.'

15. IN LEARNING, READING AND THOUGHT MUST BE COMBINED, |g],

"a net," used "also in the' sense of "not," as an adverb, and here as an adjective. The old commentators make f& , "perilous,'-* simply =s " wearisome to the body."

16. STRANGE DOCTRINES ARE NOT TO BE STUDIED, jfc, often "to attack," as an enemy, here=s"to apply one's self to," "to study." $g, "correct"; then, "beginnings,"*' first principles"; here = " doctrines." -fa £, as in I, xiv. In Confucius's time Buddhism was not in China, and we can hardly suppose him to intend Taoism, Indeed, we are ignorant to what doctrines he referred, but hia maxim is of general application.

17. THERE SHOULD BE NO PRE- TENSE IN THE PROFESSION OF KNOWL- EDGE, OR THE DENIAL OF IGNORANCE,

t^, by surname f|), s,nd generally

known by his designation of (-?• S&)) was one of the most famous disciples of Confucius, and now occupies in'the temples the 4th place east in the sage's own hall. He was noted* for his courage and forwardness, a man of impulse rather than reflection, Confucius foretold that he would come to an untimely end. He was killed through his own rashness in a revolution in the State of Wei. The tassel of hiB cap being cut off when he received hia death wound, he quoted a saying — "The superior man must not die without his cap," tied on the tassel, adjusted the cap, and expired. This action — %a %& ^ £: — is much lauded. Of the six £p, the 1st and 6th are knowledge subjective, the other four are knowledge objective, ^ = y 2$, "to take to be," "to consider," "to allow." ^C, thus marked with a tone, is used for $c, "you "

ffi

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang was learning with a view to official emolument.

2. The Master said, "Hear much and put aside the points of which you stand in doubt, while you speak cautiously at the- same time of the others: — then you will afford few occasions for blame. See much and put aside the things which seem perilous, while you are cautious at the same time in carrying the others into practice: — then you will have few occasions for repentance. When one gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasions for repentance in his conduct, he is in the way to get emolument."

CHAPTER XIX. The duke Ai asked, saying, "What should be done in order to secure the submission of the people?" Confucius replied, "Advance the

18. THE END LWiEABNINO SHOULD BF ONE'S OWN IMPROVEMENT, AND

NOT EMOLUMENT. 1. Tsze-chang, named gijj, with the double surname 5jj| $&, a native of Ch'an (P#), was not undistinguished in the Confucian school. -Tsze-kung praised him as a man of merit without boasting, humble in a high position, and not arrogant to the helpless. Prom this chapter, however, it would appear that inferiqf motives sometimes ruled him. ^="" was learning," i e., at some particular time, ^=5$, (lto seek for '' 2. {$}' is explained by $f ^ {§» but this meaning of it is not given clearly in the dictionary.

Compare its use in XIII, iii, 4. ^ tfc ^ tp, "Emolument is herein," i. e., it will come without seeking, the individual is on the way to it. The lesson is that we are to do what is right, and not bo anxious about temporal concerns. "*

19. HOW A PRINCE BY THE STGHT EMPLOYMENT OF HIS OFFICERS MAY SECURE THE REAL SUBMISSION OF HIS

SUBJECTS. Ai was the honorary epithet of «%, duke of Lu (494-468 B. c.); — Confucius died in his 16th year. According to the laws' for posthumous titles, ^ denotes "the respectful and benevolent, early cut off.'' ^ 4^ = "The to-bo-iamented

ffii St -T

ffi URo tt

BIJ

upright and set aside the crooked, then the people will submit. Advance the crooked and set aside the upright, then the people will not submit."

CHAPTER XX. Chi K'ang asked how to cause the people to reverence their ruler, to be faithful, to him, and to go on to nerve themselves to virtue. The Master said, "Let him preside over them with gravity; — then they will reverence him. Let him be filial and kind to all; — then they will be faithful to him. Let him advance the good and teach the incompetent; — then they will eagerly seek to be virtuous.'*

CHAPTER XXI. 1. Some one addressed Confucius,

duke." jjfa, 4th tone=S» "to set aside." f§ is partly euphonious, but also indicates the plural, ft -? jjtj 0, "The philosopher K'uug replied." Here, for the first time, the sage is called by his surname, and j£ 13 used, as indicating the reply of an inferior to a superior. 20. EXAMPLE IN SUPERIORS is

MORE POWERFUL THAN FORCE. K'ang,

"easy and pleasant, people-soother," was the honorary epithet of Chi -sun Fei (JJ)), the head of one of the three great 'families of Lu; see chap. v. Hiaadea is seen in {s(E, "to cause," the power of force; that of Confucius appears io &IJ, "then," the power of influence. In y f/, ^ is said to =

|8|, "together with," "mutually.?' §fj, "to advise," "to teach," has also in the dictionary the meaning — -"to rejoice to follow," which is its force here, ^ ^, "the practice of goodness," being understood. Wang Yinchth (on the Particles) says that in this (and similar passages) £). unites the meanings of pi and fffj ; and this is the view which I have myself long held.

21. OONFUCros'S EXPLANATION OF HIS NOT BEING IN ANY OFFICE. I.

S& |^ ^L 3~) — the surname indicates that the questioner was not a disciple. Confucius had his reason for not being in office at the time bui it was not expedient to tell it. He

saying, "Sir, wh3r-are you not engaged in the government?"

2. The Master said,. "What does the Shu-ching say of filial piety? — 'You are filial, you discharge your brotherly duties. These qualities are displayed in government.' This then also constitutes the exercise of government. Why must there be THAT — making one be in the government?"

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "I do not know how a man without truthfulness is to get on. How can a large carriage be made to go without the crossbar for yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses ? "

replied therefore, as in par. 2. 2. See the Shu-ching, V, xxi, 1, But the text is neither correctly applied nor exactly quoted. The old interpreters read in one sentence 4?L ^ fjl sg., "O filial piety I nothing but filial piety!" Chu Hsi, however, pauses at ^, and commences the quotation with til $• Q £ & ft &, the 1st ^=& @, and 3£ refers to the thought in the question, that office

was necessary to one's being in government.

22. THE NBCKSSITY TO A MAN OF BEING TROTHFUL AND SINCERE. |^ and $t are explained in the dictionary in the same way — "the crossbar at the end of the carriage pole." Chu Hsi says, "In the light carriage the end of the pole curved upwards, and tne crossbar was suspended from a hook." This would give it more elasticity.

tat

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CHAPTER XXIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked whether /Ae affairs of ten ages a/fer could be known.

2. Confucius said, "The Yin dynasty followed the regulations of the Hsia: wherein it took from or added to them may be known. The Chau dynasty has followed the regulations of the Yim wherein it took from or added to them may be known. Some other may follow the Chau, but though it should be at the distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known."

CHAPTER XXIV 1. The Master said, "For a man to sacrifice to a spirit which does not belong to him is flattery.

2. "To see what is right and not to do it is want of courage."

23. THE CHEAT PRINCIPLES GOV- ERNING SOCIETY ARE rNCHANOEABLK.

1 ft may be taken as an age = our "century," or as a goneration= thirty years, which is ita radical meaning, being iormed from three tens and one (flf and — ). Confucius made no pretension to supernatural power*, and all commentators are agreed that the things here asked about were not what wo call contingent or indifferent events. He merely says that the great principles of morality and relations of society had continued the same and would ever do eo. -&=¥• 2. The Hsia, Yin, and Chau are now spoken of as the H 'ft. "The three changes," i. e., the three great dynasties. The first

sovereign of the Hsia was "The great Yii," 2205 B. c. ; of the Yin, T'ang, 1766 B. c.; and of Chau, Wu,

24. NEITHER IN SACRIFICE KOR IN ANY OTHER PRACTICE MAY A MAN DO ANYTHING BUT WHAT IS BIGHT. 1.

%. "Thespiritof man (i. e., of the dead) is called &." The & °^ which a man may say that they are his, are those only of his ancestors, and to them only he may sacrifice. The ritual of China provides for sacrifices to thiee classes of objects — 3c It, ifi ^, A &. "spirits of heaven, of the earth, of men." This chapter is not to be extended to all the three. It has reference only to the manes of departed men.

•ffl,.

CHAPTER I. Confucius said of the head of the Chi family, who had eight rows of pantomimes in his area, "If he can bear «to do this, what may he not bear

.CHAPTER II. The three families used the YUNG

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — A tfr $£ ^. The last Book treated of the practice of government, and therein no things, according to Chinese Jdeas, are more important than ceremonial rites and music. With those topics, therefore, the twenty -six chapters of this Book are occupied, and "eight rows," the principal words in the first chapter, are adopted as its heading.

1. CONFUCIUS'S INDIGNATION AT THE USURPATION OF ROYAL RITES.

^ J£» by contraction for cp $j j£; see on II, v. ff^ and j& are now used without distinction, meaning "surname," only that the & of a woman is always spoken of, and not her $£. Originally the & appears to have been used to denote the branch families of one surname. ^ ffc, "The Chi family," . with special reference to ita head, "The Chi," as we should say. $•, a' row of dancers," or pantomimes rather, who kept time in the temple services, in the Jig, the front space before -the raised portion in the principal hall,

moving or brandishing feathere, flags, or other articles. In his ancestral temple, the king had eight rows, each row consisting of eight men, a duke or prince had six, and a great officer only four. For the Ch?, therefore, to use eight rows was a usurpation, for though it may be argued, that to the ducal family of Lu royal rites were conceded, and that the offshoots of it (II, v) might use the same, still great officers were confined to the ordinances proper to their rank. 13 is used here, as frequently, in the sense — " to speak of." Confucius's remark may also be translated, "If this be endured, what may not be endured?" For there is force in the observations of the author of the 29 ^ ^ |£. that this par. and the following must be assigned to the sage during the short time that he held high office in Lu.

2. AGAIN AGAINST USURPED RIGHTS. 2E. ^ %' "Those belonging to the three families." -) They assembled together, as being the descendants of Duke Hwan (II, v), in

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ode, while the vessels were being removed, at the conclusion of the sacrifice. The Master said, "'Assisting are the princes; — the son of heaven looks profound and grave' ; — what application can these words have in the hall of the three families?"

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with the rites, of propriety? If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with music?"

CHAPTER IV. 1. Lin Fang asked what was the first thing to be attended to in ceremonies.

2. The Master said, "A great question indeed!

one temple. To this belonged tho |g in the last chapter, which is called ^ &* Jet- circumstances having concurred to make the Chi tho chief of the three families: see JHj ^ g£ $f, VIII, vii. For the Yung ode, se® Shih-ehing, IV. i. sec. ii. Ode vu. It was, properly, sung in the royal temples of the Chau dynasty, at the %&, "the clearing away," of the sacrificial apparatus, and contains the lines quoted by Confucius, quite inappropriate to the circumstances of the three families fi£. — without an aspirate, jfrff — 4tb tone, "assistant. " " assisting '

3. CEREMONIES ANt» MUSIC VAIN WITHOUT viivrrE. •£., see 1. ii. I

don't know how to render it here, otherwise than in the translation. Commentators define it — )(j) £. & $&, " the entire virtue of the heart." As referred to B§, it indicates the feeling of reverence; as referred to |$! (yo), it indicates harmomousness.

4. THE OBJECT OF CEREMONIES SHOtTLD BEGULATE THEM: AGAINST

FORMALISM. 1. Lin Fang, styled -jp fiR, was a man of Lu, whose tablet is now placed first, on the west, in the outer court of the temples. 4 He is known only by the question in this chapter. According to Chu. Hsi. ^ here is not $J ^, "the radical idea," "the essence"; but = $r/, "the beginning" (opposed to ^), "the first

fTfJ^

3. "Infective ceremonies, it is better to be sparing than extravagant. In the ceremonies of mourning, it is better that there be deep* sorrow than a minute attention to observances."

CHAPTER V. The Master said, /'The rude tribes of the east and north- have their princes, and are not like the States of our great land which are without them."

CHAPTER VI. The chief of the Chi family was about to sacrifice to the T'ai mountain. The Master said to Zan Yu, "Can you not save him from this?" He

thing to be attended to." 3. jji§, as opposed to S| (1st tone), must indicate the festive or fortunate (§) ceremonies, — capping, marriage, and sacrifices. ^, read i, 4th tone. Chu Hsi explains it by j£, as in Menciufl — J& ^ £3 K*) "to cleanse and dress the fields," and interprets as in the translation. The old commentators take the moaning — flj JJ, "harmony and ease," i e., not being overmuch troubled.

6. THE ANARCHY OF CONFUCIUS'S TIME. The ]^ were the barbarous tribes on the east of China, and $, those on the north. See 1$ |£, £ S'J» III, xiv. The two are here used for the barbarous tribes about China generally, gf 5 ^3 a name for China because of the multitude of its regions (3ft) and its greatness (5)- ?P 1£) "The Flowery and Great," is still a common designation of it.

Chd Hsi takes Jtff as' simply = (Q, and hence the sentiment in the translation. Ho Yen's commentary 13 to this effect: — "The rude tribes with their princes are stilr not equal to China with its anarchy." £;, read as, and = $&.

6. ON THE FOLLY OF USUHPED

SACBIFICES. Jg is said to be the name appropriate to sacrifices to mountains, but we find it applied also to sacrifices to God. The T'ai mountain is the first of the "five mountaina" (2£. ^), which are celebrated in Chinese Kferature, and have always receiver oligious honors. It was in Lu, or rather on the borders between Lu and Ch*;, about two miles north of the present department city of T'ai-an (^ 5Jc), in Shantung. According to the ritual of China, sacrifice could only be offered to those mountains by the

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ill,

answered, "I cannot." Confucius said, "Alas! will you say that the T'ai mountain is not so discerning as Lin Fang?"

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, ".The student of virtue has no contentions. If it be said he cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? But he bows complaisantly to his competitors; thus he ascends the hdtt, descends, and exacts the forfeit of drinking. Ir his contention, he is still the Chiin-tsze."

CHAPTER VIII. 1. Tsze-hsia asked, sayirig, "What

sovereign, and by the princes in whose States any of them happened to be. For the chief of the Chi family, therefore, to sacrifice to the T'ai mountain was a great usurpation, ^c as in II, vii =$C, and ^ as in II, viu = RiJ, or we may take it as = $2. "Have you said, etc.?" $£ Ul=^| lU 2. 0$, "The spirit of the T'ui mountain." Lin Fang, — see chap, iv, from which the reason of this reference to him may be understood. Zan Yu, named 4() ar)d by designation ^ /^f, was one of the disciples of Confucius, and is now third, in the hall, on the west. Be entered the service of the Chi family, and was a man of ability and resource.

7. THE SUPERIOR MAN AVOIDS ALL.

CONTENTIOUS STRIVING. Here |f ip = fpj '& ~Z. A. "the man who prefers virtue ') & ttt j)fr *?, literally, "if he mu"»t, thnll it b» in archwyT"

}# 18. according to Chu Hsi, extend overall the verbs, ff, f, $£. fT is marked in the 4th tone, anciently appropriate to it as a verb. $j, 4th tone, "to give to drink," here=to exact from the vanquished the forfeit cup. In Confucius 's time there were throe principal exercises of archery: — the great archery, under the eye of the sovereign; the guests' archery, which might be at the royal court or ai the visits of the princes atnong themselves; and the festive archery, for amusement. The regulations for the archers were substantially tho same in them all, and served to prove their virtue, instead of giving occasion to quarreling There is no end to the controversies among commentators on minor points. 8 CERKMONJES ARE SECONDAHY

AND MERELY ORNAMENTAL 1. The

sentences quoted by Tsze-hsiu are, it ia Huppo^oct, from a jj| j$, one of tho

-til, fig

is the meaning of the passage — 'The pretty dimples of her artful smile! The well-defined black and white of her eye! The plain ground for the colors?' "

2. The Master said, "The business of laying on the colors follows (the preparation of) the plain ground."

3. "Ceremonies then are a subsequent thing?" The Master said, "-It is Shang who can bring out my meaning. M)w I can begin to talk about the odes with him."

CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "I could describe the ceremonies of the Hsia dynasty, but Chi cannot sufficiently attest my words. I could describe the ceremonies of the Yin dynasty, but Sung cannot

poems which Confucius did not admit into the Shih-ching. ' The two first lines, however, are found in it, J, v; III, ii. The disciple's inquiry turns on the meaning of £1 ^ in the last line, which h« took to mean — '.'The plain, ground is to be regarded as the coloring," 2. Confucius, in his reply, makes ft a verb, governing |||, = " comes after the plain ground." 3- jj§ ^ ^p; — Tsze-hsia's remark is an exclamation rather than a question. j{£ ^ ;g-, "He who stirs me up,"="He who brings out my meaning." On the last sentence, see I, xv. — The above interpretation, especially as to the meaning of $jj ^t & |£. after Chu Hsi, is quite tbe

opposite of that of the old interpreters. Their view is of eourae strongly supported by the author of

E9 m & It, Vili, iii.

9. THE DECAY OF THE. MONU- MENTS OF ANTIQUITY., Of Hsia arid Yin, see II, xxiii. In the email State of Chi (originally what is now the district of the same name in Kaifeng department in-1 Honan, but in Confucius's time a part of Shantung), the sacrifices to the emperors of the Hfcia dynasty were maintained by their descendants. So with the Yin dynasty and Sung, a part also. of Honan. But the }£, "literary monuments," of those countries, and their jgfc (=^, so in

sufficiently attest my words. (They cannot do so) because of the insufficiency of their records and wise men. If those were sufficient, I could adduce them in support of my words."

CHAPTER X. The Master said, "At the great sacrifice, after the pouring out of the libation, I have no wish to look on."

CHAPTER XI. Some one asked the meaning of the great sacrifice. The Master said, "I do not know.

the Shu-ching, V, vii, 5, etal), "wise men," had become few. Had Confucius therefore delivered all his knowledge about the two dynasties, he would have exposed his truthfulness to suspicion. ffj[, in the sense of !£, "to witness," and, at the end, "to appeal to for evidence." The old commentators, however, interpret the whole differently. — Already in the time of Confucius many of tho records of antiquity had perished.

10. THE SAGE'S DISSATISFACTION AT THE WANT OF PROPRIETY IN CERE- MONIES. Oft is the name belonging to different sacrifices, but here indicates the ^ £jl, "great sacrifice," which cquld properly be celebrated only by the sovereign. The individual sacrificed to in it was the remotest ancestor from whom the founder of the reigning dynasty traced his descent 5 As to who were

his assessors in the sacrifice and how often it was offered; — these are disputed points. See K'ang hsi's diet., char. £$. Compare also CM S 3% $?) VII, viii, and R9 $ ffijfc g&, 1, xiii. A royal rite, its use in Lu waa wrong (see next chap. ), but there was something in the service after (he early act of libation inviting the descent of the spirits, which more particularly moved the anger of Confucius jfn & = iU t£) different frprr. # in I.

11. THE PROFOUND riEANINO OF

THE GREAT SACRIFICE. This chapter is akin to II, xxi. Confucius evades replying to his questioner, it being contrary to Chinese propriety to speak in a country of the faulty of its government or rulers !ft, "explanation, "^meaning. The antecedent to the second 2t- is the whole of the preceding clause:— "The relation

jft #B

t ill

He who knew its meaning would find it as easy to govern the kingdom as to look on this;" — pointing to his palm.

CHAPTER XII. 1. He sacrificed to the dead, as if they were present. He sacrificed to the spirits, as if the spirits were present.

2. The Master said, "I consider my not being present at the sacrifice, as if I did not sacrifice."

CHAPTER XIII. 1. Wang-sun Chia asked, saying, "What is the meaning of the saying, 'It is better to pay court to the furnace than to the southwest corner?'"

to the kingdom of him who knew ita. meaning; — that would be as to look on this." sf., interjective, more than interrogative. ^s=jg|, "to see." Jfc ~fT, "under heaven," an ambitious designation for the Chinese Empire, as Tj elicovfjLtfr) and orbis terras were used by the Greeks and Romans.

12, CONFUCIUS'S OWN SINCERITY

IN SACRIFICING. 1. ££ here is historical and not to be translated in the imperative. We have to supply an objective to the first g£, viz., 3fc Jg[, the dead, his forefathers, as contrasted with St *n the next clause, =all the "spirits" to which in his official capacity he would have to sacrifice. 2. Observe |Ji£ in the 4th tone, "to be present at," "to take part in." ,j 13 THAT THERE is NO RESOURCE

AGAINST THE CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLATING THE RIGHT. 1. Chia WES

a great officer of Wei ($f), and

having the power of the State in his hands insinuated to Confucius that it would be for his advantage to pay court to him. The A, or southwest •corner, was from the structure of ancient houses the coziest nook, and the place of honor. Chu Hsi axplains the proverb by reference to the customs of sacrifice. The furnace waa comparatively a mean place, but when the spirit of the furnace was sacrificed to, then the rank of the two places waa changed for the time, and the proverb quoted was in vogue. But there does not seem much force in this explanation. The door, or well, or any other of the five things in the regular sacrifices, might take the place. of the furnace. The old explanation which makes no reference to sacrifice is simpler Ao might be tho more retired and honorable place, .but the tsdo was the moro important for the support

2. The Master said, "Not so. He who offends against Heaven has none to whom he can pray."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "Chau had the advantage of viewing the two past dynasties. How complete and elegant are its regulations! I follow Chau."

CHAPTER XV. The Master, when he entered the grand temple, asked about everything. Some one

and comfort of the household. The jarince and his immediate attendants might be more honorable than such a minister as Chia, but more benefit might be got from him. $|, from woman and eyebrows,— "to ogle," "to flatter." 2. Confucius's reply was in a high tone. Chu Hsi says, 5^ IP J5L til. "Heaven means principle.'' But why should Heaven mean principle, if there were not in such a use of the term an instinctive recognition of a supreme government of intelligence and righteousness? We find J^ explained in the PH # J6 tfe tft by & & £ , ± %, "The lofty One who is on high." A scholar of great ability and research has written to me contending that we ought to find in this chapter a reference to fire worship as having been by the time of Confucius introduced from Persia into China; but I have not found sufficient reference to such an introduction at so early a period. The ordinary explanation seems to me more satisfactory; — simple and sufficient. Ho Yen quotes the words of K'ung An-kwo of our second

century on the passage: — "Chia held in his hands the government of the State. Wishing to make Confucius pay court to him, he stirred him up in a gentle way by quoting to him a saying common among the people."

14.) THE COMPLETENESS AND ELE- GAXCE OF THE INSTITUTIONS OF THE

CH!U DYNASTY. By the )SJ we are specially to understand the founders of the power and polity of the dynasty — the kings Wan and Wu, and the duke of Chau. The two past dynasties are the Hsia and the Shang or Yin. ^C = "elegant regulations."

15. CONFUCIUS IN THE GBAND TEMPLE. ^c (=jk) JiPJ was tne temple dedicated to the duke of Chau ()SJ /£)) and where he was sacrificed to with royal rites. The thing is supposed to have taken place at the beginning of Confucius's official service in Lu, when he went into the temple with other officers to assist at the sacrifice. He had studied all about ceremonies, but he thought it a mark of sincerity

,fci ii

said, "Who will say that the son of the man of Tsau knows the rules of propriety! He has entered the grand temple and asks about everything." The Master heard the remark, and said, "This is a rule of propriety."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "In archery it is not going throuyh the leather which is the principal thing; — because people's strength is not equal. This was the old way."

CHAPTER XV II. 1. Tsze-kung wished to do away with the offering of a sheep connected with the inauguration of the first day of each month.

and earnestness to make minute inquiries about them on the occasion spoken of. |{{S was the name of the town of which Confucius'a father had been governor, who was known therefore as "the man of Tsau." Confucius would be styled as in the text, only in his early life, or by very ordinary people. — See on page

16. HOW THE ANCIENTS MADE ARCHERY A DISCIPLINE OF VIRTUE.

We are not to understand j$ ^ =fe $£ of all archery among the ancients. The characters are found in the -^ JO., P It* par- 315 of the Chu Su edition. In the edition of the present dynasty, V, iii, par. 81. There were trials of archery where the strength was tested. Probably Confucius was speaking of some archery of hia times, when the strength which could go through the fc, "akin," or leather, in the middle of

the target, was esteemed more than the skill which could hit it.

17. How CONFUCIUS CLEAVED TO ANCIENT RITES. 1. The king in the last month of the year gave out to the princes a calendar for the first days of the months of the year ensuing. This was kept in their ancestral temples, and on the 1st of every month they offered a sheep and announced the day, requesting sanction for the duties of the month. This idea of requesting sanction is indicated by -^g, read kith. The dukea of Lu now neglected their part of this ceremony, but the sheep was still offered:- — a meaningless formality, it seemed to Tsze-kung. Confucius, however, thought that while any part of the ceremony was retained, there was a better chance of restoring the whole. ^, in the 3rd tone, an active verb, "to put away." It is disputed whether f&,

I I I J P • * "» i • * ^ /I-JUC 1

2. The Master said, "Ts'ze, you love the sheep; I love the ceremony.''

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "The full observance of the rules of propriety in serving one's prince is accounted by people to be flattery."

CHAPTER XIX. The duke Ting asked how a prince should employ his ministers, and how ministers should serve their prince. Confucius replied, "A prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness."

CHAPTER XX, The Master said, "The Kwan Tsii is expressive of enjoyment without being licentious, and of grief without being hurtfully excessive."

CHAPTER XXI. 1. The duke Ai asked Tsai Wo about the altars of the spirits of the land. Tsai Wo

in the text, mean a living sheep, or a sheep killed but not roasted. 2. §£, in the sense of $£ 1^, "to grudge," it is said. But this is hardly necessary.

18. HOW PRINCES SHOULD BE SERVED :— -AGAINST THE SPIRIT OF THE TIMES.

19. THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES IN THE RELATION OF PRINCE AND MINIS- TER. 5£, "Greatly anxious, tranquilizer of the people," was the posthumous epithet of $|£, prince of

Lu, 509-496 B. c. #n ± fSJ, "As it what?" j£ referring to the two points inquired about.

20. THE PRAISE OF THE FIRST OF THE ODES. |g Bfl is the name of the first ode in the Shih-ching, and may be translated — "The murmuring of the ts'u." See Shih-ching, I, i, 1.

21. A RASH REPLY OF TSAI Wo ABOUT THE ALTARS TO THE SPIRITS OF THE LAND, AND LAMENT OF CON- FUCIUS THEREON. 1. ^ ^, 866 II,

xix. Tsai Wo, by name -y-, and

replied, "The Hsia sovereign planted the pine tree about them; the men of the Yin planted the cypress; and the men of the Chau planted the chestnut tree, meaning thereby to cause the people to be in awe."

2. When the Master heard it, he said, "Things that are done, it is needless to speak about; things that have had their course, it is needless to remonstrate about; things that are past, it is needless to blame."

CHAPTER XXII. 1. The Master said, "Small indeed was the capacity of Kwan Chung! "

styled ^ f£, was an eloquent disciple of the sage, a native of Lu. His place is the second west among "the wise ones." jjifc, from 5jk (Ch'i), "spirit or spirits of the earth," and ±, "the soil," means ± i& W ±» "the resting place or altars of the spirits of the land or ground. Wo simply tells the duke that the founders of the several dynasties planted such and such trees about those altars. The reason was that the soil suited such trees; but as Jf|, "the chestnut tree," the tree of the existing dynasty, is used in the sense of iHj|, "to be afraid," he suggested a reason for its planting which might lead the duke to severe measures against his people to be carried into effect at the altars. Comp. the Shuching, IV, ii, 5, "I will put you to death before the iftfc-" JH fa j£ is the Great Yu, called fa, to distinguish him from his predecessors, . the fa, and |£ ,f£, to distinguish him from $& who was ^ j£, while they ;

were descended from the same ancestor. See chap, i, on J$. |$ A and J$ A» in parallelism with ~g. fa j£» must mean the founders of these dynasties; why they are simply styled A. "man," or "men," I have not found clearly explained, though commentators feel it necessary to say something on the point. 2. This is all directed against Wo's reply. He had spoken, and his words could not be recalled.

22. CONFTJCIUS'S OPINION OF KWAJST CHUNG: — AGAINST HIM. 1. Kwan Chung, by name ^ |f-, is one of the most famous names in Chinese history. He was chief minister to the duke /@ of ^ (683-642 B. c.), the first and greatest of the five pa (fft or sjf), leaders of the princes of ths nation under the Chau dynasty. In the times of Confucius and Mencms, people thought more of Kwan than those sages, no hero worshipers, would allow. ^, see II, xii, but its significance here is different,

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2. Some one said, "Was Kwan Chung parsimonious?" "Kwan," was the reply, "had the San Kwei, and his officers performed no double duties; how can he be considered parsimonious?"

3. "Then, did Kwan Chung know the rules of propriety?" The Master said, "The princes of States have a screen intercepting the view at their gates. Kwan had likewise a screen at his gate. The princes of States on any friendly meeting between two of them, had a stand on which to place their inverted cups. Kwan had also such a stand. If Kwan knew the rules of propriety, who does not know them?"

and = our r,neasure or capacity. 2. S §§, in the dictionary, and the commentary of Chu Hsi, was the name of an extravagant tower built by Kwan. There are other views of the phrase, the oldest and the best supported apparently being that it means "three wives." (A woman's marriage is called $$.) The San Kwei and having no pluralists among his officers proved that he could not be parsimonious, jgf, the 1st tone, "how." 3. *at, "a tree," here in the

sense of Jpfl, "a screen," the screen of a prince, usurped by Kwan, who was only entitled to the 0 of a great officer, iff, the 4th tone, = "a friendly meeting." The i^, from ± and £, was a stand, made originally of earth and turf. Kwan usurped the use of it, aa he did of the screen ; being as regardless of prescribed forms, as in par. 2 of expense, and he came far short therefore of the Confucian idea of the Chiin-tsze.

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CHAPTER XXIII. The Master instructing the Grand music master of Lii said, "How to play music may be known. At the commencement of the piece, all the parts should sound together. As it proceeds, they should be in harmony while severally distinct and flowing without break, and thus on to the conclusion."

CHAPTER XXIV. The border warden at I requested to be introduced to the Master, saying, "When men of superior virtue have come to this, I have never been denied the privilege of seeing them." The followers of the sage introduced him, and when he came out from the interview, he said, "My friends, why are you

23. ON THE PLAYING OF MUSIC.

jg, the 4th tone, =•§-, "to tell," "to instruct." ;Jc ( = ^C) 6f 1^ was the title of the Grand music master. HI 3£ "P! £fl -&L* "music, it may be known," but the subject is not of the principles, but the performance of music. Observe the $0. Premare says, "adjectivis addita sensum auget et exprimit modum. " It is our ly or like, — H in, "blended like." fi£, the 4th tone, the same as ^=JJC, "let go," i. e., proceeding, swelling

24. A STRANGERS VIEW A OF THE

VOCATION OF CONFUCIUS. I was a small town on the borders of Wei, referred to a place in the present

.department of Kaifeng, Honan province. Confucius at the beginning of his wanderings after leaving Lu was retiring from Wei, the prince of which could not employ him. This was the §| = ^ fft. The 1st and 3rd j|j are read hsien, 4th tone, = M, '0! ^ jl, "to introduce," or "to be introduced." 2. in 3* ^ 2. H #*• $f -til has its proper possessive power, —"In the case of a Chiiii-tsze's coming to this." Tsung, the 4th tone, "to attend upon." ct -H -"/-, "Two or three sons," or "gentlemen," = "my friends." The same idiom occurs elsewhere. The ?fc ^ was a metal bell with a wooden tongue, shaken in making announcements,

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Phi

-ffi,

distressed by your master's loss of office? The kingdom has long been without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue."

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said of the Shao that it was perfectly beautiful and also perfectly good. He said of the Wu that it was perfectly beautiful but not .perfectly good.

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master said, "High station filled without indulgent generosity; ceremonies performed without reverence; mourning conducted without sorrow; — wherewith should I contemplate such ways?"

or to call people together. Heaven would employ Confucius to proclaim the truth and right.

25. THE COMPARATIVE MERITS OF

THE MUSIC OF SHUN AND W€'. fg

was the name of the music made by Shun, perfect in melody and sentiment. ^ was the music of king Wu, also perfect in melody, but

breathing the martial air, indicative of its author.

26. THE DISREGARD OF WHAT is

ESSENTIAL VITIATES AXL SERVICES.

The meaning of the chapter turns upon fBj £l=M /&", or PJl fnj #, "wherewith." ^ is essential to rulers, IJi to ceremonies, and & t() mourning.

sij t:

BOOK IV. LE JIN

CHAPTER I. The Master said, "It is virtuous manners which constitute the excellence of a neighborhood. If a man in selecting a residence, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be wise?"

CHAPTER II. The Master said, "Those who are without virtue cannot abide long either in a condition of poverty and hardship, or in a condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest in virtue; the wise desire virtue."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — f!. -fri ^ 03, "Virtue in a neighborhood, No. 4." — Such is the title of this fourth Book, which is mostly occupied with the subject of -fn. To render that term invariably by benevolence, would by no means suit many of the chapters. See II, i, 2. Virtue, as a general term, would answer better. The embodiment of virtue demands an acquaintance with ceremonies and music, treated of in the last Book; and this, it is said, is the eason why the one subject immediately follows the other.

1 . RULE FOB THE SELECTION OF A

KESIDENCE. According to the f^j jji§, five families made a £f|), and five j|j a Jg., which we might style, therefore, a hamlet or village. There are other estimates of the number of its component households. |j|, 3rd tone, a verb, "to dwell in." £jj, 4th tone,

is the same as ^, "wise," "wisdom." So, not unfrequently, below. Friendship, we have seen, is for the aid of virtue (I, viii, 3), and the same should be the object desired iq selecting a residence.

2. ONLY TRUE vraTtfE ADAPTS A

MAN FOB THE VABIED CONDITIONS OF

LIFE, ij^j, "to bind," ia used for what binds, as an oath, a covenant; and here, the metaphor being otherwise directed, it denotes a condition of poverty and distress. 5flJ, "gain," "profit," used as a verb, = ^, "to desire," "to covet." T§* -fn, "to rest in virtue," being virtuous without effort. 5flJ £:, "to desire virtue," being virtuous because it is the best policy. Observe how % following £; and £fl makes those terms adjectives or participles. ~fc pj, "may not," = 'F* tti» "cannot." The inability is moral. See nj in Index VII.

-flL 0t

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "It is only the (truly) virtuous man, who can love, or who can hate, others."

CHAPTER IV. The Master said, "If the will be set on virtue, there will be no practice of wickedness."

CHAPTER V. 1. The Master said, "Riches and honors are what men desire. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be held. Poverty and meanness are what man dislike. If it cannot be obtained in the proper way, they should not be avoided.

3. ONLY EST THE GOOD MAN ABE EMOTIONS OF . LOVE AND HATRED BIGHT, AND TO BE DEPENDED ON. This chapter is incorporated with the -ft. & f¥, X, xv. £f and ^ (read wty are both verbs in the 4th tone.

4. THE VIRTUOUS WILL PRESEBVES

FBOM ALL WICKEDNESS. ^»J = |^, not

merely — "if," but "if really." Comp. the statement, I John iii, 9, "Whosoever is born of God doth not commit sin."

5. THE DEVOTION OF THE CHUN- TSZE TO VIRTUE. 1. For the antecedent to g. in the recurring ^ ;£, we are to look to the following verbs, JH and ^. We might translate the first ^ £1 5! ^ ±, "it" they cannot be obtained, etc., ".but this would not suit the second case, it iH, "the way," i. e., the j roper way. If we supply a nom. to f§ and -=fe, it must be ^ -J-; — he will not "abide in," nor "go away from," riches and honors. 2. M, read wu, the 1st

2. "If a superior man abandon virtue, how can he fulfill the requirements of that name ?

3. "The superior man does not, even for the space of a single meal, act contrary to virtue. In moments of haste, he cleaves to it. In seasons of danger, he cleaves to it."

CHAPTER VI. 1. The Master said, " I have not seen a person who loved virtue, or one who hated what was not virtuous. He who loved virtue, would esteem nothing above it. He who hated what is not virtuous, would practice virtue in such a way that he would not allow anything that is not virtuous to approach his person.

tone, ' ' how. " % , " name , " not reputation, but the name of a chuntsze, which he bears. 3. & ^£ £. [Ml, "The space in which a meal can be finished;" meaning a short time, jfi #: (interchangeable with Ipl #;) and HI Jffi are well-known expressions, the former for haste and confusion, the latter for change and danger; but it is not easy to trace the attaching of those meanings to the characters. jSjg, "to fall down," and Jjfi, the same, but the former with .the face up, the other with the face

down. ij£ jf^ ^, — comp. Horace's " Omnis in hoc sum.''

6. A LAMENT BECAUSE OF THE BABITY OF THE LOVE OF VIRTUE ; AND ENCOURAGEMENT TO PRACTICE VIR- TUE. 1. The first four ^ belong to the verbs %} and gg, and give them the force of participles. In $)_ ^ frl ;§•, ft belongs to ^ f±, and x£ fc ^ = ^r»/f± ;£ 5|f. Commonly, ;g-="he or those who," but sometimes also = "that or those things which." f^ = Jn) "to add to." Morrison, character fiaj, translates the sentence wrongly —

2. "Is any one -able for one day to apply his strength to virtue ? I have not seen the case in which his strength would be insufficient.

3. "Should there possibly be any such case, I have not seen it."

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "The faults of men are characteristic of the class to which they belong. By observing a man's faults, it may be known that he is virtuous."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "If a man in the morning hear the right way, he may die in the evening without regret."

"He who loves virtue and benevolence can have nothing more said in his praise." 3. j§ here is ^ jj$, "a particle of doubt:" as often, jfc £. %, a transposition," as in I, ii, 1 .

7. A MAN IS NOT TO BE UTTEBLY CONDEMNED BECAUSE HE HAS FAULTS.

Such is the sentiment found in this chapter, in which we may say, however, that Confucius is liable to the charge brought against Tsze-hsia, I, vii. \ g. ® ill stands absolutely, — "As to the faults of men." ^- = ^-A) and ;$$• = %, — "Each man follows his class." Observe the force of ^1, "what goes beyond." The faults are the excesses of the general tendencies. Compare Goldsmith's line, "And even his failings leant to virtue's side."

8. THK IMPORTANCE OF KNO\V!N(;

TUI: RIGHT WAY. One is perplf • « •( I to translate jrt here. Chu drlim's

it— $: 4& 'IT j& £. it. "the principles of what is right in events and things." Better is the explanation

"ill is the path" — i. e., of action — "which, is in accordance with our nature." Man is formed for this, and if he die without coming to the knowledge of it; his death is no better than that of a beast. One would fain recognize in such sentences a vague apprehension of some higher truth than Chinese sages have been able to propound. — Ho Yen takes a different view, and makes the whole chapter a lament of Confucius that he was likely to die without hearing of right principled prevailing in the world. — "Could I once hear of the prevalence of right. principles, I could die the same evening! " Other views of the mean- IHL; have been proposed.

%l J TJi^o )J ^H- JO

AIL—- - -y»~

CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "A scholar, whose mind is set on truth, and who is ashamed of bad clothes and bad food, is not fit to be discoursed with."

CHAPTER X. The Master said, "The superior man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything, or against anything; what is right he will follow."

CHAPTER XL The Master said, "The superior man thinks of virtue; the small man thinks of comfort. The superior man thinks of the sanctions of law; the small man thinks of favors which he may receive"

9. THE PURSUIT OF TRUTH SHOULD RAISE A MAN ABOVE BEING ASHAMED OF POVERTY. Jpi fH, — to be discoursed with, i. e., about ^, or "truth," which perhaps is the best translation of the term in places like this.

10. RIGHTEOUSNESS is THE RULE OF THE CHUN-TSZE'S PRACTICE. %£ •?• 2, oj i;, "The relation of the Chun-tszp. to the world," i. e., to all things presenting themselves to him. ig, read ti, is explained by S£ =}:, "to set the mind exclusively on." We may take the last clause thus —

"his is the according with, and keeping near to (J:£, the 4th tone, = $£ or |(J) righteousness." This gives each character its signification, the !&1 blending its meaning with

11. THE DIFFERENT MIND INGS OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE SMALL MAN.

Hw&i is here emphatic, =•" cherishes and plans about." .-h. "earth," "the ground," is here defined — fff Hi ^ j£:» "the rest or comforts one dwells amidst." May it not be used somewhat in our sense of earthly? — "thinks of what is earthly."

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fao

Jilt*

Bftm jiL)

CHAPTER XII. The Master said: "He who acts with a constant view to his own advantage will be much murmured against."

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "Is a prince able to govern his kingdom with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety, what difficulty will he have ? If he cannot govern it with that complaisance, what has he to do with the rules of propriety?"

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "A man should say, I am not concerned tha,t I have no place, I am concerned how I may fit myself for one. I am not concerned that I am not known, I seek to be worthy to be known."

12. THE CONSEQUENCE OF SELFISH

CONDUCT. $C, the 3rd tone, = -(£, " to accord with," "to keep along." — "He who acts along the line of gain."

13. THE INFLUENCE IN GOVERN- MENT OF CEREMONIES OBSERVED IN THEIR PROPER SPIRIT. jjjft fjj ^ ^ Z^

•j^ -^, i. e., they are a hendiadys. -;/)| ' =f| £. K» "the sincerity and s:i')-

stance of ceremony," the spirit of it. Comp. 5ftl in I, xii. ^=^p, "to govern." This meaning is found in the dictionary.

14. ADVISING TO SELF-CULTIVA- TION. Comp. I, xvi. Here, as there, sf\ not being imperative, we must supply a nominative, fft, "place," i. e., an official situation. Jj/f £1 j£ is to be completed ffi $ jfc ^ Jl: tt-

art nB

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CHAPTER XV. 1. The Master said, "Shan, my doctrine is that of an all-pervading unity." The disciple Tsang replied, "Yes."

2. The Master went out, and the other disciples asked, saying, "What do his words mean?" Tsang said, "The doctrine of our master is to be true to the principles of our nature and the benevolent exercise of them to others, — this and nothing more."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "The mind of the superior man is conversant with righteousness; the mind of the mean man is conversant with gain."

15. CONFUCIUS'S DOCTRINE THAT

OF A PERVADING UNITY. This chapter is said to be the most profound in the Lun Yii. 1. ^ it — H K «£; — to myself it occurs to translate, "my doctrines have one thing which goes through them," but such an exposition has not been approved by any Chinese writer. — $ 1j£ ,£ are made to contain the copula and predicate of ^ ^, and ;£, it is said, "refers to all affairs and all things." The one thing or unity intended by Confucius was the heart, man's nature, of which all the relations and duties of life are only the development and outgoings. 2. & and |[g, which seem to be two things, are both formed from *£), "the heart," Jg, being compounded of tp, "middle," "center," and j|), and |{g of #n "as," and (£,». The "center heart" = I, the ego; and the "as

heart" = the I in sympathy with others. J£) is duty-doing, on a consideration, or from the impulse, of one's own self; ^, is duty-doing, on the principle of reciprocity. The chapter shows that Confucius only claimed to enforce duties indicated by man's mental constitution. He was simply a moral philosopher. Observe P{£ is the 3rd tone, = "yes." Some say that fj __ must mean Tsang's own disciples, and that, had they been those of Confucius, we should have read $& ^-. The criticism cannot be depended on. jfjj S ^ i"3 a very emphatic "and nothing more."

16. H.OW RIGHTEOUSNESS AND SELFISHNESS DISTINGUISH THE SUPE- RIOR MAN AND THE SMALL MAN.

0^.=^!, "to understand." J*- is here to be dwelt on, and may be compared with the Hebrew eth.

sat s£

mi liffl

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, "When we see men of worth, we should think of equaling them; when we see men of a contrary character, we should turn inwards and examine ourselves."

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "In serving his parents, a son may remonstrate with them, but gently; when he sees that they do not incline to follow his advice, he shows an increased degree of reverence, but does not abandon his purpose; and should they punish him, he does not allow himself to murmur."

CHAPTER XIX . The Master said , " While his parents are alive, the son may not go abroad to a distance. If he does go abroad, he must have a fixed place to which he goes."

17. THE LESSONS TO BE LEARNED FROM OBSERVING MEN OF DIFFERENT CHARACTERS. Of the final particles 25 and -til, it is said, r± ^r* JSS 'Pf #11 Jl» S? SI SA» "the two characters have something of a repressive, expansivej warning force." Ho Yen's text has a ^ after the second Hf, which is not necessary.

18. HOW A SON MAY REMONSTRATE WITH HIS PARENTS ON THEIR FAULTS.

See the jjjg HE, XI, i, 15. ^, the 1st tone, "mildly,"=the ~f $&, f§ f5, gj£ )gf of the ft |lj. fg is the will of the parents. X ©C = l£ #11 ^ ii» "again increasing his filial reverence," the

of the ft |UJ. ^ ^ is not abandoning his purpose of remonstrance, and not as ^ |£ says in the comment given by Ho Yen, ?fc jfc ^ 3£ i& ;f£» "not daring to go against the mind of his parents." §£ = "toiled and pained," what the ft $)] says, J| £. ^ jfa, "should they beat him till the blood flows."

19. A SON OUGHT NOT TO GO TO A DISTANCE WHERE HE WILL NOT BE ABLE TO PAY THE DUE SERVICES TO

HIS PARENTS. ~fj — — Jj? |nj, "a fixed direction or quarter," whence he may be recalled, if necessary.

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS @ K

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CHAPTER XX. The Master said, "If the son for three years does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial."

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "The years of parents may by no means not be kept in the memory, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear."

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "The reason why the ancients did not readily give utterance to their words, was that they feared lest their actions should not come up to them."

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "The cautious seldom err."

20. A BEPETITION OF PART OF I,

21. WHAT EFFECT THE AGE OF PARENTS SHOUIJ) HAVE ON THEIR CHILDREN. £fl, it is said, conveys here ^ ^ ^ ^ ;§;, "the meaning of unforgetting thoughtf ulness. "

22. THE VIRTUE OF THE ANCIENTS SEEN IN THEIR SLOWNESS TO SPEAK. Observe the force of the two ,£. — " The not coming forth of the words of the ancients was shame about the

not coming up to them of their actions."

23. ADVANTAGE OF CAUTION. Collie's version, which I have adopted, is here happy. $j, see chap. ii. The "binding" here is of one's self, self-restraint, = " caution. " ^ £., "loses it," «£ referring to whatever business the cautious may be engaged in. £, after an active verb, often makes it neuter; at least, a neuter verb renders the expression best in English.

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CHAPTER XXIV. The Master said, "The superior man wishes to be slow in his speech and earnest in his conduct."

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbors."

CHAPTER XXVI. Tsze-yu said, "In serving a prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace. Between friends, frequent reproofs make the friendship distant."

24. RULE OF THE CHUN-TSZE ABOUT HIS WORDS AND ACTIONS.

25. THE VIRTUOUS ARE NOT LEFT

ALONE: AN ENCOURAGEMENT TO

VIRTUE. JK "fatherless;" here = solitary, friendless. ^^ 3H = ^ fe 51 ife £. SI. "it is not the nature of virtue to be left to stand alone. " M,

see chap, i ; here, generally used for friends, associates of like mind.

26. A LESSON TO COUNSELORS

AND FRIENDS. |ft, the 4th tone, read sho, "frequently," understood here in reference to remonstrating or reproving. 8?f = "this," "this leads to," or "thereon is."

BOOK V. KUNG-YE CH'ANG

CHAPTER I. 1. The Master said of Kung-ye Ch'ang that he might be wived; although he was put in bonds, he had not been guilty of any crime. Accordingly, he gave him his own daughter to wife.

2. Of Nan Yung he said that if the country were well governed he would not be out of office, and if it were ill governed, he would escape punishment and disgrace. He gave him the daughter of his own elder brother to wife.

HEADING OF THIS BOOK.— -£» }£ J^ ^ H- Kung-ye Ch'ang, the surname and name of the first individual spoken of in it, heads this Book, which is chiefly occupied with the judgment of the sage on the character of several of his disciples and others. As the decision frequently turns on their being possessed of that zan, or perfect virtue, which is so conspicuous in the last Book, this is the reason, it is said, why the one immediately follows the other. As Tsze-kung appears in the Book several times, some have fancied that it was compiled by his disciples.

1. CONFUCIUS IN MABBIAGE-MAK- INO WAS GUIDED BY CHARACTER AND NOT BY FORTUNE. 1. Of Kung-ye Ch'ang, though the son-in-law of Confucius, nothing certain is known, and his tablet is only 3rd on the west, among the ol TroXXoL Silly

legends are told of his being put in prison from his bringing suspicion on himself by his knowledge of the language of birds. Chu Hsi approves the interpretation of ^ as meaning "a black rope," with which criminals were anciently bound ($|) in prison. H, and in par. 2, the 3rd tone, "to give a wife to one." ^f-, in both paragraphs, = " a daughter. ' ' Conf ucius's brother would be the cripple Mang-p'i; — see p. 78. 2. Nan Yung, another of the disciples, is now 4th, east, in the outer hall. The discussions about who he was, and whether he is to be identified with j^ ^ jS, and several other aliases, are very perplexing. ^, "to lay or be laid aside," from, office. gjj, "to put to death," has also the lighter meaning of "disgrace." We cannot tell whether Confucius is giving his impression of Yung's character, or referring to events that had taken place.

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CHAPTER II. The Master said of Tsze-chien, "Of superior virtue indeed is such a men ! If there were not virtuous men in Lu, how could this man have acquired this character?"

CHAPTER III. Tsze-kung asked, "What do you say of me, Ts'ze?" The Master said, "You are a utensil." "What utensil?" "A gemmed sacrificial utensil."

CHAPTER IV. 1. Some one said, "Yung is truly virtuous, but he is not ready with his tongue."

2. THE CHUN-TSZE FORMED BY INTERCOURSE WITH OTHER CHUN- TSZE. Tsze-chien, by surname ffa (=$., and said to be i. q. f£), and named ^ 5§f, appears to have been of some note among the disciples of Confucius as an administrator, though his tablet is now only 2nd, west, in the outer hall. See the Narratives of the School, chap, xxxviii. What chiefly distinguished him, as appears here, was his cultivation of the friendship of men of ability and virtue. ^T A = ^ $z , "a man such as this." See the f£ jgfc in loc. The first Jjf is "this man"; the second, " this virtue." The paraphrasts complete the last clause thus : —ft !jf i5J ft Jfr y. ;£ m & ¥, "what friends must this man have chosen to complete this virtue !"

3. WHERETO TSZE-KUNG HAD AT- TAINED. See I, x; II, xiii. The i$

fj|i were vessels richly adorned, used to contain grain offerings in the royal ancestral temples. Under the Hsia dynasty they were called g|, and :E$J under the Yin. See the Li Chi, XII, ii. While the sage did not grant to Ts'ze that he was a Chuntsze (II, xii), he made him "a vessel of honor," valuable and fit for use on high occasions.

4. OF ZAN YUNG: — READINESS WITH THE TONGUE NO PART OF VIR- TUE. 1. Jfy. fjf, styled {# *y, has his tablet the 2nd, on the east, among the wise ones. His father was a worthless character (see VI, iv) but he himself was the opposite. $g moans "ability," generally; then, "ability of speech," often, though not here, with the bad sense of artfulness and flattery. 2. Confucius would not grant that Yung was {l, but his not being -g was in his favor rattier

2. The Master said, "What is the good of being ready with the tongue? They who encounter men with smartnesses of speech for the most part procure themselves hatred. I know not whether he be truly virtuous, but why should he show readiness of the tongue?"

CHAPTER V. The Master was wishing Ch'i-tiao K'ai to enter on official employment. He replied, " I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of THIS." The Master was pleased.

CHAPTER VI. The Master said, "My doctrines make no way. I will get upon a raft, and float about on the sea. He that will accompany me will be Yu,

than otherwise. P jff£ (read chieh: see diet.), "smartnesses of speech." f$ is here "why," rather than "how." The first 3f /B fc is a general statement, not having special reference to Zan Yung. In the f£

Bfc) ^S £n 3£ ; fn M $1 & *s read as °ne

sentence — " I do not know how the virtuous should also use readiness of speech."

5. CH'I-TIA^ K'il's OPINION OF THE QUALIFICATIONS NECESSARY TO

TAKING OFFICE. Ch'i-tiao, now 6th, on the east, in the outer hall, waa styled J- ^. His name originally waa ij&, changed into ^ on tne accession of the emperor ^ jfj;, 150 B.C., whose name was also Ejr.

The difficulty is with SJf — what does it refer to ? and with % — what is its force? In the chapter about the disciples in the ^ f§-, it is said that K'ai was reading in the Shu-ching, when Confucius spoke to him about taking office, and he pointed to the book, or some particular passage in its saying, "I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of (-fg =y|. £n Slit Jl) this." It may have been so. Obs. the force of the (£.

6. CONFUCIUS -PROPOSING TO

WITHDRAW FROM THE WORLD: A

LESSON TO TSZE-LU. Tsze-lu supposed his master really meant to leave the world, and the idea of floating along the coasts pleased his

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I dare to say." Tsze-lu hearing this was glad, upon which the Master said, "Yu is fonder of daring than I am. He does not exercise his judgment upon matters." .

CHAPTER VII. 1. Mang Wu asked about Tsze-lu, whether he was perfectly virtuous. The Master said, "I do not know."

2. He asked again, when the Master replied, "In a kingdom of a thousand chariots, Yu might be employed to manage the military levies, but I do not know whether he be perfectly virtuous."

3. "And what do you say of Ch'iu? " The Master replied, "In a city of a thousand families, or a clan of

ardent temper. But Confucius only expressed in this way his regret at the backwardness of men to receive his doctrines. ^ Jlj/f Jfc $t is difficult of interpretation. Chu Hsi takes ?Jvt as being for H!j, "to cut out clothes," "to estimate, discriminate," and hence the meaning in the translation, fjjft £, keeping the meaning of ^J, explains— ^f. Jf{ Jty fc ££ ^,=:"my meaning is not to be found in the raft." Another old writer makes ^"—pJo. and putting a stop at ||

explains — "Yu is fond of daring; he cannot go beyond himself to find my meaning."

7. OF TSZE-LU, TSZE-YIT, AND TszE-Hwl. 1. ^ j& f0, see II, vi.
8. =f- ^ £. gg, see I, v. j$fc» properly "revenues," " taxes," but the quota of soldiers contributed being regulated by the amount of the revenue, the term is used here for the forces, or military levies. 3. 4c, sefc III, vi. ~£f ^ £- ^' ir opposition to =?• 3$ £. $, was the secondary

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a hundred chariots, Ch'iu might be employed as governor, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous."

4. "What do you say of Ch'ih?" The Master replied, "With his sash girt and standing in a court, Ch'ih might be employed to converse with the visitors and guests, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous."

CHAPTER VIII. 1. The Master said to Tsze-kung, "Which do you consider superior, yourself or Hui?"

2. Tsze-kung replied, "How dare I compare myself with Hui ? Hui hears one point and knows all about a subject; I hear one point and know a second/'

fief, the territory appropriated to the highest nobles or officers in a [gj or state, supposed also to comprehend 1,000 families. ;j$ ± ^-, "to be its governor." This is a peculiar idiom, something like the double object in Latin. 4. C'h'ih, surnamed fe 1$, and styled ^f- ^, having now the 14th place, west, in the outer hall, was famous among the disciples for his knowledge of rules of ceremony, and those especially relating to dress

and intercourse. UJ, in 2nd tone. §£ and !§f may be distinguished, the former indicating neighboring princes visiting the court ; the latter, ministc s and officers of the state present as guests.

8. SUPERIORITY OF YEN Hui TO TSZE-KUNG. 2. ?g, "to look to," "to look up to," here=.tb, "to compare with." "One" is the beginning of numbers, and ''ten" the completion; hence the meaning of §jj — PJ,

3. The Master said, "You are not equal to him. I grant you, you are not equal to him."

CHAPTER IX. 1. Tsai Yii being asleep during the daytime, the Master said, "Rotten wood cannot be carved; a wall of dirty earth will not receive the trowel. This Yii! — what is the use of my reproving him?"

2. The Master said, "At first, my way with men was to hear their words, and give them credit for their conduct. Now my way is to hear their words, and look at their conduct. It is from Yii that I have learned to make this change."

£fl -J-, as in the translation. 3. |B| = f^, "to allow," "to grant to." Ho Yen gives here the comm. of fa ffc (about A.D. 50), who interprets strangely, — " I and you are both not equal to him," saying that Confucius thus comforted Tsze-kung.

9. THE IDLENESS OF TsAi Ytr AND ITS IIKFUOOF. 1. J^ ~f- p|, "In the

case of Yii!" H has here the force of an exclamation; so below. |^, a strong term, to mark the severity of the reproof. 2. •J- 0 is superfluous. The characters were probably added by a transcriber. If not, they should head another chapter. Tsai Yii, — the same as Tsai Wo in III, xxi.

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CHAPTER X. The Master said, "I have not seen a firm and unbending man." Some one replied, "There is Shan Ch'ang." "Ch'ang," said the Master, "is under the influence of his passions; how can he be pronounced firm and unbending?"

CHAPTER XI. Tsze-kung said, "What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men.'' The Master said, "Ts'ze, you have not attained to that."

10. UNBENDING VIRTUE CANNOT COEXIST WITH INDULGENCE OF THE PASSIONS. Shan Ch'ang (there are several abases, but they are disputed) was one of the minor disciples, of whom little or nothing is known. He was styled -J- J?D, and his place is 31st, east, in the outer ranges, (fllj is to be understood with reference to virtue. g£ i9 tS Ef £?) "what the passions love," "lusts." jgj ^ are said to=5f; j^, and not ff» 'tii- I have translated accordingly.

11. THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAIN- ING TO THE NOT WISHING TO DO TO OTHERS AS WE WISH THEM NOT TO DO

TO us. It is said— jlfa $£&&«£

-^ J§ 2fc) "this chapter shows that the no I (freedom from selfishness) is not easily reached." In the tfi fjj, XIII, iii, it is said— •$£ gg g, jfjj ^ M£$ & Jit 19 A) "what you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others." The difference between it and the sentence here is said to be that of Jg, "reciprocity" ; and fe," benevolence," or the highest virtue, apparent in the adverbs £j and 4{£, the one prohibitive, and the other a simple, unconstrained negation. The golden rule of the Gospel is higher than both, — "Do ye unto others as yo would that others should do unto you." tfi" = 1£; in "i& or JB J5", "to add upon," "to do

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CHAPTER XII. Tsze-kung said, "The Master's personal displays of his principles and ordinary descriptions of them may be heard. His discourses about man's nature, and the way of Heaven, cannot be heard."

CHAPTER XIII. When Tsze-lu heard anything, if he had not yet succeeded in carrying it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear something else.

CHAPTER XIV. Tsze-kung asked, saying, "On what ground did Kung-wan get that title of WAN?" The

12. THE GBADUAL WAY IN WHICH CONFUCIUS COMMUNICATED HIS DOCTBINES. So the lesson of this chapter i8 summed up but there is hardly another more perplexing to a translator. 3t Ip: is the common name for essays, elegant literary compositions. Of course that meaning is out of the question. Whatever is figured and brilliant is ^C; whatever is orderly and defined is Hfs.. The comm., accordingly, make }JC to be the deportment and manners of the sage, and ^. his ordinary discourses, but ^ is an inappropriate term with reference to the former. These things, however, were level to the capacities of the disciples generally, and they had the benefit of

them. As to his views about man's nature, as the gift of Heaven, and the way of Heaven generally ; these he only communicated to those who were prepared to receive them, and Tsze-kung is supposed to have expressed himself thus, after being on some occasion so privileged.

13. THE AKDOB OF TSZE-LU IN PRACTICING THE MASTER'S INSTRUC- TIONS. The concluding Bj£ %& 3$ M is to be completed Pjt $& fa ;£ J9r IS as in the translation.

14. AN EXAMPLE OF THE PRIN- CIPLE ON WHICH HONORARY POST- HUMOUS TITLES WERE CONFERRED.

3$t, corresponding nearly to our " accomplished," was the posthumous title given to -J- g, an officer

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Master said, "He was of an active nature and yet fond of learning, and he was not ashamed to ask and learn of his inferiors! — On these grounds he has been styled

CHAPTER XV. The Master said of Tsze-ch'an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man — in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superior, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "Yen P'ing knew well how to maintain friendly intercourse. The acquaintance might be long, but he showed the- same respect as at first."

of the same surname of the State of Wei, and a contemporary of Confucius. Many of his actions had been of a doubtful character, which made Tsze-kung stumble at the application to him of so honorable an epithet. But Confucius shows that, whatever he might otherwise have been, he had those qualities which justified his being so denominated. The rule for posthumous titles in China has been, and is, very much — "De mortuis nit nisi bonum. ' '

15. THE EXCELLENT QUALITIES

OF TSZK-CH'AN. Tsze-ch'an, named fe H* fi§» w&s the chief minister of the State of Chang (gg), the ablest, perhaps, and most upright of all tho

statesmen among Confucius's contemporaries. The sage wept when he heard of his death. The old interpreters take ^ in the sense of "employing," but it seems to express more, and = ' ' ordering, " " regulating."

16. . HOW TO MAINTAIN FRIEND-

SHIP. "Familiarity breeds contempt," and with contempt friendship ends. It was not so with Yen P'ing, another of the worthies of Confucius's time. He was a principal minister of Ch'i (^) by name ||. P'ing (=" Ruling and averting calamity") was his posthumous title. , If we were to render \fy, the name would be "Yen P'ing, aecundue," The antecedent to ^ is A-

too It

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, "Tsang Wan kept a large tortoise in a house on the capitals of the pillars of which he had hills made, with representations of duckweed on the small pillars above, the beams supporting the rafters. — Of what sort was his wisdom?"

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked, saying, "The minister Tsze-wan thrice took office, and manifested no joy in his countenance. Thrice he retired from office, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted the government; — what do you say of him?" The Master replied, "He was

17. THE SUPERSTITION OF TSANG WAX. Tsang Wan (Wan is the honorary epithet, and -ftj) see last chapter) had been a great officer in Lu, and left a reputation for wisdom, which Confucius did not think was deserved. His full name was $& ^ |[|. He was descended from the duke ^ (794-767 B.C.), whose son was styled ^f- Jf$j. This Tsang was taken by his descendants as their surname. Such was one of the ways in which surnames were formed among the Chinese. ^, "a large tortoise," so called, because the State of Ts'ai was famous for its tortoises. M is used "as an active

^. The fj=& g£ ^ ffi, "the capitals of the pillars." The ££ may be seen in any Chinese house where the whole structure of the roof is displayed and these small pillars are very conspicuous. The old critics make the keeping such a tortoise an act of usurpation on the part of Tsang Wan. Clm Hsi finds the point of Confucius's words in the keeping it in such a style.

18. THE PRAISE OF PERFECT VIR- TUE IS NOT TO BE LIGHTLY ACCORDED.
19. Ling-yin, lit., "good corrector," was the name given to the chief minister of Ch'u (^). ^ is still applied to officers: e. g., the prefect

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loyal." "Was he perfectly virtuous?" "I do not know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous ? ' '

2. Tsze-chang proceeded, "When the officer Ch'ui killed the prince of Ch'i, Ch'an Wan, though he was the owner of forty horses, abandoned them and left the country. Coming to another state, he said, 'They are here like -our great officer, Ch'ui,' and left it. He came to a second state, and with the same observation left it also; — what do you say of him?" The Master replied, "He was pure." "Was he perfectly virtuous?" "I do not know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous?"

CHAPTER XIX. Chi Wan thought thrice, and then acted. When the Master was informed of it, he said, "Twice may do."

of a department is called fff ^. Tsze-wan, surnamed fjjfij, and named *5 %$ $i ("suckled by a tiger"), had been noted for the things mentioned by Tsze-chang, but the sage would not concede that he was therefore f±. 2. .fJ! was a great officer of Ch'i. Yen P'ing (chap, xvi) distinguished himself on the occasion of the murder (547 B.C.) here referred to. Ch'an Wan was likewise an officer

^, 4th tone, as in I, vi, but with a different meaning, =" a team of four horses."

19. PROMPT DECISION GOOD. Wan was the posthumous title of :fs 47 $£., a faithful and disinterested officer of Lu. S, 4th tone, "three times," but some say it = ^ =, "again and again." Comp. Robert Hall's remark— "In matters of conscience first thought* are best."

CHAPTER XX. The Master said, " When good order prevailed in his country, Ning Wu acted the part of a wise man. When his country was in disorder, he acted the part of a stupid man. Others may equal his wisdom, but they cannot equal his stupidity."

CHAPTER XXI. When the Master was in Ch'an, he said, "Let me return! Let me return! The little children of my school are ambitious and too hasty. They are accomplished and complete so far, but they do not know how to restrict and shape themselves."

20. .THE UNCOMMON BUT ADMI- RABLE STUPIDITY OF NING Wu. Ning Wu (^, honorary epithet; see H, vi) was an officer of Wei in the time of Wan (660-635 B.C.). In the first part of his official life the State was quiet and prosperous, and he "wisely" acquitted himself of his duties. Afterwards came confusion. The prince was driven from the throne, and Ning Yii (fjft was his name) might, like other wise men, have retired from the danger. But he "foolishly," as it seemed, chose to follow the fortunes of his prince, and yet adroitry brought it about in the end, that the prince wa.-3 reinstated and order restored.

21. THE ANXIETY OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT THE TRAINING OF HIS DIS- CIPLES. Confucius was thrice in Ch'an. It must have been the third

time, when he thus expressed himself. He was then over sixty years, and being convinced that lie was not to see for himself the triumph of his principles, he became the more anxious about their transmission, and the training of the disciples in order to do that. Such is the common view of the chapter. Some sly, ( however, that it is not to be understood of all the disciples. Compare Mencius, VII, ii, ch. 37. ^ ^ £. /h J-, an affectionate way of speaking of the disciples. ;££, "mad," also "extravagant," "high-minded." The %£ are naturally fjfj, hasty and careless of minutiae. ^ $$, "accomplished-] ike," ^, see chap. xii. Jife i^, "something complete." ^, see chap, vi, but its application here is somewhat different. The antecedent to £. is all the preceding description.

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CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "Po-i and Shuch'i did not keep the former wickednesses of men in mind, and hence the resentments directed towards them were few."

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "Who says of Wei-shang Kao that he is upright ? One begged some vinegar of him, and he begged it of a neighbor and

O * CJCJ CU

gave it to the man."

CHAPTER XXIV. The Master said, "Fine words, an insinuating appearance, and excessive respect; —

22. THE GENEROSITY OF Po-f AND SHCT-CH'! AND ITS EFFECTS. These were ancient worthies of the closing period of the Shang dynasty. Compare Mencius, II, i, ch. 2, et al. They were brothers, sons of the king of Ku-chu (5J fft), named respectively -fa and |JC- I and Ch'i are their honorary epithets, and f£ and ^, only indicate their relation to each other as elder and younger. Po-i and Shii-clri, however, are in effect their names in the mouths and. writings of the Chinese. Ku-chu was a small state, included in the present department of /Jc 2P) in Peichili. Their father 1 eft his kingdom to Shu-ch'i, who refused to take the place of his elder brother. Po-i in turn declined the throne; so they both abandoned it, and retired into obscurity. When King Wu was taking his measures against the tyrant Chau, they made their appearance, and remonstrated

against his course. Finally, they died of hunger, rather than live under the new dynasty. They were j celebrated for their purity, and aversion to men whom they considered bad, but Confucius here brings out their generosity. £J£ ^ ffl 3& = 28 & &) l&, "Resentments thereby were few."

23. SMALL MEANNESSES INCON- SISTENT WITH UPRICHTNKSS. It is implied that Kao gave the vinegar as from himself. He was a native of Lxi, with a reputation better than he deserved to have.

24. PRAISE OF SINCERITY, AND OF Tso Cn'rC-MiNG. y$ f= ^ -g,, see I, iii. /g, |^, "excessive respect," J£ being in the 4th tone read tsii. Some of the old commentators, keeping the usual tone and meaning of /£., interpret the phrase of movements of the "feet" to indicate respect. The discussions about Tso Ch'iuming are endless. See |ft $fe fft, I,

Tso Ch'iu-ming was ashamed of them. I also am ashamed of them. To conceal resentment against a person, and appear friendly with him; — Tso Ch'iu-ming was ashamed of such conduct. I also am ashamed

CHAPTER XXV. 1. Yen Ylian and Chi Lii being by his side, the Master said to them, "Come, let each of you tell his wishes."

2. Tsze-lu said, "I should like, having chariots and horses, and light fur dresses, to share them with my friends, and though they should spoil them, I would not be displeased."

3. Yen Yuan said, "I should like not to boast of

xxx. It is sufficient, for us to rest in the judgment of the commentator jg, that "he was an ancient of reputation." It is not to be received that he was a disciple of Confucius, the same whose supplement to the Ch'un Cli'iu chronicles the death of the sage, and carries on the history for many subsequent years. £ was the name of Confucius. The Chinese decline pronouncing it, always substituting M&u (5£), "such an one," for it.

25. THK DIFFERF.XT WISHES OF

YEN YTTAN, TSZE-L^J, AND CONFU- CIUS. 1. S * W W iK. "why not each tell your will?" 2. A student is apt to translate — "I should like to have chariots and horses, etc.," but dt is the important word in the paragraph, and under the regimen °f US- 3z) the 4th tone, "to wear." Several writers carry the regimen of g^ on to £. and removing the comma at it, read dt fljfc together, but this construction is not so good. 3. In Ho Yen's compilation jjf£ ^ is interpreted, not to impose troublesome affairs on others. Chu Hsi's

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fin

my excellence, nor to make a display of my meritorious deeds."

4. Tsze-lu then said, "I should like, sir, to hear your wishes." The Master said, "They are, in regard to the aged, to give them rest; in regard to friends, to show them sincerity; in regard to the young, to treat them tenderly."

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master said, "It is all over. I have not yet seen one who could perceive his faults, and inwardly accuse himself."

, CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "In a hamlet of ten families, there may be found one honorable and sincere as I am, but not so fond of learning."

view is better. 4. f=f ,£=|B| ^ $ •f=, "To be with them with sincerity."— The Master and the disciples, it is said, agreed in being devoid of selfishness. Hui's, however, was seen in a higher style of mind and object than Yu's. In the sage there was an unconsciousness of self, and without any effort he proposed acting in regard to his classification of men just as they ought severally to be acted to.

26. A LAMENT OVER MEN'S PER- SISTENCE IN ERROR. The sp has an exclamatory force, fj, " to litigate." ft & IS ;§» "one who brings himself

before the bar «f his conscience." The remark affirms a fact, inexplicable on Confucius's view of the nature of man. But perhaps such an exclamation should not be pressed too closely.

27. THE HUMBLE CLAIM OF CON- FUCIUS FOR HIMSELF. e ( A ^ ^ -2l $$ -t&) is "the designation of the place where men are collected together," and may be applied from a hamlet upwards to a city. Jg, = *, Jft, "honorable," "substantial." Confucius thus did not claim higher natural and moral qualities than others, but sought to perfect himself by learning.

BOOK VI. YUNG YEY

jfn

CHAPTER I. 1. The Master said, "There is Yung! — He might occupy the place of a prince."

2. Chung-kung asked about Tsze-sang Po-tsze. The Master said, "He may pass. He does not mind small matters."

3. Chung-kung said, "If a man cherish in himself a reverential feeling of the necessity of attention to business, though he may be easy in small matters in his government of the people, that may be allowed. But

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — $g -jjj, ^ ;£;. "There is Yung. Commences the first chapter, and stands as the title of the Book. Its subjects are in such akin to those of the preceding Book, and therefore, it is said, they are in juxtaposition.

1. THE CHABACTEBS OF NAN YUNG AND TSZE-SANG PO-TSZE AS BEGAKDS THEIB APTITUDE FOB GOV-

EBNMENT. 1. Yung, V, iv, pj ffi

]$% {If, "might be employed with his face to the south." In China the sovereign sits facing the south. So did the princes of the states in their several courts in Confucius's time. An explanation of the practice is attempted in the Yi-ching. fft |[), chap, be, £ (& * 99 & ft tt £ *9

JL- m jj z. & -tii. ig A ffi m ffi m

fa $ ITri # m & Ifc -til- "The

diagram Li' conveys the idea of brightness, when all things are exhibited to one another. It is the diagram of the south. The custom of the sage (i. e., monarchs), to sit with their faces to the south, and listen to the representations of all in the kingdom, governing towards the bright region, was taken from this." 2. Chung-kung was the designation of Zan Yung, see V, iv. fj^ has here substantially the same meaning as in V, xxi, =.;£ jS||, "not troubling," i. e., one's self about small matters. With reference to that place, however, the diet., after the old comm., explains it by ^c, "great." Of Tsze-sang Po-tsze we know nothing certain but what is here stated. Chu Hsi seems to be wrong in approving the identification of him

Iff

if ho cherish in himself that easy feeling, and also carry it out in his practice, is not such an easy mode of procedure excessive?"

4. The Master said, "Yung's words are right." CHAPTER II. 1. The duke Ai asked which of the disciples loved to learn. 2. Confucius replied to him, "There was Yen Hui; HE loved to learn. He did not transfer his anger; he did not repeat a fault. Unfortuna1cl, his appointed time was short and he died; and now there is not such another. I have not yet heard of any one who loves to learn as lie did.'' .

with the Tsze-sang Hu of Chwang- VI, par. 11. 3. Jg §fc, "to dwell in respect," to have the mind imbued with it. ?&=?& 3£ as in

'_'. 'I'll K RARITY OF A TRUE LOVE TO OX. Hfl's SI I'KRIORITY TO THE

oTin.K Discii'i.i:-. In ft jg [n] ^,

= "that."— "Thpro was that Yen

Hui." "Hf (lid not tfciiiM'cr his

anger," i. e., his anger was no tumultuary passion in the mind, but was excited by some specific cause, to which alone it was directed. £Sl fa Jfc ^5 = "he died an early death," but -j^- conveys also the idea in the translation. The two last clauses are completed thus: — ^» -&, $lj •£ (read as, and=lj|.) & A. * M *n &

flF=* l— -r-f

CHAPTER III. 1. Tsze-hwa being employed on a mission to Ch'i, the disciple Zan requested grain for his mother. The Master said, "Give her a /#." Yen requested more. "Give her a yu" said the Master. Yen gave her five ping.

2. The Master said, "When Ch'ih was proceeding to Ch'i, he had fat horses to his carriage, and wore light furs. I have heard that a superior man helps the distressed, but does not add to the wealth of the rich."

3. Yuan Sze being made governor of his town by the Master, he gave him nine hundred measures of grain, but Sze declined them.

3. DISCRIMINATION OF CONFUCIUS IN REWARDING OR SALARYING OFFICERS. Kung-hsi Ch'ih, styled Tsze-hwa; — see V, vii, 3. 1. -fig, in the 4th tone, "to commission," or "to be commissioned." Chu Hsi says the commission was a private one from Confucius, but this is not likely. The old interpretation makes it a public one from the court of Lu; see

Q *= & $$) HI. «. -ft ?, "the disciple Zan;" see III, vi. Zan is here styled J-, like ^ ^-, in I, ii, but only in narrative, not as introducing any wise utterance. A fii contained 6

tdu (ij-) and 4 shang (ff-), or 64 shang. The yii contained 160 slidng, and the ping 16 ho (fjft), or 1600 shang. A shang of the present day is about one fourth less than an English pint. 2. The ±, in -j£ SJ ± refers to what follows. 3. In Ho Yen's edition, another chapter commences here. Yiian Sze, named ^J, is now the 3rd, east, in the outer hall of the temples. He was noted for his pursuit of truth, and carelessness of worldly advantages. After the death of Confucius, he withdrew into retirement in Wei. It is related bv

ill ± m)

4. Tlie Master said, "Do not decline them. May you not give them away in the neighborhoods, hamlets, towns, and villages?"

CHAPTER IV. The Master, speaking of Chungkung, said, ,"If the calf of a brindled cow be red and horned, although men may not wish to use it, would the spirits of the mountains and rivers put it aside?"

Chwang-tsze that Tsze-kung, high in official station, came one day in great stylo to visit him. S/e received him in a tattered coat, and Tsze-kung asking him if he were ill, he replied, "I have heard that to have no UK nicy is to be poor, and that to study truth and not be able to find it is to be ill." This answer sent Tszekung away in confusion. The 900 measures (whatever they were) was tin- proper allowance for an officer in Sze's station. ^ ± ^, see V, vii, though it is not easy to give the ;£ the same reference here as in that passage. 4. According to ancient statutes a tin, a li, a hsiang, and a tang, had each their specific number of component families, but the meaning is no more than — "the poor

about you." sp- makes t!io remark= "may you not, etc."

4. THE VICES OF A FATHER SHOULD NOT DISCREDIT A VIRTUOUS SON. The father of Chung-kung (see V, ii) was a man of bad character, and some would have visited this upon his son, which drew forth Confucius's remark. The rules of the Chan dynasty required that sacrificial victims should be red, and have good horns. An animal with those qualities, though it might spring from one not possessing them, would certainly not be unieceptable on that account to the spirits sacrificed to. I translate =f- by "calf," but it is not implied that the victim was young. %, the 3rd tone,=», "to lay aside," "to put away." it ^

-tfe

&,B,-tfi,

-ffc

-til

CHAPTER V. The Master said, "Such was Hui that for three months there would be nothing in his mind contrary to perfect virtue. The others may attain to this on some days or in some months, but nothing more."

CHAPTER VI. Chi K'ang asked about Chung-yu, whether he was fit to be employed as an officer of government. The Master said, "Yu is a man of decision ; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of government?" K'ang asked, "Is Ts'ze fit to be employed as an officer of government?" and was answered, "Ts'ze is a man of intelligence; what difficulty would he find in being an officer of government?" And to the same question about Ch'iu the Master gave the same reply, saying, "Ch'iu is a man of various ability."

5. THE SUPEBIOBITY OF H(Ji TO THE OTHER DISCIPLES. It is impossible to say whether we should translate here about Hui in the past or present tense. ^ is not jgt ^f, "to oppose," but gt ^, "to depart from." 0 JJ §?, "come to it," i. e., the line of perfect virtue, "in the course of a day, or a month." Q ^ may also be, "for a day or a month." So in the |£ fa.

6. THE QUALITIES OF TSZE-LX))

TSZE-KUNO, AND TsZE-Ytf, AND THEIR COMPETENCY TO ASSIST IN GOVERN- MENT. The prince is called 3$ jgfc ;§, "the doer of government": his ministers and officers are styled ^ j£fc ;g-, "foe followers of government, -fa ^ and -ffij /£f are set, the one expression against the other, the former indicating a doubt of the competency of the disciples, the latter affirming their more than competency.

(CHAPTER VII. The chief of the Chi family sent to ask Min Tsze-ch'ien to be governor of Pi. Min Tszedi'ien said, "Decline the offer for me politely. If any one come again to me with a second invitation, I shall be obliged to go and live on the banks of the Wan."

CHAPTER VIII. Po-niu being ill, the Master went to ask for him. He took hold of his hand through the window, and said, "It is killing him. It is the ap pointinent of Heaven, alas! That such a man should

7. Mix TszE-m'iEN REFUSES TO

'.: THE C'Hi FAMILY. The tablet of Tsze-ch'ien (his name was $U is now the first on the east among "the

ones" of the temple. He was among the foremost of the disciples.

i icius praises his filial piety, and we see here, how he could stand firm in his virtue, and refuse the proffers

he powerful but unprincipled families of his time. {£=$£ A Jfe g, in the translation, and in fj[ (foh, 4th tone) f£ ;§, we must similarly im.lerstand $ $ g ffc ;§-. ff, read 1'i, was a place belonging to the Chi family. Its name is still preserved in ft S$ in tin- department of ffi )}fy, in Shantung. The Wan stream divi.;- .iid Lu. Tsze-ch'ien

if he should be troubled

again, to retreat to Ch'i, where the Chi family could not reach him. 8. LAMENT OF CONFUCIUS OVER

THE MOBTAL SICKNESS Oi" Po-NlC.

Po-niu, "elder or uncle Kiu," was the denomination of -$• 3$ , one of the disciples of the sage. In the old interpretation, his sickness is said to have been ^ ^, "an evil disease," by which name leprosy, called ^, is intended, though that character is now employed for "itch." Suffering from such a disease, Po-niu would not see people, and Confucius took his hand through the window. A different explanation, is p'veu l)y Chu Hat He says that sick persons were usually placed on the north sido of the apartment; but \licn tlm prince vn'sited them, in order that Jiu

have such a sickness! That such a man should have such a sickness!"

CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hui! With a single bamboo dish of rice, a single gourd dish of drink, and living in his mean narrow lane, while others could not have endured the distress, he did not allow his joy to be affected by it. Admirable indeed was the virtue of Hui!"

CHAPTER X. Yen Ch'iu said, "It is not that I do not delight in your doctrines, but my strength is insufficient. ' ' The Master said, " Those whose strength is insufficient give over in the middle of the way but now you limit yourself."

might appear to them with his face to the south (see chap, i), they were moved to the south. On this occasion, Po-niu's friends wanted to receive Confucius after this royal fashion, which he avoided by not entering the house. "£ ±. = "It is killing him." ;£, the 2nd tone, generally an initial particle = " now." It is here final, aiid = "alas!"

9. THE HAPPINESS OF Hui IN-

DKPKNDENT OF HIS POVKBTY. The

jjL w ;i« simply a piece of the stem of a bamboo, and the U half of a gourd

cut into two. j£, see II, viii. The eulogy turns much on ^ in ^ |$|, as opposed to Jfc 56, "h is joy," the delight which he had in the doctrines of his master, contrasted with the grief others would have felt under such poverty.

10. A HIGH AIM AND PERSEVER- ANCE PROPER TO A STUDENT. Confut'ius would not admit Ch'iu's apology for not attempting more than he did. "Give over in the middle of the way," i. e., they go as long and as far as they can, and aro pursuing when th«y stop.

-flic

CHAPTER XI. The Master said to Tsze-hsia, "Do you be a scholar after the style of the superior man, and not after that of the mean man."

CHAPTER XII. Tsze-yu being governor of Wuch'ang, the Master said to him, "Have you got good men there?" He answered, "There is Tan-t'ai Miehming, who never in walking takes a short cut, and never comes to my office, excepting on public business."

11. HOW LEiKNIXG SE.OU1J) BE

PURSUED. %£ ^ and /J» A. here = adjectives, qualifying ^jf. The fj- -/-, it is 8aid, learns ^ g, for his own real improvement and from duty; the /J-. X. ^ A. "for men," with a vic\v to their opinion, and for his own material benefit. We should hardly have judged such a counsel necessary for Tsze-hsia.

lL'. THE CHARACTER OF TAN-TAl

MH.H-MING. The chapter shows, according to Chinese commentators, the advantage to people in authority of their having good men about them. In this way after their usual fasliinn, they neck for a profound -ing in the remark of Confucius. Tan-t'ai Mieh-ming, who was styled

J- ty, has his tablet the 2nd, east, outside the hall. The accounts of him are conflicting. According to one, he was very good-looking, while another says he was so bad-looking that Confucius at first formed an unfavorable opinion of him, an error which he afterwards confessed on Mieh-ming's becoming eminent. He traveled southwards with not a few followers, and places near Su-chau and elsewhere retain names indicative of his presence. 7^ j$ sp, three particles coming together, are said to indicate the slow and deliberate manner in which the sage spoke. ^ EJ %, compare £| |g) % in chap. ii. g| is said toss ^5. 1£.

, ffn

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "Mang Chih-fan does not boast of his merit. Being in the rear on an occasion of flight, when they were about to enter the gate, he whipped up his horse, saying, " It is not that I dare to be last. My horse would not advance."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "Without the specious speech of the litanist T'o and the beauty oj: the prince Chao of Sung, it is difficult to escape in the present age."

13. THE VIRTUE OF MANG CHIH- FAN IN CONCEALING HIS MERIT. But

where was his virtue in deviating from the truth? And how could Confucius commend him for doing so ? These questions have never troubled the commentators, nor is it wise to bring a railing accusation against the sage for his words here. Mang Chih-fan, named $|J, was an officer of Lu. The defeat referred to was in the eleventh year of Duke Ai. To lead the van of an army is called jffjr, to bring up the rear is ^. In retreat, the rear is of covrse the place of honor.

14. THE DEGENERACY OF THE AGE ESTEEMING GT.IBNESS OF TONGUE AND

BEATTY OF PERSON. jji£, " to pray/5 "prayers;" here, in the concrete, the officer charged with the prayers in

the ancestral temple. I have coined the word litanist to come as near to the meaning as possible. This T'o was an officer of the State of Wei, styled J- fa. Prince Chao had been guilty of incest with his half sister Nan-tsze (see chap, xxvi), and afterwards, when she was married to Duke Ling of Wei, he served as an officer there, carrying on his wickedness. He was celebrated for his beauty of person. jfn is a simple connect) ve, = |S|, and the yf» is made to belong to both clauses. The old commentators construe differently: — "If a man have not the speech of T'o, though he may have the beauty of Chao, etc., making the degeneracy of t'i3 age all turn on its fondness for specious talk. This cannot be right.

Him

JHI

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, -Who can go out but by the door? How is it that men will not walk according to these ways ? "

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "Where the solid

qualities are in excess of accomplishments, we have

rusticity; where the accomplishments are in excess ol

the solid qualities, we have the manners of a clerk.

When the accomplishments and solid qualities are

equally blended, we then have the man of virtue.

• CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, " Man is born for

uprightness. If a man lose his uprightness, and yet

live, his escape from death is the effect of mere good

fortune."

15. A LAMENT OVER THE WAY- WABDNESS OF MEN'S CONDUCT. J8?

•g, "these ways," in a moral sense; — not deep doctrines, but rules of life.

16. THE EQUAL BLENDING OF SOLID EXCELLENCE AND ORNAMENTAL

. .ll-l.ISHMENTS IN A COMPLETE

CHARACTER. &, "a historian," an officer of importance in China. The

, however, is to be understood IHTO of "iv clerk," one that is of a

i sharp and well informed, but insincere.

17. LlFK WITHOUT UPRIGHTNESS •r Till r; LIFE, AND CANNOT BE

i' UN. •• Xo more serious :ii^ than tliis," gays one coniwas over addressed to

men by Confucius." A distinction is made by Chu Hsi and others between the two A£; — the 1st is #& £, "birth," or "the beginning of life," and the 2nd is /£ ^, "preservation in life." A £. & ill it . " The being born of man is upright," which may mean either that man at his birth is upright, or that he is born for uprightness. I prefer the latter view. (^ ± 4 -dt, "The living without it," if we take [?J=|f-, or "to defame it," if |^| =|$. We long here as elsewhere for more perspicuity and fuller development of view. Without uprightness the end of man's existence is not fulfilled, but his preservation in such case is not merely a fortunate accident.

if -tit, A JSl

jffi

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "They who know the truth are not equal to those who love it, and they who love it are not equal to those who delight

CHAPTER XIX. The Master said, "To those whose talents are above mediocrity, the highest subjects may be announced. To those who are below mediocrity, the highest subjects may not be announced."

CHAPTER XX. Fan Ch'ih asked what constituted wisdom. The Master said, "To give one's . self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them,

18. DIFFERENT STAGES OF AT- TAINMENT. The four £, have all one reference, which must be j|£ or 3fi|, the subject spoken of.

19. TEACHERS MUST BE GUIDED IN COMMUNICATING KNOWLEDGE BY THE SUSCEPTIVITY OF THE LEARNERS. In Jjl _h, _h is read 2nd tone, a verbal word, and not the prep. "upon," so the ~JC in.Jjl ~J» is also verbal, us in III, vii. The tf1 A» "or mediocre people," may have all classes of subjects announced to them, 1 suppose. £* is in the 4th tone, "to tell to."

20. CHIEF ELEMENTS IN WISDOM AND VIRTUE. Fan Ch'ih, II, v. The modern comm. take jjj here as=X» and Si ± ^ as=A it £ fit "what is right according to the principles of humanity. " With some hesitation I have assented to this view, though J3; properly means "the multitude," "the people," and the old interpreters explain — "Strive to perfect the righteousness of the people." We may suppose from the second clause that Fan Ch'ih was striving after what was uncommon and superhuman. For a full exhibition of the

may be called wisdom." He asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, "The man of virtue makes the difficulty to be overcome his first business, and success only a subsequent consideration; — this may be called perfect virtue."

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "The wise find pleasure in water ; the virtuous find pleasure in hills. The wise are active; the virtuous are tranquil. The wise are joyful; the virtuous are long-lived."

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, " Ch'i, by one

are tranquil and firm, like the stable mountains. The pursuit of knowlge brings joy. Ihe life of the virtuous may be expected to glide calmly on and long. After all, the saying is not very comprehensible.

22. THE CONDITION OF THE STATES CH'I AND Lu. Ch'i and Lu were both within the present Shantung. Ch'i lay along the coast on the north, embracing the present department of T^ j)'l'| and other territory. Lu was on the south, the larger portion of it being formed by the present department of 3S jJ'H- At the rise of the Chau dynasty, King Wu invested Lii-shang, a counselor of King Wu and the commander of his army, with the principality of Ch'i. King

phrase & jjft, see fy Jf, ^VI- Here it=" spiritual beings," manes and others. =jg. the 4th tone; $g £, "keep at a distance from them," not "keep them at a distance." The sage's advice therefore is — "attend to what are plainly human duties, and do not be superstitious." *fc and & are, as frequently verbs, "put first," "put last." The old interns take them differently, but not so well.

'21. CONTRASTS OF THE WISE AND THE VIRTUOUS. The two first $* are iviid do, 4th tone,=^f $f, "to find pleasure in." The wise or knowing are active and restless, like the waters of a stream, ceaselessly flowing and advancing. The virtuous

change, would come to the State of Lu. Lu, by one change, would come to a state where true principles predominated. ' '

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "A cornered vessel without corners. — A strange cornered vessel! A strange cornered vessel !"

CHAPTER XXIV. Tsai Wo asked, saying, "A benevolent man, though it be told him, — * There is a man in the well,' will go in after him, I suppose." Confucius said, "Why should he do so?" A superior man may be made to go to the well, but he cannot be made to go down into it. He may be imposed upon, but he cannot be befooled.''

Wu at his first interview with Liishang addressed him as Thai-kung Wang, " Grandfather Hope," the man long looked for in his family. This successor, King Ch'ang, constituted the son of his uncle, the famous duke of Chau, prince of Lu. In Confucius's time, Ch'i had degenerated more than Lu. j^ is -Jfe ££ |g H g£ 31 £. i%L, "the entirely good and admirable ways of the former kings. " 23. THE NAME WITHOUT THE RE- ALITY is FOLLY. This was spoken (see the f£ jgfc) with reference to the governments of the time, retaining ancient names without ancient principles. The ffo was a drinking vessel ; others say a wooden tablet. The latter was a later use of the term. It was made with corners as appears from the composition of the character, which is formed from fj, "a

horn," "a sharp corner." In Confucius's time the form was changed, while the name was kept. — See the translation in Williams's Syllabic Dictionary, under syllable k&.

24. THE BENEVOLENT EXERCISE THEIR BENEVOLENCE WITH PRU- DENCE. Tsai Wo could see no limitation to acting on the impulses of benevolence. We are not to suppose with modern scholars that he wished to show that benevolence was impracticable, fff belongs to the whole following clause, especially to the mention of a well. The £; of £l ^ should be . This happy correction of the text is due to a contemporary and teacher of Chu Hsi whom he calls Liu P'ing-chiin. it ... -fa indicate some doubt in Wo's mind. Observe the hophal force of jgr and

j.i. Jfcfc _-

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "The superior man, extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, may thus likewise not overstep what is right."

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master having visited Nantsze, Tsze-lu was displeased, on which the Master swore, saying, "Wherein I have done improperly, may Heaven reject me! may Heaven reject me! "

( 'ii AFTER XXVII. The Master said, "Perfect is the virtue which is according to the Constant Mean! Bare for a long time has been its practice among the people.'1

•2:). TlIK HAPPY EFFECT OF LEAKN- ' 1M. \M) IMiOI'RIETY COMBINED. ^~

^- lids here it8 lighter meaning, = "t In- student, of what is right and true." The £_ in j^ £ we naturally ri-tVr to 3t, but comparing IX, x,

• t'j R W 15 — we may absent to

th,( ohsrrvatioll that flj ffi g, %,

"me refers to the learner's own n." See note on IV, xxiii. B$,

••tin- luiuiuliiry of a field;" also, "to 1 1 •) ui boundary." $& ^t~, as in

'. \\i. but the force here is more

"air." than "alas!"

2t't. (-()NKI ( [US V1KDICATES HIM- K"l: \I-ITINO THE UNWORTHY

Nan ts/.e was the wife i)i the duko of \Vei, and half sister «'i 1'iinee CliAo, inenlioiied in chap, xiv. Her h-wd charneter was well ami hen(-i) Ts/.e -I u was d':-

her was disgraceful to the Master. Great pains are taken to explain the incident. "Nan-tsze," says one, "sought the interview from the stirrings of her natural conscience." "It was a rule," says another, "that stranger officers in a state should visit the prince's^ wife." "Nantsze," argues a third, "had all influence with her husband, and Confucius wished to get currency by her means for his doctrine." Whether ^ is to be understood in the sense of "to swear," = fj, or "to make a declaration, " = p$, is much debated. Evidently the thing is an oath, or solemn protestation against the suspicions of Tsze-lu. |ft, as in

27. THE DEFEC^VE PRACTICE OF T11H PEOI'J.K IX CONFTCIUS'S TIME.

1. thinking an interview with i See the Chung Yuny.

Tfit iz£ §0 Ff /fnf liu trHo ^ PK IHJ

CHAPTER XXVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, "Suppose the case of a man extensively conferring benefits on the people, and able to assist all, what would you say of him? Might he be called perfectly virtuous?" The Master said, "Why speak only of virtue in connection with him ? Must he not have the qualities of a sage? Even Yao and Shun were still solicitous about this.

2. "Now the man of perfect virtue, wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others.

3. "To be able to judge of others by what is nigh in ourselves; — this may be called the art of virtue."

28. THE TRUE NATURE AND ART OF VIRTUE. There are no higher sayings in the Analects than we have here. 1. |{g, the 4th tone, "to confer benefits." 5i ^» — ^ i3 said to be "a particle of doubt and uncertainty," but it is rather the interrogative affirmation of opinion. Tsze-kung appears to have thought that great doings were necessary to virtue, and propounds a case which would transcend the achieve ments

of the ancient model sovereigns Yao and Shun. From such extravagant views the Master recalls him. 2. This is the description of fn ^f £. ifr f|, "the mind of the perfectly virtuous man," as void of all selfishness. 3. It is to be wished that the idea intended by f| j£ Ifc iff had been morei clearly expressed. Still we seem to have here a near approach to a positive enunciation of "the golden rule."

CONFUCIAN ANALECTS i& »

BOOK VII. SHU R

rfff Sfe

flB

rfn )£ ffi)

CHAPTER I. The Master said, "A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ^ancients, I venture to compare myself with our old P'ang."

CHAPTER II. The Master said, "The silent treasuring up of knowledge; learning without satiety; and instructing others without being wearied: — which one of these things belongs to me?"

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — jjjt ffjj ?$ -t, "A transmitter, and — Book VII." We have in this Book much information of a personal character a I ).)nt Confucius, both from his own lips, and from the descriptions of his disciples. The two preceding Books i of the disciples and other hies, and here, in contrast with tin-in, \v() hi'.ve the sage himself exhibited.

I . ( '• 'N FUCIUS DISCLAIMS BEING AN 'II OR MAKER. J| = f^ H JJIJ

_l. "simply to hand down the old." Commentators say the Master's lan- " here is from his extreme humility. But we must hold that it expresses his true sense of his position and work, ".'ho the individual called endearingly "our old P'ung" can hardly be ascertained. Some make ^ g£ to be Lao-tsze, the founder of the Tao sect, and others M iiiiike two individuals, one -ml the other that & jjjft. Hi whom we read much in Chwanj^- tezo. A I'-.um Hsicu ap])ears in the

Li Sao, st. 21, where Chu Hsi describes him as a worthy of the Yin (or Shang) dynasty, and he supposes him to be the Lao P'ang here.

2. CONFTJCIUS'S HUMBLE ESTIMATE

OF HIMSELF. f&, here by most scholars read chih, 4th tone, "to remember. " £, refers, it is said, to 3!|, "principles," the subjects of the silent observation and reflection. fPj ^ 1fc ?£ B^» cannot be, — "what difficulty do these occasion me ?" but = fj3T# ft )ff It ft. as in the translation. "The language," says Chu Hsi, "is that of humility upon humility." Some insert, in their explanation, jib #p before fpj — "Besides these, what is there in me?" But this is quite arbitrary. The profession may be inconsistent with what we find in other passages, but the inconsistency must stand rather than violence be done to the language. Ho Yen gives the singular exposition of $f» |j| J& (about A. D. 150-200) — "Other" men have not these things, I only have them. "

ffi fi

CHAPTER III. The Master said, " The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; and not being able to change what is not good: — • these are the things which occasion me solicitude."

CHAPTER IV. When the Master was unoccupied with business, his manner was easy, and he looked pleased.

CHAPTER V. The Master said, "Extreme is my

3. CONFUCIUS'S ANXIETY ABOUT

HIS SELF-CULTIVATION : ANOTHER

HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF. Here

again commentators find only the expressions of humility, but there can be no reason why we should not admit that Confucius was anxious lest these things, which are only put forth as possibilities, should become in his case actual facts. f$f is in the sense explained in the dictionary by the terms *| and tfc, "practicing," "examining."

4. THE MANNER OF CONFUCIUS WHEN UNOCCUPIED. The. first clause, which is the subject of the other two, is literally — "The Master's dwelling at ease." Observe 3$f, in

the 4th tone; ^, in the 1st; #p as in III, xxiii.

5. HOW THE DISAPPOINTMENT OF CONFUCIUS'S HOPES AFFECTED EVEN

HIS DEEAMS. J?jJ /2f is now to all intents a proper name, but the characters mean "the duke of Chau." Chau was the name of the seat of the family from which the dynasty so called sprang, and, on the enlargement of this territory, King Wan divided the original seat between his son J3, (Tan) and the minister ^| (Shih). Tan was Chdu-kung, in wisdom and politics, what his elder brother, the first sovereign, Wu, was in arms. Confucius had longed to bring the principles and institutions

Iff

decay. For a long time, I have not dreamed, as I was wont to do, that I saw the duke of Chau."

CHAPTER VI. 1. The Master said, "Let the will be set on the path of duty.

2. "Let every attainment in what is good be firmly grasped.

3. " Let perfect virtue be accorded with.

4. "Let relaxation and enjoyment be found in the polite arts."

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "From the man bringing his bundle of dried flesh for my teaching

of Ohau-kung into practice, and in

his earlier years, while hope animated

him, had often dreamed of the former

The original territory of Chau

what is now the district of

Clri-slian (ftj Jlj), department of

Fnng-haiang in Shensi.

(i- RtTLES FOB THE FULL MATUB-

»F ( IIAKACTKR. 2. & might be translated virtue, but £l="perfect virtue" following, we require another term. 4. ffi, "to ramble for amusement," here = " to seek recreation." |Ji, see note on ;£, in I, vi. A full enumeration makes "six arts," viz., ceremonies, music, archery, chariot-

:u', the study of characters or language, and figures or arithmetic. The ceremonies were ranged in five classes: lucky or sacrifices; unlucky or those of mourning; military; those of host and guest; and festive. MUSK- required the study of the

music of Hwang-ti, of Yao, of Shun, of Yu, of T'ang, and of Wu. Archery had a fivefold classification. Charioteering had the same. The study of the characters required the examination of them to determine whether there predominated in their formation resemblance to the object, combination of ideas, indication of properties, a phonetic principle, a principle of contrariety, or metaphorical accommodation. Figures were managed according to nine rules, as the object was the measurement of land, capacity, etc. These six subjects were the business of the highest and most liberal education, but we need not suppose that Confucius had them all in view here.

7. THE READINESS OF CONFUCIUS

TO IMPART INSTRUCTION. It Was the

rule anciently that when one party

upwards, I have never refused instruction to any one."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson."

CHAPTER IX. 1. When the Master was eating by the side of a mourner, he never ate to the full.

2. He did not sing on the same day in which he had been weeping.

waited on another, he should carry some present or offering with him. Pupils did so when they first waited on their teacher. Of such offerings, one of the lowest was a bundle of strips of f^, "dried flesh." The wages of a teacher are now called ffi ifc, "the money of the dried flesh." However small the offering brought to the sage, let him only see the indication of a wish to learn, and he imparted his instructions. ty. _h may be translated "upwards," i. e., "to such a man and others with larger gifts," _t being in the 3rd tone; or the character may be understood in the sense of "coming to my instructions." I prefer the former interpretation. 8. CONFUCIUS REQUIRED A REAL

DESIRE AND ABILITY IN HIS DIS- CIPLES. The last chapter tells of the sage's readiness to teach; this shows that he did not teach where his teaching was likely to prove of no avail. $£, in the comm. and diet, is explained P gfc fj jfij fc tfe £ fft, "the appearance of one with mouth wishing to speak and yet not able to do so. " This being the meaning, we might have expected the character to be l^. fa, "to turn," is explained Jlf &. #0 It (£ ^. "going round for mutual testimony." ^ ^=-/f) ff[ ^f jljjf •§, "I tell him nothing more."

9. CONFUCIUS'S SYMPATHY WITH

MOURNERS. The weeping is understood to be on the occasion of offering his condolences to a mourner, which was "a rule of propriety."

Sfi.

Hpp

CHAPTER X. 1. The Master said to Yen Yuan, "When called to office, to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired;— it is only I and you who have attained to this."

2. Tsze-lu said, "If you had the conduct of the armies of a great state, whom would you have to act with you?"

3. The Master said, "I would not have him to act with me, who will unarmed attack a tiger, or cross a river without a boat, dying without any regret. My a^ociate must be the man who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans, and then carries them into execution."

10. THE ATTAINMENTS OF Hfh T.TKV.

THOSE OF CONFUCIUS. THE EXCES- SIVE BOLDNESS OF TSZE-LU\ 1. In

Jfl £, % Z., Z. is explained by fj, but we have seen that £ following active verbs imparts to them a sort of neuter signification. fj\ «£ = "used." ^ ±="neglected." 2. A Chun, according to the JffJ jjjg, consisted of 12,500 men. The royal

forces consisted of six such bodies, and those of a great state of three. 3- H !% $& M, see Shih-ching, II, v, 1, st. 6. t|f does not indicate timidity, but solicitude. — Tsze-lCi, it would appear, was jealous of the praise conferred on Hui, and, pluming himself on his bravery, put in for a share of the Master's approbation. But he only brought on himself this rebuke.

H ffi

CHAPTER XI. The Master said, "If the search for riches is sure to be successful, though I should become a groom with whip in hand to get them, I will do so. As the search may not be successful, I will follow after that which I love."

CHAPTER XII. The things in reference to which the Master exercised the greatest caution were — fasting, war, and sickness.

CHAPTER XIII. When the Master was in Ch'i, he heard the Shao, and for three months did not know

11. THE UNCERTAINTY AND FOLLY OF THE PURSUIT OF BICHES. It

occurs to a student to understand the first clause — "If it be proper to search for riches," and the third — "I will do it." But the translation is according to the modern commentaries, and the conclusion agrees better with it. In explaining $L $$; (£ dr) some refer us to the attendants who cleared the street with their whips when the prince went abroad, but we need not seek any particular allusion of the kind. Observe jfjj = ^f, "if," and then ft] = "since." Still we may bring out the meaning from jfjj taken in its usual significance of "and." In this construction the previous ^ = "given riches," and jf[j pj ^ = "and such as can surely be found." — An objection to the pursuit of wealth may be made on the ground of righteousness, or on that of its uncertainty. It is the latter on which Confucius here rests.

12. WHAT THINGS CONFUCIUS WAS

PARTICULARLY CAREFUL ABOUT. ^,

read chdi, and=f§, "to fast," or, rather, denoting the whole religious adjustment, enjoined before the offering of sacrifice, and extending over the ten days previous to the great sacrificial seasons. 5? means "to equalize" (see II, iii), and the effect of those previous exercises was ^ ^ 51 & IJt ^. "to adjust what was not adjusted, so as to produce a perfect adjustment." Sacrifices presented in such a state of- mind were sure to be acceptable. Other people, it is said, might be heedless in reference to sacrifices, to war, and to sickness, but not so the sage.

13. THE EFFECT OF MUSIC ON

CONFUCIUS. The shdo, see III, xxv. This incident must have happened in the thirty-sixth year of Confucius, when he followed Duke Chao in his flight from Lu to Ch'i. As related in the Jfe. fE» "Historical Records, " before the characters 3i ^ )

• we have -l £, "he learned it three

84 COXRTIAN ANALECTS

•ffi,o ft

, Iffi &» A A* K

Hfc.

the taste of flesh. "I did not think," he said, ''that music could have been made so excellent as this."

CHAPTER XIV. 1. Yen Yu said, "Is our Master for the ruler of Wei?" Tsze-kung said, "Oh! I will ask him."

2. He went in accordingly, and said, "What sort of men were Po-i and Shu-ch'i?" "They were ancient worthies," said the Master. "Did they have any repinings because of their course?" The Master again replied, "They sought to act virtuously, and they did so; what was there for them to repine about?" On -u out and i "u Mate

this, Tsze-kung went out and said, for him."

Our Master is not

months," which may relieve us from the necessity of extending the three months over all the time in which he did not know the taste of his food. In Ho Yen's compilation, the ^\ ^n is explained by ^» ;g, "he was careless about and forgot." The last clause is also explained there — "I did not think that this music had reached this i ountry of Ch'i."

14. COXFVCIUS DID NOT APPROVE

or \ SUN OPPOSING HIS FATHER. 1.

Tho fli Irst son of Duke Ling of Wei had planned to kill his mother

MincitluT;, the notorious NantezeO'l. xxvi). For this he had to flee tin- n.imtry, and his son, on the

i ()f I. HILT, biTiime duke ( ft .£), ami subsequently opposed his father's

attempts to wrest the state from him. This was the matter argued among the disciples, — Was Confucius for (H, 4th tone) the son, the ruling duke ? 2. In Wei it would not have been according to propriety to speak by name of its ruler, and therefore Tsze-kung put the case of Po-i and Shu-ch'i, see V, xxii. They having given up a throne, and finally their lives, rather than do what they thought wrong, and Confucius fully approving of their conduct, it was plain he could not approve of a son's holding by force what was the rightful inheritance of the father. ^ £l iftj ^ lH, "They sought for virtue, and they got virtue;" i. e., such was the character of their conduct.

IfB

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bended arm for a pillow; — I have still joy in the midst of these things. Riches and honors acquired by unrighteousness are to me as a floating cloud."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the Yi, and then I might come to be without great faults."

15. THE JOY OF CONFUCIUS IN- DEPENDENT OF OUTWARD CIRCUM- STANCES. Ki, in 3rd tone, "a meal"; also, as here, a verb, "to eat." ^fc, 4th tone, "to pillow," "to use as a pillow." Critics call attention to /fa, making the sentiment = " My joy is everywhere. • • It is amid other circumstances. It is also here. " ^f\ ^ :rj ig,= "By unrighteousness I might get riches and honors, but such riches and honors are to me as a floating cloud. It is vain to grasp at them, so uncertain and unsubstantial."

16. THE VALUE WHICH CoNFtrcius

SET UPON THE STUDY OF THE Yf.

Chu Hsi supposes that this was spoken when Confucius was about seventy, as he was in his sixtyeightli year when he ceased his wanderings, and settled in Lu to the adjustment and compilation of the Yi and other Chiny. If the remark

be referred to that time, an error may well be found in 2£ ~K for he would hardly be speaking at seventy of having fifty years added to his life. Chu also mentions the report of Liu P'ing-chun, referred to by him under V, xxiv, that he had been told of a copy of the Lun Yii, which read IS for Jn, and $L for ^. Amended thus, the meaning would be — "If I had some more years to finish the study of the Yi, etc." Ho Yen interprets the chapter quite differently. Referring to the saying, II, iv, 4, "At fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven," he supposes this to have been spoken when Confucius was forty-seven, and explains — "In a few years more I will be fifty, and have finished the Yi, when I may be without great faults." — One thing remains upon both views:— Confucius never claimed, what his followers do for him, to be a perfect man.

^ -fcc

CHAPTER XVII. The Master's frequent themes of discourse were — the Odes, the History, and the maintenance of the Rules of Propriety. On all these he frequently discoursed.

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. The duke of Sheh asked Tszelu about Confucius, and Tsze-lu did not answer him.

2. The Master said, "Why did you not say to him, — He is simply a man, who in his eager pursuit (of knowledge) forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not perceive that old age is coming on?"

17. CONFCCITJS'S MOST COMMON

TOPICS. ^=, "The History," i. e., the historical documents which were compiled into the Shu-ching that has come down to us in a mutilated condition. jj£ also, and much more *§, must not be understood of the now existing Shih-ching and Li Chi. Chu Hsi explains J| (3rd tone) by ^, "constantly." The old interpreter Chang explains it by j£ "correctly," -"Confucius would speak of the Odes, etc., with attention to the correct enunciation of the characters." This does not seem so good.

18. CONFUCICS'S DESCRIPTION OF HIS OWN CHABACTEB, AS BEING

SIMPLY A OHEEBFUL, EABNEST

LEABNEB. 1. |g (read sheh) was a district of Ch'u (5§|), the governor or prefect of which was styled kung, after the usurping fashion of Ch'u. Its name is still preserved in a district of the department of ffj f^, in the south of Honan. 2. :g sometimes finishes a sentence (Premare, "claudit oration Rm"), as here. The 1$ after it = .^l, imparting to all the preceding description a meaning indicated by our simply or only. Wang Yin-chth, in his treatise on the particles, gives instances of -zj used as a particle, now initial, now medial, and again final.

riit. =»

ffii

CHAPTER XIX. The Master said, "I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge; I am one who is fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking it there"

CHAPTER XX. The subjects on which the Master did not talk, were — extraordinary things, feats of strength, disorder, and spiritual beings.

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "When I walk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will select their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them."

19. CONFUCIUS'S KNOWLEDGE NOT CONNATE, BUT THE KESULT OF HIS

STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. Here again, according to the commentators, is a wonderful instance of the sage's humility disclaiming what he really had. The comment of a Mr. "Yin, subjoined to Chu Hsi's own, is to the effect that the knowledge born with a man is only f| and $|, while ceremonies, music, names of things, history, etc., must be learned. This would make what we may call connate or innate knowledge the moral sense, and those intuitive principles of reason, on and by which all knowledge is built up. But Confucius could not mean to deny his being possessed of these. "I love antiquity ; " i. e., the ancients and all their works.

20. SUBJECTS AVOIDED BY CON- FUCIUS IN HIS CONVERSATION. gl»

"confusion," meaning rebellious disorder, parricide, regicide, and such crimes. Chu Hsi makes jfi$ here=^, W$ is 4fc (£ $&) "the mysterious, or spiritual operations apparent in the course of nature." 3£ J$H (died A. D. 266) as given by Ho Yen, simply says — j& jjjijj (£. ^., "the affairs of spiritual beings." For an instance of Confucius avoiding such a subject, see XI, xi.

21. HOW A MAN MAY FIND IN- STRUCTORS FOR HIMSELF. =£ \ %f,

"three men walking"; but it is implied that the speaker is himself one of them. The commentators all take J|3 in tho sense of "to distinguish," "to determine." — "I will i determine the one who is good, and I follow him, etc." I prefer to under- ! stand as in the translation. g£ £,, I "change them," i. e., correct them in ! myself, avoid them.

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "Heaven produced the virtue that is in me. Hwan T'ui— what can

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "Do you think, my disciples, that I have any concealments ? I conceal nothing from you. There is nothing which I do that is not shown to you, my disciples;— that is my way."

CHAPTER XXIV. There were four things which the blaster taught,— letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness.

'22. f.'ONl U( 'ITS CALM IN DANGER, THKOKCH THE ASSURANCE OF HAVING

A DIVINE MISSION. According to the historical accounts, Confucius was passing through Sung in his way from Wei to Ch'an, and was practicing ceremonies with his disciples under a large tree, when they were set upon by emissaries of Hwan (or Hsiang) T'ui, a high officer of Sung. These pulled down the tree, and wanted to kill the sage. His disciples urged him to make haste and escape, when he calmed their fears by these words. At the same time, he disguised himself till he had got past Sung. This story may be apocryphal, but the saying remains, — a remarkable one.

IS PRACTICED NO

I:AI.MI:NT WITH HIS DISCIPLES. . ~ H J'-- see 111, xxiv. 5% is explained by Chu H.si by ^, "to show," us if the meaning were, "There is not one of my doings in

which I am not showing my doctrines to you." But the common signification of ^ may be retained, as in Ho Yen, — "which is not given to, shared with, you." To what the concealment has reference we cannot tell. Observe the force of ;§ followed by -tit at the end; — "To have none of my actions not shared with you, — that is I, Ch'iu."

24. THE SUBJECTS OF CONFUCIUS' s TEACHING. £1 jrtj |fc, "took four things and taught." There were four things which — not four ways in which — Confucius taught. -JC here =our use of letters, f?=A 1$? H $) "what is daily used hi the relations of life." fc=fc — fc £ * 3£, "not a single thought not exhavisted." Hf=lfe-7* £ 7H 3ff, "not a single thing without its reality/' These are the explanations in the 0} -^ fj| ia- i confess to apprehend but vaguely the two latter subjects as distinguished from the second.

ffii rffi

rfn

CHAPTER XXV. 1. The Master said, "A sage it is not mine to see; could I see a man of real talent and virtue, that would satisfy me."

2. The Master said, "A good man it is not mine to see; could I see a man possessed of constancy, that would satisfy me.

3. "Having not and yet affecting to have, empty and yet affecting to be full, straitened and yet affecting to be at ease: — it is difficult with such characteristics to have constancy,"

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master angled, — but did not use a net. He shot, — but not at birds perching.

25. THE PAUCITY OF TRUE MEN IN, AND THE PRETENTIOUSNESS OF, CONFUCIUS'S TIME, ^f- Q, par. 2, is supposed by some to be an addition to the text. That being so, we have in the chapter a climax of character — the man of constancy, or the single-hearted, steadfast man; the good man, who on his single-heartedness has built up his virtue; the Chiln-tsze, the man of virtue in large proportions, and intellectually able besides; and the sage, or highest style of man. ^g, from 3J1, p, and 3z, "ear, mouth, and good, '^intuitively apprehensive of truth, and

correct in utterance and action. Comp. Mencius, VII, Pt. ii, ch. xxv. 20. THE HUMANITY OF CONFUCIUS; jj$H is properly the large rope attached to a net, by means of which it may be drawn so as to sweep a stream, HJ, "to shoot with a string tied to the arrow, by which it may be drawn back again." J|ij-, applied to such shooting, in the 4th tone, is read shih. Confucius would only destroy what life was necessary for his use, and in taking that he would not take advantage of the inferior creatures. This chapter is said to be descriptive of him in his early life.

-tiL

CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "There may be those who act without knowing why. I do not do so. Hearing much and selecting what is good and following it; seeing much and keeping it in memory: — this is the second style of knowledge."

CHAPTER XXVIII. 1. It was difficult to talk (profitably and reputably) with the people of Hu-hsiang, and a lad of that place having had an interview with the Master, the disciples doubted.

•2. The Master said, "I admit people's approach to me without committing myself as to what they may do when they have retired. Why must one be so severe ? If a man purify himself to wait upon me, I receive him so purified, without guaranteeing his past conduct."

27. AGAINST ACTING HEEDLESSLY. Pao Hsien, in Ho Yen, says that this was spoken with reference to heedless compilers of records. Chu Hsi makes f^ £ simply =f£ ]£, "to do tilings," "to act." The paraphrasts make the latter part descriptive of •icius — "I hear much, etc." This is not necessary, and the transhit ion had better be as indefinite as the original.

-V THE READINESS OF CONFUCIUS

TO MEET APPROACHES TO HTM THOUGH

MADE BY THE UNLIKELY. 1. In 1£

$|5, the J||5 appears to be like our local termination ham. — "The people of Hu-ham. " Its site is now sought in three different places. 2. Chu Hsi would here transpose the order of the text, and read A JS S ^S ^S immediately after J- Q. He also supposes some characters lost in the sentence p£ f3j ^. This is hardly necessary. *&, as in V, vii, 3,=jHs "to allow," "to concede to."

fiB JL= M $•'&

CHAPTER XXIX. The Master said, "Is virtue a thing remote ? I wish to be virtuous, and lo ! virtue is at hand."

CHAPTER XXX. 1. The minister of crime of Ch* an asked whether the duke Chao knew propriety, and Confucius said, "He knew propriety."

2. Confucius having retired, the minister bowed to Wu-ma Ch'i to come forward, and said, "I have heard that the superior man is not a partisan. May the superior man be a partisan also ? The prince married a daughter of the house of Wu, of the same surname

with himself, and called her, — 'The elder Tsze of

29. VIRTUE is NOT FAB TO SEEK. qic, after sp-, implies the negative answer to be given.

30. How CONFUCIUS ACKNOWL- EDGED HIS ERROR. 1. Ch'an, one of the states of China in Confucius's time, is to be referred probably to the present department of Ch'anchau in Honan province, fj] j& was the name given in Ch'an and Ch'u to the minister elsewhere called f?] 7J§, which terms Morrison and Medhurst translate — "criminal judge." But judge does not come up to his functions, which were legislative as well as executive. He was the adviser of his sovereign on all matters relating to crime. See the Ifi jjjg, fc '£* g] 5g. Chao was the honorary epithet of Chan ($|J), duke of Lu, 541-509 B. c.

He had a reputation for the knowledge and observance of ceremonies, and Confucius answered the minister's question accordingly, the more readily that he was speaking to the officer of another state, and was bound, therefore, to hide any failings that his own sovereign might have had. 2. With all his knowledge of proprieties, the duke Chao had violated an important rule,- — that which forbids the intermarriage of parties of tho same surname. The ruling houses of Lu and Wu were branches of the imperial house of Chau, and consequently had the same surname — Chi (5g). To conceal his violation of the rule, Chao called his wife by the surname Tsze (^-)t as if she had belonged to the

Wu.' If the prince knew propriety, who does not

know it?" ,

3 Wu-ma Ch'i reported these remarks, ana Master said, "I am fortunate!^ If I have any errors, people are sure to know them."

CHAPTER XXXI. When the Master was in company with a person who was singing, if he sang well, he would make him repeat the song, while he accompanied it with his own voice.

CHAPTER XXXII. The Master said, "In letters I am perhaps equal to other men, but the character of the )upc'rior man, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have not yet attained to."

ducal house of Sung. ]fe, the 4th -5*. 3. Confucius takes the rritii-ism of his questioner very lightly.

SI. THE GOOD FELLOWSHIP OF

s. On this chapter, see tho PH & ^ |j|, which states very

rictly the interpretation which I have tollmvfl, making only two hinirings and not three. jfU, 4th tone,

— "to sing in unison with."

\c KN«i\ l.KIKJMKNT OF CON- KTc'IfS IN KSTIM VT1N(; 11 1 MS K I.V. i£

here occasions some difficulty. Ho Yen takes it, as it often is, =$&, and explains, "I am not better than others in letters." In the dictionary, with reference to this passage, it is explained by £&» so that the meaning would be — "By effort, I can equal other men in letters." Chu Hsi makes it ^ f$, a "particle of doubt," = "perhaps." But this is formed for the occasion. |^ If "an in -person-acting ckun-tsze."

•nto m m

Iff 42

CHAPTER XXXIII. The Master said, "The sage and the man of perfect virtue; — how dare I rank myself with them? It may simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without satiety, and teach others without weariness." Kung-hsi Hwa said, "This is just what we, the disciples, cannot imitate you in."

CHAPTER XXXIV. The Master being very sick, Tsze-lu asked leave to pray for him. He said, "May such a thing be done?" Tsze-lu replied, "It may. In the Eulogies it is said, 'Prayer has been made for thee to the spirits of the upper and lower

33. WHAT CONFUCIUS DECLINED TO BE CONSIDERED, AND WHAT HE CLAIMED. ^ and ijffl are said to be correlatives, in which case they=our "although" and "yet." More naturally, we may join ^ directly with || J| fa and take $] as=our "but." •35 ]$f, see chap, xviii. 2.» fjj ^, added to Hz fjf, increases its emphasis, = "just this and nothing more." Kung-hsi Hwa, see V, vii, 4.

34. CONFUCIUS DECLINES TO BE PRAYED FOR. ^ $sj together mean "very sick." ^f |f; — fff is interrogative, as we find it frequently in Mencius. f£, "to write a eulogy,

and confer the posthumous honorary title"; also, "to eulogize in prayer," i. e., to recite one's excellences as the ground of supplication. Lei is a special form of composition corresponding to the French iloge, specimens of which are to be found in the Wan Hsiian ( ^C H ). °^ prince Hsiiio T'ung. Wylie, "Notes on Chinese Literature," p. 192, calls them "obituaries." Tsze-lu must have been referring to some well-known collection of such compositions. In %a W. f$ may be taken as the pronoun. _h ~F= heaven and earth, jfff being the appropriate designation of

ifti fln

worlds.' " The Master said, "My praying has been for a long time."

CHAPTER XXXV. The Master said, "Extravagance leads to insubordination, and parsimony to meanness. It is better to be mean than to be insubordinate."

CHAPTER XXXVI. The Master said, "The superior man is satisfied and composed; the mean man is always full of distress."

CHAPTER XXXVII. The Master was mild, and yet dignified; majestic, and yet not fierce; respectful, and yet easy.

the spirits of the former, and jjjg of the latter. — Chu Hsi says, "Prayer is the expression of repentance and promise of amendment, to supplicate the help of the spirits. If there be not those things, then there is no jit-.'d lor praying. In the case of the Biige, l.e had committod no errors, and admitted of no amendment. In all his conduct he had been in harmony with the spiritual intelligences, and therefore he said, — my praying '''•en for a long time." We must demur to some of these expressions; hut the declining to be prayed for, and the concluding remark, seem to

indicate the satisfaction of Confucius with himself. We wish that our information about him were not ao stinted and fragmentary.

35. MEANNESS NOT so BAD AS INSUBOKDINATION. ^, read sun, like j§j, and with the same meaning.

36. CONTRAST IN THEIR FEELINGS BETWEEN THE CHUN-TSZE AND THE MEAN MAN. jB., "a level plain. '; used uclvrerbially with ££. = "lightsomely." This is its force here. .^ = $f; B^p, "constantly."

37. HOW VARIOUS ELEMENTS MODI- FIED ONE ANOTHER IN THE CHARAC- TER OF CONFUCIUS.

BOOK VIII. T'AI-PO

fin E W

CHAPTER I. The Master said, "T'ai-po may be said to have reached the highest point of virtuous action. Thrice he declined the. kingdom, and the people in ignorance of his motives could not express their approbation of his conduct."

THE HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — ^ tBBA. "T'ai-po, Book VIII." As in other cases, the first words of the Book give the name to it. The subjects of the chapter are miscellaneous, but it begins and ends with the character and deeds of ancient sages and worthies, and on this account ii follows the seventh chapter, where we have Confucius, himself described.

1. THE EXCEEDING VIRTUE OF

ri''.ti-po. T'ai-po was the eldest son of king T'ai (j(.), the grandfather of Wan, the founder of the Chau dynasty. T'ai had formed the intention of upsetting the Yin dynasty, of which T'ai-po disapproved. T'ai, moreover, because of the sage virtues of his grandson Ch'ang (||), who afterwards became King Wan, wished to hand down his principality to his third son, Ch'-.n^'s father. T'ai-po observing th's, and to escape opposing his father's purpose, retired, with his second brother among the barbarous tribes of the south, and loft their youngest brother in posses ion of the state, The motives of

his conduct T'ai-po kept to himself, so that the people ^ ffi jfjj fjj (£, "could not find how to praise him." There is a difficulty in making out the refusal of the empire three times, there being different accounts of the times and ways in which he did so. Chu Hsi cuts the knot, by making " thrice" = "firmly," in which solution we may acquiesce. There is as great difficulty to find out adeclin-j ;; of the kingdom in T'ai-po's withdrawing from the petty State of Chau. It may be added that King Wu, the first sovereign of the Chau dynasty, subsequently conferred on T'ai-po the posthumous title of ( hief of Wu (§k), the country to which he had withdrawn, and whose rude inhabitants gathered round him. His second brother succeeded him in the government of them, and hence the ruling house of Wu had the same surname as the royal house of C hau, that namely of Chi (Jgn ; — see VII, xxx. ift EL ^ give emphasis to the preceding declaration ; - — compare I xiv.

-SJL

PFJ

fjlj 15 It

CHAPTER II. I. The Master said, "Respectfulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes laborious bustle; carefulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes timidity; boldness, without the rules of propriety, becomes insubordination; straightforwardness, without the rules of propriety, becomes rudeness.

2. "When those who are in high stations perform well all their duties to their relations, the people are aroused to virtue. When old friends are not neglected by them, the people are preserved from

meanness.

2. THE VALUE OF THE RULES OF

ntol'RIETY; AND OF EXAMPLE IN Til os K IN" HIGH STATIONS. 1. We

must bear in mind that the ceremonies, or rules of propriety, spoken of in these Books, are not mere conventionalities, but the ordinations of man's moral and intelligent nature in the line of what is proper. $£, "to strangle," is here explained by ( 'h u II si by (§; -tJJ . Ho Yen, after M.I Yung, early part of 2nd century, makes it =$£ $i] "sarcasm." 2.

There does not seem any connection between the former paragraph and this, and hence this is by many considered to be a new chapter, and assigned to the philosopher Tsang. jg -f- differs here from its previous usage, having reference more to the $c or station of the individuals indicated, than to their ^ or virtue. & H = H g. H $£, "old ministers and old intimacies." Ufa, often a verb, "to steal"; here an adjective, "mean."

CHAPTER III. The philosopher Tsang being ill, he called to him the disciples of his school, and said, "Uncover my feet, uncover my hands. It is said in the Book of Poetry, 'We should be apprehensive and cautious, as if on the brink of a deep gulf, as if treading on thin ice,' and so have / been. Now and hereafter, I know my escape from all injury to my person. O ye, my little children."

CHAPTER IV. 1. The philosopher Tsang being ill. Mang Chang went to ask how he was.

2. Tsang said to him, "When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful; when a man is about to die, his words are good.

3. THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG'S FILIAL PIETY SEEN IN HIS CARE OF HIS PERSON. We get our bodies perfect from our parents, and should so preserve them to the last. This is a great branch of filial piety with the Chinese, and this chapter is said to illustrate how Tsang-tsze (I, iv) hao! made this his life-lon'g study. He made the disciples uncover his hands and feet to show them in what preservation those members were. f$ S, — see the Shih-ching, II, v, 1, st. 6. In jfij ^-, we must take ffjj = fj. Wang Yin-chili, however,

takes the first ffjj as = TJr , and adduces other instances of 7J = jfjj. Still the usage is remarkable.

4. THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG'S DYING COUNSELS TO A MAN OF HIGH RANK. 1. ^j[ was the honorary epithet of $? $£ £g, a great officer of Lu, and son of Mang-wu, II, vi. From the conclusion of this chapter, we may suppose that he descended to small matters Lelow his rank. £. refers to g%. 2. fj% in -^ ^ JH H, intimates that Tsang commenced the conversation. 3. SgJ;, jH, u-nd {li are all = verbs governing the nouns following.

-ffi,

flH

3. "There are three principles of conduct which the' man of high rank should consider specially important:—that in his deportment and manner he keep from violence and heedlessness; that in regulating his countenance he keep near to sincerity; and that in his words and tones he keep far from lowness and impropriety. As to such matters as attending to the sacrificial vessels, there are the proper officers for them."

CHAPTER V. The philosopher Tsang said, "Gifted with ability, and yet putting questions to those who were not so; possessed of much, and yet putting (j uestions to those possessed of little; having, as though he had not; full, and yet counting himself as empty;

% is read like $=f , and with the same meaning, "to rebel against," "to be

r.iry to," that here opposed being y|, "the truth and right." g| was a bamboo dish with a stand, made to hold fruits and seeds at sacrifice; J[ was like it, and of the same size, only made of wood, and used to contain pickled vegetables ami suurr(. f\ f- is used as in

. ii. — Jn llu Yen's compilation,

the three clauses, beginning S)f is, are taken not so well, and = " thus he will not suffer from men's being violent and insulting, etc. etc."

5. THE ADMIRABLE SIMPLICITY AND FREEDOM FROM EGOTISM OF A FRIEND OF THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG

This friend is supposed to have been Yen Yiian. ij^., "imprisonment by means of wood," "stocks." The dictionary, after the old writers,

-ifc.

ffc

offended against, and yet entering into no altercation; formerly I had a friend who pursued this style of conduct."

CHAPTER VI. The philosopher Tsang said, "Suppose that there is an individual who can be intrusted with the charge of a young orphan prince., and can be commissioned with authority over a state of a hundred li, and whom no emergency however great can drive from his principles: — is such a man a superior man? He is a superior man indeed."

CHAPTER VII. 1. The philosopher Tsang said, "The officer may not be without breadth of mind and

explains it with reference to this passage, by ^§ •&, $& -&, "altercation," "retorting." ^ .l£ ^ $r, literally, "followed things in this way."

6. A COMBINATION OF TAJ^ENTS AND VIRTUE CONSTITUTING A CHUN-

TSZE. ^ fc ^ 55, "an orphan of six cubits." By a comparison of a passage in the Chau Li and other references, it is established that "of six cubits" is. equivalent to "of fifteen years or less," and that for every cubit more or less we should add or deduct five years. See the

$5 li ^k Hi) where it is also said that the ancient cubit was shorter than the modern, and only =7.4 in., so that six cubits = 4. 44 cubits of the present day. But this estimate of the ancient cubit is probably still too high. King Wan, it is said, was ten cubits high, "g" j|. £ (fo, see Mencius, V, Pt. ii, ch. ii, 6. |a. amounts nearly to a question, and is answered by •&»• — "Yes, indeed."

7. THE NECESSITY TO THE OFFICER OF COMPASS AND VIGOR OF MIND.

1. tfc) a learned man, "a scholar"; but in all ages learning has been the

si T?L a fffi

rfn tt) |

vigorous endurance. His burden is heavy and his

virtue is the burden which he considers it is his to sustain ;— is it not heavy? ? Only with death does his course stop;— is it not long? '

CHAPTER VIII. 1. The Master said, "It is by the ( )d(-s that the mind is aroused.

2. "It is by the Hules of Propriety that the character is established. „

:; "It is from Music that the finish is received.

CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "The people may be made to follow a path of action, but they may not be made to understand it."

qualification for, and passport to, uHicial employment in China, hence it is also a general designation for "an officer." {£, 4th tone, a noun, = "an office," "a burden borne"; with the 2nd tone, it is the verb "to bear."

8. THE EFFECTS OF POETRY, PRO-

Tins, AND MUSIC. These three short sentences are in form like the i"1"'. (iU fc IH, etc., in VII, vi, but must be interpreted differently. There the first term in each sentence is a verb iu the imperative mood, here it is rather in the indicative. Tin-re the $£ is to be joined closely to the 1st character and here to the 3rd. There it = our preposition to; here \t=hi/. The terms ^J, )fig, §j*

have all specific reference to the Books so called.

9. WHAT MAY, AND WHAT MAY NOT, BE ATTAINED TO WITH THE PEOPLE. According to Chu Hsi, the first £ is £| Z. fJt & #&,—duty, what principles require, and the second is SI (•£ Jjf W. £•& "the principle of duty." He also takes "pj and ^ pj as = j|6 and ^ flfc. If the meaning were so, then the sentiment would be much too broadlv expressed. See H rS= 3fc If, XVI, xv. As often in other places, the f| |£ gives the meaning here happily; viz., 'that a knowledge of the reasons and principles of what they are called to do need not be required from the people, — ;f SJ^± ^.

I -tit

Iff

CHAPTER X. The Master said, "The man who is fond of daring and is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceed to insubordination. So will the man who is not virtuous, when you carry your dislike of him to an extreme."

CHAPTER XL The Master said, "Though a man have abilities as admirable as those of the duke of Chau, yet if he be proud and niggardly, those other things are really not worth being looked at."

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, "It is not easy to find a man who has learned for three years without coming to be good."

10. DIFFERENT CAUSES OF INS- UBORDINATION-- A LE6SON TO

RULERS.

11. THE WORTHLESSNESS OF TAL- ENT WITHOUT VIRTUE. "The dvike of Chau;"— see VII, v. it $%, "the overplus," "the superfluity," referring to the "talents," and indicating that ability is not the ;£, or root of character, not what is essential. •& B) &s in chap. i.

12. HOW QUICKLY LEARNING

MAKES MEN GOOD. This is the interpretation of K'ung An-kwo, who takes |5 in the sense of |fe. Chu Hsi takes the term in the sense of jjjffc, "emolument," and would change §? into !&, making the whole a lamentation over the rarity of the disinterested pursuit of learning. But we are not at liberty to admit alterations of the text, unless, as received, it be absolutely unintelligible.

lie

CONTTCIAN ANALECTS

fit.

CHAPTER XIII. 1. The Master said, "With sincere faith he unites the love of learning; holding firm to death, he is perfecting the excellence of his course.

2. "Such a one will not enter a tottering state, nor dwell in a disorganized one. When right principles of government prevail in the kingdom, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he will keep concealed.

3. "When a country is well governed, poverty and a mean condition are things to be ashamed of. When a country is ill governed, riches and honor are things to be ashamed of."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "He who is not in any particular office has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties."

13. THK QUALIFICATIONS OF AN

(:K, \vno WILL ALWAYS ACT

KI(;HT IN A( I KI'TINC AND DECLINING

OK KICK. 1. This paragraph is taken as descriptive of character, the

tsof whose presence wo have in

thf next, and of its absence in the

'2. l{, in opposition to ^, read

, in 4th tone. The whole chapter seems to want the warmth of generous principle and feeling. In

fact, I doubt whether its parts bear the relation and connection which they are supposed to have.

14 EVERY MAN SHOULD MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS. So the sentiment of this chapter is generalized by the paraphrasts, and perhaps correctly. Its letter, however, has doubtless operated to prevent the spread of right notions about political liberty in China.

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "When the music master Chih first entered on his office, the finish of the Kwan Tsii was magnificent; — how it filled the ears!"

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "Ardent and yet not upright, stupid and yet not attentive; simple and yet not sincere :• — such persons I do not understand."

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, "Learn as if you could not reach your object, and were always fearing also lest you should lose it."

15. THE PRAISE OF THE MUSIC MASTER CHIH. Neither Morrison nor Medhurst gives what appears to be the meaning of gL in this chapter. The K'ang-hsi dictionary has it — ^* Z. %• ¥ H 1SU "The last part in the musical services is called Iwan." The program on those occasions consisted of four parts, in the last of which a mimber of pieces from the Fflng or songs of the states was sung, commencing _ with the Kwan Tsii. The name Iwan was also given to a sort of refrain, at the end of each song. — The old interpreters explain differently, — "when the music master Chih ' first corrected

the confusion of the Kwan Tsii," etc.

16. A LAMENTATION OVER MORAL ERBOB ADDED TO NATURAL DEFECT.

If ^ £ll 2., "I do not know them"; that is, say commentators, natural defects of endowment are generally associated with certain redeeming qualities, as hastiness with straightforwardness, etc., but in the parties Confucius had in view, those redeeming qualities were absent. He did not understand them, and could do nothing for them.

17. WITH WHAT EARNESTNESS ANB CONTINUOUSNESS LEARNING SHOULD BE PURSUED.

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, " How majestic was the manner in which Shun and Yii held possession of the empire, as if it were nothing to them!"

CHAPTER XIX. 1. The Master said, "Great indeed was Yao as a sovereign! How majestic was he! It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yao corresponded to it. How vast was his virtue! The people could find no name for it.

2. "How majestic was he in the works which he accomplished! How glorious in the elegant regulations which he instituted ! "

18. THE LOFTY CHARACTER OF

Surs* AND Yii. Shun received the empire from Yao, 2255 B. c., and Yii received it from Shun, 2205 B. c. The throne came to them not by inheritance. They were called to it through their talents and virtue. And yet the possession of it did not Htfect them at all. ^\ f$L, — "it did not concern them," was as if nothing to them. Ho Yen takes ^ = ;j^. - "they had the empire without seeking for it." This is not according to

I1.'. THK VKAISE OF YAo. 1. Xo doubt, Yao, as he appears in Chinese

annals, is a fit object of admiration, but if Confucius had had a right knowledge of, and reverence for, Heaven, he could not have spoken as he does here. Grant that it is only the visible heaven overspreading all, to which he compares Yao, even that is sufficiently absurd. fllj %., not simply = ^ -£., "imitated it," but f||| ^ ,£ ^, "could equalize with it." 2. g # fi£ # = *- m # ± & J], the great achievements of his government. jJC ^ (see V, xii) = the music, ceremonies, etc., of which he was the author.

fTf & CONFUCIAN ANALECTS

ifn ^ ;) ^ Ac 0, rfii

CHAPTER XX. 1. Shun had five ministers, and the empire was well governed.

2. King Wu said, "I have ten able ministers."

3. Confucius said, "Is not the saying that talents are difficult to find, true? Only when the dynasties of T'ang and Yii met, were they more abundant than in this of Chdu, yet there was a woman among them. The able ministers were no more than nine men.

4. • "King Wan possessed two of the three parts of

20. THE SCARCITY OF MEN OF TALENT, AND PRAISE OF THE HOUSE OF CnAu. 1. Slum's five ministers were r^, Superintendent of Works; jfg:, Superintendent of Agriculture; ^ (hsieh), Minister of Instruction; Jjk p|j, Minister of Justice; and f£j Jgf, Warden of Woods and Marshes. Those five, as being eminent above all their compeers, are mentioned.
21. See the Shu-ching, V, i, sect, ii, 6. ®L EL "governing, i. e., able ministers." In the dictionary, the first meaning given of $L is "to regulate," and the second is just the opposite, —"to confound," "confusion." Of the ten ministers, the most distinguished of course was the duke of I'hau. One of them, it is said, next paragraph, was a woman, but whether she was the mother of King Wan, or his wife, is much disputed. The ten men were: — the duke of 1,'liau, the duke of Shao, Grandfather Hope, the duke of Pi, the duke of

Yung, T'ai-tien, Hung-yao, San-i Shang, Nan-kung Kwo, and the wife or mother of King Wan. 3. Instead of the usual "The Master said," we have here J L •?• 0 "The philosopher K'ung said." This is accounted for on the ground that the words of King Wu having been quoted immediately before, it would not have been right to crown the sage with his usual title of "the Master." The style of the whole chapter, however, is different from that of any previous one, and we may suspect that it is corrupt. ^ |§ is a sort of proverb, or common saying, which Confucius quotes and illustrates. Jg ^ £ |^ (Yao is called T'ang, having ascended the throne from the marquisate of that name, and Yii became a sort of accepted surname or style of Shun) K- W ^ '& is understood by Chu Hsi as in the translation, while the old writers take exactly the opposite

rfff

fifi

the empire, and with those he served the dynasty of Yin. The virtue of the house of Chau may be said to have reached the highest point indeed."

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "I can find no flaw in the character of Yii. He used himself coarse food and drink, but displayed the utmost filial piety towards the spirits. His ordinary garments were poor, but he displayed the utmost elegance in his sacrificial cap and apron. He lived in a low, mean house, but expended all his strength on the ditches and water channels. I can find nothing like a flaw in Yii."

view. The whole is obscure. 4. This paragraph must be spoken of King Wan.

21. THE PRAISE OF Yu. fljj, read cftten, 4th tone, "a crevice," "a crack." The form |gj in the text is not so correct. ^ |f- $£ fljj #$ %. "//i Yii, I find no crevice so," i. e., I find nothing in him to which I can point as a flaw, fa jf$ is interpreted of the spirits of heaven and earth, as well as those sacrificed to in the ancestral temple, but the saying that the rich offerings were filial (^) would seem to restrict the pliraae to the latter. The ftj was

an apron made of leather, and coming down over the knees, and the JfJ, was a sort of cap or crown, flat on the top, and projecting before and behind, with a long fringe on which gems and pearls were strung, exactly like the Christ-Church cap of Oxford. They were both used in sacrificing. $| JjjJL, generally the water channels by which the boundaries of the fields were determined, and provision made for their iriigation, and to carry off the water of floods. The $| were four cubits wide and deep, and arranged so as to flow into the JJ5L, which were double the size.

fg- iir

BOOK IX. TSZE HAN

ffif

CHAPTER I. The subjects of which the Master seldom spoke were — profitableness, and also the appointments of Heaven, and perfect virtue.

CHAPTER II. 1. A man of the village of Ta-hsiang said, "Great indeed is the philosopher K'ung! His learning is extensive, and yet he does not render his name famous by any particular thing."

term, — "Fatum eat quod dii fcmtur." Nor is it decree, or antecedent purpose and determination, but the decree embodied and realized in its object.

2. AMUSEMENT OF CONFUCIUS AT THE BEMABK OF AN IGNORANT MAN ABOUT HIM. Commentators, old and new, say that the chapter shows the exceeding humility of the sage, educed by his being praised, but his observation on the man's remark was evidently ironical. 1. For want of another word, I render ^ by "village." According to the statutes of Chau, "five families made a Jfc, four pi a HU, and five lu or 500 families a tang." -Who the villager was is not recorded, though some would have him to be the same with *Jl 5{£, the boy of whom it is said in the = ^ jg, £ ft M 65 ?K &, "of old Confucius was a scholar of Hsiang T'o." The man was able to see that Confucius was very extensively learned, but his idea of fame, common to the age, was that it must be

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — Jl, "The Master seldom, No. 9." The thirty chapters of this Book are much akin to those of the seventh. They are mostly occupied with the doctrine, character, and Ways of Confucius himself.

1. SUBJECTS SELDOM SPOKEN OF BY CONFUCIUS, jflj is mostly taken here in a good sense, not as selfish gain, but as it is denned under the first of the diagrams in the Yi-ching, — ^ %. 'fil» "the harmoniousness of all that is righteous"; that is, how what is right is really what is truly profitable. Compare Mencius, I, i, I . Yet even in this sense Confucius seldom spoke of it, as he would .iot have the consideration of the profitable introduced into conduct at all. With his not speaking of fc. there is a difficulty which I know not how to solve. The fourth Book is nearly all occupied with it, and no doubt it was a prominent topic in Confucius's teachings, -jifr- is not = our fate, unless in the primary meaning of that

-til, IP

jfrtfc I'll

2. The Master heard the observation, and said to his disciples, "What shall I practice? Shall I practice charioteering, or shall I practice archsry? I will practice charioteering."

CHAPTER III. 1. The Master said, "The linen cap is that prescribed by the rules of ceremony, but now a silk one is worn. It is economical, and I follow the common practice.

2. "The rules of ceremony prescribe the bowing below the hall, but now the practice is to bow only after ascending it. That is arrogant. I continue to bow below the hall, though I oppose the common practice/'

arquired by excellence in some one particular art. In his lips, JL •? was not more than our "Mr. K'ung."

SOME COMMON PRACTICES IN- iMITKREXT AND OTHERS NOT. 1. The cap here spoken of was that ribed to be worn in the an- ••il temple, and made of very fine linen dyed of a deep dark color. ' had fallen into disuse, and was superseded by a simpler one of silk. Rather than be singular, Confucius gave in to a practice, which involved no principle of right, and was economical. 2. Chu Hsi explains the ^

f-) $$ *?• _h» thus: "In the ceremonial intercourse between ministers and their prince, it was proper for them to bow below the raised hall. This the prince declined, on which they ascended and completed the homage." See this illustrated in the £f- ffc H 12. in loc. The prevailing disregard of the first part of the ceremony Confucius considered in consistent with the proper distance to be observed between prince ard minister, and therefore he wou'd be singular in adhering to the rule.

CHAPTER IV. There were four things from which the Master was entirely free. He had no foregone conclusions, no arbitrary predeterminations, no obstinacy, and no egoism.

CHAPTER V. 1. The Master was put in fear in K'wang.

2. He said, "After the death of King Wan, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me?

3. "If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got

4. FRAILTIES FROM WHICH CON- FUCIUS WAS FREE. g£, it is said, is not prohibitive here, but simply negative; — to make it appear that it was not by any effort, as %& and $£ more naturally suggest that Confucius attained to these things.

5. CONFUCIUS ASSURED IN A TIME OF DANGER BY HIS CONVICTION OF A DIVINE MISSION. Compare VII, xxii, but the adventure to which this chapter refers is placed in the sage's history before the other, not long after he had resigned office, and left Lu. 1. There are different opinions as to what state K'wang belonged to. The most likely is that it was a border town of Chang, and its site is now to be found in the department of Kaifeng in Honan. It is said that K'wang had suffered from |^ JF£, an officer of Lu, to whom Confucius bore a resemblance. As he passed by the place, moreover, a disciple,

i!5 Hffl) who had been associated with Yang Hu in his measures against K'wang, was driving him. These circumstances made the people think that Confucius was their old enemy, so they attacked him, and kept him prisoner for five days. The accounts of his escape vary, some of them being evidently fabulous. The disciples were in fear. ^ would indicate that Confucius himself was so, but this is denied 2. The wan I render by "the cause of truth." More exactly, it is the truth embodied in literature, ceremonies, etc., and its use instead of tdo, "truth in its principles," is attributed to Confucius's modesty. jfc B&, "in this," referring to himself. 3. There may be modesty in his use of wan, but he here identifies himself with the line of the great sages, to whom Heaven has intrusted the instruction of men. In all the six centuries between

ffi B*

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such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people ( K'wang do to me?"

CHAPTER VI. 1. A high officer asked Tsze-kung, saying, "May we not say that your Master is a sage? How various is his ability!"

2. Tsze-kung said, "Certainly Heaven has endowed him unlimitedly. He is about a sage. And, moreover, his ability is various."

3. The Master heard of the conversation and said, " Does the high officer know me ? When I was young, my condition was low, and therefore I acquired my

himself and King Wan, he does not admit of such another. ^ 56 ^, "he who dies afterwards," =a future mortal.

6. ON THE VARIOUS ABILITY OF CONFUCIUS: — HIS SAOEHOOD NOT THEREIN. 1. According to the JSJ jjjg, the Jz $J| was the chief of the six great officers of state, but the use of the designation in Confucius's time was confined to the states of Wu and Sung, and hence the officer in the tcvt must have belonged to one of them. See the ft |$, in loc- Tne

force of ^ is as appears in the translation. 2. ^ is responded to by Tsze-kung with [i;J, "certainly," while yet by the use of J|f he gives his answer an air of hesitancy. $£ £, "lets him go," i. e., does not restrict him at all. The officer had found the sagehood of Confucius in his various ability; — by the yu, "moreover," Tsze-kung makes that ability only an additional circumstance. 3. Confucius explains his possession of various ability, and repudiates its being essential to tbo

ability in many things, but they were mean matters. Must the superior man have such variety of ability? He does not need variety of ability."

4. Lao said, " The Master said, 'Having no official employment, I acquired many arts."

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "Am I indeed possessed of knowledge? I am not knowing. But if a mean person, who appears quite emptylike, ask anything of me, I set it forth from one end to the other, and exhaust it."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "The FANG bird

sage, or even to the chun-tsze. 4. Lao was a disciple, by surname Ch'in (3$), and styled Tsze-k'ai (^ $])) or Tsze-chang (^f- Jg). It is supposed that when these conversations were being digested into their present form, some one remembered that Lao had been in the habit of mentioning the remark given, and accordingly it was appended to the chipter. ^f- -3$ indicates that it was a frequent saying of Confucius.

7. CONFUCIUS DISCLAIMS THE KNOWLEDGE ATTRIBUTED TO HIM, AND DECLAKES HIS EARNESTNESS IN TEACHING. The first sentence here was probably an exclamation with

reference to some remark upon himself as having extraordinary knowledge. D|J:H: m .«S, "exhibit ( PfJ = # ifijj, 'to agitate') its two ends," i. e., discuss it from beginning to end.

8. FOB, WANT OF AUSPICIOUS OMENS. CONFUCIUS GIVES UP THE HOPE OF THE THIUMPH OF HIS DOC- TRINES. The fang is the male of a fabulous bird, which has been called the Chinese phojnix, said to appear when a sage ascends the throne or when right principles are going to triumph in the wcrld. The female is called M. In the dnys of Shun, they gamboled in his hall, and were heard singing on Mount Ch'i in the

Ill'

CON F t TCIAN ANALECTS

Sft

-it is all

docs not come; the river sends forth no map: over with me!"

CHAPTER IX. When the Master saw a person in a mourning dress, or any one with the cap and upper and lower garments of full dress, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they were younger than himself, he would rise up, and if he had to pass by them, he would do so hastily.

CHAPTER X. 1. Yen Yuan, in admiration of the Mixler's doctrines, sighed and said, "I looked up to them, and they seemed to become more high; I tried to penetrate them, and they seemed to become more firm; I looked at them before me, and suddenly they seemed to be behind.

()f Kii.R Wan. The river and ilif map cany us farther back still, — '(• the time of Fu-hsi, to whom a monster with the head of a dragon, and thi- body of a horse, rose from the water, being marked on the back BO as to give that first of the sages the idea of his diagrams. Confucius indorses these fables, ff f^ ^ ^, — see V, xxvi, and observe how sfand i£ are int orohanged.

81 Ml'.VTHY WITH

OHK'IW, KKSl'KCT FOB BANK, AND ITV 1 ,.lt MISKOKTI-XE. ^ r0£MJ tsze)

-:li«- lower edge of a garment." and joined with £, read to' fit,

"mourning garments," the two characters indicate the mourning of the second degree of intensity, where the edge is unhemmed, but cut even, instead of being ragged, the terms for which are Ijijf f£. The phrase, however, seems to be for "in mourning" generally. -^?, in 4th tone, "young."

10. YEN YTLAN'S ADMIRATION OF HIS MASTER'S DOCTRINES; AND HIS

OWN PROGRESS IN THEM. 1 . Pf g£ Jfc,

"sighingly sighed." -pp and' the other verbs here are to be translated in the past tense, as the chapter seems to give an account of the

JSl SI

2. "The Master, by orderly method, skillfully leads men on. He enlarged my mind with learning, and taught me the restraints of propriety.

3. "When I wish to give over the study of his doctrines, I cannot do so, and having exerted all my ability, there seems something to stand right up before me; but though I wish to follow and lay hold of it, I really find no way to do so."

CHAPTER XI. 1. The Master being very ill, Tsze-lu wished the disciples to act as ministers to him.

2. During a remission of his illness, he said, "Long has the conduct of Yu been deceitful! By pretending to have ministers when I have them not, whom should I impose upon ? Should I impose upon Heaven ?

progress of Hui's mind, ft* 7§=^ j&, "suddenly." 2. i^=jj| it, "tolead forward." -j§ f£ :g :g, — comp. verb, "uprightly," "loftily. " 5|c, in the sense of fa, fc ft = Ift 0f Si & M i£ -ft, "I find myself unable to use my strength." -fa Q, "yea, indeed."— It was this which made him sigh.

11. CONFUCIUS'S HISLIKK OF VIIK- TENSION, AND CONTENTMENT WITH

HIS CONDITION. 1, {£, "was causing," or wanted to cause. Confucius had been a great officer, and enjoyed the services of ministers, as in a petty court. Tsze-lu would have surrounded him in his groat sickness with the illusions of his former state, and brought on himself this rebuke.

!=)_ -ll_l rJ'v •** ViT

Should I lay it up in a case and keep if Tor should I seek for a good ^ce^nd sell it The Master said, "Sell it! Sell wait for one to offer the price. . .

^HACTER XIII 1. The Master was wishing to go nrt live among the nine wild tribes of the. east. 1 Some°onge said, "They are rude How can you do such a thing?" The Master said, "If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there

3 iijt = Jjj £fc, as a conjunction, "letting it be't hat, "= although.

12. HoW THE DESIRE FOB OFFICE l.D BE QUALIFIED BY SELF-

' T. "gjf is interrogative here,

VII, xxxiv. There being no

nominative to j£, like the "I" in

the translation, we might render,

"should it be put," etc. "R, read

. 4th tone = fj|, "price," "value."

The disciple wanted to elicit from

Confucius why lie declined office so

much, and insinuated his question in

i liis \x y. li soems better to translate

yu here by "a gem," or a "precitfus stone," than by "a piece of jade.

13. HOW BABBABIANS CAN BE

CIVILIZED. This chapter is to be understood, it is said, like V, vi, not as if Confucius really wished to go among the 1, but that he thus expressed his regret that his doctrmi d'd not find acceptance in China.

1. The 1,— see III, v. There were nine tribes or varieties (ft) of them, the yellow, white, red, etc. 2. Jin ^ ^j^the £. refers to his purpose to go among the I.

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "I returned from Wei to Lu, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the Royal songs and Praise songs all found their proper places."

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "Abroad, to serve the high ministers and nobles; at home, to serve one's father and elder brothers; in all duties to the dead, not to dare not to exert one's self; and not to be overcome of wine: — which one of these things do I attain

CHAPTER XVI. The Master standing by a stream,

14. CONFUCIUS'S SERVICES IN COR- | RECTING THE MUSIC OF HIS NATIVE STATE AND ADJUSTING THE BOOK OF

POETRY. Confucius returned from \Vei to Lu in his 69th year, and died five years after. The Jfft (read yd, :kd tone) and the $3\ are the names of two, or rather three, of the divisions of the Shih-ching, the former being the "elegant" or "correct" odes, to be used with music at royal festivals, and the latter the praise songs, celebrating principally the virtues of the founders of different dynasties, to be used in the services of the ancestral temple.

15. CONFUCIUS'S VERY HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF. Comp. VII,

ii, but the tilings which Confucius

here disclaims are of a still lower character than those there mentioned. Very remarkable is the last, as from the sage. The old interpreters treat M ^f ^ Sfe i$c. as they do in VII, ii;^ — compare VII, xxv, xxvii, xxxiii, et al. fa Jjjji stand together, indicating men of superior rank. If we distinguish between them, the .£• may express the princes, high officers in the royal court, and the $H, the high officers in the princes' courts.

16. How CONFUCIUS WAS AF- FECTED BY A RUNNING STREAM. What does the it in the translation refer to? ^ and Jfj indie? te something in the sage's mind, suggested by the ceaseless movement of the water.

ftl

tto

said, "It passes on just like this, not ceasing day (

night!" CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, " I have not seen

one who loves virtue as he loves beauty."

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "The prosecution, of learning may be compared to what may happen in raising a mound. If there want but one basket of earth to complete the work, and I stop, the stopping is my own work. It may be compared to throwing down the earth on the level ground. Though but one basketful is thrown at a time, the advancing with it is my own going forward."

Clu'i Hsi makes it 3£ J& ± 4fc,=our " course of nature." In the ft Jfe we find for it ^f Jft, "events," "the things of time." Probably Chu Hsi rrect. Cornp. Mencius, IV, Pt. ii, ch. xviii.

IT. THI: RARITY OF A SINCERE

01 vi irn i.. -gj., as in I, vii.

18. THAT LEARNERS SHOULD NOT

-I" NOR INTERMIT THEIR LABORS.

This is a fragment, like many other

cti.-tplers, of some conversation, and

-ubject thus illustrated must l)e

supplied, after the modern commentator, as in the translation, or, after the old, by "the following of virtue." See the Shu-ching, V, v, 9, where the subject is virtuous consistency. We might expect ^ in ^ ife to be a verb, like ^ in ^ Ul, but a good sense cannot be made out by taking it so. gj£,=" though only," as many take it in VI, xxiv. The lesson of the chapter is — that repeated acquisitions individually small will ultimately amount to much, and that the learner is never to give over.

CHAPTER XIX. The Master said, "Never flagging when I set forth anything to him;- — ^ah! that is Hui."

CHAPTER XX. The Master said of Yen Yiian, "Alas ! I saw his constant advance. I never saw him stop in his progress."

CHAPTER XXL The Master said, "There are cases in which the blade springs, but the plant does not go on to flower! There are cases where it flowers but 110 fruit is subsequently produced!"

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "A youth is to be regarded with respect. How do we know that

19. HtJI THE EABNEST STUDENT.

20. CONFUCIUS'S FOND BECOLLEC- TION OF HUI AS A MODEL STUDENT. This is said to have been spoken after Hui's death. ^ sp- looks as if it were so. The ?fc, "not yet," would rather make us think differently.

21. IT IS THE END WHICH CROWNS THE WOKK.

22. HOW AND WHY A YOUTH SHOULD BE KElJABDED WITH BESPECT.

The same person is :poken of throughout the chapter, as is shown by the ^ in the last sentence. This is not very conclusive, but it brings out a good enough meaning. With Confucius's remark compare that of John Trebonius, Luther's schoolmaster at Eisenach, who used to raise his cap to his pupils on entering the schoolroom, and gave as the reason — "There are among these boys men of whom God will one day

in irri Hb

flS

E iffi

his future will not be equal to our present? If he reach the age of forty or fifty, and has not made himself heard of, then indeed he will not be worth being regarded with respect."

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "Can men refuse to assent to the words of strict admonition? But it is reforming the conduct because of them which is valuable. Can men refuse to be pleased with words of gentle advice ? But it is unfolding their aim which is valuable. If a man be pleased with these words, but does not unfold their aim, and assents to those, but does not reform his conduct, I can really do nothing with him."

Miiiko burgomasters, chancellors, doctors, and magistrates. Although you do not yet see them with the badges of their uigiuiy, it is righj that you should treat them with respect." ^ 4-, "after born," a youth. See -fe £, II, viii.

23. THE HOPELESSNESS OF THE « .)K OF THOSE WHO ASSENT AND APPROVED WITHOUT REFORMATION OR

SERIOUS THOUGHT. }£ |/|- £ ^f

"words of lawlike admonition." §\£ is the name of the 5th trigram, to which the element of "wind'' is

attached. Wind enters everywhere, hence the character is interpreted by "entering," and also by "mildness," "yielding." H |H £ "g", "words of gentle insinuation." Tn %$ Z. ^ Ji, an antecedent to '£. is readily found in the preceding If, but in E£ ;£. H J|, such an antecedent can only be found in a roundaboxit way. This is one of the cases which shows the inapplicability to Chinese composition of our strict syntactical apparatus. 5^ as in chap. x.

Jfl?

-fee -a, -? 1?

CHAPTER XXIV. The Master said, "Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles. Have no friends not equal to yourself. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them."

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "The commander of the forces of a large state may be carried off, but the will of even a common man cannot be taken from him."

CHAPTER XXVI. 1. The Master said, "Dressed himself in a tattered robe quilted with hemp, yet standing by the side of men dressed in furs, and not ashamed;- — ah! it is Yu who is equal to this!

2. "'He dislikes none, he covets nothing; — what can he do but what is good! '

24. This is a repetition of part of I, viii.

25. THE WILL UNSUBDUABLE. S 1p, see VII, x. gl|], read shwai, 4th tone, = )$F %fo, "a general." J7C, "mate." We find in the dictionary — "Husband and wife of the common people are a pair (tH £5)»" and the application of the term being thus fixed, an individual man is called J7C ^-: an individual woman,

26. TSZE-LTT'S BKAVE CONTENT- MENT IN POVERTY, BUT FAILUBOS TO SEEK THE HIGHEST AIMS. 1. On the

construction of this paragraph, compare chap, xviii. The $£ is the fox. The f§) read heh, is probably the badger. It is described as nocturnal in its habits, having a soft, warm fur. It sleeps much, and is carnivorous. This last characteristic is not altogether inapplicable to the badger. See the # ]£ ft £R. 2. See

3. Tsze-lu kept continually repeating these words of the ode, when the Master said, "Those things are by no means sufficient to constitute (perfect) excellence."

CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "When the year becomes cold, then we know how the pine and the cypress are the last to lose their leaves."

CHAPTER XXVIII. The Master said, "The wise are free from perplexities; the virtuous from anxiety; and the bold from fear."

CHAPTER XXIX. The Master said, "There are some with whom we may study in common, but we

the Shih-ching, I, in, Ode vm, 4. 3. fit; j|, not "all his life," as frequently, but "continually." Tsze-lu was a man of impulse, with many fine points, but not sufficiently reflective.

27. MEN ARE KNOWN IN TIMES OF ADVERSITY. & $£, "the after-withering," a meiosis for their being evergreens.

28. THE SEQUENCES OF WISDOM,

VIRTUE, AND BRAVERY. fc % ^ g,

• t liia is one of the sayings about virtue, which i.s only true when it is combined with trust in (Joel.

29.. HOW DIFFERENT INDIVIDUALS STOP AT DIFFERENTS TAGES OF PROG- RESS. More literally rendered, this chapter would be — "It may be possible with some parties together to study, but it may not yet be possible with them, to go on to principles, etc." HI, the weight of a steelyard, then "to weigh." It is used here with reference to occurring events, — to weigh them and determine the ap^ plication of principles to them. In. the old commentaries, tH is used hero in opposition to %£, the latter being

ffiK

shall find them unable to go along with' us to principles. Perhaps we may go on with them to principles, but we shall find them unable to get established in those along with us. Or if we may get so established along with them, we shall find them unable to weigh occurring events along with us."

CHAPTER XXX. 1. How the flowers of the aspenplum flutter and turn ! Do I not think of you ? But your house is distant.

2. The Master said, "It is the want of thought about it. How is it distant ? "

that which is always, and everywhere right, the former a deviation from that in particular circumstances, to bring things right. Thia meaning of the term here is denied. The ancients adopted it probably from their interpretation of the second clause in the next chapter, which they made one with this.

30. THE NECESSITY OF REFLEC- TION, 1. This ia understood to be from one of the pieces of poetry, which were not admitted into the collection of the Shih, and no more of it being preserved than what we have here, it is not altogether intelligible. There are long disputes about the Jjif |^. Chu Hsi makes it a kind of small plum or cherry tree, whose leaves ore constantly quivering, even when there is no wind; and

adopting a reading, in a book of the Tsin (=|f ) dynasty, of J^ for |U, and changing ^j into Jg,, he makes out the meaning in the translation. The old commentators keep the text, and interpret, — "How perversely contrary are the flowers of the T'angtai!" saying that those flowers are first open and then shut. This view made them take ^| in the last chapter, as we have noticed. Who or what is meant by ffi in ^ ,©, we cannot tell. The two jfjj are mere expletives, completing the rhythm- 2. With this paragraph Chu Hsi compares VII, xxix. — The whole piece is .lika the 20th of the last Book, and suggests the thought of its being an addition by another hand to the original compilation.

BOOK X. HEANG TANG

afi.

CHAPTER , I. 1. "Confucius, in his village, looked simple and sincere, and as if he were not able to speak.

2. When he was in the prince's ancestorial temple, or in the court, he spoke minutely on every point, but cautiously.

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — %& f^ a -f , "The village, No. 10." This Book is different in its character from all the others in the work. It contains hardly any sayings of Confucius, but is descriptive of his ways and demeanor in a variety of places and circumstances. It is not uninteresting, but, as a whole, it hardly heightens our veneration for the sage. We seem to know him better from it, and perhaps to Western minds, after being viewed in Ilia bedchamber, his undress, and at his meals, he becomes divested of a good deal of his dignity and reputation. There is something remarkable about the style. Only in one passage is its subject styled J-, "The Master." He appears either as ft ^, "The philosopher Kung, or as ff ^f- , " The superior man." A suspicion is thus raised that the chronicler had not the same relation to him as the compilers of the other Books Anciently the Book formec only one chapter, but it is now arranged under seventeen divisions

These divisions, for convenience in she translation, I continue to denominate chapters, which is done also in some native editions.

1. DEMEANOR OF CONFUCIUS IN

HIS VILLAGE, IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE, AND IN THE COURT. 1.

According to the dictionary, quoting from a record of "the former Han dynasty, the ^g contained 2,500 families, and the ff| only 500" ; but the two terms are to be taken here together, indicating the residence of the sage's relatives. His native place in Lu is doubtless intended, rather than the original seat of his family in Sung. (fjjj ffjj #D is explained by Wang Su "mild-like," and by Chu Hsi, is in the translation, thinking probably that, with that meaning, it suited the next clause better. 2. $f, read p'ien, the 2nd tone=J^, "to debate," "to discriminate accurately." f|f = If. In those two places of high ceremony and of government, it became the sage, it is said, to be precise and particular. Compare III, xv.

-ffc,

If -tiLW,ft fit T

CHAPTER II. 1. When he was waiting at court, in speaking with the great officers of the lower grade, he spoke freely, but in a straightforward manner; in speaking with those of the higher grade, he did so blandly, but precisely.

2. When the ruler was present, his manner displayed respectful uneasiness; it was grave, but selfpossessed.

CHAPTER III. 1. When the prince called him to employ him in the reception of a visitor, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to move forward with difficulty.

2. DEMEANOR OF CONFUCIUS AT COURT WITH OTHER GREAT OFFICERS,

AND BEFORE THE PRINCE. 1. $H may

be taken here as a verb, literally = "courting." It was the custom for all the officers to repair at daybreak to the court, and wait for the ruler to give them audience. ^ :fc) " Great officer, " was a general name, applicable to all the higher officers in a court. At the royal court they •were divided into three classes, — "highest," "middle," and "lowest," _h, tp, ~JC, but the various princes had only the first and third. Of the first order there were properly three, the jfp, or nobles of the state, who were in Lu the chiefs of the "three families." Confucius belonged himself to the lower grade. 2- 8$ Kt = "the feet moving uneasily," indicating the respectful anxiety of the mind. J^, 2nd tone,

here appears in the phrase Bit fja. #n -fii, in a new sense.

3. DEMEANOR OF CONFUCIUS AT THE OFFICIAL RECEPTION OF A VISI- TOR. 1. The visitor is supposed to be the ruler of another state. On the occasion of two princes meeting there was much ceremony. The visitor having arrived, he remained outside the front gate, and the host inside his reception room, which was in the ancestral temple. Messages passed between them by means of a number of officers called ft, on the side of the visitor, and %£, on the side of the host, who formed a zigzag line of communication from the one to the other, and passed their questions and answers along, till an understanding about the visit was thus officially effected. .& jfjjg ftj probably has the meaning which .1 have given in the translation. 2,

CONFUC.1AN ANALECTS

-til.

[ill raft

2. He inclined himself to the ofhei officers among whom he stood, moving his left or right arm, as their position required, but keeping the skirts of his robe before and behind evenly adjusted.

3. He hastened forward, with his arms like the whiles of a bird.

4. When the guest had retired, he- would report to tin- prince, "The visitor is not turning; round any more."

CHAPTER IV. 1. When he entered the palace gate,

-hows ( 'onfucius's manner when

engaged in the transmission of the

messages l)et\veen, the prince and his

The prince's nuncio, in imim-diiite communication with him-

Aius the .h ffi, the next was the

jfr. ftj, and below were one or more

S$ -lit- Confucius must have been

'*) wing to the rig] it ;is

IK- transmitted a message to the

•; pin, who was an officer of the higher grade, and to the left as he communicated one from him to the .'J. The host having come "in to receive his visitor, proceeded in with him, it is said, followed by «1! their intenmncios in a line, and t«» his milliner in this movement this paragraph is generally referred. But the duty of .seeing the guest off, the subject of the next para-raph, belongtin; .-Inuiij i,l,i, and could not be performed l)y Confucius us merely a cii'inui ],;„. Hence arises a difficulty. Either it is true that Confucius was

at one time iv,ised to the rank of the highest dignitaries of the state, or he was temporarily employed, from his knowledge of ceremonies, after the first act in the reception of visitors, to discharge the duties of one. Assuming this, iho il ig is to be explained of some of his movements in the reception room. How could he hurry forward when walking in file with the other internuncios ? See the ft & |jt, II, xxiii. 4. & fg iSr, "would return the commission," i. e., he had seen the guest off, according to his duty, and reported it. The ways of China, it appears, were much the same anciently as now. A guest turns round and bows repeatedly in leaving, and the host cannot return to his place till these salutations are ended.

4. DEMEANOR or CONFUCIUS IN

THE COURT AT AX AUDIENCE. 1. The

royal court consisted of five divisions, each having its peculiar gate. That

he seemed to bend his body, as if it were not sufficient to admit him.

2. When he was standing, he did not occupy the middle of the gateway; when he passed in or out, he did not tread upon the threshold.

3. When he was passing the vacant place of the prince, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to bend under him, and his words came as if he hardly had breath to utter them.

4. He ascended the reception hall, holding up his' robe with both his hands, and his body bent; holding in his breath also, as if he dared not breathe.

5. When he came out from the audience, as soon as he had descended one step, he began to relax his

of a prince of a state consisted only of three, whose gates were named ^, *£, and $&. The &• ft is the k'u, or first of these. The bending his body when passing through, high as the gate was, is supposed to indicate the great reverence which Confucius felt. 2. ^ tf» ft=^ ty fe ft, "He did not stand opposite the middle of the gateway. '' ^ach gate had a post in the center, called p|j, by which it was divided into two halves, appropriated to ingress and egress. The prince only could stand in the center of either of them, and he only could

tread on the threshold or sill. .3. At the early formal audience at daybreak, when the prince came out of the inner apartment, and received the homage of the officers, he occupied a particular spot called j. This is the {ft, now empty, which Confucius passes in his way to the audience in the inner apartment. 4. ^, see IX, ix. He is now ascending the steps to the ^, "the dais," or raised platform in the inner apartment, where the prince held Ian council, or gave entertainments, and from which the family rooms of the

ANALECTS

•tit,

-til,

countenance, and had a satisfied look. When he had got to the bottom of the steps, he advanced rapidly to his place, with Us arms like wings, and on occupying it, his mariner still showed respectful uneasiness.

CHAPTER V. 1. When he was carrying the scepter of his ruler, he seemed to bend his body, as if he were not able to bear its weight. He did not hold it higher than the position of the hands in making a bow, nor lower than their position in giving anything to another. His countenance seemed to change, and look apprehensive, and he dragged his feet along as if they were held by something to the ground.

palace branched off. 5. The audience is now over, and Confucius is returning to his usual place at the formal audience. K'ung An-kwo • s the ^t to be the j in par. 3, but improperly. j& after jg[ is an addition that has somehow crept into the ordinary text.

5. DEMEANOR OF CONFUCIUS WHKN EMPLOYED ON A FRIENDLY EMHA-isv. 1. ^ may be translated ')ter," in the sense simply of "a b:ul-e of authority." It was a piece of jade, conferred by the soven-itm

on the princes, and differed in size and shape, according to their rank. They took it with them when they attended the king's court, and, according to Chu Hsi and the old interpreters, it was carried also by their representatives, as their voucher, on occasions of embassies among themselves. In the $} f& Ut, II, xxxiii, however, it is contended, apparently on sufficient grounds, that the scepter then employed was different from the other. 0, 1st tone, "to be equal to," "able for."

Itt

2. In presenting the presents tw^ which he was charged, he wore a placid appearance.

3. At his private audience, he looked highly pleased. CHAPTER VI. 1. The superior man did not use a

deep purple, or a puce color, in the ornaments of his dress.

2. Even in his undress, he did not wear anything of a red or reddish color.

3. In warm weather, he had a single garment either of coarse or fine texture, but he wore it displayed over an inner garment.

2. T! 16 preceding paragraph describes Confucius's manner in the friendly court, at his first interview, showing his credentials and delivering his message. That done, he had to deliver the various presents with which he was chargsd. This was called $,=jgt 3. After all the public presents were delivered, the ambassador had others of his own to give, and his interview for that purpose was called 3£ f|£. — Chu Hsi remarks that there is no record of Confucius ever having been employed on such a mission, and supposes that this chapter and the preceding are simply summaries of the manner in which he used to say duties referred to in them ought to be discharged. (j. RIXLES OF CONFUCIUS IN

REGABD TO HIS DRESS. The discussions about the colors here mentioned are lengthy and tedious. I

am not confident that I have given them all correctly in the translation.

1. ;§• if-, used here to denote Confucius, can hardly have come from the hand of a disciple. ^8" = }^^^ ffi Q, "a deep azure flushed with carnation." §&=$£ "&» "a deep red"; it was dipped thrice in a red dye, and then twice in a black, §jjf, "for ornament," i. e., for the edgings of the collar and sleeves. The kan, it is said, by Chu Hsi, after K'ung An-kwo, was worn in fasting, and ohe tsuu in mourning, on which account Confucius would not use them. See this and the account of the colors denied in the $£ ££ |Jt, in loc. 2. There are five colors which go by the name of JE, "correct," viz., W, ^, fa fi, |&, "azure, yellow, carnation, white, and black"; others, among which are Jj&C and ^, go by the name of |§J, or "intermediate." See the H !??, in loc. Confucius

4. Over lamb's fur he wore a garment of black; over fawn's fur one of white; and over fox's fur one of yellow.

5- The fur robe of his undress was long, with the right sleeve short.

6. He required his sleeping dress to be half as long again as his body.

When staying at home, he used thick furs of the fox or the badger.

When he put off mourning, he wore all the appendages of the girdle.

His undergarment, except when it was required to he of the curtain shape, was made of silk cut narrow above and wide below.

would UMJ only the correct colors,

moreover, Chtt Hsi adds, red

«", reddish-blue are liked by women

"'"l «-"'•'*. £ UK, his dress, when in

; ® and £ were made

K»n the fibera of a creeping plant

tlu- «. See the Shih-chW, I, iP Ode

"• f ^Ifii tH ±, "he must di^lay

l.ave it outwards." The interaT °* .*hb «« ^ the transla-

'••"-•ChuHs}, though differing

«m the old commentators, seems to

)e correct 4. The lamb's fur be-

•^ t,) the court dress, the Jawn's

worn on embassies, he fox^on

oc-castons of sa-rifice, etc. 5 Con

fur,u, knew how to blend cornet

and convenience. 6. This paragraph, it is supposed, belongs to the next chapter, in which case it is not the usual sleeping garment of Confucius that is spoken of, bu.t the one he used in fasting. ^, 2nd tone, lv°V«' "overplus.» 7. These are the H g| of paragraph 5. 8. The appendages of the girdle were, the handkerchief, a small knife, a spike for opening knots, etc. ^, 3rd tone, 'to put away." 9. The & was the lower garment, reaching below tho knees like a kilt or petticoat. For court and sacrificial dress, it was made curtainlike, as wide at the top as at the bottom. In that worn on

gir CONFUCIAN ANALECTS

/AlA #5&Ht

10. He did not wear lamb's fur or a black cap, on a visit of condolence.

11. On the first day of the month he put on his court robes, and presented himself at court.

CHAPTER VII. 1. When fasting, he thought it necessary to have his clothes brightly clean and made of linen cloth.

2. When fasting, he thought it necessary to change his food, and also to change the place where he commonly sat in the apartment.

CHAPTER VIII. 1. He did not dislike to have his rice finely cleaned, nor to have his minced meat cut quite small.

other occasions, Confucius saved the cloth in the way described. So, at least, says K'ung An-kwo. %£, read shdi, 4th tone. 10. Lamb's fur was worn with black (par. 4), but white is the color of mourning in China, and Confucius would not visit mourners, but in a sympathizing color. 11. ~rJ $ ) "the fortunate day of the moon," i. e., the first of the month. This was Confucius'a practice after he had ceased to be in office.

7. RULES OBSERVED BY CONFUCIUS WHEN FASTING. 1. ^Bf, read chui, 1st tone; see VII, xii. The 6th paragraph of the last chapter should

come in ns the 2nd here. 2. The fasting was not from all food, but only from wine or spirits, and from pot herbs. Observe the difference between |g| and jg, the former "to change," the latter "to change from," "to remove." — The whole chapter may be compared with Matt.

8. RULES OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT His FOOD. 1. )J^, "minced meat," the commentators say, was made of beef, mutton, or fish, uncooked. 100 shing of paddy were reduced to 30, to bring it to the state of j^ rice. 2. f£ in the dictionary is "overdone,"

/PMJ o

•fci

Til

2. He did not eat rice which had been injured by heat or damp and turned sour, nor fish or flesh which was gone. He did not eat what was discolored, or what was of a bad flavor, nor anything which was illcooked, or was not in season.

3. He did not eat meat which was not cut properly, nor what was served without its proper sauce.

4. Though there might be a large quantity of meat, he would not allow what he took to exceed the due proportion for the rice. It was only in wine that he laid down no limit for himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.

5. He did not partake of wine and dried meat bought in the market.

1=1 o VVo M-l

6. He was never without ginger when he ate.

7. He did not eat much.

8. When he had been assisting at the prince's sacrifice, he did not keep the flesh which he received overnight. The flesh of his family sacrifice he did not keep over three days. If kept over three days, people could not eat it.

9. When eating, he did not converse. When in bed, he did not speak.

10. Although his food might be coarse rice and vegetable soup, he would offer a little of it in sacrifice with a grave, respectful air.

of it. See, however, the singular note in IX, xv. 6. Literally, "He did not take away ginger in eating. " 8. The prince, anciently (and it is still a custom), distributed among the assisting ministers the flesh of his sacrifice. Each would only get a little, and so it could be used at once. 10. JBL should be changed into i£f» according to Chu Hsi. Ho Yen, however, retains it, and putting a comma after it, joins it with the two preceding specimens of spare diet. The "sacrificing" refers to a custom something like our saying grace. The master took a few grains of rice or part of the other provisions,

and placed them on the ground, among the sacrificial vessels, a tribute to the worthy or worthies who first taught the art of cooking. The Buddhist priests in their monasteries have a custom of this kind, and on public occasions, as when Ch'i-ying gave an entertainment in Hongkong in 1845, something like it is sometimes observed, but any such ceremony is unknown among the common habits of the people. However poor might be bis fa.-e, Confucius always observed it. y§ ((-hdi) = *j&, the grave demeanor appropriate to fasting.

J7: m, rffi A

ffi ffc -IE

CHAPTER IX. If his mat was not straight, he did not sit on it.

CHAPTER X. 1. When the villagers were drinking together, on those who carried staffs going out, he went out immediately after.

2. When the villagers were going through their eei cinonies to drive away pestilential influences, he put on his court robes and stood on the eastern steps.

CHAPTER XI. 1. When he was sending complimentary inquiries to any one in another state, he l)() wed twice as he escorted the messenger away.

Chi K'ang having sent him a present of physic, he bowed and received it, saying, "I do not know it. I dare not taste it."

9. RULE OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT HIS

MAT.

10. OTHER WAYS OF CONFUCIUS IN HIS VILLAGE. 1. At sixty, people carried a staff. Confucius here showed his respect for age. $ff has

an adverbial force, = |[). 2. There were three jg| ceremonies every •ear, but that in the text was called 'the great tw," being observed in the winter season, when the officers I the people of a village about rchmg every house to expel deions, and drive away pestilence. wwoonducted with great, uproar, I little better than a pla£ but -aw a good old idea" in it

and when the mob was in his house, he stood on the eastern steps, the place of a host receiving guests in full dress. Some make the steps those of his ancestral temple, and his standing there to be to assure the spirits of his shrine.

11. TRAITS OF CONTUCIUS'S IN-

TERCOUESE WITH OTHERS. 1. The

two bows were not to the messenger, but intended for the distant friend to whom he was being sent. 2. ffi was the ^ $ j. of II, xx et al. Confucius accepted the gift, but thought t necessary to let the donor know he could not, for the present at least, avail himself of it.

=ffB

CHAPTER XII. The stable being burned down, when he was at court, on his return he said, "Has any man been hurt?" He did not ask about the horses.

CHAPTER XIII. 1. When the prince sent him a gift of cooked meat, he would adjust his mat, first taste it, and then give it away to others. When the prince sent him a gift of undressed meat, he would have it cooked, and offer it to the spirits of his ancestors. When the prince sent him a gift of a living animal, he would keep it alive.

2. When he was in attendance on the prince and joining in the entertainment, the prince only sacrificed. He first tasted everything.

12. How CONFUCIUS VALUED HU- MAN LIFE. A ruler's f$% was fitted to accommodate 216 horses. See the ft HL in l°c- It naay be used indeed for a private stable, but it is more natural to take it here for the [D or state chiu. This is the view in the

13. DEMEANOR OF CONFUCIUS IN RELATION TO HIS PRINCE. 1. He would not offer the cooked meat to the spirits of his ancestors, not knowing but it might previously have been offered by the prince to

the spirits of his. But lie reverently tasted it, as if he had been in the prince's presence. He -'honored" the gift of cooked food, "glorified" the undressed, and "was kind" to the living animal. 2. The £g here is that in chapter viii, 10. Among parties of equal rank, all performed the ceremony, but Confucius, with his prince, held that the prince sacrificed for all. He tasted everything, as if he had been a cook, it being the cook's duty to taste every dish, before the prince partook of it.

3. When he was ill and the prince came to visit him, he had his head to the east, made his court robes be spread over him, and drew his girdle across them.

4. When the prince's order called him, without waiting for his carriage to be yoked, he went at once.

CHAPTER XIV. When he entered the ancestral

temple of the state, he asked about everything.

CHAPTER XV. 1. When any of his friends died, if

5 had no relations who could be depended on for the

ccessary offices, he would say, "I will bury him."

When a friend sent him a present, though it

ght be a carriage and horses, he did net bow.

The only present for which he bowed was that ( »t the flesh of sacrifice.

• : ft,, in the '4th tone, pfj ft, "the direction of the head. » The head to («t was the proper position for a person in bod; a sick man might for comfort be lying differently, but -onfuciua would not see the prince in the correct position, and also ' court dress, so far as he could it. 4. He would not

14. A repetition of III, xv Compare also chap. ii. Those two pit sagee make the explanation, given at

til, xv, of the questioning being on ms first entrance on office very dou.tful.

15. TRAITS OF CONFUCIUS IN THE

ELATION OF A FRIEND. 1. Jg properiy, "the closing up of the coffin," is here used for all the expenses and services necessary to interment. 2, A. Between friends there should be a community of goods. "The flesh of sacrifice," however, was that which had been offered by his friend to the spirits of his parents or ancestors, hey demanded acknowledgment

CHAPTER XVI. 1. In bed, he did not lie like a corpse. At home, he did not put on any formal deportment.

2. When he saw any one in a mourning dress, though it might be an acquaintance, he would change countenance; when he saw any one wearing the cap of full dress, or a blind person, though he might be in his undress, he would salute them in a ceremonious manner.

3. To any person in mourning he bowed forward to the crossbar of his carriage; he bowed in the same way to any one bearing the tables of population.

4. When he was at an entertainment where there was an abundance of provisions set before him, he would change countenance and rise up.

5. On a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he would change countenance.

16. CONFUCIUS IN BED, AT HOME, HEARING THUNDER, etc. 2. Compare IX, ix, which is here repeated, with heightening circumstances. 3. 5^ is the front bar of a cart or carriage. In fact, the carriage of Confuoin^'s time

was only what we call a cart. In saluting, when riding, parties bowed forward to this bar. 4. He showed these signs, with reference to the generosity of the provider.

tlo

CHAPTER XVII. 1. When he was about to mount Ins carriage, he would stand straight, holding the cord.

2. When he was in the carriage, he did not turn Ins head quite round, he did not talk hastily, he did not point with his hands.

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. Seeing the countenance, it instantly rises. It flies round, and by and by settles.

2. The Master said, "There is the hen-pheasant on the hill bridge. At its season! At its season!" Tsze-lu made a motion to it. Thrice it smelled him and then rose.

has no connection with the rest of the Book. Various alterations of characters are proposed, and various views to the meaning given. Ho Yen's view of the conclusion is this : "Tsze-lu- took it and served it up. The Master thrice smelled it and rose." dh, in 3rd tone, = ft.

17. (' .Mines AT AND u- HIS

1. The $ was a strap or

attached to the carriage to

' in mounting it. 2. JfJ |*j )H,

" H.) did not look round within," i. e.',

turn his head quite round. See the

. IS. A fragment, which seemingly

BOOK XL HSIEN TSIN

CHAPTER I. 1. The Master said, "The men of former times in the matters of ceremonies and music were rustics, it is said, while the men of these latter times, in ceremonies and music, are accomplished gentlemen.

2. "If I have occasion to use those things, 1 follow the men of former times."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — $j jt |£ -J- — . "The former men, No. 11." With this Book there commences the second part of the Analects, commonly called the Hsai Lun (~f f$j). There is, however, no important authority for this division. It contains 25 chapters, treating mostly of various disciples of the Master, and deciding the point of their worthiness. Min Tsze-ch'ien appears in it four times, and on this account some attribute the compilation of it to his disciples. There are indications in the style of a peculiar hand.

1. CONFUCIXJS'S PREFERENCE OK THE SIMPLER WAYS OF FORMER TIMES.

1- ft P. & it are said by Chu Hsi to = ;Jk ?£, f£ H. Literally, the expressions are, — "those who first advanced," "those who afterwards advanced," i, e., on the stage of tho

world. In Ho Yen, the chapter is said to speak of the disciples who had first advanced to office, and those who had advanced subsequently,— j$ &%3-z.*fcmft

& -£ SI- But the 2nd paragraph is decidedly against this interpretation. j{| is not to be joined to the succeeding fit jfi| ^, but ^ = quoad. It is supposed that the characterizing the ^fe jj| as rustics, and their successors as chun-tsze, was a style of his times, which Confucius quotes ironically. We have in it a new instance of the various application of the name chun-tsze. In the ^ Hf, it is said, " Of the words and actions of men in their mutual intercourse and in the business of government, whatever indicates respect is here included in a )•'• monies, and whatever is expressive of harmony is here included in mimic,"

CHAPTER II. 1. The Master said, "Of those who were with me in Ch'an and Ts'ai, there are none to be found to enter my door."

2. Distinguished for their virtuous principles and practice, there were Yen Yuan, Min Tsze-ch'ien, Zan Po-niu, and Chung-kung; for their ability in speech, Tsai Wo and Tsze-kung; for their administrative talents, Zan Yu and Chi Lu; for their literary acquirements, Tsze-yu and Tsze-hsia.

CHAPTER III. The Master said, " Hui gives me no assistance. There is nothing that I say in which he

does not delight.'

2. CONFUCICS'S REGRETFUL MEMO- RY OF HIS DISCIPLES' FIDELITY: —

CHARACTERISTICS OF TEN OF THE

DISCIPLES. 1. This utterance must have been made towards the close of Confucius's life, when many. of his disciples had been removed by death, or separated from him by other causes. In his 62nd year or thereabouts, as the accounts go, he was passing, in his wanderings from .11 to Ts'ai, when the officers of »'h'.ln, afraid that he would go on into Clrfi, endeavored to stop his course, and for several days he and the disciples wHh him were cut off f om food. Both Ch'an and Ts'ai were in the present province of Honan, and are referred to the departments of p£ )}] und $c 5ft- 2. This paragraph is to bo taken as a

note by the compilers of the Book, enumerating the principal followers of Confucius on the occasion referred to, with their distinguishing qualities. They are arranged in four classes (jHJ 5ft), and, amounting to ten, are known as the -f- ^J. The "four classes'' and "ten wise ones" are often mentioned in connection with the sage's school. The ten disciples have all appeared in the previous Books.

3. Hui'S SILENT RECEPTION QF

THE MASTER-'S TEACHINGS. A teacher is sometimes helped by the doubts and questions of learners, which lead him to explain himself more fully. Compare III, viii, 3. jjft for f& as in I, i, 1, but K'ung An-kwo takes it in its usual pronunciation = ^|, "to explain."

CHAPTER IV. The Master said, "Filial indeed is Min Tsze-ch'ien! Other people say nothing of him different from the report of his parents and brothers."

CHAPTER V. Nan Yung was frequently repeating the lines about a white scepter stone. Confucius gave him the daughter of his elder brother to wife.

CHAPTER VI. Chi K'ang asked which of the disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, " There was Yen Hui; he loved to learn. Unfortunately his appointed time was short, and he died. Now there is no one who loves to learn, as he

4. THE FILIAL PIETY OF MlN

TSZE-CH'IEN. Ofl, as in VIII, xxi, "could pick out no crevice or flaw in the words, etc. " $£ !j[ (about A. D. 200-250, as given in Ho Yen, explains— "Men had no words of disparagement for his conduct in reference to his parents and brothers." This is the only instance where Confucius calls a disciple by his designation. The use of -J- ^ is supposed, in the & ?$, to be a mistake of the compilers. "Brothers"' includes cousins, indeed = kindred.

5. CONFUCIUS'S APPROBATION OF

NAN YUNG. Nan Yung, see V, i. ~_, as in V, xix. I have translated it by "frequently"; but, in the

"Family Sayings," it is related that Yung repeated the lines thrice in one day. Q §Jr, see the Shih-ching, III, iii, Ode 11, 5. The lines there are — "A flaw in a white scepter stone "nay be ground away; but for a flaw in speech, nothing can be done." In his repeating of these lines, we have, perhaps, the ground virtue of the character for which Yung is commended in V, i. Observe JL -^ , where we might expect

6. HOW Hui LOVED TO LEARN.

See VI, ii, where the same question is put by the duke Ai, and the same answer is returned, only in a more extended form.

CHAPTER VII. 1. When Yen Yiian died, Yen Lu begged the carriage of the Master to sell and get an outer shell for his son's coffin.

The Master said, "Every one calls his son his m, whether he has talents or has not talents There Li; when he died, he had a coffin but no outer I would not walk on foot to get a shell for him, cause, having followed in the rear of the great 3ers, it was not proper that I should walk on foot." When Yen Yiian died, the Master

destroying me! Heaven is

ft ± ^ £ &, literally, "I follow in

rear of the great officers." This is

il to be an expression of humility.

Confucius, retired from office, might

ill present himself at court, in the obea of his former dignity, and would still be consulted on emergencies. He would no doubt have a ioremost place on such occasions.

8. CONFUCIUS FELT Hm's DEATH

F IT HAD BEEN HIS OWN. The

d interpreters make this simply the

exclamation of bitter sorrow. The

modern, perhaps correctly, make the

hief ingredient to be grief that the

ian was gone to whom lie looked

most for the transmission of his

'• 1|llU ( "'-) I C10S \(MIJJ NOT OLHISCABRIAGE To BUY A SHELL

PAS. l.Theroi.sachrono-

; 'iillioulty here. Hui

[tog to the "Family Sayings,"

and the "Historical Records," must

«everal years before Con-

'•-.urt.on.LI. Either the dates In

"r this chanter is 'p-,, V(,u Lu, the JgJ»

Hui, had himself been a disciple of

-uge in former years •£ ) is

'• M- char, in text),- thif if '

idiom noticed in V. vii ;} ^ v

;' -;-, to be an active verb )«e,l by a double objective. In ng. they used a coffin, called an outer shell without a •'oiu, Mh,,.h was called m. 2. *

CHAPTER IX. 1. When Yen Yuan died, the Master bewailed him exceedingly, and the disciples who were with him said, "Master, your grief is excessive!"

2. "Is it excessive?" said he.

3. "If I am not to mourn bitterly for this man, for whom should I mourn ?"

CHAPTER X. 1. When Yen Yuan died, the disciples wished to give him a great funeral, and the Master said, "You may not do so."

2. The disciples did bury him in great style.

3. The Master said, "Hui behaved towards me as his father. I have not been able to treat him as my son. The fault is not mine; it belongs to you, 0 disciples."

9. CONFUCIUS VINDICATES HIS GREAT GRIEF FOB THE DEATH OF Hui.
10. 5^. is the loud wail of grief. Moaning with tears is called g)r. 3. ^ X = $f A, "this man." The third definition of ^ in the dictionary is ~M Wl ilft •£ IS; "a term of definite indication."

10. CONFUCIUS'S DISSATISFACTION WITH THE GRAND WAY IN WHICH Hui

WAS BXTRIED. 1. The old interpreters take **\ \ as bein^ the disciples of Yen Yuan. This is not natural, and

yet we can hardly understand how the disciples of Confucius would act so directly contrary to his express wishes. Confucius objected to a grand funeral as inconsistent with the poverty of the family (see chap. vu)« 3. jjjg, literally, "regarded me," but that term would hardly suit the next clause. ^, as in the last chapter. This passage, indeed, is cited in the dictionary, in illustration of that use of the term. ^ H -f-, see III, xxiv.

CHAPTER XI. Chi Lu asked about serving the spirits of the dead. The Master said, "While you are not able to serve men, how can yon serve their spirits?" Chi Lu added. "I venture to ask about death?" He was answered, "While you do not know life, how can you know about death?"

CHAPTER XII. 1. The disciple Min was standing by his side, looking bland and precise; Tsze-lu, looking bold and soldierly; Zan Yu and Tsze-kung, with a free and straightforward manner. The Master was pleased.

11. COXFI ( IIS AVOIDS AXSWKR-

)TIONS ABOUT SERVING

SI-IIIITS, AND ABOUT DEATH. & jf,l|t

are here to be taken together, and understood of the spirits of the dead. This appears from Confucius using only & in his reply, and from the opposition between X and &. A is Mum alive, while ^ is man dead— a . a spirit. Two viows of the replies are found in commentators.

«%?lder °nes say— "Confucius put

Uu Lu. and gave him no ansu or

because spirits and death are ob-

"i-iir. and unprofitable subjects to

talk nlwut. » With this some modern

ritt-rs agree, as the author of the M KB but others, and the majority

say — "Confucius answered the disciple profoundly, and showed him how he should prosecute his inquiries in the proper order. The service of the dead must be in the same spirit as the service of the living. Obedience and sacrifice are equally the expression of the filial heart. Death is only the natural termination of life. We are born with certain gifts and principles, which carry us on to the end of our course." This is ingenious refining, but, after all, Confucius avoids answering the important questions proposed to him. 12. CONFUCIUS HAPPY WITH HIS

DISCIPLES ABOUT HIM. HE WAKNS

ISZE-LU, \ ffl 3., like ft -gp, VI,

•flu

2. (He said), "Yu there! — he will not die a natural death."

CHAPTER XIII. 1. Some parties in Lu were going to take down and rebuild the Long Treasury.

2. Min Tsze-chi'en said, "Suppose it were to be repaired after its old style; — why must it be altered and made anew?"

3. The Master said, "This man seldom speaks; when he does, he is sure to hit the point."

iii, 1. Iff, read Jiang, 4th tone. 2. There being wanting here J- 0 at the commencement, some, unwisely, would change the |f| at the end of the first paragraph into 0, to supply the blank. ^ & •&, — ^ is used with reference to the appearance and manner of Tsze-lu. %$, in the ft gjjj is taken as = the final ^. Some say that it indicates some uncertainty as to the prediction. But it was verified ; — see on II, xvii.

13. WISE ADVICE OP MIN SUN AGAINST USELESS EXPENDITURE. 1. f£ A.» not "the people of Lu," but as in the translation — certain officers, disapprobation of whom is indicated by simply calling them _. The full meaning of j$ is collected from the rest of the chapter, fff is

"a treasury," as distinguished from 5f^, "a granary," and from |^, "an arsenal." "The Long Treasury" was the name of the one in question. We read of it in the Tso Chwan under the 25th year of Duke Chao (par. 5), as being then the duke's residence. 2. The use of J{ ia perplexing. Chu Hsi adopts the explanation of it by the old commentators as=^l, "affair," but with what propriety I do not see. The character means "a string of cowries, or cash," then "to thread together," "to connect." May not its force be here,— "suppose it were to be carried on — continued — as before?" 3. ^ as in chapter ix. tft, 4th tone, a verb, "to hit the mark," as in shooting.

•flL

flij m IB IP -ifc

•i -ffi, -ffi,

CHAPTER XIV. 1. The Master said, "What has the lute of Yu to do in my door?v

2. The other disciples began not to respect Tsze-lu. The Master said, " Yu has ascended to the hall, though he has not yet passed into the inner apartments."

CHAPTER XV. 1. Tsze-kung asked which of the two, Shih or Shang, was the superior. The Master said, "Shih goes beyond the due mean, and Shang does not come up to it."

2. "Then," said Tsze-kung, "the superiority is with Shih, I suppose."

3. The Master said, "To go beyond is as wrong as to fall short."

14. CONFUCIUS' s ADMONITION AND DKFKNSE OF TSZE-LU. 1. The form of the harpsichord or lute seems to come nearer to that of the shih than any other of our instruments. The S is a kindred instrument with the ^£t commonly called "the scholar's lute." See the Chinese Repository, vol. viii, p. 38. The music made by Yu waa more martial in its air than hofitted the peace -inculcating school

of the sage. 2. This contains a defense of Yu, and an illustration of his real attainments.

15. COMPARISON OF SHIH AND SHANG. EXCESS AND DEFECT EQUAL- LY WRONG. Shang was the name of Tsze-hsia, I, vii, and Shih, that of T wan-sun, styled Tsze-chang. 1. Jit, here=$$, "to overcome," "be superior to," being interchanged with $J in par. 2. We find this meaning of the term also in the dictionary.

•til -ft, -tUc nft ^ M

3cfc

rfn I

rfn

-til -tfc

CHAPTER XVI. 1. The head of the Chi family was richer than the duke of Chau had been, and yet Ch'iu collected his imposts for him, and increased his wealth.

2. The Master said, "He is no disciple of mine. My little children, beat the drum and assail him."

CHAPTER XVII. 1 . Ch'ai is simple.

2. Shan is dull.

3. Shih is specious.

4. Yu is coarse.

16. CONFUCIUS'S IKDIGNATION AT THE SUPPORT OF USURPATION AND EXTORTION BY ONE OF HIS DISCIPLES.

1. :p &, see III, 1. Many illustrations might be collected of the encroachments of the Chi family and its great wealth. |$ £. %fc gfc, "for him collected and ingathered," i. e., all his imposts. This clause and the next imply that Ch'iu was aiding in the matter of laying imposts on the people. 2. "Beat the drum and assail him," — this refers to the practice of executing criminals in the market place, and by beat of drum collecting the people to hear their crimes. We must, however, say that the Master only required the disciples here to tell Ch'iu of his faults and recover him.

17. CHARACTERS OF THE FOUR DISCIPLES — CH'AI, SHAN, SHIH, AND Yu. It is supposed a ^f- 0 is missing

from the beginning of this chapter. Admitting this, the sentences are to be translated in the present tense, and not in the past, which would be required if the chapter were simply the record of the compilers. 1. Ch'ai, by surname ^fjj, and styled J- 3& (of f& there are several aliases), has his tablet now the 5th west, in the outer court of the temples. He was small and ugly, but distinguished for his sincerity, filial piety, and justice. Such was the conviction of his impartial justice, that in a time of peril he was saved by a man, whom he had formerly punished with cutting off his feet. All the other names have already occurred and been explained. 3. Jgf, read p'l, is denned in the dictionary, — "practicing airs with little sincerity." — Confucius certainly does not here flatter his followers.

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. The Master said, "There is Hull He has nearly attained to perfect virtue. He is often in want."

2. "Ts'ze does not acquiesce in the appointments of Heaven, and his goods are increased by him. Yet liis judgments are often correct.'"

CHAPTER XIX. Tsze-chang asked what were the characteristics of the GOOD man. The Master said, "He does not tread in the footsteps of others, brt, moreover, he does not enter the chamber of the sage"

18. Hfh AND TS'ZE CONTRASTED.

In Ho Yen's compilation, this chapter is joined with the preceding as one. 1. $;, here = ig, "nearly," "near to. " It is often found with sp. following, both terms together being r "nearly." To make out a '•ing, the old commentators sup- J$ it, "the way or doctrines of the sages," and the modern supply ifj, "the truth and right." *?, 4th tone, "emptied," i. e., brought to mity, poor, distressed. Hui's *mg brought often to this state is '"ucd merely as an additional 'vuML.-tanoe about him, intended to Jhow that he was happy in his deep poverty. Ho Yen preserves the comment of some one, which is th giving here, and according to

which, ^ = 5g tji, "empty-hearted," free from all vanities and ambitions. Then JK = ^, "always." In this sense J^ ^ was the formative element of Hui's character. 2. 3£, ' ' to receive," here = " to acquiesce in." tt. = S' "to form a judgment." Ts'ze, of course, is Tsze-kung.

19. THE GOOD MAX. Compare VII, xxv. By M X Chu Hsi understands— ^ |£ jfj] ^ |£ ^-, "one of fine natural capacity, but who has *iot learned." Such a man will in many things be a law to himself, and needs not to follow in the wake of others, but after all his progress will be limited. The text is rather enigmatical. X =1?, compare chap. xiv.
20. Tsze-chang wag the Shih of chap.

CHAPTER XX. The Master said, "If, because a man's discourse appears solid and sincere, we allow him to be a good man, is he really a superior man ? or is his gravity only in appearance?"

CHAPTER XXI. Tsze-lu asked whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard. The Master said, "There are your father and elder brothers to be consulted; — why should you act on that principle of immediately carrying into practice what you hear ? " Zan Yu asked the same, whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard, and the Master answered, "Immediately carry into practice what you hear.". Kung-hsi Hwa said, "Yu asked whether he should carry immediately into practice what he heard, and you said, "There are your father

20. WE MAY NOT HASTILY JUDGE A. MAN TO BE GOOD FEOM HIS DIS-

COUBSE. fjft is here "speech," "conversation." In Ho Yen this chapter is joined to the preceding one, and is said to give additional characteristics of "the good man," mentioned on a different occasion. — The construction, however, on that view is all but inextricable.

21. AN INSTANCE IN TsZE-Ll) AND

ZAN Yfr OF HOW CONFUCIUS DEALT

WITH HIS DISCIPLES ACCORDING TO THEIR CHARACTERS. Oil Tsze-lu's

question, compare V, 13. {J$ £ft ;ff j$, "Hearing this = any thing, should I do it at once or not?" ^f jH? = :?f ^ 3S like |? |S, in VI, iv. (j$A, — %; is explained by Chu Hsi with 0, "to overcome," "to be superior to,"

-til

Sfe

fnj

and elder brothers to be consulted:' Ch'iu asked whether he should immediately carry into practice what he heard, and you said, "Carry it immediately into practice." "I, Ch'ih, am perplexed, and venture to ask you for an explanation." The Master said, "rh'iu is retiring and slow; therefore I urged him forward. Yu has more than his own share of energy; therefore I kept him back."

CHAPTER XXII. The Master was put in fear in K'wang and Yen Yuan fell behind. The Master, on his rejoining him, said, "I thought you had died." Hui replied, "While you were alive, how should I presume to die?"

Hut we can well take it in its radical

'ication of "to unite," as a hand

pa two sheaves of corn. The

phrase is equivalent to our English

one in the translation. Similarly,

the best pure gold is called ££ '&.

22. YKN Y CAN'S ATTACHMENT TO

: i IL.s, AND CONFIDENCE IN HTS

See IX, v. If Hui's answer was anything more than pleasantry, \vc) must pronounce it foolish. The commentators, however, expand

it thus: — "I knew that you would not perish in this danger, and therefore I would not rashly expose my own life, but preserved it rather, that I might continue to enjoy the benefit of your instructions. " If we inquire how Hui knew that Confucius would not perish, we are informed that he shared his master's assurance that he had a divine mission.—See VII, xii; IX, v.

Jho ^

CHAPTER XXIII. 1. Chi Tsze-zan asked whether Chung Yu and Zan Ch'iu could be called great ministers.

2. The Master said, "I thought you would ask about some extraordinary individuals, and you only ask about Yu and Ch'iu!

3. "What is called a great minister, is one who serves his prince according to what is right, and when he finds he cannot do so, retires.

4. "Now, as to Yu and Ch'iu, they may be called ordinary ministers."

5. Tsze-zan said, "Then they will always -follow their chief; — '-will they?"

6. The Master said, "In an act of parricide or regicide, they would not follow him."

23. A GREAT MINISTER. CHUNG-

yu AND ZAN CH'IU ONLY ORDINARY MINISTERS. The paraphrasts sum up the contents thus: "Confucius represses the boasting of Chi Tsze-zan, and indicates an acquaintance with his traitorous purposes." 1. Chi Tsze-zan was a younger brother of Chi Hwan, who was the ^ ^ of III, i. Having an ambitious purpose on the rulership of Lu, he was increasing his officers, and^having got the two disciples to enter his service, he boastingly speaks to .Confucius about

them. 2. fj- &. ?$ •£;, literally "I supposed you were making a question of ( = about) extraordinary men, and lo! it is a question about Yu and Ch'iu." "fi"=7jr; its force is rather different from what it has in II, viii, but is much akin to that in III, vi. 4. =11 EL is explained fjjj & Ifc jfij E) "simply fitted to rank among the number of officers." J|. often means what is merely "official." J^ 3JC, "an official paper." J|. gL "mere officials." 5. £ supposes an antecedent, such as =fe, "their master."

i/V -JTo 5ttp /«vv j ^) ^

CHAPTER XXIV. 1. Tsze-lu got Tsze-kao appointed

governor of Pi.

2. The Master said, "You are injuring a man's

son."

3. Tsze-lu said, "There are (there) common people and officers; there are the altars of the spirits of the land and grain. Why must one read books before he can be considered to have learned?"

4. The Master said, "It is on this account that I hate your glib-tongued people."

CHAPTER XXV. 1. Tsze-lu, Tsang Hsi, Zan Yu, and Kung-hsi Hwa were sitting by the Master.

24. HOW PRELIMINARY STUDY IS V TO THE EXERCISE OF

GOVERNMENT: — A REPROOF or TSZE- LU. 1. R, — see VI, vii. Tsze-lu had entered into the service of the Chi family (see last chapter), and

i amended ({£) Tsze-kao (see chap, xvii) as likely to keep the turbulent Pi in order, thereby withdrawing him from his studies. 2. K, in the sense of -£, "to injure."

J in i-h:i|). ix. 3. It qualifies the

whole phrase A £ -?» nnd n°" only

the Zan. By denominating Tsze-

"a ni.in's son," Confucius

intimates, I suppose, that the father

•ijiii-od as well. His son ought ! not t(. bo so dealt with. 3. The absurd defense of Tsze-lu. It is to |

this effect: "The whole duty of man is in treating other men right, and rendering what is due to spiritual beings, and it may be learned practically without the study you require." 4. jq^.i$r., "on this account," with reference to Tsze-lu 's reply.

25. THE AIMS OF TSZE-LU, TSANO Hsi, ZAN Yu, AND KUNG-HSI Hwi,

AND CONFUCIUS'S REMARKS ABOUT

THEM. Compare V, vii and xxv. 1. The disciples mentioned here are all familiar to us excepting Tsang Hsi. He was the father of Tsang Shan, and himself by name Tien ( 9$). The four are mentioned in the order of their age, and Tien would have answered immediately after Tsze-lu, but that Confucius passed him by,

-tfc

fill

2. He said to them, "Though I am a day or so older than you, do not think of that.

3. "From day to day you are saying, 'We are not known.' If some ruler were to know you, what would you like to do?"

4. Tsze-lu hastily and lightly replied, "Suppose the case of a state of ten thousand chariots; let it be straitened between other large states; let it be suffering from invading armies ; and to this let there be added a famine in corn and in all vegetables: — if I were intrusted with the government of it, in three years' time I could make the people to be bold, and to recognize the rules of righteous conduct." The Master smiled at him.

as he was occupied with his harpsichord. 2. g, 3rd tone, "senior." Many understand •$ J|, "ye," as nominative to the first ty, but it is better to take H = 5f» "although." — 0, "one day," would seem to indicate the importance which the di&ciples attached to the seniority of their Master, and his wish that they should attach no importance to it. In fy ff 0. -til we have a not uncommon inversion; — "do not consider me to be your senior." 3. Jg = •^ fij? ^ ^F, "the level, ordinary course of your lives." jpj H ^ = fnj

&• 1$ J% sfe. "what would you consider to be your use?" i. e., what course of action would you pursue ? 4. ^ ^, an adverb, = " hastily." Jg, according to Chu Hsi, = ;]f: ^i; according to Pao Hsien, =i{|, "straitened," " urged." In the Chau Li, 500 men make a J[t) and 5 ^, or 2,500 men, make a jjiji. The two terms together have here the meaning given in the translation. ^ ;£, "managed it." J:b, 3rd tone, blends its force with the following J£. ~fj = jpj, "towards." fa ~}j, "know the quarter to which to turn, the way in

.^8 IIP Jfc

5. Twwtnp ^) Yen Yfi, Ac said, "Ch'iu, what are your wishes ? ' ' Ch'iu replied, " Suppose a state of sixty or seventy li square, or one of fifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it;— in three years' time, I could make plenty to abound among the people. As to teaching them the principles of propriety, and music, I must wait for the rise of a superior man to do that."

6. "What are your wishes, Ch'ih," said the Master next to Kung-hsi Hwd. Ch'ih replied, "I do not say that my ability extends to these things, but I should wish to learn them. At the services of the ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the princes with the sovereign, I should like, dressed in the dark squaremade robe and the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant."

which to go." 5. At the beginning

of this paramuph and the twofollowipply J- f-J. #|| = oSt,

**•$).£., — £. refers to the pfs

U|, in par. 5. -^ is the name for

-tonal or incidental interviews of

tin' princes with tho sovereign, what

• •ailed B£ &. |,i] belongs to oc-

113 when they all present"!

themselves together at court. The tffi (and from its color called 3J $Sj) was a robe of ceremony, so called from its straight make, its component parts having no gathers nor slanting cuttings. " ^ ^ was the name of a cap of ceremony. It had different names under different dynasties. )f| means a MAN,

iff.

rfi) A)

ffi) f"J

7. L«5^ o/ all, the Master asked Tsdng Hsi, "Tien, what are your wishes?" Tien, pausing as he was playing on his lute, while it was yet twanging, laid the instrument aside, and rose. "My wishes," he said, "are different from the cherished purposes of these three gentlemen." "What harm is there in that?" said the Master; "do you also, as well as they, speak out your wishes." Tien then said, "In this, the last month of spring, with the dress of the season all complete, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or seven boys, I would wash in the I, enjoy the breeze among the rain altars, and return home singing." The Master heaved a sigh and said, "I give my approval to Tien."

The cap was so named, as "displaying the MAN." 7. ^r = ih "pausing," "stopping." gg, an adverb, expressing the twanging sound of the instrument. 3jf., read mu, 4th tone, the same as |J, "sunset," "the close of a period of time." Jt£ (4th tone) ^•9 "capped men," Capping was in

China a custom similar to the assuming the toga virilis among the Romans. It if ok place at 20. J® is not "to batht," but is used with reference to a custom of washing the hands and clothes at some stream in the 3rd month, to put away evil influences. 91 was the name of the summer sacrifice for rain, Li Chi, IV,

nfi

Tfri

Itn,

S. The three others having gone out, Tsang Hsi remained behind, and said, "What do you think of the words of these three friends?" The Master replied, "They simply told each one his wishes."

9. Hsi pursued, "Master, why did you smile at

10. He was answered, "The management of a state demands the rules of propriety. His words were not humble; therefore I smiled at him."

11. Hsi again said, "But was it not a state which Ch'iu proposed for himself ?" The reply was, " Yes; did you ever see a territory of sixty or seventy U or one of fifty or sixty, which was not a state?"

ii, Ft. ii, 8. Dancing movements were employed at it, hence the name supplied before V$(. and -/- Q before ^f. Similar supplements must be made in the next paragraph. — It

does not appear whether Hsi, even at the last, understood why Confucius had laughed at Tsze-lu, and not at the others. "It was not," say the commentators, "because Tszelu was extravagant in his aims.

-ft ffi

12.. O^ce more, Hsi inquired, "And was it not a state which Ch'ih proposed for himself?" The Master again replied, "Yes; who but princes have to do with ancestral temples, and with audiences but the sovereign? If Clrih were to be a small assistant in these services, who could be a great one?"

They were all thinking of great things, yet not greater than they were able for. Tsze-lu's fault was

his levity. That was his offense against propriety!'

BOOK XII. YEN YUAN

CHAPTER I. 1. Yen Yuan asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, "To subdue one's self and return to propriety, is perfect virtue. If a man can for one day subdue himself and return to propriety, all under

show well how the sage suited his instructions JO the characters and capacities of the parties with whom he had to do.

1. How TO ATT/:N TO PERFECT VIRTUE: — A CONVERSATION WITH YEN YUAN. 1. In Ho Yen, ^ g, is explained by $J J|, "to restrain the body." Chu Hsi defines ~fa by jj$f, "to overcome," and S by ^ ,£ Jj£

HEADT)& OF THIS ~h — ) "The twelfth Book, beginning with 'Yen Yuan.'" It contains 24 chapters, conveying lessons on perfect virtue, government, and other questions of morality and policy, addressed in conversation by Confucius chiefly to his disciples. The different answers, given about thesame subject to different questioners,

hravcn will ascribe perfect virtue to him. Is ^ practice of perfect virtue from a man himself, or is it from others?"

2 Yen Yuan said, "I beg to ask the steps of that process." The Master replied, "Look not at what is contrary to propriety; listen not to what is contrary to propriety; speak not what is contrary to propriety;

'$., "the selfish desires of the body." In the -fr f$, it is said— £ # IP xl

¥.- 1H }/. cn (ft £ ifij #, tic in it ft

l_L- " li here is not exactly selfishness, l)ui selfishness is what abides I iy being attached to the body, and

hence 1 1 is said that selfishness is Li." And again, jfc £ # £ * £

ii- .'!r jfe i e, M» ^ it % ife. "3£ S is nut subduing and putting away ilic «•//, but .subduing and putting , the selfish desires in the self." Tliis "x -lii^liiicss in the self" is of a thivctuld character: first, ^ ^[, by Morrison to be "a person's constitution and disposition of mind": it is, I think, very much the V'ux'tis ftc^pairos or "animal man"; second, %., fcj, n, -& 2. '&, "the desires of the ears, the eyes, tin! mouth, the nose;" i. e., the dominating influences of the senses; and third. # f|£, "Thou and I," i. e., the hist of superiority. More concisely, tlu- £1 i ^ said, in the ^ ft, to

be the A & as opposed to the p| «£,», "the mind of man" in opposition to "the mind of reason"; — see the Shu-ching, II, ii, 15. This refractory "mind of man," it is said, J& /[-. {!!- ^£, "is innate," or, perhaps, "connate." In all these statements there is an acknowledgment of the fact- — the morally abnormal condition of human nature — which underlies the Christian doctrine of original sin. With reference to the above threefold classification of selfish desires, the second paragraph shows that it was the second order of them — -the influence of the senses — -which Confucius specially intended ^ jjg, — see note on pg, VIII, ii. It is not here ceremonies. Chu Hsi defines it— 5c 31 (£. ffif 3C) "the specific divisions and graces of heavenly principle or reason." This is continually being departed from, on the impulse of selfishness, but there is an ideal of it as proper to

make no movement which is contrary to propriety." Yen Yuan then said, "Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigor, I will make it my business to practice this lesson."

CHAPTER II. Chung-kung asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, "It is, when you go abroad, to behave to every one as if you were receiving a great guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice; not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have no murmuring against you in the country, and none in the family."

man, which is to be sought — ''returned to" — by overcoming that, fflf is explained by Chu Hsi by &i, "to allow." The gloss of the ^ Hf is — fjij. Jt fc, "will praise his perfect virtue." Perhaps^ ^F is only=our "everybody," or "anybody." Some editors take kwei in the sense of "to return," — "the empire will return to perfect virtue;" — supposing the exemplifier to be a prince. In the next sentence, which is designed to teach that every man may attain to this virtue for himself, |fjj is equivalent to our "or," and implies a strong denial of what is asked. 2. J£ refers to }»£ 6, $ n- H =f* n, "a list of particulars." 1& is used as an active

verb; — "I beg to make my business these words."

2. WHEREIN PERFECT VIRTUE is

REALIZED: A CONVERSATION WITH

CHUNG-KUNG. Chung-kung, see VI, i. From this chapter it appears that reverence (Ufc) and reciprocity (%?,), oa the largest scale, constitute perfect virtue, •gg Jfc, — "ordering the people," is apt to be done with haughtiness. This part of the ans\ver may be compared with the apostle's precept — "Honor all men," only the "all men" is much more comprehensive there, g, J?f ^5 ic) — compare V, xi. ;£ ?[?, ;fe Sfc, SB "abroad, "at home." I'do Hsien, in Ho Yen,

Chung-kung said, "Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigor, I will make it my business to practice this lesson."

CHAPTER III. 1. Sze-ma Niu asked about perfect virtue.

2. The Master said, "The man of perfect virtue is cautious and slow in his speech."

3. "Cautious and slow in his speech!" said Niu; — "is this what is meant by perfect virtue?" The Master said, "When a man feels the difficulty of doing, can he be other than cautious and slow in speaking ? "

however, takes tho former as denoting "the prince of a state," and the latter, "the chief of a great officer's establishment." This is like the interpretation of ^ in the last chapter.— The answer, the same as that • •f 11 iii in the last chapter, seems to betray the hand of the compiler. 3. CAUTION IN SPEAKING A CHAK-

ACTERISTIC OF PERFECT VIRTUE: A

CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-NIU. 1. Tsze-niu was the designation of Szen m Kaiig, alias Li Rang (f£ $f), whose tablet is now the 7th east in the outer ranges of the disciples.

He belonged to Sung, and was a brother of Hwan T'ui, VII, xxii. Their ordinary surname was Hsiang ( |g] ), but that of Hwan could also be used by them, as they were descended from the duke so called. The office of "master of the horse" (g] ,!b) had long been in the family, and that title appears here as if it were Niu's surname. 2. ^] = n H &' "the words coming forth with difficulty." 3. £ £, 1" £,— comp. on (£ in the note on VII, x, et al. — "Doing being difficult, can speaking be without difficulty of utterance?"

CHAPTER IV. 1. Sze-ma Niu asked about the superior man. The Master said, "The superior man has neither anxiety nor fear."

2. "Being without anxiety or fear!" said Niu;— "does this constitute what we call the superior man?"

3. The Master said, "When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what is there to be anxious about, what is there to fear?"

CHAPTER V. 1. Sze-ma Niu, full of anxiety, said, "Other men all have their brothers, I only have not."

2. Tsze-hsia said to him, "There is the following saying which I have heard —

4. How THE CHUN-TSZE HAS NEI- THER ANXIETY NOK FEAR, AND CON- SCIOUS RECTITUDE FREES FROM

THESE. 1. ^ is our "anxiety," trouble about coming troubles; ^f| is "fear," when the troubles have arrived. 2. J5C is "a chronic illness"; here it is understood with reference lo the mind, that displaying no symptom of disease.

5. CONSOLATION OFFERED EY TSZE-HSI! ^o TSZE-NIU, ANXIOUS

ABOUT THE WAYS OF HIS BROTHER.

1. Tsze-niu's anxiety was occasioned by the conduct of his eldest brother Hwan T'ui, who, he knew, was contemplating rebellion, which would probably lead t) his death. 5L J&) "elder brothers" and "younger brothers," but Tsze-iiiu was himself the youngest of his family. The phrase simply = " brothers." "All have their brothers," — i. e., all can rest quietly without anxiety in their

-Bio

ft, rfn US

3. '" Death and life have their determined appointment; riches and honors depend upon Heaven.'

4. "Let the superior man never fail reverentially to order his own conduct, and let him be respectful to ot hers and observant of propriety:— then all within the four seas will be his brothers. What has the superior man to do with being distressed because he has no brothers?"

CHAPTER VI. Tsze-chang asked what constituted intelligence. The Master said, "He with whom neither slander that gradually soaks into the mind, nor

relation. 2. It is naturally supposed that the author of the observation was Confucius. Tsze-hsia, see 1, vii. 4. The 5| f£ says that the expression, "all within the four seas are brothers," ^£ &.¥&.:%. 6*» ''does not mean that all under heaven have the same genealogical register." Ohu 3 interpretation is that, when a man so acts, other men will love and respect him as a brother. This, no doubt, is the extent of the saying. 1 have found no satisfactory gloss on the phrase — "the four seas." It is found in tho Shu-ohing, the Shihching, and the Li Chi. In the flf J|, a sort of lexicon, very ancient, \Uu(-h was once reckoned among tho '/, it is explained as a territorial designation, the name of the dwelling place of .all the barbarous tribes. But the great Yii is represented aa

having made the four seas as four ditches, to which he drained the waters inundating "the Middle Kingdom." Plainly, the ancient conception was of their own country as the great habitable tract, north, south, east, and west of which were four seas of oceans, between whose shores and their own borders the intervening space was not very great, and occupied by wild hordes of inferior races. See the |nj ^ f|! ifi jf§, II, xxiv. — Commentators consider Tsze-hsia's attempt at consolation altogether wide of the mark.

6. WHAT CONSTITUTES INTELLI- GENCE: ADDRESSED TO TSZE -CHANG.

Tsze-chang (II, xvii), it is said, was always seeking to be wise about things lofty and distant, and therefore Confucius brings him back to things near at hand, which it was

CONFIX 'IAN ANALECTS

statements that startle like a wound in the flesh, are successful, may be called intelligent indeed. Yea, he with whom neither soaking slander, nor startling statements, are successful, may be called farseeing."

CHAPTER VII. 1. Tsze-kung asked about government. The Master said, "The requisites of government are that there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in their ruler."

2. Tsze-kung said, "If it cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, which of the three should be foregone first ? " "The military equipment," said the Master.

more necessary for him to attend to. )s£ }psj £. gH, ''soaking, moistening, slander," which unperceived sinks into the mind. }jf 3£ ,£ §g| ( =and interchanged with g£), "statements of wrongs which startle like a wound in the flesh," to which in the surprise credence la given. He with whom these things ^ ^7, — are "no go," is intelligent,- yea, farseeing. iti = l#J £ _-g. So Chu Hsi. The old interpreters differ in their view of |;?/ )J ,£ |£ m says— "The skin

receives dust which gradually accunuilates." This makes the phrase synonymous with the former.

7. REQUISITES IN GOVEBNMENT:

A CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-KUNG.

1. .fij primarily means "weapons." "A soldier," the bearer of such weapons, is a secondary meaning. There were no standing armies in Confucius's time. The term is to be taken here, as = " military equipment," "preparation for war." fa £, — Z. refers to ^£ _h, "their ruler."

Sfi.

tin

JSl

3. Tsze-kung again asked, "If it cannot be helped, and one of the remaining two must be dispensed with, which of them should be foregone?" The Master answered, "Part with the food. From of old, death has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their ruUrs, there is no standing for the state"

CHAPTER VIII. 1. Chi Tsze-ch'ang said, "In a superior man it is only the substantial qualities which are wanted; — why should we seek for ornamental accomplishments ? "

3. The difficulty here ia with the concluding clause — $$. -fg ^ jjf. Transferring the meaning of fg from paragraph 1, we naturally render as in the translation, and ^\ jfe=^| ^
   i, " the state will not stand." Thia ia the view, moreover, of the old interpreters. Chu Hsi and his follow - era, however, seek to make much more of f^. On the 1st paragraph he comments, — "The granaries being full, and the military preparation complete, then let the influence of instruction proceed. So shall the people have faith in their ruler, and will not leave him or rebel." On the 3rd paragraph he says, — "If the people be without food, they must

die, but death is the inevitable lot of men. If they are without f£, though they live, they have r.ot wherewith to establish themselves. It is better for them in such case to die. Therefore it is better for the ruler to die, not losing faith to his people, so that the people will prefer death rather than lose faith to him."

8. SUBSTANTIAL QUALITIES AND ACCOMPLISHMENTS IN THE CHUN-TSZE. 1 . Tsze-ch'ang was an officer of the state of Wei, and, distressed by the pursuit in the times of what waa merely external, made this not sufficiently well-considered remark, to which Tsze-kung replied, in, according to Chu Hsi, an equally one-sided

2. Tsze-kung said, "Alas! Your words, sir, show you to be a superior man, but four horses cannot overtake the tongue.

3. "Ornament is as substance; substance is as ornament. The hide of a tiger or a leopard stripped of its hair, is like the hide of a dog or a goat stripped of its hair."

CHAPTER IX. 1. The duke Ai inquired of Yu Zo, saying, "The year is one of scarcity, and the returns for expenditure are not sufficient; — what is to be done?"

2. Yu Zo replied to him, "Why not simply tithe the people?"

manner. 1. fpj £J, ^C ^ ia thus expanded in the f£ fa,— fSj $ # ^ # ^ ;ff ^f-, " why use accomplishments in order to make a Chun-tsze?" 2. We may interpret this paragraph, as in the translation, putting a comma after |ft. So, Chu Hsi. But the old interpreters seem to have read right on, without any comma, to -til, in which case the paragraph would be — "Alas! sir, for the way in which you speak of the superior man!" And this is the most natural construction. 3. The modern commentators seem hypercritical in condemning Tsze-kung's language here. He shows the desirableness of the ornamental accomplishments, but

does not necessaril^ put them on the same level with the substantial qualities.

9. LIGHT TAXATION THE BEST WAY TO SECUEE THE GOVEKNMENT FROM EMBARRASSMENT FOB WANT OF FUNDS.
10. Duke Ai, II, xx. Yu Zo, I, ii. 2. By the statutes of the Chau dynasty, the ground was divided into allotments cultivated in common by the families located upon them, and the produce was divided equally, nine tenths being given to the farmers and one tenth being reserved aa a contribution to the state. This was called the law of f§J, which term = jjf[, "pervading," "general," with reference, apparently, to the system of

Hto

"With two tenths," said the duke, "I find them not enough;— how could I do with that system of one tenth?"

YuZo answered, "Tf the people have plenty, their prince will not be left to want alone. If the people are in want, their prince cannot eniov plenty alone."

HAFTER X. 1. Tsze-chang having asked how

' was to be exalted, and delusions to be dis-

3d, the Master said, "Hold faithfulness and

' as first principles, and be moving continually

to w is right.-this is the way to exalt one's

'o,™ labor 3. A former duke of Lu, Hsuan ((309-591 B

have plenty V Yu Zo wished ;mpre.ss on the d,,ke thatasympathj and common condition should unite Jun and his people. Jf he lightened "- "•«.«. on to the regula? tithe

then they would cultivate their allotments with so much vigor that his receipts would be abundant. They would be able, moreover, to help their kind ruler in any emergency.

1U. HOW TO EXALT VIRTUE AND

DISCOVER DELUSIONS. 1. Tsze-chang, see chap. vi. The Master says nothing about the ft, "discriminating"

discovering," of delusions, but

gives an instance of a twofold

elusion. Life and death, it is said,

are independent of our wishes. To

a tor a man either the one or the other, therefore, is one delusion.

JtU

2. "You love a man and wish him to live; you hate him and wish him to die. Having wished him to live, you also wish him to die. This is a case of delusion.

3. "'It may not be on account of her being rich, yet you come to make a difference.' '

CHAPTER XI. 1. The duke Ching, of Ch'i, asked Confucius about government.

2. Confucius replied, "There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son."

And on the change of our feelings to change our wishes in reference to the same person, is another. (£ = jlb A- — But in this Confucius hardly appears to be the sage. 3. See the Shih-ching, II, iv, Ode iv, 3. I have translated according to the meaning in the Shih-ching. The quotation may be twisted into some sort of accordance with the preceding paragraph, as a case of delusion, but the commentator Ch'ang (jfj|) ia probably correct in supposing that it

should be transferred to XVI, xii. Then |[£ should be in the text, not

11. GOOD GOVERNMENT OBTAINS ONLY WHEN ALL THE KELATIVE DUTIES ABE MAINTAINED. 1. Confucius went to Ch'i in his 36th year, 517 B. c., and finding the reigning duke — styled ching after his death — overshadowed by his ministers, and thinking of setting aside his eldest son from the succession, he shaped his answer to the question about

3. "Good!" said the duke; "if, indeed, the prince be not prince, the minister not minister, the father not father, and the son not son, although I have my revenue, can I enjoy it?"

CHAPTER XII. 1. The Master said, "Ah! it is Yu, who could with half a word settle litigations!"

2. Tsze-lu never slept over a promise.

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary, however, is to cause the people to have no litigations."

government accordingly. 3. "Although I have the grain," i. e., my revenue, the tithe of the produce of the country. j£ $$, jfjj £ ft (jfc ft, compare ^f it, XI, xxi), "shall I be able to eat it?" — intimating the danger the state was exposed to from insubordinate officers.

12. WITH WHAT EASE TSZE-LU

loiLD SETTLE LITIGATIONS. 1. We

translate here — "could," and not — "can," because Confucius is simply praising the disciple's character. Tsze-lu, see II, xvii. J£ |5=^ fl) "half a word. ' 2. This paragraph is from the compilers, stating a fact about Tsze-lu, to illustrate what the Master said of him. ijg is explained by Chu Hsi by •££ 'Ho leave," "to let

remain." Its primary meaning is — "to pass a night." We have in English, as given in the translation, a corresponding idiom. — In Ho Yen, Jr If is taken as = fj| ff} "one-sided words," meaning that Tsze-lu could judge rightly on hearing half a case. ^ again is explained by ^fj, "beforehand."— "Tsze-lu made no promises beforehand."

13. TO PBEVENT SETTEE, THAN TO DETERMINE LITIGATIONS. Seethe

;*; ^ ff , IV. fj, aa opposed to t£ (preceding chapter), is used of civil causes (^ It 0 IS), and the other of criminal (^ f| 0 DO- Little stress is to be laid on the "I"; much on $», as = "to influence to."

srf 4-ifif

/U fi^ ffe ~fc^ ^

•^J /iX* yP //•) ^lii»o

-tiL ft Jx ±

Hp- -^ ~jjp? ^& ;r^ 7A ^X

CHAPTER XIV. Tsze-chang asked about government. The Master said, t( The art of governing is to keep tfe affairs before the mind without weariness, and to practice them with undeviating consistency."

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "By extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, owe may thus likewise not err from what is right."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "The superior man seeks to perfect the admirable qualities of men, and does not seek to perfect their bad qualities. The mean man does the opposite of this."

CHAPTER XVII. Chi K'ang asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, " To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?"

14. THE ART OF GOVERNING. ^,

as opposed to ^f, must be used as an active verb, and is explained by Chu Hsi as in the translation. £. refers to that aspect of government about which Tsze-chang was inquiring, fft f&=#& $£ #[1 — , "first and last the same;" ty, J& = J^ ^ #|l

— , "externally and internally the same. "

15. HARDLY DIFFERENT FROM VI, xxv.

16. OPPOSITE INFLUENCE UPON OTHERS OF THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN.

17. GOVERNMENT MORAL IN ITS END AND EFFICIENT BY EXAMPLE.

Z MU ffii

l) OUL.^

CHAPTER XVIII. Chi K'ang, distressed about the number of thieves in the state, inquired of Confucius h&w to do away with them. Confucius said, "If you, sir, were not covetous, although you should reward them to do it, they would not steal."

CHAPTER XIX. Chi K'ang asked Confucius about government, saying, " What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of the principled?" Confucius replied, "Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it."

18. THE PEOPLE ABE MADE THIEVES BY THE EXAMPLE OF THEIR

KII.KRS. This is a good instance of Confucius'a boldness in reproving men in power. Chi K'ang II, xx, had made himself head of the Chi family, and entered into all its usurpations, by taking off the infant nephew, who should have been its rightful chief. ^ '& = ^ ^, "did not covet," i. e., a position and influence to which you have no right. ^j J- £ ^ SK = " given the fact of

your not being ambitious." j£ «£ — 19. KILLING NOT TO BE TALKED

OF BY HITLERS ; THE EFFECT OF THEIK

EXAMPLE. In gfc ^ if, gfc is an active verb, = j£, or $t Sfc, "to complete," "to perfect." ^ is used in a vague sense, not positive virtue, but=" nature," "character." Some for Ji would read ftSf = Jin, "t° add upon," but _h itself must here have substantially that meaning. 1£ _h

having the wind upon it."

Sfi.

fin

fin

CHAPTER XX. 1. Tsze-chang asked, "What must the officer be, who may be said to be distinguished?"

2. The Master said, "What is it you call being distinguished?"

3. Tsze-chang replied, "It is to be heard of through the state, to be heard of throughout his clan."

4. The Master said, "That is notoriety, not distinction.

5. "Now the man of distinction is solid and straightforward, and loves righteousness. He examines people's words, and looks at their countenances. He is anxious to humble himself to others. Such a man will be distinguished in the country; he will be distinguished in his clan.

20. THE MAN OF TRUE DISTINC- TION AND THE MAN OF NOTORIETY.

1. The ideas of "a scholar" and an "officer" blend together in China. ii£- = l§i jfe) "to reach all round"; — being influential, and that influence being acknowledged. 3. If rh bo " nn officer," then ^t ?R assumes him to bo the minister of a prince of a Ktate, and ^ '^, that, he is only

the minister of a great officer, who ia the head of a clan. If, however, i be understood of "a scholar," ^|? will = 'J|| ^1, " the^country," "people generally," and ^ will =JS| |£, '' the circle of relatives and neighbors." 5. f , — HF ^s *he verb. The dictionary explains it by "to descend. From being on high to become low." But it is here rather more

6. "As to the man of notoriety, he assumes the appearance of virtue, but his actions are opposed to it, and he rests in this character without any doubts about himself. Such a man will be heard of in the country; he will be heard of in the clan."

CHAPTER XXI. 1. Fan Ch'ih rambling with the Master under the trees about the rain altars, said, "I venture to ask how to exalt virtue, to correct cherished evil, and to discover delusions."

2. The Master said, "Truly a good question!

3. "If doing what is to be done be made the first business, and success a secondary consideration: — is not this the way to exalt virtue? To assail one's own

still, = " to come down below other me i." 6. The condemnation here might be more fully and clearly expressed.

21. HOW TO EXALT VIRTUE, COR- RECT VICE, AND DISCOVER DELUSIONS.

Compare chap. x. Here, as there, under the last point of the inquiry, Confucius simply indicates a case of

delusion, and perhaps that io the best way to teach how to discover delusions generally. 1. Fan Ch'ih, see II, v. |1| if, see XI, xxv, 7; followed here by ^ ~f, there must be reference to the trees growing about the altars. ||t formed from "heart" and "to conceal ,"= secret vice. 3. ^ $; t£ ^, — compare with

wickedness and not assail that of others; — is not this the wray to correct cherished evil? For a morning's anger to disregard one's own life, and involve that of his parents; — is not this a case of delusion?"

CHAPTER XXII. 1. Fan Ch'ih asked about benevolence. The Master said, "It is to love all men." He asked about knowledge. The Master said, "It is to know all men."

2. Fan Ch'ih did not immediately understand these answers.

3. The Master said, "Employ the upright and put aside all the crooked; in this way the crooked can be made to be upright."

4. Fan Ch'ih retired, and, seeing Tsze-hsia, he said

3fc H & SI) in VI, xx, which also ia the report of a conversation with Fan Ch'ih. Jl: Wi,—R = '&, "himself," "his own." "A morning's anger" must be a small thing, but the consequences of giving way to it are very terrible. The case is one of great delusion.

22. ABOUT BENEVOLENCE AND WISDOM; — HOW KNOWLEDGE SUB- SERVES BENEVOLENCE. Fan Ch'ih

might well deem the Master's replies enigmatical, and, with the help of Tsze-hsia's explanations, the student still finds it difficult to understand the chapter. 1. £1 here, be:ng opposed to, or distinct from, £)f, is to be taken as meaning "benevolence," and not as "perfect virtue." 2. •£) "not yet," i. e., not immediately. 3. Compare II, xix. 4. Jig, 4th tone, in the dictionary defined by ^,

ofc fe

IJA^ I-J-.

to him, "A little while ago, I had an interview with our Master, and asked him about knowledge. He said, 'Employ the upright, and put aside all the crooked; — in this way, the crooked will be made to be upright.' What did he mean?''

5. Tsze-hsia said, "Truly rich is his saying!

6. "Shun, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed Kao-yao, on which all who were devoid of virtue disappeared. T'ang, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed I Yin, and all who were devoid of virtue disappeared."

"formerly." 6. Seethe names here in the Shu-ching, Parts II, III, and I\ . Shun and T'ang showed their wisdom — their knowledge of men — in the selection of the ministers

who were named. That was their employment of the upright, and therefore all devoid of virtue disappeared. That was their making the crooked upright; — and so their love reached to all.

Jt.H \3M S 10 ±)rfii E

CHAPTER XXIII. Tsze-kung asked about friendship. The Master said, "Faithfully admonish your friend, and skillfully lead him on. If you find him impracticable, stop. Do not disgrace yourself."

CHAPTER XXIV. The philosopher Tsang said, "The superior man on grounds of culture meets with his friends, and by their friendship helps his virtue."

23. PRUDENCE IN FRIENDSHIP. •§-, read ku, as in III, xvii, implying some degree of deference. £i| = i$, aa in II, iii, 1.

24. THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE CHUN- TSZE. £1 }JC, " by means of letters," i. e., common literary studies and pursuits.

BOOK XIII. TSZE-]

CHAPTER I. 1. Tsze-lu asked government. The Master said, "Go before the people with your example,, and be laborious in their affairs."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — J- j?£ ^ •f- H, "Tsze-lu, No. 13." Here, as in the last Book, we have a number of subjects touched upon, all bearing more or less directly on the government of the state, and the cultivation of the person. The Book extends to thirty chapters.

•1. THE SECRET OF SUCCESS IN GOVERNING IS THE UNWEARIED EX- AMPLE OF THE RULERS: A LESSON

TO TSZE-LU. 1 . To what understood antecedents do the „£ refer? For the first, we may suppose J3;; — 3fe *£- =$ Jj;, or y| jj;, "precede the people," "lead the people," that is, do so by the example of your personal conduct. But we cannot in the second clause bring «£ (=,K) in the same way under the regimen of ^. # £ = ® fib m »,. "to be laborious for them;" that is, to set

He requested further instruction, and was answered, "Be not weary (in these things)."

CHAPTER II. 1. Chung-kung, being chief minister to the head of the Chi family, asked about government. The Master said, "Employ first the services of your various officers, pardon small faults, and raise to office men of virtue and talents."

2. Chung-kung said, "How shall I know the men of virtue and talent, so that I may raise them to office?" He was answered, "Raise to office those whom you know. As to those whom you do not know, will others neglect them?"

them the example of diligence in agriculture, etc. It is better, however, according to the idiom I have several times pointed out, to take £, as giving a sort of neuter and general force to the preceding words, so that the expressions are = " example and laboriousness." — K'ung An-kwo understands the meaning differently: — "set the people an example, and then you may make them labor." But this is not so good. 2. $t in the old copies is $}:. The meaning cornea to be the same. 2. THE DUTIES CHIEFLY TO BE

.•.TTENDE:? TO BY A HEAD MINISTER : A LESSON TO ZAN YUNG. 1, ft /fa

g]— compare VIII, iv, 3. The ^ fj]

are the various smaller officers. A head minister should assign them their duties," and not be interfering in them himself. His business is to examine into the manner in which they discharge them. And in doing so, he should overlook small faults. 2. A 3t- W ft,— compare ill )\ & *& g§, in VI, iv, though the force of ^ here is not so great as in that chapter. Confucius's meaning is that Chung-kung need not trouble himself about all men of worth. Let him advance those he knew. There was no fear that the others would be neglected. Compare what is said on " knowing men," in XII, xxii.

iiwf

jTT

CHAPTER III. 1. Tsze-lu said, "The ruler of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"

2. The Master replied, "What is necessary is to rectify names."

3. "So, indeed!" said Tsze-lu. "You are wide of the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"

4. The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! A superior man, in regard to what he does not know, shows a cautious reserve.

3. THE SUPREME IMPORTANCE OF

NAMES BEING CORRECT. 1. This COnversation is assigned by Chu Hsi to the llth year of the duke Ai of Lu, when Confucius was 69, and he returned from his wanderings to his native state. Tsze-lu had then been some time in the service of the duke Ch'u of Wei, who, it would appear, had been wishing to get the services of the sage himself, and the disciple did not think that his Master would refuse to accept office, as he had not ! objected to his doing so. 2. & must ' have here a special reference, which Tsze-lu did not apprehend. Nor did the old interpreters, for Ma Yung explains the jE & by ]E £f !j? £. & • "to rectify the names of all things." On this view, the reply would indeed be "wide of the mark." The answer is substantially the same as the reply to Duke Ching of Ch'i about government in XII, xi, that it obtains when the prince is prince, the father

father, etc. ; that is, when each man in his relations is what the name of his relation would require. Now, the duke Ch'i held the rule of Wei against his father; see III, xiv. Confucius, from the necessity of the case and peculiarity of the circumstances, allowed his disciples, notwithstanding that, to take office in Wei; but at the time of this conversation, Ch'u had been duke for nine years, and ought to have been so established that he could have taken the course of a filial son without subjecting the state to any risks. On this account, Confucius said he would begin with rectifying the name of the duke, that is, with requiring him to resign the dukedom to his father, and bo what his name of son required him to be. See the |^ f£, in loc. This view enables us to understand better the climax tlmt follows, though its successive steps are still not without difficulty. IS %)

jfn

ffi

fflfi

5. "If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.

6. "When affairs cannot be carried on to success, pioprieties and music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.

7. "Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out (ij)propriately. WThat the superior man requires is just that in liis words there may be nothing incorrect,"

•p. f- may be taken as an exclamation, or as = "is it not?" 4. p] All,-- Pj ia used in the same sense aa in II, xviii. The kai is the introductory hypothetical particle. The phrase = "is pntting-aside-like," i. e., the superior man reserves and revolves what he is in doubt about, and does not rashly speak. 6. "Proprieties" here are not ceremonial rules, but = " order," what such rules are designed to display and secure. So, "music" is equivalent to "harmony." qi, 4th tone, is the verb.

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, glj

CHAPTER IV. 1. Fan Ch'ih requested to be taught husbandry. The Master said, "I am not so good for that as an old husbandman." He requested also to be taught gardening, and was answered, "I am not so good for that as an old gardener."

2. Fan Ch'ih having gone out, the Master said, "A small man, indeed, is Fan Hsii !

3. "If a superior love propriety, the people will not dare not to be reverent. If he love righteousness, the people will not dare not to submit to his example. If he love good faith, the people will not dare not to be sincere. Now, when these things obtain, the people from all quarters will come to him, bearing their children on their backs ; — what need has he of a knowledge of husbandry?"

4. A RULER HAS NOT TO OCCUPY HIMSELF WITH WHAT IS PROPERLY THE BUSINESS OF THE PEOPLE. It is

to be supposed that Fan Ch'ih was at this time in office somewhere, and thinking of the Master, as the villager and high officer did, IX, ii and vi, that his knowledge embraced almost every subject, he imagined that he might get lessons from him on the two subjects he specified, which he might use for the benefit of the people. 1. ^ is properly the.

"seed -sowing," and |§j, "a kitchengarden," but they are used generally, as in the translation. 3. ^, "the feelings," "desires," but sometimes, as here, in the sense of "sincerity." fj$, often joined with pclo (made of the classifier ^c and {£), is a cloth with strings by which a child is strapped upon the back of its mother or nurse. — -This paragraph shows what people in office should learn. Confucius intended that it should be repeated to Fan Ch'ih.

•fee EK

CHAPTER V. The Master said, "Though a man may be able to recite the three hundred odes, yet if, when intrusted with a governmental charge, he knows not how to act, or if, when sent to any quarter on a mission, he cannot give his replies unassisted, notwithstanding the extent of his learning, of what practical use is it?"

CHAPTER VI. The Master said, "When a prince's personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed."

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "The governments of Lu and Wei are brothers."

5. LlTEEABY ACQUIREMENTS USE- LESS WITHOUT PRACTICAL ABILITY.

i'V in 1&, — see II, ii. jjj|, "to croon over," as Chinese students do here, = " to have learned." H = $S "alone," i. e., unassisted by the in dividuals of his suite. £, "many,' refers to the 300 odes, jff,, "also,'' here and in other places, = our "vet' "after all." ^ £ £,— H, it said, = ffi, "use," and £ is a mere expletive,— £ |g. $j gg. See in 'ang Yan-chih's Treatise on the Particles under the heading & ta jy, •tfl ; chap. ii.

6. His PERSON \L CONDUCT ALL IN

ALL TO A RULER. A. translator finds

it impossible here to attain to the terse conciseness of his original.

7. THE SIMILAR CONDITION OF

THE STATES OF Lu AND WEI. Compare VI, xxii. Lu's state had been directed by the influence of Chaukung, and Wei was the fief of his brother Fung (|;j-), commonly known as K'ang-shu (|g ^). They had, similarly, maintained an equal and brotherly course in their progress, or, as it was in Confucius's time, in their degeneracy. That portion of the present Honan, which runs up and lies between Shansi and Peichili, was the bxilk of Wei.

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said of Ching, a scion of the ducal family of Wei, that he knew the economy of a family well. When he began to have means, he said, "Ha! here is a collection!" When they were a little increased, he said, "Ha! this is complete!" When he had become rich, he said, "Ha! this is admirable!"

CHAPTER IX. 1. When the Master went to Wei, Zan Yu acted as driver of his carriage.

2. The Master observed, "How numerous are the people!"

3. Yu said, "Since they are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?" "Enrich them,

the reply.

8. THE CONTENTMENT OF THE OFFICER CHING, AND HIS INDIF- FERENCE ON GETTING RICH. Ching was a great officer of Wei, a scion of its ducal house. ^ ^ ^ is a difficult expression. Literally it is — "dwelt Well in his house." §? implies that he was a married man, the head of a family. The -g- ff| says the phrase is equivalent to J|j =ft, "managed his family." Chu Hsi explains 39 by J$D JL ffl §- Z. Jit,— "it is significant of indifference and carelessness.'' Our word "ha!" express-

ing surprise and satisfaction corresponds to it pretty nearly. We are not to understand that Ching really made these utterances, but Confucius thus vividly represents how he felt. Compare Burns's line, "Contented wi' little, and cantie wi' mair."

9. A PEOPLE NUMEROUS, WELL- OFF, AND EDUCATED, IS THE GREAT ACHIEVEMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 1.

$|, "a servant," but here with the meaning in the translation. That, indeed, is the second meaning of the character given in the dictionary.

ffiJ

"tile

4. "And when they have been enriched, what more shall be done?" The Master said, "Teach them."

CHAPTER X. The Master said, "If there were (any of the princes) who would employ me, in the course of twelve months, I should have done something considerable. In three years, the government would be perfected."

CHAPTER XI. The Master said, '"If good men were to govern a country in succession for a hundred years, they would be able to transform the violently bad, and dispense with capital punishments.' True indeed is this saying!"

10. CONFUCIUS'S ESTIMATE OF WHAT HK COULD DO, IF EMPLOYED TO ADMINISTER THE GOVERNMENT OF A

STATE. j£ is to be distinguished from Jifl, and = "a revolution of the yi-ai-." There is a comma at Jj , and Ifij E. pJ are read together, j^j ^ does not signify, as it often does, "and nothing more," but =" and have," £ being ^ $&, a sign of the perfect tense. — "Given twelve months, aud there would be a passable result. In three years there would be a completion."

11. WHAT A HUNDRED YEAES OF GOOD GOVERNMENT COULD EFFECT. Confucius quotes here a saying of his time, and approves of it*. j}f, 1st tone, "to be equal to." $£ $&, "would be equal to the violent," that is, to transform them. ^ ^2, "to do away with killing," that is, with capital punishments, xmneceasary with a transformed people.

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) ffi)

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, "If a truly royal ruler were to arise, it would still require a generation, and then virtue would prevail."

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "If a minister make his own conduct correct, what difficulty will he have in assisting in government ? If he cannot rectify himself, what has he to do with rectifying others?"

CHAPTER XIV. The disciple Zan returning from the court, the Master said to him, "How are you so late?" He replied, " We had government business."

12. IN WHAT TIMK A ROYAL RULER COULD TRANSFORM THE KINGDOM. 3£

-Jfc, "one who was a king." The character 3£ is formed by three straight lines representing the three powers of Heaven, Earth, and Man, and a perpendicular line, going through and uniting them, and thus conveys the highest idea of power and influence. See the dictionary, sub voc., character 3£. Here it means the highest wisdom and virtue in the highest place. •$£, "a generation," or thirty years. See note on II, xxiii, 1. The old interpreters take fc as = '£££, "virtuous government."- To save Confucius from the charge of vanity in what he says, in chap, x, that he could accomplish in three years, it is said, that the perfection

which he predicates there would only be the foundation for the virtue here realized.

13. THAT HE BE PERSONALLY COR- RECT ESSENTIAL TO AN OFFICER OF GOVERNMENT. Compare chap. vi. That the subject is here an officer of government, and not the ruler, appears from the phrase $£ iE& ; see note on VI, vi. With reference to the other phraseology of the chapter, the •JJBJ g says that -^ J& embraces jfc jft, "the rectification of the prince," and IE $;) "the rectification of the people."

14. A.N IRONICAL ADMONITION TO

ZAN Yu ON THE USURPING TENDEN- CIES OF THE CH! FAMILY. The point of the chapter turns on the opposition of the plirases %j jfcjf and ^ iff

ffi

The Master said, "It must have been /aw% affairs. If there had been government business, though I am not now in office, I should have been consulted about

CHAPTER XV. 1. The duke Ting asked whether there was a single sentence which could make a country prosperous. Confucius replied, "Such an effect cannot be expected from one sentence.

2. "There is a saying, however, which people have — 'To be a prince is difficult; to be a minister is not easy.'

ife,; — at the court of the Chi family, that is, they had really been discussing matters of government, affectit iir the state, and proper only for t IK- prince's court. Confucius affects not to believe it, and says that at the chief's court they could only have been discussing the affairs of his house. Tfc jff £1, — an inversion, and PJl = ffl, "although I am now not employed." flu, in 4th tone. — "I should have been present and heard it." Superannuated officers might go to court on occasions of emergency, and might also be consulted on such, though the general rule was to allow them to retire at 70. See the Li Chi, I, i, Pt. i, 28. The tf. after ^ makes a double subject, and = an emphatic I; a stvle more common in the Shu than in these Analects.

15. HOW THE PROSPERITY AND RUIN OF A COUNTRY MAY DEPEND ON THE RULER'S VIEW OF HIS POSITION, HIS FEELING ITS DIFFICULTY, OR

ONLY CHERISHING A HEADSTRONG

WILL. 1. I shoxild suppose that — )f|} pj gl 3$L ^[5 and the corresponding sentence below were common sayings, about which the duke asks, in a way to intimate his disbelief of them, — ^ ff. g£ is not here in the sense of "a spring," or "primutn mobile," but = tt)j, in the sense of "to expect," "to be expected from." — fi=— -fe], as in II, ii. 2. It is only the first part of the saying on which Confucius dwells. That is called £., the principal sentence; the other is

t ito rfii & rfn it -tfc,

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"^ ifn

-fll,

JSl

3. "If a rw/Ier knows this, — the difficulty of being a prince, — may there not be expected from this one sentence the prosperity of his country?"

4. The duke then said, "Is there a single sentence which can ruin a country ?" Confucius replied, "Such an effect as that cannot be expected from one sentence. There is, however, the saying which people have — 'I have no pleasure in being a prince, but only in that no one can offer any opposition to what I say!'

5. "If a ruler's words be good, is it not also good that no one oppose them ? But if they are not good, and no one opposes them, may there not be expected from this one sentence the ruin of his country?"

only ^ fft, "an accessory." 3. Some from this one word, etc.?" Simiput a comma at the first *, but it is l™1^ P^' 4' 2' -is,a PrePosjtion = °,yr

~^ in. JL g, — pf is here used specially

better to take that ^p- as a preposi- of tke orders, rules, etc., which a

tion; — "May it not be expected that ruler may issue.

iae 3£

CHAPTER XVI. 1. The duke of Sheh asked about government.

2. The Master said, "Good government obtains when those who are near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted."

CHAPTER XVII. Tsze-hsia, being governor of Chlifii, asked about government. The Master said, "Do not be desirous to have things done quickly; do not look at small advantages. Desire to have things done quickly prevents their being done thoroughly. Looking at small advantages prevents great affairs from being accomplished."

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. The duke of Sheh informed Confucius, saying, "Among us here are those who may be styled upright in their conduct. If their father

16. GOOD GOVERNMENT SEEN FROM

ITS EFFECTS. 1. "^ read sheh; see VII, xviii. 2. Confucius is supposed to have in view the oppressive and aggressive government of Ch'u, to which Shih belonged.

17. HASTE AND SMALL ADVAN-

TACK9 NOT TO BE DESIRED IN OOVERN-

I-NU. Chii-fa (fu, 3rd tone) was a

small city in the western border of Lu. f£ = $5:, the prohibitive particle. 18. NATUHAL, DUTY AND UPRIGHT- NESS IN COLLISION. 1. ^ |jf£, "Our

village," "our neighborhood," but

Hi must be taken vaguely, as in the

translation; compare V, xxi. We

! cannot say whether the duke is

l referring to one or more actual cases,

ilg isSr CONFUCIAN ANALECTS

•Ifc,

have stolen a sheep, they will bear witness to the fact."

2. Confucius said, "Among us, in our part of the country, those who are upright are different from this. The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Unrightness is to be found in this."

CHAPTER XIX. Fan Ch'ih asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, "It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among rude, uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected."

or giving his opinion of what his people would do. Confucius's reply would incline us to the latter view. In the 4j(| |g, accounts are quoted of such cases, but they are probably founded on this chapter. j|| is "to eteal on occasion," i. e., on some temptation, as when another person's animal conies into my grounds, and 1 appropriate it. f?£ seems to convey here the idea of accusation, as well as of witnessing. 2. ii.^^C-1!', — compare IT, xviii, 2. The expression does not absolutely affirm that this is upright, but that in this there is a better principle than in the other

conduct. — Anybody but a Chinese will say that both the duke's view of the subject and the sage's were incomplete.

19. CHABACTEKISTICS OF PERFECT VIRTUE. This is the third time that Fan Ch'ih is represented as questioning the Master about £1, and it is supposed by some to have been tho first in order. ^ ^ (in 3rd tone), in opposition to flL 3j£ = " dwelling alone," "in retirement." The rude tribes here are the 1 and the Ti. The 1 we met with in IX, xiii. Here it is associated with Ti, the name of tribes on the north.

GNFUCIAN ANALECTS

CHAPTER XX. 1. Tsze-kung asked, saying, "What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called an officer?" The Master said, "He who in his conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, and when sent to any quarter will not disgrace his prince's commission, deserves to be called an officer."

2. Tsze-kung pursued, " I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank?" and he was told, "He whom the circle of his relatives pronounce to be filial, whom his fellow villagers and neighbors pronounce to be fraternal."

3. Again the disciple asked, "I venture to ask about the class still next in order." The Master said, "They are determined to be sincere in what they say,

20. DIFFERENT CLASSES OF MKX

WHO IN THEIR SEVERAL DEGREES

MAY BE STYLED OFFICERS, AND THE

INFERIORITY OF THE MASS OF THE

ERS OF CONFUCIUS'S TIME. 1.

compare on XII, xx. Here it

;es — not the scholar, but the

•''• $ 8ft, "has shame," i. e.,

avoid all bad conduct which

would subject him to reproach. 2.

^ $1 i» "a designation for all who

form one body having the same ancestor." They are also called -fa $j, "nine branches of kindred," being all of the same surname from the great-great-grandfather to the great-great-grandson. |^=1]^, meaning " submissive," giving due honor to all older than himself. 3. Jjg, "the sound of stones." Jg? @ jfc, "stonelike." The dictionary, with reference

nn" fiW

-tit

fir

and to carry out what they do. They are obstinate little men. Yet perhaps they may make the next class."

4. Tsze-kung finally inquired, "Of what sort are those of the present day, who engage in government?" The Master said, "Pooh! they are so many pecks and hampers, not worth being taken into account."

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "Since I cannot get men pursuing the due medium, to whom I might communicate my instructions., I must find the ardent and the cautiously-decided. The ardent will advance and lay hold of truth ; the cautiously-decided will keep themselves from what is wrong."

to this passage, explains it — /J) X UJ, "the appearance of a small man." *• fl" U «fc A» i- e-) mere utensils. Compare on II, xii. Dr. Williams translates the expression fairly well by "peck-measure men."

21. CONFUCIUS OBLIGED TO CON- TENT HIMSELF WITH THE AKDENT AND CAUTIOUS AS DISCIPLES. Compare V, xxi, and Mencius VII, ii, 37. ^ £, is explained as in the

translation— Jjl it ^ ±. The ffe jEjfj, however, gives simply — 1& £, fs) III, "dwell together with them." $) -til, ff 1$ -¥S— comp. VIII, xvi, 2. ijg is explained in the dictionary by Wi xlK) "contracted and urgent." Opposed to £E) it would seem to denote caution, but yet not a caution which may not be combined with decision. ;£f J5/f 5fc ffi, "have what thev will not do."

irri

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1 1 1 J «rxv

e-t ^& PI* VTfl

CHAPTER XXII. 1. The Master said, "The people of the south have a saying — 'A man without constancy cannot be either a wizard or a doctor.' Good!

2. "Inconstant in his virtue, he will be visited with disgrace."

3. The Master said, "This arises simply from not attending to the prognostication."

CHAPTER XXIII. The Master said, "The superior man is affable, but not adulatory; the mean man is adulatory, but not affable."

22. THK IMPORTANCE OF FIXITY AND CONSTANCY OF MIND. 1. I translate £& by "wizard," for want of a better term. In the Chau Li, Bk. XXVI, the wti appear sustaining a sort of official status, regularly called in . to bring down spiritual I KMM^S, obtain showers, etc. They are distinguished as men and women, though JJ£ 's often feminine, "a witch," as opposed toSjJ, "a wizard." Confucius' a use of the saying, according to Chu Hsi, is this — "Since such small people must have constancy, JKI\V 7imch more ought others to have it!" The ranking of the (l.i.-tors uml wizards together sufficiently shows what was the position of the healing art in those days. —

Chang K'ang-ch-ang interprets this paragraph quite madmissibly : — " Wizards and doctors cannot manage people who have no constancy." 2. This is a quotation from the Yiching, diagram '|'|[; hexagram XXXII, line 3. 3. This is inexplicable to Chu Hsi. Some bring out from it the meaning in the translation. — Chang K'ang-ch'ang says : " By the Yi we prognosticate good and evil, but in it there is no prognostication of people without constancy."

23. THE DIFFERENT MANNERS OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN. Compare II, xiv, but here the parties are contrasted in their more private intercourse with others. [?fj, "agreeing with," = flattering.

ff i, ffi

CHAPTER XXIV. Tsze-kung asked, saying, "What do you say of a man who is loved by all the people of his neighborhood ? ' ' The Master replied, ' ' We may not for that accord our approval of him." "And what do you say of him who is hated by all the people of his neighborhood?" The Master said, "We may not for that conclude that he is bad. It is better than either of these cases that the good in the neighborhood love him, and the bad hate him."

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "The superior man is easy to serve and difficult to please. If you try to please him in any way which is not accordant

24. HOW, TO JUDGE OF A MAN FROM THE LIKINGS AND DISLIKINGS OF OTHERS, WE MUST KNOW THE CHARACTERS OF THOSE OTHERS. fc

pj,— literally, "not yet may." The general meaning of a Chinese sentence is often plain, and yet we are puzzled to supply exactly the subjects, auxiliaries, etc., which other languages require. In rendering the phrase, I have followed many

of the paraphrasts, who complete it thus: % Pj 1t £. ft ^ (fe and

**!#£#*•&. In the K ffi, however, the second occurrence of it is expanded in the same way as the first. Compare Luke's Gospel,

25. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THK SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN IN THEIR RELATION TO THOSE EMPLOYED

BY THEM. g $ ffi ft i% (=1ft),—

-tiL

with right, he will not be pleased. But in his employ ment of men, he uses them according to their capacity. The mean man is difficult to serve, and easy to please. If you try to please him, though it be in a way which is not accordant with right, he may be pleased. But in his employment of men, he wishes them to be equal to everything.

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master said, "The superior man has a dignified ease without pride. The mean man has pride without a dignified ease."

CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "The firm, the enduring, the simple, and the modest are near to virtue."

as in the translation, or we may render, "is easily served, but is pleased with difficulty." g £, — see

II, xii, H being here a verb. ;fc •Jigis the opposite of ^ ;£, and=& ^ t ft ^ — A 4i _h) "he requires

"11 capabilities from a single

man."

2(). THE DIFFERENT AIB AND

BEARING OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE

MEAN MAN .

27. NATURAL QUALITIES WHICH ARE FAVORABLE TO VIRTUE. 7^, "wood," here an adjective, but not our "wooden." It= ^^, "simple," "plain." |(t), see IV, xxiv. The gloss on it here is — y| |$, " slow and blunt." "Modest" seems to be the idea.

Jgl

CHAPTER XXVIII. Tsze-lu asked, saying, "What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called a scholar?" The Master said, "He must be thus, — earnest, urgent, and bland: — ^among his friends, earnest and urgent; among his brethren, bland."

CHAPTER XXIX. The Master said, "Let a good man teach the people seven years, and they may then likewise be employed in war."

CHAPTER XXX. The Master said, "To lead an uninstructed people to war, is to throw them away."

28. QUALITIES THAT MARK THE SCHOLAR IN SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. This is the same question as in chap, xx, 1, but ;t is here "the scholar," the gentleman of education, without reference to his being in office or not.

29. HOW THE GOVERNMENT OF A GOOD RULER WILL PREPARE THE PEOPLE FOB WAR. f| X) "a good

man,'5— spoken with reference to him as a ruler. The teaching is not to be understood of military training, but of the duties of life and citizenship; a people so taught are

morally fitted to fight for their government. What military training may be included in the teaching, would merely be the hunting and drilling in the people's repose from the toils of agriculture. ^R, "weapons of war." pj £1 f[J ;$;, — "they may go to their weapons."

30. THAT PEOPLE MUST BE TAUGHT,

TO PREPARE THEM FOR WAR. Compare the last chapter. The language is very strong, and Icjj being understood as in the last chapter, shows how Confucius valued education for all classes.

BOOK XIV. HSIEN WAN

CHAPTER I. Hsien asked what was shameful. The Master said, "When good government prevails in a state, to be thinking only of salary; and, when bad government prevails, to be thinking, in the same way, only of salary; — this is shameful."

CHAPTER II. 1. "When the love of superiority, boasting, resentments, and covetousness are repressed, this may be deemed perfect virtue."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — ^ -t- [«4, "Hsien asked, No. 14.'"' the i list Hsing Ping (}fl$ •pi) says, " lu this Book we have the characters of the Three Kings, and Two Chiefs, the courses proper for princes and great officers, the practice of virtue, the knowledge of what is shameful, personal cultivation, and the tranquilizing of the people; — all subjects of great importance in government. They are therefore collected together, and arranged after the last Book, which commences with an inquiry about government." Some writers are of opinion that the whole Book with its 47 chapters was compiled by Hsien or Yuan Sze, who appears in the first chapter. That only the name of the inquirer is given and not his surname, is said to be our proof of this.

1. IT IS SHAMEFUL IN AN OFFICER TO BE CARING ONLY ABOUT HIS

EMOLUMENT. Hsien is the Yuan Sze of VI, iii, and if we suppose Oonfucius's answer designed to have a practical application to himself, it is not easily reconcilable with what appears of his character in~that other p'ace. ^ here = fj^, "emolument," but its meaning must be pregnant and intensive, as in the translation. If we do not take it so, the sentiment is contradictory to VIII, xiii. 3. K'ung An-kwo, however, takes the following view of the reply: "When a country is well -governed, emolument is right; when a country is ill -governed, to take office and emolument is shameful." I prefer the construction of Chu Hsi, which appears in the translation.

2. THE PRAISE OF PERFECT VIR- TUE IS NOT TO BE ALLOWED FOB THE REPRESSION ON BAD FEELINGS. In

Ho Yen, this chapter is joined to the preceding, and Chu Hsi also takes

2. The Master said, "This may be regarded as the achievement of what is difficult. But I do not know that it is to be deemed perfect virtue."

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "The scholar who cherishes the love of comfort is not fit to be deemed a scholar."

CHAPTER IV. The Master said, "When good government prevails in a state, language may be lofty and bold, and actions the same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be lofty and bold, but the language may be with some reserve."

the first paragraph to be a question of Yuan Hsien. 1. ]£, "overcoming," i. e., here = " the love of superiority." •$;, as in V, xxv, 3. ^ %f, "do not go," i. e., are not allowed to have their way, = are repressed. 2. J§, "difficult,"^ — the doing what is difficult, 'fl is quoad (£i; — "as to its being perfect virtue, that I do not know."

3. A SCHOLAR MUST BE AIMING AT WHAT IS HIGHEE THAN COMFORT OR

PLKASURK. Compare IV, xi. The ®

@ here is akin to the fH .-h there- Compare also IV, ix.

4. WHAT ONE DOES MUST ALWAYS BE RIGHT; WHAT ONE FEELS NEED

NOT ALWAYS BE SPOKEN: A LESSON

OF PRUDENCE. ^, for jg|, as in VII, xxxv. ^, "terror from being in a high position;" then "danger," "dangerous." It is used here in a good sense, meaning "lofty, and what may seem to be, or really be, dangerous," under a . bad government, where good principles do uot prevail.

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p^ jnl»

CHAPTER V. The Master said, "The virtuous will be sure to speak correctly, but those whose speech is good may not always be virtuous. Men of principle are sure to be bold, but those who are bold may not always be men of principle."

CHAPTER VI. Nan-kung Kwo, submitting an inquiry to Confucius, said, "1 was skillful at archery, and Ao could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yli and Chi personally

5. WE MAY PREDICATE THE EX- TERNAL FROM THE INTERNAL, BUT

NOT VICE VERSA. The ^ jf must be understood of virtuous speaking and "virtuously," or "correctly," be supplied to bring out the sense. A translator is puzzled to render fc % differently from ^ |*l %. I have said "men of principle,'' the opposition teing between moral and animal courage; yet the men of principle may not be without the other, in order to their doing justice to themselves.

6. EMINENT PROWESS CONDUCTING TO RUIN; EMINENT VIRTUE LEADING TO DIGNITY. THE MODESTY OF CON- FICIUS. Xan-kung Kwo is said bv

Chu Hsi to have been the same as Xan Yung in V, 1. But this is doubtful. See on Nan Yung there. Kwo, it is said, insinuated in his remark an inquiry whether Confucius was not like Yii or Chi, and the great men of the time so many I and Ao ; and the sage was modestly silent upon the subject. I and Ao carry us back to the 22nd century before Christ. The first belonged to a family of princelets, famous, from the time of the emperor |J(2432 B. c. ), for their archery, and dethroned the emperor . Hau-hsiang (jg ft]), 2145 B. c. I was afterwards slain by his minister, Han Cho (^ $£), who then married his wife, and one

wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of the kingdom." The Master made no reply; but when Nan-kung Kwo went out, he said, "A superior man indeed is this! An esteemer of virtue indeed is this!"

CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "Superior men, and yet not always virtuous, there have been, alas! But there never has been a mean man, and, at the same time, virtuous."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "Can there be love which does not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object?"

of their sons (j%, Chido) was the individual here named Ao, who was subsequently destroyed by the emperor Shao-k'ang, the posthxtmous son of Hau-hsiang. Chi was the son of the emperor ^, of whose birth many prodigies are narrated, and appears in the Shu-ching as Hau-chi, the minister of agriculture to Yao and Shun, by name fj|. The Chau family traced their descent lineally from him, so that though the throne only came to his descendants more than a thousand years after his time, Nan-kung Kwo speaks as if he had got it himself, as Yii did. •§ npp& ?? A' — "compare V, ii. The

name Ao in the text should be J£.

7. THE HIGHEST VIRTUE NOT EASI- LY ATTAINED TO, AND INCOMPATIBLE

WITH MEANNESS. Compare IV, iv. We must supply the "always," to bring out the meaning.

8. A LESSON FOB PABENTS AND MINISTERS, THAT THEY MUST BE

STRICT AXD DECIDED. Lao, being parallel with hui, is to be construed as a verb, and conveys the meaning in the translation different from the meaning of the term in XIII, i. K'ung An-kwo takes it in the sense of "to soothe," "comfort," in the 3rd tone, but that does not euit the parallelism.

•ffi.

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CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "In preparing the governmental notifications, P'i Shan first made the rough draft; Shi-shu examined and discussed its contents; Tsze-yii, the manager of foreign intercourse, then polished the style; and, finally, Tsze-ch'an of Tung-li gave it the proper elegance and finish."

CHAPTER X. 1. Some one asked about Tsze-eh'an. The Master said, "He was a kind man."

2. He asked about Tsze-hsi. The Master said, "That man! That man!"

9. THE EXCELLENCE OF THE OFFICIAL NOTIFICATIONS OF CHANG, OWING TO THE ABILITY OF FOUR OF

ITS OFFICERS. The state of Chang, small and surrounded by powerful neighbors, was yet fortunate in having able ministers, through whose mode of conducting its government it enjoyed considerable prosperity. &, with reference to this passage, is explained in the dictionary by jEfr •$• JB. "Of £. S$t-) "the language of governonlers, covenants, and con- : bee the Chau Li, XXV, h'an(see V,.xv) was ili-' (-liief minister of the slate, and

iu preparing such documents first used the services of P'i Shan, who was noted for his wise planning of matters. Shi-shu shows the relation of the officer indicated to the ruling family. His name was Yu-chi {^ jjj). The province of the ^f A waa "to superintend the ceremonies of communication with other states"; see the Chau Li, Bk. XXXVIII.

10. THE JUDGMENT OF CONFUCIUS CONCERNING TsZE-CH'AN, TsZE-HSI,

AND KWAN CHUNG. 1. See V, xv. 2. Tsze-hsi was the chief minister of Ch' u. He had refused to accept tha •nomination to the sovereignty of. the

r) ffij

3. He asked about Kwan Chung. "For him," said the Master, "the city of Pien, with three hundred families, was taken from the chief of the Po family, who did not utter a murmuring word, though, to the end of his life, he had only coarse rice to eat."

CHAPTER XI. The Master said, "To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be rich without being proud is easy."

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, "Mang Kung-ch'o is more than fit to be chief officer in the families of Chao and Wei, but he is not fit to be great officer to either of the states Tang or Hsieh."

state in preference to the rightful heir, but did not oppose the usurping tendencies of the rulers of Ch'u. He had, moreover, opposed the wish of king CMo (of Ch'u) to employ the sage. 3. Kwan Chung,- — see III, xxii. To reward his merits, the duke Hwan conferred on him the domain of the officer mentioned in the text, who had been guilty of some offense. His submitting as he did to his changed fortunes was the best tribute to Kwan's excellence.

11. IT IS HARDER TO BEAR POV- ERTY ARIGHT THAN TO CARRY RICHES.

This sentiment may be controverted. Compare I, xv.

12. THE CAPACITY OF MANG KUNG-CH'O. Kung-ch'o was the head of tho Mang, or Chung-sxin family,

and, according to the "Historical Records," was regarded by Confucius more than any other great man of the times in Lu. His estimate of him, however, as appears here, was not very high. In the sage's time, the government of the state of Tsin (f?) was in the hands of the three families, Chao, Wei, and Han ($g), which afterwards divided the whole state among themselves; but meanwhile they were not states, and Kung-ch'o, as their Ido, or chief officer, could have managed their affairs. T'ang and Hsieh were small states, whose great officers would have to look after their relations with greater states, to which function Kung-ch'o's abilities were not equal. - -

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CHAPTER XIII. 1. Tsze-lu asked what constituted a COMPLETE man. The Master said, "Suppose a man with the knowledge of Tsang Wu-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-ch'o, the bravery of Chwang of Pien, and the varied talents of Zan Ch'iu; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of propriety and music; — such a one might be reckoned a COMPLETE man."

2. He then added, "But what is the necessity for a complete man of the present day to have all these things? The man, who in the view of gain, thinks of righteousness; who in the view of danger is prepared to give up his life; and who does not forget an old

13. OF THE COMPLETE MAX: — A CONVERSATION WITH TsZE-L(h 1.

Tsang Wu-chung had been an officer of Lu in the reign anterior to that in which Confucius was born. So great was his reputation for wisdom that the people gave him the title of a |g A» or "sage." Wu was his honorary epithet, and ]() denotes his family place, among his brothers. Chwang, it is said by Chu Hsi, after Chau (HJ), one of the oldest commentators, whose surname only has come down to us, was -|; g, ~X :%., "great officer of the city of Pien."

According to the "Great Collection of Surnames," a secondary branch of a family of the state of Ts'ao (U) having settled in Lu; and being gifted with Pien, its members took their surname thence. For the history of Chwang and of Wu-chung, see the Jjj |f£, in loc. Tfr pj £ •3$, — Tfr implies that there was a higher style of man still, to •whom the epithet complete would be more fully applicable. 2. The 0 is to be understood of Confucius, though some suppose that Tsze-lu is the speaker. 3g, 1st tone, = $j, "an agreement,"

agreement however far back it extends: — such a man may be reckoned a COMPLETE man."

CHAPTER XIV. 1. The Master asked Kung-ming Chia about Kung-shu Wan, saying, "Is it true that your master speaks not, laughs not, and takes not?"

2. Kung-ming Chia replied, "This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth. — My master speaks when it is the time to speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He laughs when there is occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tired of his la,ughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking." The Master said, "So! But is it so with him?"

"a covenant,-" — "a long agreement, he does not forget the words of his whole life." The meaning is what appears in the translation.

14. THE CHARACTER OF KUNG- snO WAN, WHO WAS SAID NEITHER

TO SPEAK, NOB L.AUGH, NOR TAKE.

1. Wan was the "honorary epithet of the individual in question, by name Chih (!£), or, as some say, Fa (f£), an officer of the state of Wei. He was descended from the duke Sjf , and

was himself the founder of the Kung-shu family, being so designated, I suppose, because of his relation to the reigning duke. Of Kung-ming ChiS, nothing seems to be knouii; he would seem from this chapter to have been a disciple of Kung-shu Wan. 2. :Hl $£, — with reference to Chia's account of Kungshu Wan. g 3£ $£ ^ intimates Confucius's opinion that Chia waa himself going beyond the truth.

ffi

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, " Tsang Wu-chung, keeping possession of Fang, asked of the duke of Lu to appoint a successor to him in his family. Although it may be said that he was not using force with his sovereign, I believe he was."

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "The duke Wan of Tsin was crafty and not upright. The duke Hwan of Ch'i was upright and not crafty."

1."). CONDEMNATION OF TSANG Wu-

( Hr.NG FOB FORCING A FAVOR FROM

HIS PRINCE. Wu-chung (see chap.

xiii) was obliged to fly from Lu, by

the animosity of the Hang family,

and took refuge in CM ($). As the

head of the Tsang family, it devolved

on him to offer the sacrifices in the

ancestral temple, and he wished one

of his half brothers to be made the

head of the 'family, in his room, that

those might not be neglected. To

Mren-then the application for this,

which he contrived to get made, he

returned himself to the city of Fang,

which belonged to his family, and

thence sent a message to the coxirt,

which was tantiMiii.imt ts a threat,

that if the application were not

granted, he would hold possession of

the place. This was what. Confucius

condemned,— -the y. ffi in a matter

which should have been left to the duke's grace. See all the circumstances in the }fe fl|, J| fc H -f" =*- &£-. jg, in 1st tone, as in chap, xiii, but -with a different meaning, =ift, "to force to do."

16. THK DIFFERENT CHARACTERS OF THE DUKES WAN OF TSIN AND

HWAN OF CH'I. Hwan and Wan were the two first of the five leaders of the princes of the empire, who play an important part in Chinese history, during the period of the Ohau dynasty known as the Ch'un Ch'iu (|f) j$). Hwan ruled in Ch'i, 681-643 B. c., and Wan in Tsui, 636- 628 B. c. Of Duke Hwan, see the next chapter. The attributes mentioned by Confucius are not to be taken absolutely, but as respectively .predominating .in the two chiefs.

CHAPTER XVII. 1. Tsze-lu said, "The duke Hwan caused his brother Chiu to be killed, when Shao Hu died with his master., but Kwan Chung did not die. May not I say that he was wanting in virtue?"

2. The Master said, "The duke Hwan assembled all the princes together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots: — it was all through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence was like his ? Whose beneficence was like his?"

brains out, and die with his master, while Kwan Chung returned gladly to Ch'i, took- service with Hwan, became his prime minister, and made ' him supreme arbiter among the various chiefs of the empire. Such conduct was condemned by Tsze-lu. ££ ;£ is a peculiar expression — j$ -f- M HU b- '* "Confucius defends Kwan Chung, on the ground of the services which 'he rendered, using ^ in" a different acceptation from that intended by the disciple. ^L, 1st tono, explained in the dictionary by §5, synonymous with -0s though the f$ gjj makes out more than nine assemblages of" princes under the presidency of Duke Hwari. ,\\ -.it fn=2il #l JC- rf ~ft, »« in tlK;"1:fiin.slation.

1 7. THE AIEBIT OF KWAN CHUNG :

A CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-LT).

1- £• 3- &) "the duke's son Ch'iu," but, to avoid the awkwardness of that rendering, I say — "his brother." Hwan (the honorary epithet; his name was /J» £3 ) and Ch'iu had botli been refugees in different states, the latter having been carried into Lu, away from the troubles and dangers of Ch'i, by the ministers, Kwan Chung and Shao Hu. On the death of the prince of Ch'i, Hwan anticipated Ch'iu, got to Ch'i, and took possession of the state. Soon after, he required the duke of Lu to put his brother to death, and to deliver up the two ministers, .when Shao (£5 here = 315) Hu chose to dash His

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, "Kwan Chung, I apprehend, was wanting in virtue. When the duke Hwan caused his brother Chiu to be killed, Kwan Chung was not able to die with him. Moreover, he became prime minister to Hwan."

2. The Master said, " Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to the duke Hwan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the whole kingdom. Down to the present day, the people enjoy the gifts which he conferred. But for Kwan Chung, we should now be wearing our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoning on the left side.

3. "Will you require from him the small fidelity of

18. THE MERIT OF KWAN CHUNG :

A CONVERSATION WITH TSZE-KUNG.

1. Tsze-lu's doubts about Kwan Chung arose from his not dying with the prince Chiu; Tsze-kung's turned principally on his subsequently becoming premier to Hwan. 2. |H=IE, "to rectify," "reduce to order." — blends with fg its own verbal force, ="to unite." fe=&, "not," "if not." ^ (the 4th tone) ^,— see the Li Chi, III, iii, 14, where this is mentioned as a characteristic of the eastern barbarians. ;£ ^,— see the

Shu-ching, V, xxiv, 13. A note in the |j fg says, that anciently the right was the position of honor, and the right hand, moreover, is the more convenient for use, but the practice of the barbarians was contrary to that of China in both points. The sentiment of Confucius is, that but for Kwan Chung, his countrymen would have sunk to the state of the rude tribes about them. 3. J7C ^, |7C ^?, —see IX, xxv. |g=/h f=, "small fidelity," by which is intended the faithfulness of a married couple of

m »& CONFUCIAN ANALECTS 203

fifi -tiL

common men and common women, who would commit suicide in a stream or ditch, no one knowing anything about them ? "

CHAPTER XIX. 1. The great officer, Hsien, who had been family minister to Kung-shu Wan, ascended to the prince's court in company with Wan.

2. The Master, having heard of it, said, "He deserved to be considered WAN (the accomplished)."

the common people, where the husband takes no concubine in addition to his wife. The argument is this : — "Do you think Kwan Chung should have considered himself bound to Chiu, as a common man considers himself bound to his wife? And would you have had him commit suicide, as common people will do on any slight occasion ?" Commentators Bay that there is underlying the vindication this fact: — that Kwan Chung and Shao Hu's adherence to Chiu was wrong in the first place, Chiu being the younger brother. Chung's conduct, therefore, was not to be judged as if Chiu had been the senior. There is nothing of this, however, in Confucius 's words. He vindicates Chung simply on the ground of his subsequent services, and his reference to "the small fidelity" of husband and wife among the common people is very unhappy, g

£$ (3rd tone), "to strangle one's self," but in connection with ^ }f|, the phrase must be understood generally = " to commit suicide."

19. THE MERIT OF KUNG-SHU WAN IN RECOMMENDING TO HIGH OFFICE, WHILE IN AN INFERIOR POSI- TION, A MAN OF WORTH. 1. Kungshu Wan, — see chap. xiv. This paragraph is to be understood as intimating that Kung-shu, seeing the worth and capacity of his minister, had recommended him to his sovereign, and afterwards was not ashamed to appear in the same rank with him at court. /2j,=our "duke's," i. e., the duke's court. 2. The meaning of the chapter turns on the signification of the title Wan. For the conferring of this on Kung-shii. see the Li Chi, II, Sect, ii, Pt. ii, 13. The name Hsien generally appears in the form &..

-tSL ¥

rfn 4i

CHAPTER XX. 1. The Master was speaking about the unprincipled course of the duke Ling of Wei, when Ch'i K'ang said, "Since he is of such a character, how is it he does not lose his state?"

2. Confucius said, "The Chung-shu Yii has the superintendence of his guests and of strangers; the litanist, T'o, has the management of his ancestral temple; and Wang-sun Chia has the direction of the army and forces: — with such officers as these, how should he lose his state ? "

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "He who speaks without modesty will find it difficult to make his words good."

20, Tin: IMPORTANCE OF GOOD AND

ABLB MIXISTKKS: SEEX IN THE

STATE OF WEI. 1. Ling was the honorary epithet of Ytian (jc), duke of \Voi, 533-492 B. c. He was the husband ot Nan-tsze, VI, xxvi. See VE ?, Bk. XXV, 9. The Chung-shu

Yii is the K'ung Wan of V, xiv. -fij* ^ express his family position, according to the degrees of kindred. "The litanist, T'o,?;— see VI, xiv. Wang-sun Chia, — see III, xiii.

21. EXTRAVAGANT SPEECH HABD TO BE MADE GOOD. Compare IV, xxii.

Jfc

CHAPTER XXII. 1. Chan Ch'ang murdered the duke Chien of Ch'i.

2. Confucius bathed, went to court, and informed the duke Ai, saying, "Chan Hang has slain his sovereign. I beg that you will undertake to punish him."

3. The duke said, "Inform the chiefs of the three families of it."

4. Confucius retired, and said, "Following in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter, and my prince says, "Inform the chiefs of the three families of it."

22. How CoNFTTcnrs WISHED TO

AVENGE THE MURDER OF THE DUKE OF CH'I: — HIS RIGHTEOUS AND PUBLIC

SPIRIT. 1. Chien, — "not indolent in a single virtue," and "tranquil, not speaking unadvisedly," are the meanings attached to ftg, as an honorary epithet, while J?)c (the honorary epithet of Chan Hang indicates, " tranquil izer of the people, and establisher of government." The murder of the duke Chiert by his minister, Chan Hang (ff), took place 481 B. c., barely two years before Confucius's death. 2." ft %$ implies all the fasting arid all the solemn preparation, as for a sacrifice or other great occasion. Properly, ^ft is to wash the hair with the water in which rice has been washed, and y$

is to wash the body with hot water. in It H) — according to the account of this matter in the J§£ f^, Confucius meant that the duke Ai should himself, with the forces of Lu, undertake the punishment of the criminal. Some modern commentators cry out against this. The sage's advice, they say, would have been that the duke should report the thing to the king, and with his authority associate other princes with himself to do justice on the offender. 3. -^[f ^ ^ •J, — this is the use of ^ in XI, xxiv, et al. 4. This is taken as the remark of Confucius, or his colloquy with himself, when he had gone out from the duke. & ^ fl£ ^c Vc ± ft , —see XI, vii. The :$ leaves the sentence

5. He went to the chiefs, and informed them, but they would not act. Confucius then said, "Following in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter."

CHAPTER XXIII. Tsze-lu asked how a ruler should be served. The Master said, "Do not impose on him, and, moreover, withstand him to his face."

CHAPTER XXIV. The Master said, "The progress of the superior man is upwards; the progress of the mean man is downwards."

incomplete; — "my prince says, 'Inform the three chiefs of it;' — this circumstance." The paraphrasts complete the sentence by fSJ ]$, — "How is it that the prince, etc.?" 6. £ S =$-,— 2. is the verb— "to go to." ft J- g, ^ •£,— this was spoken to the chiefs to reprove them for their disregard of a crime, which concerned every public man, or perhaps it is merely the reflection of the own mind.

23. HOW THE MINISTER OF A

PRINCE MUST BE SINCERE AND BOLD- LY UPRIGHT. $U •£. is weU expressed by the phrase in the translation. Many passages in the Li Chi show that to 3H was required by the duty of a minister, but not allowed to a son with his father.

24. THE DIFFERENT PROGRESSIVE TENDENCIES OF THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN. Ho Yen takes jf| in the sense of Rj?|, "to understand." The modern view seema better.

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "In ancient times, men learned with a view to their own improvement. Nowadays, men learn with a view to the approbation of others."

CHAPTER XXVI. 1. Chii Po-yii sent a messenger with friendly inquiries to Confucius.

2. Confucius sat with him, and questioned him. "What," said he, "is your master engaged in?" The messenger replied, "My master is anxious to make his faults few, but he has not yet succeeded." He then went out, and the Master said, "A messenger indeed!

A messenger indeed!"

25. THE DIFFERENT MOTIVES OF LEARNERS IN OLD TIMES, AND IN THE TIMES of CONFUCIUS. |$ £., ^ \ " f or themselves, for other men." The meaning is as in the translation.

26. AN ADMIRABLE MESSENGER.

1. Po-yii was the designation of Chii

Yuan (Jg), an officer of the state of Wei, and a disciple of 1 he sage. His place is now 1st east, in the outer court of the temples. Confucius had lodged with him when in Wei, and it was after his return to Lu that Po-yii sent to inquire for him.

Sfe

rfn S Hi R

0, 1£o ^ Sfc. H,

-tile til o S) n^ m

CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "He who is not in any particular office has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties."

CHAPTER XXVIII. The philosopher Tsang said, "The superior man, in his thoughts, does not go out of his place.''

CHAPTER XXIX. The Master said, "The superior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions."

CHAPTER XXX. 1. The Master said, "The way of the superior man is threefold, but I am not equal to it. Virtuous, he is free from anxieties; wise, he is free from perplexities; bold, he is free from fear.

2. Tsze-kung said, "Master, that is what you yourself say."

27. A repetition of VIII, xiv.

28. THE THOUGHTS OF A SUPERIOR MAX IN HARMONY WITH HIS POSITION. T.sarig hero quotes from the ^., or Illustrations, of the 52nd diagram of the Yi-chirig, but he leaves out one '•haracter,— # before ©, and thereby alters the meaning somewhat. ^Vhat is said in the Yi, is— "The superior man is thoughtful, and so

63 not go out of his place."— The

chapter, it is said, is inserted here,

its analogy with the preceding

29. THE SUPERIOR MAN MORE IN

DEEDS THAN IN WORDS. |fr iff- ff ,

literally, "is ashamed of his words." Compare chaps, xxi and IV, xxii.

30. CONFUCIUS'S HUMBLE ESTI- MATE OF HIMSELF, WHICH TSZE-KUNQ

DENIES. 1. We have the greatest part of this paragraph in IX, xxviii, but the translation must be somewhat different, as £:£»** *. H £ are here in apposition with ^ -J-. jg

• m £=«• -? m a n ^ *, "what

the superior man takes to be his path." 2. -t=g-, "to say."

-til

CHAPTER XXXI. Tsze-kung was in the habit of comparing men together. The Master said, "Tsze must have reached a high pitch of excellence! Now, I have not leisure for this."

CHAPTER XXXII. The Master said, "I will not be concerned at men's not knowing me; I will be concerned at my own want of ability."

CHAPTER XXXIII. The Master said, "He who does not anticipate attempts to deceive him, nor think beforehand of his not being believed, and yet apprehends these things readily (when they occur); — is he not a man of superior worth ? "

31. ONE'S WORK is WITH ONE'S

SELF : — AGAINST MAKING COMPARI- SONS. ]g sp- p£ = "Ha! is he not superior?" The remark is ironical.

32. CONCERN SHOULD BE ABOUT OUR PERSONAL ATTAINMENT, AND NOT ABOUT THE ESTIMATION OF OTHERS. See I, xvi, et al. A critical canon is laid down here by Chu Hsi: — "All passages, the same in meaning and in words, are to be understood as having been spoken only once, and their recurrence in the work of the compilers. Where the meaning in the same and the language a little different, they are to be taken as having been repeated by Confucius himself with the variations." According to this rule the sentiment in this chapter was repeated by the

Master in four different utterances,

33. QUICK DISCRIMINATION WITH- OUT SUSPICIOUSNESS IS HIGHLY MERI- TORIOUS, sgj, "to be disobedient," "to rebel"; also, "to meet," and here "to anticipate," i. e., in judgment. :jfjj /,/)), see XIII, xix, but the meaning is there "perhaps," while here the J}J is adversative, and =" but." -fa yfc ;§ is used in opposition to & ^ ^, and = "a quick apprehender, one who understands things before others." So, Chfl Hsi. K'ung Ankwo, however, takes #jj as conjunctive, and 5fe % in apposition with the two preceding characteristics, and interprets the conclusion — "Is such a man of superior worth ?" On Chu Hsi's view, the ^ is exclamatory.

,;£ fnSr

ffi

fiS

CHAPTER XXXIV. 1. Wei-shang Mau said to Confucius, "Ch'iu, how is it that you keep roosting about? Is it not that you are an insinuating talker?"

2. Confucius said, "I do not dare to play the part of such a talker, but I hate obstinacy."

CHAPTER XXXV. The Master said, "A horse is called a ch'i, not because of its strength, but because of its other good qualities."

CHAPTER XXXVI. 1. Some one said, "What do you say concerning the principle that injury should be recompensed with kindness?"

34. CONFUCIUS NOT SELF-WILLED, AND YET NO OLIB-TONGUED TALKEB:

DEFENSE OF HIMSELF FROM THE

CHARGE OF AN AGED REPROVER. 1. From Wei-shang's addressing Confucius by his name, it is presumed that he was an old man. Such a liberty in a young man would have been impudence. It is presumed nl si) that he was one of those men who kept themselves retired from the world in disgust. j|g, "to perch or roost," as a bird, used contemptuously with reference to Confucius going about among the princes and wishing to be called to office. 2. [5J = & — ^S iS,. "holding one idea without intelligence."

35. VIRTUE AND NOT STRENGTH, THE FIT SUBJECT OK PRAISE. |f| W8S

the name of a famous horse of antiquity who could run 1000 II in one day. See the dictionary in voc. It is here used generally for "a good horse."

36. GOOD is NOT TO BE RETURNED

FOR EVIL; EVIL TO BE MET SIMPLY

WITH JUSTICE. 1. ^, = M ^) "kindness." $*, "resentment," "hatred," here put for what awakens resentment, "wrong," "injury." The phrase gl ^ $g $£ is found in the i! t& £1 of Lao-tsze, II, chap. Ixiii, but it is possible that Confuoius's questioner simply consulted him about it as a saying which he had himself heard and was inclined to approve. 2- 0. jfi^, "with straightness," i. e., with justice.- — How far the ethics of Confucius fall below our Christian

•ffc

2. The Master said, "With what then will you recompense kindness?"

3. "Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness."

CHAPTER XXXVII. 1. The Master said, "Alas! there is no one that knows me."

2. Tsze-kung said, "What do you mean by thus saying — that no one knows you?" The Master replied, "I do not murmur against Heaven. I do not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my

standard is evident from this chapter, and even below Lao-tsze. The same expressions are attributed to Confucius in the Li Chi, XXIX, xii, and it is there added j- p, £1 ^ $g $, --RIJ E ^ ± t ( = A), which is explained, — "He who returns good for evil is a man who is careful of his person," i. e., will try to avert danger from himself by such a course. The author of the H f£ says that the injuries intended by the questioner were only trivial matters, which perhaps might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, but great offenses, as those against a sovereign or a father, may not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice. Ihe Master himself, however, does not fence his deliverance in any way.

37. CONFUCIUS, LAMENTING THAT MEN DID NOT KNOW HIM, BESTS IN THE THOUGHT THAT HEAVEN KNEW HIM. 1. ^ 3£ £fl, — the inversion for 31 £n fj£, "does not know me." He referred, commentators say, to the way in which he pursued his course, simply J§ g,, out of his own conviction of duty, and for his own improvement, without regard to success, or the opinions of others. 2- fSI ^ 3£ ^ *fl J- -til, "what is that which you say — n(~ man knows you?" T $. -t ^» — "beneath I learn, above I penetrate"; — the meaning appears to be that he contented himself with the study of men and things, common matters as more ambitious spirits would deem them, but from those he rose to understand the high principles involved in them,

ffiJ

penetration rises high. But there is Heaven; -—that knows me!"

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 1. The Kung-po Liao, having slandered Tsze-lu to Chi-sun, Tsze-fu Ching-po informed Confucius of it, saying, " Our master is certainly being led astray by the Kung-po Liao, but I have still power enough left to cut Lido off, and expose his corpse in the market and in the court."

2. The Master said, "If my principles are to advance, it is so ordered. If they are to fall to the

— " the apijuintments of Heaven (5^ ifr)"; — according to one commentator. n fjj &, £ 3; sf,— "He who knows me, is not that Heaven '!" The F) |j! paraphrases this, as if it a soliloquy, — _h 5^, ;$*• ^ ^ ^

3S. How CONFUCIUS RESTED, AS

TO THE PROGRESS OF HIS DOCTRINES,

"N THE ORDERING OF HEAVEN:

-ION OF TSZE-LU'S BEING

rpEBED. 1. Liao, called Kungpo (literally, duke's uncle), probably from an affinity with the ducal . house, is said by some to have been a disciple of the sage, but that is not

likely, as we find him here slandering Tsze-lu, that he might not be able, in his official connection with the Chi family, to carry the Master's lessons into practice, jft was the hon. epithet of Tsze-fu Ching, a great officer of Lu. 3)c ^ refers to Chisun. ;ff ^ j&, — "is having his will deceived." Exposing the bodies ([g^ f ) of criminals, after their execution, was called jj]t. The bodies of "great officers" were so exposed in tie court, and those of meaner criminals in the market place. 7jj j^ came to be employed together, though, the exposure could take piace

ground, it is so ordered. What can the Kung-po Liao do where such ordering is concerned ? "

CHAPTER XXXIX. 1. The Master said, "Some men of worth retire from the world.

2. "Some retire from particular states.

3. " Some retire because of disrespectful looks.

4. "Some retire because of contradictory language." CHAPTER XL. The Master said, "Those who have

done this are seven men/'

only in one place, just as we have seen fa J& used generally for "brother." 2. ffl.' makes the preceding clause conditional, = "if." •^ "Heaven's ordering."

39. DIFFERENT CAUSES WHY MEN OF WORTH WITHDRAW FROM PUBLIC LIFE, AND DIFFERENT EXTENTS TO WHICH THEY SO WITHDRAW THEM- SBLVES. . )$ pi, 4th tone,=j||. 2. St ^J, — "the next class," but commentators say that the meaning is no more than "some," and that the terms do not indicate any comparison of the parties on the ground of their worthiness, fljj, "the earth," here = territories or states. 3. The

"looks," and "language" in par. 4, are to be understood of the princes whom the worthies wished to serve — Confucius himself could never bear to withdraw from the world.

40. THE NUMBER OF MEN OF WORTH WHO HAD WITHDRAWN FROM PUBLIC LIFE IN CoNFUCIUS's TIME. This chapter is understood in connection with the preceding; — aa appears in the translation. Chii, however, explains f£ by j£E, "have arisen." Others explain it by ^$, "have done this." They also give the names of the seven men, which Chu -calls j||, "chiseling.*

flB

fto PI

CHAPTER XLI. Tsze-lu happening to pass the night in Shih-man, the gatekeeper said to him, "Whom do you come from?" Tsze-lu said, "From Mr. K'ung." "It is he,— is it not?" -said the other, "who knows the impracticable nature of the times and yet will be doing in them."

CHAPTER XLIT. 1. The Master was playing, one day, on a musical stone in Wei, when a man, carrying a straw basket passed the door of the house where Confucius was, and said, "His heart is full who so beats the musical stone."

2. A little while after, he added, "How contemptible is the one-ideaed obstinacy those sounds display f

41. CONDEMNATION OF CON- S'S COtRSE IN SEEKING TO BE EMPLOYED, BY ONE WHO HAD WITH- DRAWN FROM PUBLIC LIFE. The site

of Shih-man is referred to the district of Ch'ang-oh'ing, department of Chinan, in Shantung. ^ |"J, "morning gate," — a designation of the keeper, as having to open the gate in the morning, — perhaps one of the seven worthies of the preceding chapter We might translate ~fi f^ by "Stony gate." Ib seems to have been one of the passes between Ch'i and Lu. ft

j£, "the K'ung," or Mr. K'ung. Observe the force of the final p..

42. THE JUDGMENT OF A EETIRED WORTHY ON CONFUCIUS'S COUP-3E, AND REMARK OF CONFUCIUS THERE- ON. 1. The ch'ing was one of the eight musical instruments of the C-inese; see Medhurst's dictionary, in toe. 5&, 1st tone, "to go by." Meaning "to go beyond," "to exceed,'' it is in the 4th tone, /ff ^ B!& ijg &% sf. is to be read as one sentence, and understood as if there were a £, after the ffc. 2. M @ ^,— see

ffl m

When one is taken no notice of, he has simply at once to give over his wish for public employment. "Deep water must be crossed with the clothes on; shallow water may be crossed with the clothes held up."

3. The Master said, "How determined is he in his purpose! But this is not difficult!"

CHAPTER XLIII. 1. Tsze-chang said, "What is meant when the Shu says that Kao-tsung, while observing the usual imperial mourning, was for three years without speaking?"

2. The Master said, "Why must Kao-tsung be referred to as an example of this? The ancients all did

XIII, xx, 3. The $j Hf interprets this clause also, as if a j£ were after the njc, and 5g 5?g had reference to the sounds of the ck'ing. ^ £|J ^ 5) — see the Shih, I, iii, 9, stanza

1. The quotation was intended to illustrate that we must act according to circumstances. 3. ^=M. ;£ seems to be a mere expletive. The case is one where the meaning is plain while the characters can hardly be construed satisfactorily. I have not found this example of ;£ in Wang Yin-chih.

43. HOW GOVEKNMENT WAS CAR- RIED ON DURING THE THREE YEARS OF SILENT MOURNING BY THE SOVER- EIGN. 1. ^ -^ — see the Shu, IV,

viii, Sect. I, 1, but the passage there is not exactly as in the text. It is there said that Kao-tsung, after the three years' mourning, still did not speak. ^} ^ was the honorary title of the king Wu-ting (fc T» 1324- 12G4 B. c.). |§e (Shu, ^) [^ (read on), according to the dictionary, means "the shed where the mourner lived the three years." Chu Hsi d«)es not know the meaning of the terms. — Tsze-chang was perplexed to know how government could be carried on during so long a period of silence. 2. •£ ^ A» — the A em' bracea the sovereigns, and subordinate princes who had their own petty courts. !& B»— in the ft g

so. When the sovereign died, the officers all attended to their several duties, taking instructions from the prime minister for three years."

CHAPTER XLIV. The Master said, "When rulers love to observe the rules of propriety, the people respond readily to the calls on them for service."

CHAPTER XLV. Tsze-lu asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said, "The cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness." " And is this all ? " said Tsze-lu. "He cultivates himself so as to give rest to others," was the reply. "And is this all?"

the other sentences, it indicates the realizations, or consequences, of the H£ 5r W j&» — "the hundred surnames," as a designation for the mass of the people, occurs as early as in the Ydo-tien (|| |lt). It is = ~gf ^ fe, "the surnames of the hundred families," into which number the families of the people were perhaps divided at a very early time. The surnames of the Chinese now amount to several hundreds. The small work W $$ ft t&, made in the Sung dynasty, contains nearly 450. The number of them given in an appendix to Williams's Syllabic Dictionary, as compiled by the Rev. Dr.

said,— H, m&,. jfe» "itt is to manage. The meaning is, that they did not dare to allow themselves any license." The expression is not an easy one. I have followed the paraphraste.

44. HOW A LOVE OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY IN RULERS FACILITATES OOVERKMENT.

45. REVERENT SELF-CULTIVATION THE DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTIC

UK CHUN-TSZE. & §fc, it is said, are not to be taken as the wherewith of the Chun-tsze in cultivating himself, but as the chief thing which he

•* before him in the process. I translate £1, therefore, by in, but in

ffii

TIB

asked Tsze-lu. The Master said, "He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people. He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people:— even Yao and Shun were still solicitous about this."

CHAPTER XL VI. Yiian Zaiig was squatting on his heels, and so waited the approach of the Master, who said to him, "In youth not humble as befits a junior; in manhood, doing nothing worthy of being handed down; and living on to old age: — this is to be a pest."

Blodget, is 1863. In the ^| fg, in loc., we find a ridiculous reason given for the surnames being a hundred, to the effect that the ancient sages gave a surname for each of the five notes of the scale in music, and of the five great relations of life and of the four seas; consequently 5X5X4 = 100. It is to be observed that in the Shu we find "a hundred surnames," interchanged with '^ i&, "ten thousand surnames," and it would seem needless, therefore, to seek to attach a definite explanation to the number. f| $p :£ /jg ffi |g, — see VI, xxviii.

46. CONFUCIUS'S CONDUCT TO AN UNMANNERLY OLD MAN OF HIS AC- QUAINTANCE. Yiian Zang was an old acquaintance of Confucius, but had adopted the principles of Lao-tsze,

and gave himself extraordinary license in his behavior. — See an instance in the Li Chi, II, Sect. II, iii, 24, and the note there. «j^ $|, — the dictionary explains the two words together by |g| JEg ^ 4^, but that is the meaning of ^ alone, and ^ = ^P, "to wait for." So, the commentators, old and new. The use of j^ in this sense is thus explained : — "The i| jfe is fond of squatting, and is therefore called the squatting ch'ih (Kl &&)) but it is called by some the ch'ih ? (H j^), and hence «j£ is used for 0, to squat!" See the H |g, in loc. j% for j§, and $& for '^. .$£,— in the sense of j$ ^-,=our "pest," rather than "thief." The address of Confucius might be translated in the 2nd person, but it is perhaps better to keep to the 3rd, leaving the

JSt

xjg j^ T^«- r-

With this he hit him on the shank with his staff.

CHAPTER XLVII. 1. A youth of the village of Ch'iieh was employed by Confucius to carry the messages between him and his visitors. Some one asked about him, saying, "I suppose he has made great progress."

2. The Master said, "I observe that he is fond of occupying the seat of a full-grown man; I observe that he walks shoulder to shoulder with his elders. He is not one who is seeking to make progress in learning, He wishes quickly to become a man."

application to be understood. Prom several references to Yuan Zang in the Li Chi, it appears he was a very old acquaintance of Confucius, and mentally somewhat weak. Confucius felt kindly to .him, but was sometimes provoked by him to very candid expressions of his judgment about him, — as here.

47. CONFUCITJS'S EMPLOYMENT OF A FORWARD YOUTH. 1. ^ |?, _

there is a tradition that Confucius lived and taught in PJ ft, but it is much disputed. 3f fr IB & £ £ £ Wi "JIT tfr means to convey the messages between visitors and the

host." H ^ |&, — the inquirer supposed that Confucius's employment of the lad was to distinguish him for the progress which he had made. 2. According to the rules of ceremony , a youth must sit in the corner, the body of the room being reserved for full-grown men; — see the Li Chi, II, Sect. I, i, 18. In walking with an elder, a youth was required to keep a little behind him; — see the Li Chi, I, Sect. I, ii.^hap. 4, 7. Confucius's employment of the lad, therefore, was to teach him the courtesies required by his years.

BOOK XV. WEI LING RUNG

POTt

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CHAPTER I. 1. The duke Ling of Wei asked Confucius about tactics. Confucius replied, "I have heard all about sacrificial vessels, but I have not learned military matters." On this, he took his departure the next day.

2. When he was in Chan, their provisions were exhausted, and his followers became so ill that they were unable to rise.

3. Tsze-lu, with evident dissatisfaction, said, "Has

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — ?»f ff £ $t -f1 3£, "Ihe duke Ling of Wei, No. 15." The contents of the Book, contained in forty chapters, are as miscellaneous as those of the former. Rather they are more so, some chaptors bearing on the public administration of government, several being occupied with the superior man, and others containing lessons of practical wisdom. "All the subjects," says Hsing Ping, "illustrate the feeling of the seme of shame and consequent pursuit of the correct course, and therefore the Book immediately follows the preceding one."

1. CONFUCIUS REFUSES TO TALK ON MILITARY AFFAIRS. IN THE MIDST

OF DISTRESS, HE SHOWS THE DIS- CIPLES HOW THE SUPERIOR MAN IS

ABOVE DISTRESS. 1. ^, read chan, in 4th tone, ' the arrangement of the ranks of an army," here = tac?('c.v generallv. fQ, jjf ;£ ^, — comp. 0| S ± & VIII, iv, 3. The ffi. was a dish, 18 inches long and 8 inches broad, on a stand 81 inches high, upon which the flesh of victims was laid, but the meaning is sacrificial vessels generally, = the business of ceremonies. It is said of Confucirs, in the "Historical Records," thafc when a boy, he was fond of playing at £g. and j@[. He wished, by his reply and departure, to teach the duke that the rules of propriety, and

EK rfff

the superior man likewise to endure in this way?" The Master said, "The superior man may indeed have to endure want, but the mean man, when he is in want, gives way to unbridled license."

CHAPTER II. 1. The Master said, "Ts'ze, you think, I suppose, that I am one who learns many things and keeps them in memory?"

2. Tsze-kung replied, "Yes,— but perhaps it is not so?"

3. "No," was the answer; "I seek a unity allpervading."

not war, were essential to the government of a state. 2. From Wei, Confucius proceeded to Chan, and there met with the distress here mentioned. It is probably the same which is referred to in XI, ii, 1, though there is some chronological difficulty about the subject. (See the note by Chu Hsi in his preface to the Analects.) 3. IS] =" yes, indeed," with reference to Tsze-lu's question. Some take it in its sense of "firm." •"The superior man firmly endures want." — Duke Ling,— see XIV, xx, also in Chwang-tsze, x, v, 9, et al. . How CoxFrnus AIMED AT THE

AI.KI.Ci: OF AX ALL-PERVADING

v. This chapter is to be compared with IV, xv ; only, says Chu Hsi, "that is spoken with reference

to practice, and this with reference to knowledge." But the design of Confucius was probably the same in them both; and I understand the first paragraph here as meaning — • "Ts'ze, do you think that I am aiming, by the exercise of memory, to acquire a varied and extensive knowledge?" Then the 3rd paragraph is equivalent to:— "I am not doing this. My aim is to know myself, — the mind which embraces all knowledge, and regulates all practice." This is the view of the chapter given in the 0 ^: — jfc — ^. it H" HjL j^ sf. £0 IB, "This chapter teaches that what is valuable in learning is the knowledge of that which is important."

16 -tiL

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ft fir, I

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "Yu, those who know virtue are few."

CHAPTER IV. The Master said, "May not Shun be instanced as having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did nothing but gravely and reverently oqcupy his royal seat."

CHAPTER V. 1. Tsze-chang asked how a man should conduct himself, so as to be everywhere aj^preciated.

2. The Master said, "Let his words be sincere and truthful, and his actions honorable and careful; — such conduct may be practiced among the rude tribes of the South or the North. If his words be not sincere and truthful, and his actions not honorable and careful, will he, with such conduct, be appreciated, even in his neighborhood?

C FEW EEALLY KNOW VIRTUE.

Thia is understood aa spoken with reference to the dissatisfaction manifested by Tsze-lu in chapte »'. If he had possessed a right knowledge of virtue, he would no^ have been so affected by distress.

4. How SHUN V»AS ABLE TO

GOVERN WITHOUT PERSONAL EFFORT.

|J5f gi, "made himself reverent." jE |^ ]fif» "correctly adjusted his southwards face;" see VI, i. Shun succeeding Yao, there were many ministers of great virtue and ability to

occupy all the offices of the government. All that Shun did was by his grave and sage example. This is the lesson, — the influence of a ruler's personal character.

5. CONDUCT THAT WILL BE AP- PRECIATED IN ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD. 1. We must supply a good deal to bring out the meaning here. Chu Hsi compares the qu&otion with that other of Tsze-chang about tho scholar who may be called ^; see XII, xx. 2. fjf may be regarded as another name for the ;Jfo $;, the rude

-flu

3. "When he is standing, let him see those two things, as it were, fronting him. When he is in a carriage, let him see them attached to the yoke. Then may he subsequently carry them into practice."

4. Tsze-chang wrote these counsels on the end of Ms sash.

CHAPTER VI. 1. The Master said, "Truly straightforward was the historiographer Yii. When good government prevailed in his state, he was like an arrow. When bad government prevailed, he was like an arrow.

'2. "A superior man indeed is Chii Po-yii! When

a on the North (III, v). 2500 Families made up a ;H|, and 25 made H|) a ij!, but the meaning of the phrase is that given in the translati..n. 3. .1C, "them," i. e., such \vords and actions. — Let him see them % ^ fj, "before him, with It making a trio." Jj| is properly "the bottom of a carriage," planks laid over wheels, a simple "hackery," but here it = "a car- " 4. jj$ denotes the ends of the sash that hang down.

5. TlIE ADMIRABLE CHARACTERS

TSZK.YU AND CHU Po-Yii. 1. qi ft was the designation of & ^p, the

historiographer of Wei, generally styled Shih Ch'iu. On his deathbed, he left a message for his prince, and gave orders that his body should be laid out in a place and manner likely to attract his attention when he paid the visit of condolence. It was so, and the message then delivered had the desired effect. Perhaps it was on hearing this that Confucius made this remark. #p ^, "as an arrow," i. e., straight and decided. 2. Chii 1'o-yii. — see XIV, xxvi. pj^qfe. & ilii 1§l £.) — ^1 is to be understood as referring to "his principles," or perhaps the clause = " he could roll

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good government prevails in his state, he is to be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up, and keep them in his breast."

CHAPTER VII The Master said, "When a man may be spoken with, not to speak to him is to err in reference to the man. When a man may not be spoken with, to speak to him is to err in reference to our words. The wise err neither in regard to their man nor to their words."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "The determined scholar and the man of virtue will not seek to live at the expense of injuring their virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives to preserve their virtue complete."

himself up and keep himself to himself," i. e., he kept aloof from office. — Commentators say that Tszeyu's vJiiform straightforwardness was not equal to Po-yii's rightly adapting himself to circumstances. — Chwang-tsze continually mentions Tsang Shan and Shih Yu together.

7. THEBE ABE MEN WITH WHOM TO SPEAK, AND MEN WITH WHOM TO KEEP SILENCE. THE WISE KNOW THEM. % "g" may be translated, !iterally and properly, — "to lone our

words," but in English we do not speak of "losing men." f

8. HIGH NATUBES VALUE VIBTCTE

MOBE THAN LIFE. The two different classes here are much the same as in IV, ii. The first word of the second sentence may be naturally translated — "They will kill themselves." No doubt suicide is included in the expression (see K'ung An-kwo's explanation, given by Ho Yen), and Confucius here justifies that act, as in certain cases expressive of high virtue.

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CHAPTER IX. Tsze-kung asked about the practice of virtue. The Master said, "The mechanic, who wishes to do his work well, must first sharpen his tools. When you are living in any state, take service with the most worthy among its great officers, and make friends of the most virtuous among its scholars."

CHAPTER X. 1. Yen Yuan asked how the government of a country should be administered.

The Master said, "Follow the seasons of Hsia. "Ride in the state carriage of Yin.

4. "Wear the ceremonial cap of Chau.

5. "Let the music be the Shao with its pantomimes.

9. How INTERCOURSE WITH THE '.""I/ AIDS THE PRACTICE OF VIRTUE.

Compare " Iron sharpeneth iron; so a man sharpeneth the countenance of his friend."

10. CERTAIN RULKS, EXEMPLIFIED

THE ANCIENT DYNASTIES, TO Hi: FOLLOWED IN GOVERNING' A

HKI-LV TO YEN YUAN. 1. The disci plo modestly put his question with reference to the government of a state (ft), but the Master answers it according to the disciple's ability, [t bad been about the ruling of ) kingdom (ft ^ T). 2. The )e great ancient dynasties began )e year at different times. Accord- ; to an ancient tradition, "Heaven w opened at the time ^; Earth

appeared at the time fUs and Man was born at the time |g." J- commences in our December, at the winter solstice; jj a month later; and H a month after 5. The Chau dynasty began its year with J- ; the Shang with 3t ; and the Hsia with 5g. As human life thus began, so the year, in reference to human labors, naturally proceeds from the spring, and Confucius approved the rule of the Hsia dynasty. His decision has been the law of all dynasties since the Ch'in. See the " Discours Preliminaire, Chap. I," in Gaubil's Shuching. 3. The state carriage of the Yin dynasty was plain and substantial, which Confucius preferred to the more ornamented one of Chau,

6. "Banish the songs of Chang, and keep far from specious talkers. The songs of Chang are licentious; specious talkers are dangerous."

CHAPTER XI. The Master said, "If a man take no thought about what is distant, he will find sorrow near at hand. "

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, "It is all over! I have not seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty."

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "Was not Tsang Wan like one who had stolen his situation ? He knew

4. Yet he does not object to the more elegant cap of that dynasty, "the cap," says Chu Hsi, "being a small thing, and placed over all the body." 5. The shdo was the music of Shun; see III, xxv. If, — the "dancers," or "pantomimes," who kept time to the music. Hee the .Shu-ching, II, ii, 21. (5. Hft ^, "the sounds of Chang," meaning both the songs of Chang and the music: to which they were sung. Those songs form the 7th book of the 1st division of the Shih-ching, and are here characterized justly.

11. THE NECESSITY OF FORE- THOUGHT AND PRECAUTION.

12. THE KARITV OF A TRUE LOVE

OF VIRTUE. "tJ, ^ sp-, — see V, xxvi; the rest is a repetition of IX, xvii, said to have been spoken by Confucius when he was in Wei and saw the duke riding1 out openly in the same carriage with Nan-tsze.

1 3. AGAINST JEALOUSY OF OTHERS' TALENTS: — THE CASE OF TSANG WAN, AND Hui OF LIU-HSIA. Tsang Wan-cliung, — see V, xvii. $§[ fa is explained — "as if he' had got it by theft, and secretly held possession of

22C) CONFUCIAN ANALECTS

the virtue and the talents of Hui of Liu-hsia, and yet did not 'procure that he should stand with him in court"

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "He who requires much from himself and little from others, will keep himself from being the object of resentment."

CHAPTER XV. The Master said, "When a man is not in the habit of saying — 'What shall I think of this? What shall I think of this?' I can indeed do nothing with him!"

CHAPTER XVI. The Master said, "When a number of people are together, for a whole day, without their conversation turning on righteousness, and when they

it." Tsang Wan would not recommend Hui because he was an abler and better man than himself. Hui is a' famous name in China. He was an officer of Lu, so styled after death, whose name was g| }g, and nation $£. He derived his revenue from a town called Liu-hsia, or from a liu or willow tree, overing his house, which made him be called Liu-hsia Hui —"Hui that lived under the willow tree. See Mencius, II, Pt. i, chap. 9.

U. THE WAY TO WARD OFF KE-

;MKXTS. £, it is said, is here

"to require from," and not "to reprove."

15. NOTHING CAN BE MADE OF PEOPLE WHO TAKE THINGS EASILY, NOT GIVING THEMSELVES THE TROU- BLE TO THINK. Compare VII, viii.

16. AGAINST FRIVOLOUS TALKERS AND SUPERFICIAL SPECULATORS. Chu explains |f| j£ $£ by "they have 110 ground from which to become virtuous, and they will meet with calamity." Ho Yen gives Chanp'f explanation, "they will never complete anything." Our nearly literal translation appears to convey the

JRS

are fond of carrying out the suggestions of B, small shrewdness; — theirs is indeed a hard case."

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, "The superior man in everything considers righteousness to be essential. He performs it according to the rules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He completes it with sincerity. This is indeed a superior man."

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "The superior man is distressed by his want of ability. He is not distressed by men's not knowing him."

CHAPTER XIX. The Master said, "The superior

meaning. " A hard case," i.e., they will make nothing out, and nothing can be made of them.

17. THE CONDUCT OF. THE SU- PERIOR MAN IS RIGHTEOUS, COUR- TEOUS, HUMBLE, AND SINCERE. ^ is

explained by Chu Hsi by "tlio substance and stem" ; and in the "Complete Digest" by "foundation." The antecedent to all the j£ is ijjj, or rather the thing, whatever it be, done righteously.

18. OUR OWN INCOMPETENCY, AND NOT OUB REPUTATION, THE PROPER BUSINESS OF CONCERN TO US. See

XIV, xxxii, et al.

19. THE SUPERIOR MAN WISHES

TO BE HAD IN REMEMBRANCE. Not,

say the commentators, that the superior man cares about fame, but fame is the invariable concomitant of merit. He cannot have beon the superior man, if he be not remembered. %l iB;, — see ^ $ f£, J I . Jn

f:( )X F LJCI AN ANALECTS

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man dislikes the thought of his name not being mentioned after his death."

CHAPTER XX. The Master said, "What the superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks, is in others."

CHAPTER XXI. The Master said, "The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable, but not a partisan."

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "The superior man does not promote a man simply on account of his \ords, nor does he put aside good words because of

the man.'

i w') B Hit and many other

jilirases, i£ -ft is taken as=$E.

&; "all his life." Still, I let the

t nuislation suggested by the use of

ti;i) phrase in the "Great Learning"

its place.

. I IS OWN APPROBATION IS THE

KIOR MAN'S RILE. THE APPRO- BATION UK OTHERS IS THE MEAN

MSN'S. Compare XIV, xxv.

21. THE SUPERIOR MAN is DIGNI- FIED AND AFFABLE, WITHOUT THE FAULTS TO WHICH THOSE QUALITIES

OFTEN LEAD. Compare II, xiv, and VII, xxx, 2. ^ is here = & & # E. "grave in self-maintenance."

22. THE SUPERIOR MAN is DIS- CRIMINATING IN HIS EMPLOYMENT OF MEN AND JUDGING OF STATEMENTS.

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CHAPTER XXIII. Tsze-kung asked, saying, "Is there one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life?" The Master said, "Is not RECIPROCITY such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others."

CHAPTER XXIV. 1. The Master said, "In my dealings with men, whose evil do I blame, whose goodness do I praise, beyond what is proper? If I do sometimes exceed in praise, there must be ground for it in my examination of the individual.

2. "This people supplied the ground why the three dynasties pursued the path of straightforwardness."

23. THE GREAT PRINCIPLE OF RECIPROCITY IS THE RULE OF LIFE. Compare V, xi. It is singular that Tsze-kung professes there to act on the principle here recommended to him. Altruism may be substituted for reciprocity.

24. CONFUCIUS SHOWED HIS RESPECT FOR MEN BY STRICT TRUTH- FULNESS IN AWARDING PRAISE OR CENSURE. 1. I have not marked "beyond what is proper" with italics, because there is really that force in the verbs — |J and f^. " Ground for it in my examination of

the individual;" — i. e., from my examination of him I believe he will yet verify my words. 2. $jjf JI; -tit, resumes the A of the IB^ paragraph, which the -til indicates. Jj/f H is to be taken as = "the reason why," and ff as a neuter verb of general application. H ft' "the three dynasties," with special reference to their great founders, and the principles which they inaugurated.— The truth-approving nature of the people was a rtile even to those sages. It was the same to Confucius.

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "Even in my early days, a historiographer would leave a blank in his text, and he who had a horse would lend him to another to ride. Now, alas! there are no such things."

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master said, "Specious words confound virtue. Want of forbearance in small matters confounds great plan?."

CHAPTER XXVII. The Master said, "When the multitude hate a man, it is necessary to examine into the case. When the multitude like a man, it is necessary to examine into the case."

25. INSTANCES OF THE DEGEN-

ER\CY OF CONFUCIUS'a TIMES. Most

para phrasts supply a ^ after J&; — ••even in my time I have seen." The appointment of the historiographer is referred to Hwang-tJ, or "The Yellow Sovereign," the inventor of the cycle. The statutes of LhAu mention no fewer than five s of such officers. They were attached also to the feudal courts, and what Confucius says is that, in his early days, a historiographer, on any point about which he was not sure, would leave a blank; so careful were they to record only truth. ;§- ijft £ extends on to ^ & ^ i;. This second sentence is

explained hi Ho Yen: — *'If any one had a horse which he could not tame, he would lend it to another to ride and exercise it!'5 — The commentator Hu ($j j£) says well, that the meaning of the chapter must be left in uncertainty (the second part of it especially).

26. THE DANGER OP SPECIOUS WOBDS, AND OF IMPATIENCE. /]•) /f, %& is not "a little impatience," but impatience in little things; "the hastiness," it is said, "of women and small people."

27. IN JUDGING OF A MAN, WK MUST NOT BE GUIDED BY HIS BEING GENERALLY LIKED OK DISLIKED.

Compare XIII, xxiv.

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CHAPTER XXVIII. The Master said, "A man can enlarge the principles which he follows; those principles do not enlarge the man."

CHAPTER XXIX. The Master said, "To have faults and not to reform them, — this, indeed, should be pronounced having faults."

CHAPTER XXX. The Master said, "I have been the whole day without eating, and the whole night without sleeping: — occupied with thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to learn."

28. PRINCIPLES OF DUTY AN IN- STRUMENT IN THE HAND OF MAN. Ttiis sentence is quite mystical in its sententiousness. The j^ |fe says: " lH; here is the path of duty, which all men, in their various relations, have to pursue, and man has the three virtues of knowledge, benevolence, and fortitude, wherewith to pursue that path, and so he enlarges it. That virtue remote, occupying an empty place, cannot enlarge man, needs not to be said." That writer's account of ;j| here is probably correct, and "duty unapprehended," "in an empty plate. ;; » im have no effect on any man; but this is a mere truism. Duty apprehended is constantly enlarging, elevating, and energizing multitudes, who had previously been uncognizant of it. The first clause of the chapter may be granted, but the second is not in accordance with truth. Generally, however, man may be considered as the measure of the truth

in morals and metaphysics which he holds ; but after all, systems of men are for the most part beneath the highest capacities of the model men, the Chun-tsze.

29. THE CULPABILITY OF NOT

REFORMING KNOWN FAULTS. Compare I, viii. Chu Hsi's commentary appears to make the meaning somewhat different. He says: "If one having faults can change them, he comes back to the condition of having no faults. But if he do not change them, then they go on to their completion, and will never come to be changed."

30. THE FRUITLESSNESS OF THINK- ING, WITHOUT READING. Compare II, xv, where the dependence of acquisition and reflection on each other is set forth. — Many commentators say that Confucius merely transfers the things which he here mentions to himself for the sake of others, not that it ever was really thus with himself.

CHAPTER XXXI. The Master said, "The object of the superior man is truth. Food is not his object. There is plowing; — even in that there is sometimes want. So with learning; — emolument may be found in it. The superior man is anxious lest he should not get truth ; he is not anxious lest poverty should come upon him."

CHAPTER XXXII. 1. The Master said, "When a man's knowledge is sufficient to attain, and his virtue is not sufficient to enable him to hold, whatever he may have gained, he will lose again.

2. "When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and

31. THE SUPERIOR, MAN SHOULD NOT BE MERCENARY BUT HAVE TRUTH K)K HIS OBJECT. Here again we translate j£ by "truth," as the best term that offers. fg, "hunger," = want. "Want may be in the midst of plowing," — i. e., husbandry is the way to plenty, and yet a famine or scarcity sometimes occurs. The application of this to the case of learning, however, is not apt. Is the emolument that sometimes comes with learning a calamity like famine? The contrast of the two cases is not well maintained.

32. HOW KNOWLEDGE WITHOUT VIRTUE IS NOT LASTING, AND TO KNOWLEDGE AND VERT LIB A RULER SHOULD ADD DIGNITY AND THE RULES

OF PROPRIETY. 1. Here the vai'ious chih and the two first in the other paragraphs have le, or principle, for their reference. In Ho Yen, however, Pao Hsien says: "A man may have knowledge equal to the management of his office (#J JC *gf), but if he have not virtue which can hold it fast, though he get it, he will lose it." 2. In flfc ±, and ffc ± b«low, %_ m J£ -y , "the 2. have jfc

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he has virtue enough to hold fast, if he cannot govern with dignity, the people will not respect him.

3. '"When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast; when he governs also with dignity, yet if he try to move the people contrary to the rules of propriety: — full excellence is not reached."

CHAPTER XXXIII. The Master said, " The superior man cannot be known in little matters; but he may be intrusted with great concerns. The small men may not be intrusted with great concerns, but he may be known in little matters/'

or people, for their reference." 3. The phrase — "to move the people" is analogous to several others, such as fjfc £, Sf £, n £, "to drum the people," "to dance them," "to rouse them."

33. How TO KNOW THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN; AND THEIR

CAPACITIES. Chii Hsi says — £fl, f£ £lJ £., "the knowing here is our knowing the individuals." The "little matters" are ingenious but trifling arts and accomplishments, in which a really great man may sometimes be deficient, while a small man

will be familiar with them. The "knowing" is not that the parties are chun-tsze and hsiao-zan, but what attainments they have, and for what, they are fit. The difficulty, on this view, is with the conclusion — jfjj pj 'h £fl- — Ho Yen says: "The way of the chun-tsze is profound and far-reaching. He will not let his knowledge be small, and he may bo 1 rusted with what is great. The way of the hm'do-zan is shallow and near. Ho will let his knowledge be small, and he may not be trusted with \vli.it is great."

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CHAPTER XXXIV. The Master said, "Virtue is more to man than either water or fire. I have seen men die from treading on water and fire, but I have never seen a man die from treading the course of virtue."

CHAPTER XXXV. The Master said, "Let every man consider virtue as what devolves on himself. He may not yield the performance of it even to his teacher."

CHAPTER XXXVI. The Master said, "The superior man is correctly firm, and not firm merely."

34. VIRTUE MORE TO MAN THAN WATER OR FIRE; AND NEVER HURTFUL TO HIM. jj; is here=A) "man," as m VI, xx. ^ £ ft fc ^_«the people's relation to, or dependence on, virtue." The case is easily conceivable of men's suffering death on account of their virtue. There have been martyrs for their loyalty and other virtues, as well as for their religious faith. Chu Hsi provides for this difference in his remarks: ' The want of fire and water is hurtful only to man's body, but to be without virtue is to lose one's mind (the higher nature), and so it is more to him than water or fire." See on I v , viii.

35. VIRTUE PERSONAL AND OB- LIGATORY ON EVERY MAN. The old interpreters take ^ . in the sense of "ought." Chu Hsi certainly improves on them by taking it in the sense of Jfj! "{•;, as in the translation, A student at first takes ^ to be in the 2nd person, bxit the ^ following recalls him to the 3rd.

36. THE SUPERIOR MAN'S FIRM- NESS IS BASED ON RIGHT. j^ is USed

here in tha sense which it has throughotit the Yi-ching. Both it an(i !£ imply firmness, but j^. supposes a moral and intelligent basis which may be absent from ft; see XIV, xviii, 3.

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CHAPTER XXXVII. The Master said, "A minister, in serving his prince, reverently discharges his duties, and makes his emolument a secondary consideration."

CHAPTER XXXVIII. The Master said, "In teaching there should be no distinction of classes."

CHAPTER XXXIX. The Master said, "Those whose courses are different cannot lay plans for one another."

CHAPTER XL. The Master said, "In language it is simply required that it convey the meaning."

37. THE FAITHFUL MINISTER. The 3£ refers not to ;§•, but to the individual who ajjl ;|f . We have to supply the subject — "a minister." $£, as

38. THE COMPREHENSIVENESS OF TEACHING, dm Hsi says on this: "The nature of all men is good, but we find among them the different classes of good and bad. This is the effect of physical constitution and of practice. The superior man, in consequence, employs his teaching, and all may be brought back to the state of good, and there is no necessity (the language is ^ (% & fit 51-

^g) of speaking any more of the badness of some. This is extravagant. Teaching is not so omnipotent.— The old interpretation is simply that in teach' ng there should be no distinction of ( lasses.

39. AGREEMENT IH PRINCIPLE NECESSARY TO CONCORD IN PLANS. ^ is the 4th tone, but I do not see that there would be any great difference in the meaning, if it were read in its usual 2nd tone.

40. PERSPICUITY THE CHIEF VER- TTTK OF LANGUAGE. $j*. may be used both of spee. h and of style.

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CHAPTER XLI. 1. The music master, Mien, having called upon him, when they came to the steps, the Master said, "Here are the steps." When they came to the mat for the guest to sit upon, he said, "Here is the mat." When all were seated, the Master informed him, saying, "So and so is here; so and so is here."

2. The music master, Mien, having gone out, Tszechang asked, saying, "Is it the rule to tell those things to the music master?"

3. The Master said, "Yes. This is certainly the rule for those who lead the blind."

41. CONSIDERATION OF CONFUCIUS

FOIl THK BLIND. 1. »,_i. q. i (j,

UJ, xxiu. Anciently, the blind were employed in the offices of music, partly because their sense of hearing was more than ordinarily acute, and partly that they might be made of some use ia the world ; see the £ |f ,

in loc. ^, — 4th tone. Mien had come to Confucius's house, under the care of a guide, but the sage met him, and undertook the care of him himself. 2. ;£ is governed by ff, and refers to the words of Confucius to Mien in the preceding paragraph.

BOOK XVI. KE SHE

CHAPTER I. 1. The head of the Chi family was going to attack Chwan-yii.

2. Zan Yu and Chi-lu had an interview with Confucius, and said, "Our chief, Chi, is going to commence operations against Chwan-yii."

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — !p j£ ^ff -f- ^, "The chief of the Chi, No. 16." Throughout this Book, Confucius is spoken of as -fL -?) "The philosopher K'ung," and never by the designation J-, or "The Master." Then, the style of several of the chapters (iv-xi) is not like the utterances of Confucius to which we have been accustomed. From these circumstances, one commentator, Hung Kwo ($tjg),supposed that it belonged to the Ch'i (^) recensus of these Analects ; the other Books belonging to the Lu (f|.) recensus. This supposition, however, is not otherwise supported.

1. CONFUCIUS EXPOSES THE PRE- SUMPTUOUS AND IMPOLITIC CONDUCT OF THE CHIEF OF THE CHI FAMILY IN PROPOSING TO ATTACK A MINOR. STATE, AND REBUKES ZAN YO AND TSZE-LU FOB ABETTING THE DESIGN. 1. ^

j£ and ^ ^ below, — see III, i. Chwan-yii was a small territory in Lu, whose ruler was of the J-, or 4th order -of nobility. It was one of the states called pft %j, or "attached," whose chiefs could not appear in the presence of the sovereign, excepting vn the train of the prince within

whose jurisdiction they were embraced. Their existence was not from a practice like the subinfeudation, which belonged to the feudal system of Europe. They held of the lord paramount or king, but with the restriction which has been mentioned, and with a certain subservience also to their immediate superior. Its particular position is fixed by its proximity to Pi and to the Manghill. •££ is not merely "to attack," but " to attack and punish," an exercise of judicial authority, which could emanate only from the sovereign. Tke term is used here, to show the nefarious and presumptuous character of the contemplated operations. 2. There is some difficulty here, as, according oo the "Historical Records," the two disciples w^re not in the service of the Chi family at, the same time We may suppose, however, that Tsze-lu, returning with the sage from. Wei on the invitation of duke Ai, took service a second time, and for a short period, with the Chi family, of which the chief was then Chi K'ang. This brings the time of the transaction to 483, or 482 B. c. jjf ~M ^1,— -literally, "is

flj

3. Confucius said, "Ch'iu, is it not you who are in fault here?

4. "Now, in regard to Chwan-yu» long ago, a former king appointed its ruler to preside over the sacrifices to the eastern Mang; moreover, it is in the midst of the territory of our state; and its ruler is a minister in direct connection with the sovereign: — What has your chief to do with attacking it?"

5. Zan Yu said, "Our master wishes the thing; neither of us two ministers wishes it."

going to have an affair." 3. Confuc-ius addresses himself only to Ch'iu, as he had been a considerable time, and very active, in the Chi service. 4. It was the prerogative a£ the princes to sacrifice to the hills and rivers within their jurisdictions; — here was the chief of Chwan-yii, royally appointed (the "former king" is probably ;&, the second sovereign ()f the Chau dynasty) to be the lord of tho»Mang mountain, that is, to preside over the sacrifices offered to i'- This raised him high above any mere ministers or officers of Lu. The mountain Mang is in the present district of Pi, in the department of I-chau. It was called eastern, to distinguish it from another of the same name in Shensi, which was the western MAni:. fl. # ft fe$ £ «p, — tins is mcmiotifd to show that

( hwan-yii was so situated as to give Lu no occasion for apprehension, fit f 1 «£ 15., "a minister of the altars to the spirits of the land and grain." To those spirits only, the prince had the prerogative of sacrificing. The chief of Chwan-yii having this, how dared an officer of Lu to think of attacking him? The gi. is used of his relation to the king Chu Hsi makes the phrase = ^ §f? £. gL, "a minister of the ducal house," saying that the three families had usurped all the dominions proper of Lu, leaving only the chiefs of the attached states to appear in the ducal court. I prefer the former interpretation. M PJ, f£ ;f$ must bo understood with reference to the Chi. See Wang Yin Chih on Wei as a |n jgj, where he quotes this text (2nd chapter of his treatise on th« J'iivtioles). 5. ^ J-,

flij F Bfi

ffii

6. Confucius said, "Ch'iu, there are the words of Chau Zan, — 'When he can put forth his ability, he takes his place in the ranks of office; when he finds himself unable to do so, he retires from it. How can he be used as a guide to a blind man, who does not

(support him when tottering, nor raise him up when fallen?'

7. "And further, you speak wrongly. When a tiger or rhinoceros escapes from his cage; when a tortoise or piece of jade is injured in its repository:— whose is the fault?"

8. Zan Yu said, "But ac present, Chwan-yii is strong and near to Pi; if our chief do not now take it,

it will hereafter be a sorrow to his descendants.

our ''master," i. e., the chief of the Chi family. 6. Chau Zan is by Chu Hsi simply cal'ed — "a good historiographer of ancient time.33 Some trace him bark to the Shang dynasty, and others only to the early times of the Chau. Ihere are other weighty utterances of his in vogue, besides that in the text. 7. Chu Hal explains jjg by gf 4s "ft wild bull."

The dictionary says it is like an ox, and goes on to describe it as "onehorned." The T{C (£, EJc £!?, says that ^2 and Jp are duferent terms for the same animal, i. e.,the rhinoceros. I cannot think th.it ^ here is the living tortoise. That would not be kept in a flj, or "coffer," like a gem. Perhaps the character is, by mistake,

ifr

k ffil

9. Confucius said. "Ch'iu, the superior man hates that declining to say — 'I want such and such a thing,' and framing explanations for the conduct.

10. "I have heard that rulers of states and chiefs of families are not troubled lest their people should be few, but are troubled lest they should not keep their several places; that they are not troubled with fears of poverty, but are troubled with fears of a want of contented repose among the people in their several places. For when the people keep their several places, there will be no poverty; when harmony prevails, there will be no scarcity of people; and when there is such a contented repose, there will be no rebellious upsettings.

for ^£. 9. The regimen of $£ extends I "every one getting his own proper down _to«ieTend of the paragraph. name and place." From this point,

,— as in XI, xxiv. ^ ; J$ is the same idiom as ^ ^ £$£, V, vii. 10. Confucius uses the term fa here with referenro to the -g in par. 8. j%, "equality." fj Q $. it *jf means—

Confucius speaks of the general disorganization of Lu under the management of the three families and especially of the Chi. By iH X

Ifii

XiV

11. "So it is. — Therefore, if remoter people are not submissive, all the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil.

12. "Now, here are you, Yu and Ch*iu, assisting your chief. Remoter people are not submissive, and, with your help, he cannot attract them to him. In his own territory there are divisions and downfalls, leavings and separations, and, with your help, he cannot preserve it.

13. "And yet he is planning these hostile movements within the state. — I am afraid that the sorrow

we can hardly understand the people of Chwan-yii. 11. 3fc is to be understood with a special force, "to make to come," "to attract." 12. ~& ffi Sfct TvfMS ^jp ar® to be understood of the head of the Chi family, as controlling the government of Lu,

and as being assisted by the two disciples, so that the reproof falls heavily on them. 13. Jfe jf|;f $|*- j£ ft, Chu ^Hsi simply says |g ifft, ^ •&, "hsido-ch'iang means a screen." In the dictionary, after Ho Yen, hsido in this passage=JiS, "reverent,"

ffi,

of the Chi-sun family will not be on account of Chwanyii, but will be found within the screen of their own court."

CHAPTER II. 1. Confucius said, "When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the son of Heaven. When bad government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the princes. When these things proceed from the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the great officers of the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in five generations.

&nd S|& alone means "screen," and the phrase is thus explained; — "Officers, on reaching the screen, which they had only to pass to find themselves in the presence of their ruler, were supposed to become more -reverential;" and hence, the expression m the text = « among his own immediate officers.-'

2. THE STJPKEME AUTHOKITY OUGHT EVER TO MAINTAIN ITS POWER. THE VIOLATION OF THIS KULE ALWAYS LEADS TO RUIN, WHICH IS SPEEDIER AS THE RANK OF THE VIOLATOR IS

LOWER. In these utterances, Confucius had reference to the disorganized state of the kingdom, when "the son of Heaven" was fast

When the subsidiary ministers of the great officers hold in their grasp the orders of the state, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in three generations.

2. "When right principles prevail in the kingdom, government will not be in the hands of the great officers.

3. "When right principles prevail in the kingdom, there will be no discussions among the common people."

CHAPTER III. Confucius said, "The revenue of the state has left the ducal house now for five generations.

becoming an empty name, the princes of states were in bondage to their great officers, and those again at the mercy of their family ministers. 1. ^ ;ff, $a- j£, — compare XIV, i. -5E 'K are to be taken together, as in the translation. We read of four ^j£, i. e., expeditions, — east, west, north, and south; and of nine /fj£, i. e., nine grounds on which the sovereign might order such expeditions. On the royal prerogatives, see the t|i jjfi, XXVII L. jg is here = ^c $J, "generally speaking," "as a rule." pg- gi = ^ J5, "family ministers." |iij •f-r are the same as the previous^, *f|, ^j£, f£, but having

been usurped by the princes, and now again snatched from them by their officers, they can no longer be spoken of aa royal affairs, but only as |^| ;£ 3£, "state matters." 3. |g = ?i sal* "private discussions;" i. e., about the state of public affairs.

3. ILLUSTRATION OF THE PRIN- CIPLES OF THE LAST CHAPTKP.. In the year 609 B. c., at the death of Duke Wan, his rigLtful heir was killed, and the son of a concubine raised to the mler's place. He is in the annals as Duke Hsiian (*a)» and after him came Ch'ang, Hsiang, Ch'ao, and Ting, in whose time this must have been spoken. These

ifc

The government has been in the hands of the great officers for four generations. On this account, the descendants of the three Hwan are much reduced." CHAPTER IV. Confucius said, "There are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much observation: — these are advantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship with the insinuatingly soft; and friendship with the glibtongued: — these are injurious."

dukes were but shadows, pensionaries of their great officers, so that it might be said the revenue had gone from them. Observe that here and in the preceding chapter •{£ is used for "a reign." "The three Hwan" are the three families, as being all descended from Duke Hwan; see on II, v. — Chu Hsi appears to have fallen into a mistake in enumerating the four heads of the Chi family who had administered the government of Lu as Wu, Tao, INng, and Hwan, as Tao ($.) died before his father, and would not be said, therefore, to have the government in his hands. The right enu-

meration is Wan (3t), Wu ($)), P'ing (2p), and Hwan ('Q). See the |g $fc fit, III, xxvi.

4. THREE FRIENDSHIPS ADVAN- TAGEOUS, AND THREE INJURIOUS. In .the fj$j Hf it is said — =• %£. T & $C ^

=*• ^C) the character fa is always verbal and = ^J, 'to have intercourse with."' It is as well to translate the term by "friendship" throughout, jfg is "sincere," without the subtractions required in XIV, xviii, 3, XV, xxxvi. |(jf, here = ^ f$), "practiced " ish ?£.— Is? ^ ,£ X, "^ is skillfulnesa in being bland."

in" nfifr

fcA "713

CHAPTER V. Confucius said, " There are three things men find enjoyment in which are advantageous, and three things they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment in the discriminating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in speaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in having many worthy friends: — these are advan- .tageous. To find enjoyment in extravagant pleasures; to find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering; to find enjoyment in the pleasures of feasting: — these are injurious."

CHAPTER VI. Confucius said, "There are three errors to which they who stand in the presence of a man of virtue and station are liable. They may speak

5. THREE SOURCES OF ENJOYMENT ADVANTAGEOUS, AND THREE IN- JURIOUS. Here we have |$| with three pronunciations and in three different meanings. The leading word is read do, 4th tone, "to have enjoyment in," as in VI, xxi. In jfif §$|, it is yo, "music." The two others are *$|, lo or le, "joy," "to delight in." ffi j@ *& — gff = fflf £, i. e., it is a verb, "to discriminate"; "to mark the divisions of." The idea is that ceremonies and music containing in them the principles of

propriety and harmony, the study of them could not but be beneficial to the student himself, as having to exemplify both of those things. |gj, primarily, "a tall horse," often used for "proud"; here = vain and extravagant self-indulgence. ^, "feasting," including, says a gloss, "eating, drinking, music, women, etc."

6. THREE ERRORS IN REGARD TO

SPEECH TO BE AVOIDED IN THE PRES- ENCE OF THE GREAT. ^ ^-, aCCOrding to Chu Hsi, denotes here "a man both of rank and virtue." "Without

jfii »K ft

fln

•» 'iLv^

when it does not come to them to speak; — this is called rashness. They may not speak when it comes to them to speak; — 'this is called concealment. They may speak without looking at the countenance of their superior; — this is called blindness.*'

CHAPTER VII. Confucius said, "There are three things "which the superior man guards against. In youth, when the physical powers are not yet settled, he guards against lust. When he is strong and the physical powers are full of vigor, he guards against quarrelsomeness. When he is old, and the animal powers are decayed, he guards against covetousness."

looking at the countenance," — i. e., to see whether he is paying attention or not. — The general principle is that there is a tune to speak. Let that be observed, and these three errors will be avoided.

7. THE VICES WHICH YOTTTH, MAN- HOOD, AND AGE RESPECTIVELY HAVE TO GUARD AGAINST. jfr ^, "blood

and breath." In the tfi Jf , XXI, j^ •ft ifil *gt ;ft="all human beings." Here the phrase is equivalent to •the physical powers." On Jfc £?, -nut yet settled," the gloss in the ii n '"—ft m ± B£, "the time When they are moving most." As to

what causal relation Confucius may have supposed to exist between the state of the physical powers, and the several vices indicated, that is not developed. Hsing Ping explains the first caution thus: "Youth embraces all the period below 29. Then the phys'cal powers are still weak and the sinews and bones have not reached their vigor, and indulgence in lust will injure the body." By the superior man's guarding against these three things, I suppose it is meant that he teaches that they are to be guarded against

ifi! ifn

CHAPTER VIII. 1. Confucius said, " There are three things of which the superior man stands in awe. He stands in awe of the ordinances of Heaven. He stands in awe of great men. He stands in awe of the words of sages.

2. "The mean man does not know the ordinances of Heaven, and consequently does not stand in awe of them. He is disrespectful to great men. He makes sport of the words of sages."

CHAPTER IX. Confucius said, "Those who are born with the possession of knowledge are the highest class of men. Those who learn, and so, readily, get possession of knowledge, are the next. Those who are dull and

8. CONTRAST OF THE SUPERIOR AND THE MEAN MAN IN REGARD TO THE THREE THINGS OF WHICH THE FORMER STANDS IN AWE. ^ ^, according to Chu Hsi, means the moral nature of man, conferred by Heaven. High above the nature of other creatures, it lays him under great responsibility to cherish and cultivate himself. The old interpreters take the phrase to indicate Heaven's moral administration by rewards and punishments. Ihe "great men" are men high in position and

great in wisdom and virtue, the royal instructors, who have been raised up by Heaven for the training and ruling of mankind. So, the commentators; but the ffl suggests at once a more general and a lower view of the phrase.

9. FofJR CLASSES. OF MEN IN RELATION TO KNOWLEDGE. On the

1st clause, see on VIE, xix, where Confucius disclaims for himself being ranked in the first of the classes here mentioned. The modern commentators say that men are differenced

MiSSrS ____A - — ^ | .

stupid, and yet compass the learning, are another class next to these. As to those who are dull and stupid and yet do not learn ; — they are the lowest of the people."

CHAPTER X. Confucius said, "The superior man ,-has nine things which are subjects with him of thoughtful consideration. In regard to the use of his eyes, he is anxious to see clearly. In regard to the use of his ears, he is anxious to hear distinctly. In regard to his countenance, he is anxious that it should be benign. In regard to his demeanor,' he is anxious that it should be respectful. In regard to his speech, he is anxious that it should be sincere. In regard to his doing of business, he is anxious that it should be reverently careful. In regard to what he doubts about, he is anxious to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of the difficulties (his anger may involve him in}. When he sees gain to be got, he thinks of righteousness."

here by the difference of their ^ "g£ or *i -£) on which see Morrison's Dictionary, part II, vol. i, character ft- K» in the dictionary, and by commentators, old and new, is explained by ^ ig, "not thoroughly understanding." It is not to be joined with $, as if the meaning were— "they learn with painful

effort," although such effort will be required in the case of the [ij.

10. NINE SUBJECTS OF THOUGHT

TO THE SUPERIOR MAX: VARIOUS

INSTANCES OF THE WAY IN WHICH HE REGULATES HIMSELF. The concisenessof the text contrasts here with the verbosity of the translation, and yet the many words of the latter seem necessary.

TTn

CHAPTER XI. 1. Confucius said, "Contemplating good, and pursuing it, as if they could not reach it; contemplating evil, and shrinking from it, as they would from thrusting the hand into boiling water:— 1 have seen such men, as I have heard such words.

2. "Living in retirement to study their aims, and practicing righteousness to carry out their principles:— I have iieard these words, but I have not seen such men."

CHAPTER XII. 1. The duke Ching of Ch'i had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on the day of his death, the people did not praise him for a single

11. THE CONTEMPORARIES OF CON- FUCIUS COULD ESCHEW EVIL, AND FOLLOW AFTER GOOD, BUT NO ONE OF THE HIGHEST CAPACITY HAD APPEARED AMONG THEM. 1. The two first

clauses here and in the next paragraph also, are quotations of old sayings, current in Confucius's time. "Such men;' were several of the sage's own disciples. 2. 5J5; "ft J&, "seeking for their aims;" i. e., meditating on them, studying them, fixing them, to be prepared to carry them out, as in the next clause. Such men among the ancients were

the great ministers I Yin and T'aikung. Such might the disciple Yen Hui have been, but an early death snatched him away before he could have an opportunity of showing what was in him.

12. WEALTH WITHOUT VIRTUE AND VIRTUE WITHOUT WEALTH; THKFR

DIFFERENT APPRECIATIONS. This

chapter is plainly a fragment. As it stands, it would appear to come from the compilers and not from Confucius. Then the 2nd paragraph implies a reference to something which has been lost. Under XII, x,

xlo Tif

ffii -UL

virtue. Po-i and Shu-ch'i died of hunger at the foot of the Shau-yang mountain, and the people, down to the present time, praise them.

2. "Is not that saying illustrated by this?" CHAPTER XIII. 1. Ch'an K'ang asked Po-yii, saying, "Have you heard any lessons from your father different from what we have all heard ? "

2. Po-yii replied, "No. He was standing alone once, when I passed below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, 'Have you learned the Odes?' On my replying 'Not yet,' he added, 'If you do not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.' I retired and studied the Odes.

I have referred to the proposal to transfer to this place the last paragraph of that chapter which might Le explained, so as to harmonize v th the sentiment of this. -The d ike Cl-.ing of Ch'i,— see XII, xi. l'"-i and Shu-ch'i, — see VI, xxii. The mountain Shau-yang is to be

found probably in the department of ^jf jitl in Shansi.

13. CONFUCIUS-'S INSTRUCTION OF HIS SON NOT DIFFERENT FBOAI HIS INSTRUCTION OF THE DISCIPLES GEN- ERALLY. 1. Ch'an K'ang is the Tsze-ch'in of I, x. When Confucius's eldest son was born, the duke of Lii

3. *' Another day, he was in the same way standing alone, when I passed by below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, ' Have you learned the rules of Propriety?' On my replying 'Not yet,' he added, 'If you do not learn the rales of Propriety, your character cannot be established.' I then retired, and learned the rules of Propriety.

4. "I have heard only these two things from him."

5. Ch'an K'ang retired, and, quite delighted, said, "I asked one thing, and I have got three things. I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son."

sent the philosopher a present of a carp, on which account he named the child ^j. (the carp), and afterwards gave him the designation of fQ $L •? $; % ^ Pa *?-) " H&ve you aho (i. e., as being his son ) heard different instructions?" 2. On |$ here, and jjjg next paragraph, sec on VII, xvii.

Before ^ ^, here and below, we must supply a [EJ. 3. i, — see VII I, viii. 4. 'I he force of the % is to make the whole = " what I have heard from him are only these two remarks." 5. Confucius is, no doubt, intended by fj- -^f-, but it is best to translate it generally.

CHAPTER XIV. The wife of the prince of a state is called by him FU ZAN. She calls herself HSIAO T'UNG. The people of the state call her CHUN FU ZAN, and, to the people of other states, they call her K'WA HSIAO CHUN. The people of other states also call her CHUN FU ZAN.

14. Al'PELLATIONS FOB THE WIFE

OF A RULER. This chapter may have been spoken by Confucius to rectify some disorder of the times, but there is no intimation to that effect. The different appellations may be thus explained:— f£ is H £, ^ #, "sshe who is her husband's equal.' The -Ac in ^ A ig taken as = ^, "to support," "to help," so that designation is equivalent to "helpmeet." 1|f means either "a youth," or "a girl." The wife modestly calls herself /]•» 1g, "the little girl." The old interpreters take — most naturally — m $i A as = ^- £ ^ x, "our prince's helpmeet," but the modern

commentators take ;ff adjectivelyj as = ^., with reference to the office of the wife to "preside over the internal economy of the palace." On this view ^ jfc A is "the domestic helpmeet." The ambassador of a prince spoke of him by the style of 5j£ ;fj, "our prince of small virtue." After that example of modesty, his wife was styled to the people of other states, "our small prince of small virtue." The people of other states had no reason to imitate her subjects in that, and so they styled her — "your prince's helpmeet," or "the domestic helpmeet."

BOOK XVII. YANG HO

CHAPTER I. 1. Yang Ho wished to see Confucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. On this, he sent a present of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way.

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — |5£- ^ n ~~ -b» "Yang Ho, No. 17."— As the last Book commenced with the presumption of the head of the Chi family, who kept his prince in subjection, this begins with an account of an officer, who did for the head of the Chi what he did for the duke of Lu. For this reason- — some similarity in the subject matter of the first chapters — this Book, it is said, is placed after the former. It contains 26 chapters.

1. CONFUCIUS' s POLITE BUT DIG- NIFIED TREATMENT OF A POWER- FUL, BUT USURPING AND UNWORTHY,

OFFICER. 1. Yang Ho, known also as Yang Hii (;j|), was nominally the principal minister of the Chi family, but its chief was entirely in his hands, and he was scheming to arrogate the whole authority of the state of Lu to himself. He first

appears in the Chronicles of Lu, acting against the exiled duke Chao; in 505 B. c., we find him keeping his own chief, Chi Hwan, a prisoner, and, in 501, he is driven out, on the failure of his projects, a fugitive into Ch'i. At the time when' the incidents in this chapter occurred, Yang Ho was anxious to get, or appear to get, the support of a man of Confucius's reputation, and finding that the sage would not call on him, he adopted the expedient of sending him a pig, at a 'time when Confucius was not at home, the rules of ceremony requiring that when a great officer sent a present to a scholar, and the latter was not in his house on i ts arrival, he had to go to the officer's house to acknowledge it. See the Li Chi, XI, Sect, iii, 20. g$ is in the sense of fifj;, "to present food," properly "before a superior."

ffif

ffi

2. #o said to Confucius, "Come, let me speak with

you." He then asked, "Can he be called benevolent who keeps his jewel in his bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?" Confucius replied, "No." "Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being so?" Confucius again said, "No." "The days and months are passing away; the years do not wait for us." Confucius said, "Right; I will go into office."

Confucius, however, was not to be entrapped. He also timed (B£, as a verb) Hit's being away from home ("£)) and went to call on him. 2. j§ Jt ?[?, "deludes, confuses, his country," but the meaning is only negative, = "leaves his country to confusion.'' 3ji, read A-'i, in 4th tone,

"frequently." ftfi — ffc|? — all this is to be taken as the remark of Yang Ho, and a Q supplied before 0 . ?£ 1^1; JS|) in the dictionary, and by the old interpreters, is here explained, as in the translation, by ffi, "to wait for."

CHAPTER II. The Master said, "By nature, men are nearly alike; by practice, they get to be wide apart."

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "There are only the wise of the highest class, and the stupid of the lowest class, who cannot be changed."

CHAPTER IV. 1. The Master, having come to Wuch'ang, heard there the sound of stringed instruments and singing.

2. THE DIFFERENCES IN THE CHAR- ACTERS OF MEN ARE CHIEFLY OWING

TO HABIT. ££, it is contended, is here not the moral constitution of man, absolutely considered, but his complex, actual nature, with its elements of the material, the animal, and the intellectual, by association with which, the perfectly good moral nature is continually being led astray. The moral natvire is the same in all, and though the material organism and disposition do differ in different individuals, they are, at first, more nearly alike than they subsequently become. In the f£ jg|j we read: "The nature is the constitution received by man at birth, and is then still. While it has not been acted on by external things, men are all like one another; they are ifr. After it has been acted on by external things, then practice forms, as it were, a second nature. Ha who practices what is good, becomes the superior man; and he

who practices what is not good, becomes the mean man: — men become $g Ja." — No doubt, it is true that many — perhaps most — of the differences among men are owing to habit. This chapter is incorporated with the San Tsze Ching at its commencement.

3. ONLY TWO CLASSES WHOM PRAC- TICE CANNOT CHANGE. This is a sequel to the last chapter with which it is incorporated in Ho Yen's edition. The case of the f jjf, would seem to be inconsistent with the doctrine of the perfect goodness of the moral nature of all men. Modern commentators, to get over the difficulty, say that they are the f| ^ % and ft Jg ;& of Mencius, IV, Pt.

4. HOWEVER SMALL THE SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT, THE HIGHEST IN- FLUENCES OF PROPRIETIES AND MUSIC

SHOULD BE EMPLOYED. 1. Wu-ch'ang

was in the district of Pi. Tsze-yu appears as the commandant of it, in

iH ffi

s Ifi)

2. Well pleased and smiling, he said, "Why use an ox knife to kill a fowl?"

3. Tsze-yu replied, "Formerly, Master, I heard you say, — « When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the man of low station is well instructed, he is easily ruled."

4. The Master said, "My disciples, Yen's words are right. What I said was only in sport."

CHAPTER V. 1. Kung-shan Fu-zao, when he was holding Pi, and in an attitude of rebellion, invited the

VI, xii. |}$, "the silken string of a 7imsioa.l instrument," used here for stringed instruments generally. In the $fc g1 we read, "The town was named Wu (§^), from its position, precipitous and favorable to military operations, but Tsze-yu had been able, by his course, to transform the people, and make them change their mail and helmets for stringed instruments and singing. This was what made tin- Master glad." 2. ^ (read /i'/vm, 3rd tone) flf, "smilingly." "An ox knife," a large instrument, and not necessary ior the death of a fowl. Confucius intends by it the

high principles of government employed by Tsze-yu. 3. ;?f ^f- and /]•* ,\ are here indicative of rank, and not of character. $ •{)£, "are easily employed," i. e., ^ *fc #£ _t, "they rest in their lot, and obey their superiors." 4. .H ££ J-, as in VII, xxiii, et al. Observe the force of the final 3£, = "only."

5. THE LENGTHS TO WHICH CoN- FUCIUS WAS INCLINED TO GO, TO GET HIS PRINCIPLES CAKKIKD INTO PRAC- TICE. Kimg-shan Fu-zao, called also Kung-shan Fu-niu ((jtt), by designation J- ^|, was a confederate of Yang Ho (ch. i), and according to K'ung

fit sir CONFUCIAN ANALECTS

, ffi)

-flt

Master to visit him, who was rather inclined to go.

2. Tsze-lu was displeased, and said, "Indeed, you cannot go ! Why must you think of going to see Kung-shan?"

3. The Master said, "Can it be without some reason that he has invited ME ? If any one employ me, may I not make an eastern Chau?"

CHAPTER VI. Tsze-chang asked Confucius about perfect virtue. Confucius said, "To be able to practice five things everywhere under heaven constitutes perfect virtue." He begged to ask what they

An-kwo, and the g f}|, it was after the imprisonment by them, in common, of Chi Hwan, that Fu-zao se'nt this invitation to Confucius. Others make the invitation subsequent to Ho's discomfiture and flight to Ch'i. See the tg ft g$ *E ^ 501 B. c. We must conclude, with Tsze-lu, that Confucius ought not to have thought of accepting the invitation of such a man. 2. The first and last £ are the verb. ^ = M- ^ £ fa 2i = " There is no going there. Indeed, there is not." f SJ )J& fe Jlj j£ j£. Z. -til, "why must there be going to (;£ here = to) that (such is the force of

j£) Kung-shan?" 3. 5*c & ® %)— % is to be taken here as referring expressly to Fu-zao, while its reference below is more general. The fit in $\ fjj, and ff, are emphatic. The original seat of the Chau dynasty lay west from Lu, and the revival of the principles and government of Wan and Wu in Lu, or even in Pi, which was but a part of it, might make an eastern Chau, so that Confucius would perform the part of King Wan.. — After all, the sage did not go to Pi.

6. FIVE THINGS THE PRACTICE OF WHICH CONSTITUTES PERFECT VIRTUE.

were, and was told, "Gravity, generosity of soul, sincerity, earnestness, and kindness. If you are grave, you will not be treated with disrespect. If you are generous, you will win all. If you are sincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, you will accomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to employ the services of others."

CHAPTER VII. 1. Pi Hsi inviting him to visit him, the Master was inclined to go.

2. Tsze-lu said, "Master, formerly I have heard you say, * When a man in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will not associate with

J^ 5c ~b» "in Tinder heaven" is 8iin,,ly = "anywhere." f^ fllj \ ft, — fl» in 4th tone, is explained by Chu Hsi by ftf ft, "to rely upon," a meaning of the term not found in the dictionary. See XX, i, 9.

7. CONFUCIUS, INCLINED TO RE- SPOND TO THE ADVANCES OF AN VN- \VOKTHY MAN, PROTESTS AGAINST HIS UJCT BEING JUDGED BY OKDI-

XAHY RULES. Compare chap, v; but the invitation of Pi Hsi was subsequent to that of Kung-shan Fu-zao, ;md after Confucius had given up

office in Lu. 1. $} (read Pi) Hsi was commandant of Chung-mau, for the chief of the Chao family, in the state of Tsin. 2. || #*• ~S. % fa ^ §. ;ft, — "he who himself, in his own person, does what is not good." ^ A» — according to K'ung An-kwo, = ^ A 5C- Sl» "does not enter hi3 state"; according to Chu Hsi, it=^ A tt '$&, "does not enter his party." There were two places of the name of Chung-mau, one belonging to the state of Chang, and the other to the stato of Tsin (-), which is that

TTn If?

rfff

him.' Pi Hsi is in rebellion, holding possession of Chung-mau; if you go to him, what shall be said?"

3. The Master said, "Yes, I did use these words. But is it not said, that, if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin? Is it not said, that, if a thing be really white, it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black?

4. "Am I a bitter gourd! How can I be hung up out of the way of being eaten?"

CHAPTER VIII. 1. The Master said, "Yu, have you heard the six words to which are attached six becloudings?" Yu replied, "I have not."

2. "Sit down, and I will tell them to you.

intended here, and is referred to the present district of ^ |f^, department of 1|2 |H, in Honan province. 3. ^ EEJ is to be taken interrogatively, as in the translation, Ping'a paraphrase is — AS ^S 0," do not men say?" lg sf. •=£ ~£t — "is a thing hard, then," etc. Nieh is explained — "black earth in water, which may be used to dye a black color." The application of these strange proverbial sayings is to Confucius himself, aa, from his superiority, incapable of being affected by evil communications. 4. This paragraph is variously explained. By some, f$J J£. is taken as the name of a star ; so that the meaning is — "Am I, like such

and such a star, to be hung up, etc. ?" But we need not depart from the proper meaning of the characters. Chu Hsi, with Ho Yen, takes ^S J£ actively: — "A gourd can be hung up, because it does not need to eat. But I must go about, north, south, east, and west, to get food." This seems to me very unnatural. The expression is taken passively, as in the translation, in the Q |j, and other works.

8. KNOWLEDGE, ACQTJIKJED BY LEARNING, IS NECESSARY TO THE COMPLETION OF VIRTUE, BY PRE- SERVING THE MIND FROM BEING BE- CLOUDED. 1. ^ 'g' 3^ -ft ^, "The

six ^ are six characters"; see the

Iff tf «t

-ffi,

ftl

-tit

•tit HI

-tit

3. "There is the love of being benevolent without the love of learning; — ^the beclouding here leads to a foolish simplicity. There is the love of knowing without the love of learning; — the beclouding here leads to dissipation of mind. There is the love of being sincere without the love of learning; — -the beclouding here leads to an injurious disregard of consequences. There is the love of straightforwardness without the love of learning; — the beclouding here leads to rudeness. There is the love of boldness without the love of learning; — the beclouding here leads to insubordination. There is the love of firmness without the love of learning; • — the beclouding here leads to extravagant conduct."

fffl ef- They are, therefore, the benevolence, knowledge, sincerity, straightforwardness, boldness, and firmness, mentioned below, all virtues, but yet each, when pursued without discrimination, tending to becloud the mind. 0 = j^ $f, "to cover and screen"; the primary meaning of it is said to be /) 3^, "small plants." 2. ,g = "sit down." Tsze-lu had risen, according to the rules of propriety, to give his answer; see the Li Chi, I, Sect. I, iii, 4, 21; and Confucius tells him to resume his seat. 3. I give here the paraphrase of the H If on the first virtue and its beclouding, which may illustrate the manner in which the whole paragraph is developed:— "In all

matters, there is a perfectly right and unchangeable principle, which men ought carefully to study, till they have thoroughly examined and apprehended it. Then their actions will be without error, and their virtue may be perfected. For instance, loving is what rules in benevolence. It is certainly a beautiful virtue, but if you only set yourself to love men, and do not care to study to understand the principle of benevolence, then your mind will be beclouded by that loving, and you will be following a man into a well to save him, so that both he and you will perish. Will not this be foolish simplicity?"

mi nil

JBl

CHAPTER IX. 1. The Master said, "My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry?

2. "The Odes serve to stimulate the mind.

3. "They may be used for purposes of self -contemplation.

4. "They teach the art of sociability.

5. "They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.

6. "From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one's father, and the remoter one of serving one's prince.

7. "From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants."

9. BENEFITS DERIVED FROM STUDY- ING THE BOOK OF POETRY. 1. /]•» •J-; — see V, xxi; VIII, iii. I translate |f here by the "Book of Poetry," because the lesson is supposed to have been given with reference to the compilation of the Odes. The $; is that, as in XI, ix, 1, et al. 2. The descriptions in them of good and evil may have this effect. 3. Their

awarding of praise and blame may show a man his own character. 4. Their exhibitions of gravity in the midst of pleasure may have this effect. |g, as in XV, xxi. 5. Their blending of pity and earnest desire with reproofs may teach how to regulate our resentments. 7. ^1 ^fc» "grasses and trees," = plants gener ally.

fltj it

CHAPTER X. The Master said to Po-yii, "Do you give yourself to the Chau-nan and the Shao-nan. The man who has not studied the Chau-nan and the Shaonan is like one who stands with his face right against a wall. Is he not so ? "

CHAPTER XI. The Master said, "'It is according to the rules of propriety,' they say. — 'It is according to the rules of propriety,' they say. Are gems and silk all that is meant by propriety? 'It is music,' they say. — 'It is music,' they say. Are bells and all that is meant by music?"

have added — "Is he not so?" to bring out the force of the 1&. — This chapter in the old editions is incorporated with the preceding one.

11. IT IS NOT THE EXTERNAL APPURTENANCES WHICH CONSTITUTE PROPRIETY, NOB THE SOUND OF INSTRUMENTS WHICH CONSTITUTES MUSIC. flj| £= &T ?£ 3$ If ^» "as

to what they say is propriety." The words approach the quotation of a common saying. So t$| -35. Having thus given the common views of propriety and music, he refutes them in the questions that follow, §£| and )jif boing present to the mind as the expressions of respect and harmony

10. THE IMPORTANCE OF STUDY- ING THE CHAU-NAN AND SHAO-NAN. Cliau-nan and Shao-nan are the titles of the first two books in the Songs of the States, or first part of the Shihching. For the meaning of the titles, see the Shih-ching, I, i, and I, ii. They are supposed to inculcate important lessons about personal virtue and family government. Chu Hsi explains ^ by JJl, "to learn," "to study." It denotes the entire mastery of the studies. ^f (for $C) 1$ is as is imperative, the ^ at the end not being interrogative. jH m ffi ff5 i is for ]E iff ft ft fljj i)r. In such a situation, one cannot advance a step, nor see anything. I

•fee

ffi)

CHAPTER XII. The Master said, " He who puts on an appearance of stern firmness, while inwardly he is weak, is like one of the small, mean people; — yea, is he not like the thief who breaks through, or climbs over, a wall?"

CHAPTER XIII. The Master said, "Your good, careful people of the villages are the thieves of virtue."

CHAPTER XIV. The Master said, "To tell, as we go along, what we have heard on the way, is to cast away our virtue."

12. THE MEANNESS OF PRESUMP- TION AND PUSILLANIMITY CONJOINED.

Q is here not the countenance merely, but the whole outward appearance. /J) A is explained by $ffl -jij, and the latter clause shows emphatically to whom, among the low, mean people, the individual spoken of is like — a thief, namely, who is in constant fear of being detected.

13. CONTENTMENT WITH VULGAR WAYS AND VIEWS INJURIOUS TO VIR- TUE. See the sentiment of this chapter explained and expanded by Mencius, VII, Pt. II, xxxvii, 7, 8. Jg, 4th tone, the same as 5§. See the dictionary, character fig. g#, as in

XIV, xlvi, though it may be translated here, as generally, by the term "thief."

14. SWIFTNESS TO SPEAK INCOM- PATIBLE WITH THE CULTIVATION OF VIRTUE. It is to be understood that what has been heard contains some good lesson. At once to be talking of it without revolving it, and striving to practice it, shows an indifference to our own improvement. ;J£ is "the way" or "road." fjz is the same "way," a little farther on. — The glossarist on Ho Yen's work explains @; ^2 J^ as meaning — "is what the virtuous do not do." But this is evidently incorrect.

-ffi,

CHAPTER XV. 1. The Master said, "There are those mean creatures! How impossible it is along with them to serve one's prince!

2. "While they have not got their aims, their anxiety is how to get them. When they have got them, their anxiety is lest they should lose them.

3. "When they are anxious lest such things should be lost, there is nothing to which they will not proceed."

CHAPTER XVI. 1. The Master said, "Anciently, men had three failings, which now perhaps are not to be found.

2. "The high-mindedness of antiquity showed itself in a disregard of small things; the high-mindedness of the present day shows itself in wild license.

15. THE CASE OP MERCENARY

OFFICERS, AND HOW IT IS IMPOSSIBLE

-TO SERVE ONE'S PRINCE ALONG WITH

dfc," i. e., "together with." 8| ft & Tl fa % * i* H & "H ft=£ deepfelt lamentation on the unfitness of Kiich persons to be associated with." So, the $| ||f. But as the remaining I'iinigraphs are all occupied with describing the mercenaries, we must mid(T*l-iiM(l Confuciua's object as being to condemn the employment

of such creatures, rather than to set forth the impossibility of serving with them. 2. The ~£. here, and in par. 3, are all to be understood of place and emolument.

16. THE DEFECTS OF FORMER TIMES BECOME VICES IN THE TIME OF CON-

FUCITJS. 1. $£, "bodily sickness," here used metaphorically for "errors," "vices." gti ^ ?. £: (wu), — "perhaps there is the absence of them." The next paragraph shows that worse things had taken their

The stern dignity of antiquity showed itself in grave reserve; the stern dignity of the present day shows itself in quarrelsome perverseness. The stupidity of antiquity showed itself in straightforwardness; the stupidity of the present day shows itself in sheer deceit."

CHAPTER XVII. The Master said, "Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with virtue."

CHAPTER XVIII. The Master said, "I hate the manner in which purple takes away the luster of vermilion. I hate the way in which the songs of Chang confound the music of the Ya. I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families "

place. 2. That |j£ is only "a disregard of smaller matters," or conventionalisms, appears from its opposition to |g, which has a more intense signification than in chap, viii. 5f^-, as in XV, xxi, also with an intenser meaning. |fj?, "an angular corner," which cannot be impinged against without causing pain. It is used for "purity," "modesty," but the meaning here appears to be that given in the translation.

17. A repetition of I, iii.

18, CONFUCIUS' s INDIGNATION AT THE WAY IN WHICH THK WKUMG

OVERCAME THE RIGHT. $&£.?&%:,

— see X, vi, 2. $fc is here as "a correct" color, though it is not among the five such colors mentioned in the note there. ^ I have here translated — "purple." "Black and carnation mixed," it is said, "give 3|." "The songs or sounds of Chang,"— see XV, x. "The yd,"— see on IX, xiv. [gj =f? is a common designation for "a state," the |$], or kingdom of the prince, embracing the ^, "families or clans," of his great officers. For [s£j wo here have

CHAPTER XIX. 1. The Master said, "I would prefer not speaking."

2. T^ze-kung said, "If you, Master, do not speak, what shall we, your disciples, have to record?"

3. The Master said, "Does Heaven speak? The four seasons pursue their courses, and all things are continually being produced, but does Heaven say anything?"

CHAPTER XX. Zu Pei wished to see Confucius, but Confucius declined, on the ground of being sick, to see him. When the bearer of this message went out

19. THE ACTIONS or' CONFUCIUS WERE LESSONS AND LAWS, AND NOT

HIS WORDS MERELY. Such is the

scope of this chapter, according to Clm Hsi and his school. The older commentators say that it is a caution to men to pay attention to their conduct rather than to their words. This interpretation is far-fetched, but, on the other hand, it is not easy to defend Confucius from the charge of presumption in comparing himself to Heaven. 3. 5c H IT 3fc, "Does Heaven speak," — better than "what does Heaven say ?"

20. How CONFUCIUS COULD BE

''NOT AT HOME," AND YET GIVE

INTIMATION TO THE VISITOR OF HIS

PRESENCE. Of Zu Pel little is known. He was a small officer of Lu, and had at one time been in attendance on Confucius to receive his instructions. There must have been some reason — some fault in him — why Confucius would not see him on the occasion in the text; and that he might understand that it was on that account, and not because he was really sick, that he declined his visit, the sage acted as we are told ; — see the Li Chi, XVIII, Sect. II, i, 22. It is said that his fault was in trying to see the Master without using the services of an

at the door, (the Master) took his lute and sang to it, in order that Pei might hear him.

CHAPTER XXI. 1. Tsai Wo asked about the three years' mourning for parents, saying that one year was long enough.

2. "If the superior man," said he, " abstains for three years from the observances of propriety, those observances will be quite lost. If for three years he abstains from music, music will be ruined.

3. " Within a year the old grain is exhausted, and the new grain has sprung up. and, in procuring fire by friction, we go through all the changes of wood for that purpose. After a complete year, the mourning may stop."

internuncius (ffi fa ^); — see XIV, xlvii. I translate the last £, by him, but it refers generally to the preceding sentence, and might be left untranslated.

21. THE PERIOD OF THREE YEARS' MOURNING FOR PARENTS ; IT MAY NOT ON ANY ACCOUNT BE SHORTENED;

THE REASON OF IT. 1. We must

understand a 0, either before S, or, as I prefer, before Jfl, which is read chi, in 1st tone, the same as ^, XIII, x. On the three years' mourning, see the 35th Book of the Li Chi. Nominally extending to three years, tha.t period comprehended properly

but 25 months, and at most 27 months. 2. jfc H A # W Z-)— Tsze-wo finds here a reason for his view in the necessity of "human affairs." 3. ifc 0. ^ B£ W ±,— he finds here a reason for his view in "the seasons of heaven." ^ means either "a piece of metal,"^ — a speculum, with which to take fire from the sun, or "a piece of wood," with which to get fire by friction or "boring" (|f|). It has here the latter meaning. Certain woods were assigned to the several seasons to be employed for tins purpose, the elm and willow, for instance, to spring,

jfc

4. The Master said, "If you were, o/fer a year, to eat good rice, and wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease ? " "I should," replied Wo.

5. The Master said, "If you can feel at ease, do it. But a superior man, during the whole period of mourning, does not enjoy pleasant food which he may eat, nor derive pleasure from music which he may hear. He also does not feel at ease, if he is comfortably lodged. Therefore he does not do what you l»-()pose. But now you feel at ease and may do it."

6. Tsai Wo then went out, and the Master said, "This shows Yti's want of virtue. It is not till a child is three years old that it is allowed to leave the

the date and almond trees to summer, etc. ft tt tt jAcHR tt £1 Jft

!k, X # T- W B£ ± %., "In boring with the ^ to get fire, we have changed from wood to wood through the trees appropriate to the four s. asons.'' 4. Coarse food and coarse clothing were appropriate, though in

varying degree, to all the period of mourning. Tsze-wo is strangely insensible to the home-put argument of the Master, jfg is to be understood here as ^ £. ^ ^', "the most excellent grain." The ^ are demonstrative. G. ^ ;£ 3f» £l -di responds to all that has gone hefore,

arms of its parents. And the three years' mourning is universally observed throughout the empire. Did Yii enjoy the three years' love of his parents?"

CHAPTER XXII. The Master said, "Hard is it to deal with him, who will stuff himself with food the whole day, without applying his mind to anything good! Are there not gamesters and chess players? To be one of these would still be better than doing nothing at all."

and forms a sort of apodosis. Confucius added, it is said, the remarks in this paragraph that they might be reported to Tsai Wo (called also Tsze-wo), lest he should "feel at ease" to go and do as he said he could. Still the reason which the Master finds for the statute-period of mourning for parents must be pronounced puerile.

22. THE HOPELESS CASE OF GLUT- TONY AND IDLENESS. |f| ^ pjfc, — XV, xvi. •jij and |(jj are two things. To the former I am unable to give a name; but see some account of it

quoted in the ^| |f£, in loc. $£• is "to play at chess," of which there are two kinds, — the [U ijfi, played with 361 pieces, and referred to the ancient Yao as its inventor, and the =11. j^» or ivory chess, played with 32 pieces, and having a great analogy to our European game. Its invention • is attributed to the emperor Wu, of the later Chau dynasty, in our 6th century. It was probably borrowed from India. ^ £., — £. refers to tf K£. K for 0' as in XI»

fill £g

fln

Tfg

CHAPTER XXIII. Tsze-lu said, "Does the superior man esteem valor?" The Master said, "The superior man holds righteousness to be of highest importance. A man in a superior situation, having valor without righteousness, will be guilty of insubordination; one of the lower people, having valor without righteousness, will commit robbery."

CHAPTER XXIV. 1. Tsze-kung said, "Has the superior man his hatreds also?" The Master said, "He has bis hatreds. " He hates those who proclaim the evil of others. He hates the man who, being in a low station, slanders his superiors. He hates those who have valor merely, and are unobservant of

23. VALOR TO BE VALUED ONLY IX SUBORDINATION TO RIGHTEOUS- NESS; ITS CONSEQUENCES APART FROM THAT. The first two Jj* -J- are to be understood of the man superior in virtue. The third brings in the idea of rank, with /) X as ita correlate.

24. CHARACTERS DISLIKED BY CON- FUCIUS AND TSZE-KUNG. 1. Tszekung is understood to have intended Confucius himself by "the superior man." $£ is here in the sense of "class." T $&— ~F -{ft £ A) of low station." In jj% ^- ,

propriety. He hates those who are forward and determined, and, at the same time., of contracted understanding."

2. The Master then inquired, "Ts'ze, have you also your hatreds?" Tsze-kung replied, "I hate those who pry out matters, and ascribe the knowledge to their wisdom. I hate those who are only not modest, and think that they are valorous. I hate those who make known secrets, and think that they are straightforward."

CHAPTER XXV. The Master said, "Of all people, girls and servants are the most difficult to behave to. If you are familiar with them, they lose their humility. If you maintain a reserve towards them, they are discontented."

the force of Tfr is to oppose ^ to ^, "hatreds," to "loves." 2. Hsing Ping takes -J- || as the nominative to [3, — :"he went on to say, /, Ts'ze, also," etc. The modem commentators, however, more correctly, understand -J-, "the Master," as nominative to fEJ, and supply another 0 before jg $.

25. THE DIFFICULTY HOW TO

TREAT CONCUBINES AND SERVANTS.

~$£ -J- does not mean women gererally, but girls, i. e., concubines. /]•» X) in the same way, is here boys, i. e., servants. §|, "to nourish," "to keep," = to behave to. The force of l$f, "only," is as indicated in the translation. — We hardly expect such an utterance, though correct in itself, from Confucius.

CHAPTER XXVI. The Master said, "When a man at forty is the object of dislike, he will always continue what he is."

20. THE DIFFICULTY OF IMPROVE- MENT IN ADVANCED YEABS. AcCOrding to Chinese views, at forty a man is at his best in every way. After gt we must understand ^ ^ :?» — ''the object of dislike to the superior

man." £ &=& & ^ J&, "he will end in this." — Youth is doubtless the season for improvement, but the sentiment of the chapter is too broadly stated.

BOOK XVIII. WEI TSZE

CHAPTER I. 1. The viscount of Wei withdrew from the court. The viscount of Chi became a slave to Chdu. Pi-kan remonstrated with him and died.

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — fifc ^ ?$ -f- A- "The viscount of Wei, Mo. 18." This Book, consisting of only eleven chapters, treats of various individuals famous in Chinese history, as eminent for the way in which they discharged their duties to their sovereign, or for their retireinout from public service. It commemorates also some of the worthies of Confucius's days, who lived in retirement rather than be in office in so degenerate times. The object of -the whole is to illustrate and vindicate the course of Confucius himself.

1. THE VISCOUNTS OF WEI AND

('lit, AND Pi -KAN: — THREE WORTHIES

OF THE YlN DYNASTY. 1. Wei-tsze

and Chi-tsze are continually repeated by Chinese, as if they were proper names. But Wei and Chi were the names of two small states, presided over by chiefs of the Tsze, or fourth degree of nobility, called viscounts, for want of a more exact term. They both appear to have been within the limits of the present Shansi, Wei being referred to the district of j$f $4, department j$J ^f, and Chi to it SL department jg ')]]. The chief of Wei was an elder brother by a concubine of the tyrant Chau, the last sovereign of the Yin dynasty, 1154-1122 B. c. The chief of Chi,

SHU

iiUUK

y ifff

ffij P

2. Confucius said, "The Yin dynasty possessed these three men of virtue."

CHAPTER II. Hui of Liu-hsia, being chief criminal judge, was thrice, dismissed from his office. Some one said to him, "Is it not yet time for you, sir, to leave this?" He replied, "Serving men in an upright way, where shall I go to, and not experience such a thricerepeated dismissal? If I choose to serve men in a crooked way, what necessity is there for me to leave the country of my parents?"

and Pi-kan, were both uncles of the tyrant. The first, seeing that remonstrances availed nothing, withdrew from court, wishing to preserve the sacrifices of their family amid the ruin which he saw was impending. The second was thrown into prison, and, to escape death, feigned madness. He was used by Chau as a buffoon. Pi-kan, persisting in his remonstrances, was put barbarously to death, the tyrant having his heart torn out, that he might see, he said, a sage's heart. The ;£. in ^ ;£ is explained by 3£ {ft, "his place." Its reference may also be to £j", the tyrant himself. On ^ ;£ ;§£, compare f| £. ^, V, vii, 3, et al.

2. How Hui OF LIU-HSIA, THOUGH

OFTEN DISMISSED FROM OFFICE, STILL

CLEAVED TO HIS COUNTRY. L

Hui, — see XV, xiii. The office of the ± (lifj is described in the Chau-li, XXXIV, iii. He was under the |f] ^, or minister of crime, but with many subordinate magistrates under him. ^, 4th tone, as in V, xix ; XI, v. We may translate ^iij, "was dismissed from office," or "retired from office." A— ^' A — Some remarks akin to that in the text are asciiLed to Hui's wife. It is observed by tbe commentator Hu (j$) thnt there ought to be another paragraph, giving Con fucius's judgment upon flui's conduct, but it has been lost.

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CHAPTER III. The duke Ching of Ch'i, with reference to the manner in which he should treat Confucius, said, "I cannot treat him as I would the chief of the Chi family. I will treat him in a manner between that accorded to the chief of the Chi, and that given to the chief of the Mang family." He also said, "I am old; I cannot use his doctrines" Confucius took his departure.

CHAPTER IV. The people of Ch'i sent to Lu a present of female musicians, which Chi Hwan received,

3. HOW CONFUCIUS LEFT CH'I, WHICNTriE DUKE COULD NOT APPRE- CIATE AND EMPLOY HIM. It Was in

the year 517 B. c. that Confucius went to Ch'i. The remarks about how he should be treated, etc., are to l)e understood as having taken place in consultation between the duke and his ministers, and being afterwards reported to the sage. The Mang family (see II, v) was in the time of Confucius much weaker than the Chi. The chief of it was only the ~p :/$, lowest noble of Lu, while the Chi was the highest. Yet for the duke of Ch'i to treat Confucius i cti.-r than the duke of Lu treated tin.- chief of the Mang family, was not dishonoring the sage. We must suppose that Confucius left Ch'i because of the duke's concluding remark.-.

4. How CONFUCIUS GAVE UP OFFICIAL SERVICE IN LU. In the ninth year of the duke Ting, Confucius reached the highest point of his official service. He was minister of crime, and also, according to the general opinion, acting premier. He effected in a few months a wonderful renovation of the state, and the neighboring countries began to fear that under his administration, Lu would overtop and subdue them all. To prevent this, the duke of .Ch'i sent a present to Lu of fine horses and of 80 highly accomplished beauties. The duke of Lu was induced to receive these by the advice of the head of the Chi family, Chi Sze (Sff), or Chi Hwan. The sage was forgotten; government was neglected. Confucius, indignant and sorrowful, withdrew from office, and for a time,

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and for three days no court was held. Confucius took his departure.

CHAPTER V. 1. The madman of Ch'u, Chieh-yii, passed by Confucius, singing and saying, "0 FANG! O FANG! How is your virtue degenerated! As to the

past, reproof is useless; but the future may still be provided against. Give up your vain pursuit. Give up your vain pursuit. Peril awaits those who now engage in affairs of government."

2. Confucius alighted and wished to converse with him, but Chieh-yii hastened away, so that he could not talk with him.

from the country too. §|J as in XVII, i, 1. ^ A» "the people of Ch'i,' is to be understood of the duke and his ministers. 5. CONFUCIUS AND THE MADMAN

OF CH'U, WHO BLAMES HIS NOT BE-

TIBIXG FROM THE WORLD. 1. Chiehyii was the designation of one Lu T'ung ([$? M). a native of Ch'u, who feigned himself mad, to escape being importuned to engage in public service. There are several notices of him in the ^ H£, in loc. It must have been about the year 489 B. c.

that the incident in the text occurred. By the Jang, which we commonly translate by phoenix, his satirizer or adviser intended Confucius ; see IX, viii. The tliree jfjj in the song are simply expletives, pauses for the voice to help o it the rhythm. 8|, "to overtake," generally with reference to the- past, but here it has reference to the future. In the dictionary, with reference to this passage, it is explained by 2£» "to come up to," and ^, "to save," = to provide against.

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CHAPTER VI. 1. Ch'ang-tsii and Chieh-ni were at work in the field together, when Confucius passed by them, and sent Tsze-lii to inquire for the ford.

2. Ch'ang-tsii said, "Who is he that holds the reins in the carriage there?" Tsze-lu told him, "It is K'ung Ch'iu." "Is it not K'ung Ch'iii of Lu?" asked he. "Yes," was the reply, to which the other rejoined, "He knows the ford."

3. Tsze-lu then inquired of Chieh-ni, who said to him, "Who are you, sir?" He answered, "I am Chung Yu." "Are you not the disciple of K'ung Ch'iuof Lu?" asked the other. "I am," replied he,

6. CONFUCIUS AND THE TWO BE- CLUSES, CH'ANG-TSU AND CHIEH-NI; WHY HE WOULD NOT WITHDRAW FROM THE WORLD. 1. The surnames and names of these worthies are not known. It is supposed that they belonged to Ch'u, like the hero of the last chapter, and that the interview with them occurred about the same time. The designations in the text are descriptive of their character, and = " the long Restor (fH. ^- jj- Ifij --5 &)" and "the firm Red use (gf

• ffi M ^ IS)-" What kind of field labor is here denoted by |)f cannot be determined. 2. ^JL J|J ^ , "he who holds the carriage," =|& ^ 3fe Ifi. ;&, as in the translation. It is supposed that it was the remarkable appearance of Confucius which elicited the inquiry. In ^ £fl •$£, ^ = "Ae";i. e., he, going about everywhere and seeking to be employed, ought to know the ford. 3. vS V^ ;# :%. T» — the speaker here probaHy pointed to the surging waters before

and then Cfiieh-ni said to him, "Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who is he that will change its state /or you? Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better follow those who have withdrawn from the world altogether?" With this he fell to covering up the seed, and proceeded with his work, without stopping.

4. Tsze-lu went and reported their remarks, when the Master observed with a sigh, "It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts, as if they were the same with us. If I associate not with these people, —

them, for the ford to crosa which the travelers were asking. Translating literally, we should say — "swelling and surging, such is all the empire." jl jfjj, — jfij = $C, " you ." fif A. J$ 1M:.— comp. XIV, xxxix. |g, "an implement for drawing the soil over the seed." It may have been a hoe, or- a rake. 4. $fc is here— & "class." -^ # J0f A £

^ H ffi II *, = "H I am not to associate with the class of these men, i. e., with mankind, with whom am I to associate ? I cannot associate with birds and beasts." j£ ^ H £,— 3; H,it is said, f£ $ff. JH, "there would be no use." Literally, " I should not have for whom to change the state oj the empire."- The use of ^c ^- in this paragraph is

fin $1

with mankind, — with whom shall I associate? If right principles prevailed through the empire, there would be no use for me to change its state."

CHAPTER VII. 1. Tsze-lu, following the Master, happened to fall behind, when he met an old man, carrying across his shoulder on a staff a basket for weeds. Tsze-lu said to him, "Have you seen my master, sir?" The old man replied, "Your four limbs are unaccustomed to toil; you cannot distinguish the five kinds of grain: — who is your master?" With this, he planted his staff in the ground, and proceeded to weed.

remarkable. It must mean "his Master" and net "the Master." The compiler of this chapter can hardly have been a disciple of the sage.

7. TSZE-LU'S RENCONTEB WITH AN OLD MAN, A RECLUSE: HIS VINDICA- TION OF HIS MASTER'S COURSE. I his incident in this chapter was probably nearly contemporaneous with those which occupy the two previous ones. Some say that the old man belonged to Sheh, which was a part of Ch'u.
8. ft, as in XI, xxii,— ® ft &. 5t \ IB used for "an old man" as early as in the Yi-ching, hexagram gf; perhaps by taking 5t as=^t, "a

staff," the phrase comes to have that signification, jg is simply called by Chu Hsi — Yf U» "a bamboo basket." The |ft j»C defines it as in the translation,—^ H If. K ft. "the four bodies," i. e., the arms and legs, the four limbs of the body, "The five grains" are fg, iff, 5g, l£, and ^, "rice, millet, panicled millet, •wheat, and pulse." But they are sometimes otherwise enumerated. We have also "the six kinds," "the eight kinds," "the nine kinds," and perhaps other classifications. 2. Tsze-lu, standing with his arms across his breast, indicated his respect, and won upon

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2. Tsze-lu joined his hands across his breast, and stood before him.

3. The old man kept Tsze-lu to pass the night in his house, killed a fowl, prepared millet, and feasted him. He also introduced to him his two sons.

4. Next day, Tsze-lu went on his way, and reported his adventure. The Master said, "He is a recluse," and sent Tsze-lu back to see him again, but when he got to the place, the old man was gone.

5. Tsze-lu then said to the family, "Not to take office is not righteous. If the relations between old and young may not be neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be observed between sovereign and minister? Wishing to maintain his

the old man. 3. j£ (tsze), the 4th tone, "entertained," "feasted." The dictionary defines it with this meaning, &. 0& H A» "to give food to people." 5. Tsze-lu is to be understood aa here speaking the

sentiments of the Master, and vindicating his course. J| #J £. tff refers to the manner in which the old man had introduced his sons to him the evening before, and to all the orderly intercourse between old and young,

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personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion. A superior man takes office, and performs the righteous duties belonging to* it. As to the failure of right principles to make progress, he is aware of that."

CHAPTER VIII. 1. The men who have retired to privacy from the world have been Po-i, Shu-ch'i, Yiichung, I-yi, Chu-chang, Hui of Liu-hsia, and Shaolien.

2. The Master said, "Refusing to surrender their wills, or to submit to any taint in their persons; — such, I think, were Po-i and Shu-ch'i.

which he had probably seen in the family, fpj :£ Jg ;£, — :Hl refers to the old man, but there is an indefiniteness about the Chinese construction, which does not make it so personal as our "he." So Confucius is intended by ;§• J-, though that phrase may be taken in its general acceptation. "He is aware of that;" but will not therefore shrink from his righteous service.

8. CONFUCIUS'S JUDGMENT OF HHIMKR WORTH IKS WHO HAD KEPT n:.)H THE WORLD. His OWN GUID-

I'uiNciPLE. 1. J% K,— "retired

people." J£ is used here just as we sometimes use people, without reference to the rank of the individuals spoken of. The H gf quotes, upon the phrase, from the |^ $£ to the following effect: — "ig here is not the jf| of seclusion, but is characteristic of men of large souls, who cannot be measured by ordinary rules. They may display their character by retiring from the world. They may display it also in the manner of their discharge of office." The phrase is guarded in this way, I suppose, because of its applicatiou

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3. "It may be said of Hui of Liu-hsia, and of Shao-lien, that they surrendered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons, but their words corresponded with reason, and their actions were such as men are anxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked in them.

4. "It may be said of Yii-chung and I-yi, that, while they hid themselves in their seclusion, they gave a license to their words; but in their persons, they succeeded in preserving their piMty, and, in their retirement, they acted according to the exigency of the times.

to Hui of Liu-hsia, who did not obstinately withdraw from the world. Po-i and Shu-ch'i, — see V, xxii. Yii-chung should probably be Wu (^)-chungi He was the brother of T'ai-po, called Chung-yung (fi}) ^f|), and is mentioned in the note on VIII, i. He retired with T'ai-po among the barbarous tribes, then occupying the country of Wu, and succeeded to the chieftaincy of them on his brother's death. "I-yi and Chu-chang," says Chu Hsi, "are not found in the ching and chwan (£5 fl|)." See, however, the ^| H, in loc. From a passage in the Li Chi, XVIII, ii, 14, it appears that Shaolien belonged to one of the barbarous

tribes on the east but was welL acquainted with, and observant of, the rules of Propriety, particularly those relating to mourning. 3. The |fj at the beginning of this paragraph and the next are very perplexing. As there is neither |pf nor 0 at the beginning of par. 5, the np- EJ of par. 2 must evidently be carried on to the end of the chapter. Commentators do not seem to have felt the difficulty, and understand IP} to be in the 3rd person. — "He, i. e., the Master, said," etc. I have made the best of it I could. fa = $ it ± 3C ^, "the order and series of righteousness and principles." ]lt = A '£•

5. "I am different from all these. I have no course for which I am predetermined, and no course against which I am predetermined."

CHAPTER IX. 1. The grand music master, Chih, went to Ch'i.

2. Kan, the master of the band at the second meal, went to Ch'u. Liao, the band master at the third meal, went to Ts'ai. Chueh, the band master at the fourth meal, went to Ch'in.

3. Fang-shu, the drum master, withdrew to the north of the river.

3- j® J«£» ''the thoughts and solicitudes of men's hearts." 4. "Living in retirement, they gave a license to their words," — this is intended to show that in this respect they were inferior to Hui and Shao-lien, who i4 M* ft- P) — see note on IX, xxix. 5. Confucius'a openness to act according to circumstances is to be understood as being always in subordination to right and propriety.

9. THE DISPERSION OF THE MUSI- CIANS OF Lu. The dispersion here narrated is supposed to have taken place in the time of Duke Ai. When once Confucius had rectified the music of Lu ( IX, xiv), the musicians would no longer be assisting in the prostitution of their art; and so, as the disorganization and decay proceeded, the chief among them withdrew to other states, or from society altogether. 1. ^=^, as opposed to

^), par. 5, "grand," and "assistant." "The music master, Chih," — see VIII., xv. 2. The princes of China, it would appear, had music at their -meals, and a separate band performed at each meal, or, possibly, the band might be the same, but under the superintendence of a separate officer at each meal. The king had four meals a day, and the princes of states only three, but it was the prerogative of the duke of Lu to use the ceremonies of the royal court. Nothing is said here of the band master at the first meal, perhaps because he did not leave Lu, or nothing may have been known of him. 3. "The river" is, of course, "the Yellow River." According to the m ^ ^ HL article LVII, the expressions X 'fc ?Sf) A jfc $1 are to be taken as meaning simply, — "lived on the banks of the Ho, the Han."

4. Wii, the master of the hand drum, withdrew to the Han.

5. Yang, the assistant music master, and Hsiang, master of the musical stone, withdrew to an island in the sea.

CHAPTER X. The duke of Chau addressed his son, the duke of Lu, saying, "The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment."

The interpretation in the translation is after Chu Hsi, Mho follows the glossarist Hsing Ping. The ancient sovereigns had. their capitals mostly north and east of "the river," hence, the country north of it was called jTjf J*j, and to the south of it was called jBf tj-. I do not see, however, the applicability of this tc the Han, which is a tributary oi ihe Yangtze, flowing through Hupeh. 5. It was from Hsiang that Confucius learned to play on the 3^E.

10. INSTRUCTIONS OF CHAU-KUNG TO HIS SON ABOUT GOVERNMENT; A

GENEROUS CONSIDERATION OF OTHERS TO BE CHERISHED. ^) /£, S66 VII,

v. The facts of the case seem to be that the duke of Chau was himself

appointed to the principality of Lu, but being detained at court by liis duties to the young king Jjfc', he sent his son f£ j|£, here called "the duke of Lu," to -that siate as his representative, ffi ^fcontains here the ideas both of rank und virtue. $£ is read in the 3rd tone, with the same meaning as §|jj. Chu Hsi, indeed, seems to think that 5[| should be in the text, but we have jjfg i n Ho Yen, who gives K'ung Ankwo's interpretation: — jjfg J^ •&, ^

change. He does not substitute the relatives of other men in the room of his own relatives." 0,, — here = ^3, " to use," " to employ." ^ ${(, — see XIII, xxv.

CHAPTER XI. To Chau belonged the eight officers, Po-ta, Po-kwo, Chung-tu, Chung-hwu, Shu-ya, Shulisia, Chi-sui, and Chi-kwa.

11. THE FBUITFULNESS OF THE EARLY TIME OF THE CnAu DYNASTY

IN ABLE OFFICERS. The eight individuals mentioned here are said to have been brothers, four pairs of twins by the same mother. This is intimated in their names, the two first being f£, or primi, the next pair •ft, or secundi, the third jj§R, or tertii,

and the last two =p. One mother, bearing twins four times in succession, and all proving distinguished men, showed the vigor of the early days of the dynasty in all that was good. — It is disputed to what reign these brothers belonged, nor is their surname ascertained. jj||, igfr, 3g, 3? •z~ seem to be honorary designations.

BOOK XIX. TSZE-CHANG

CHAPTER I. Tsze-chang said, "The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger, is prepared to sacrifice his life. When the opportunity of gain is

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — -J- §g ^ -t- ^L, "Tsze-chang, No. 19." Confucius does not appear personally in this Book at all. Chu Hsi says: "This Book records the words of the disciples, Tsze-hsia being the most frequent speaker, and Tszekuug next to him. For in the Confucian school, after Yen Yuan there was no one of such discriminating •understanding as Tsze-kung, and after Tsang Shan no one of such

firm sincerity as Tsze-hsia." The disciples deliver their sentiments very much after the manner of their master, and yet we can discern a falling off from him.

1. TSZE-CHANG'S OPINION OF THE CHIEF ATTRIBUTES OF THE TRUE SCHOLAR, i, — see note on XII, xx,
2. Tsze-chang there asks Confuciue about the scholar-officer, j^ ^,-^ the danger is to be understood as threatening his country. Hsing Ping,

presented to him, he thinks of righteousness. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. In mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel. Such a man commands our approbation indeed."

CHAPTER II. Tsze-chang said, "When a man holds fast virtue, but without seeking to enlarge it, and believes right principles, but without firm sincerity, what account can be made of his existence or nonexistence?"

CHAPTER III. The disciples of Tsze-hsia asked Tsze-chang about the principles that should characterize mutual intercourse. Tsze-chang asked, "Wliat

indeed, confines the danger to the person of the sovereign, for whom the officer will gladly sacrifice his life. Jj( -^-is the same as Jfc :& M m I, vii. "£, is not to be explained by jh, as in j|jj (5l. The combination g, ^ has occurred before, and=^ (f, in I, xiv. It greatly intensifies the preceding pj.

2. TSZE-CHANG ON NARROW-MIND- EDNESS AND A HESITATING FAITfi. Hsing Ping interprets this chapter in the following way: — "If a man grasp hold of his virtue, and is not widened and enlarged by it, although he may believe good principles, he cannot be

sincere and generous." But it is better to take the clauses as coordinate, and not dependent on each other. With ^ t§ -fc 3i we niay compare XV, xxviii, which suggests the taking g£ actively. The two last clauses are perplexing. Chu Hsi, after An-kwo apparently, makes them equivalent to — "is of no consideration in the world" ($| ^ ^ & $$

3. THE DIFFERENT OPINIONS OF TsZK-HSli AND TSZE-CHANGt ON THE PRINC IPLES WHICH SHOULD REGULATE OUR, INTERCOI KSK WITH OTHERS. On

the disciples of Tsze-hsia, see the ^|

does Tsze-hsia say on the subject?" They replied, "Tsze-hsia says: 'Associate with those who can advantage you* Put away from you those who cannot do «so." Tsze-chang observed, "This is different from what I have learned. The superior man honors the talented and virtuous, and bears with all. He praises the good, and pities the incompetent. Am I possessed of great talents and virtue? — who is there among men whom I will not bear with? Am I devoid of talents and virtue? — men will put me away from them. What have we to do with the putting away of others?"

If, in loc. It is strange to me that they should begin their answer to Tsze-chang with the designation -J- St, instead of saying j£ J-, "our Master." ^,— see V, xvi. In pj -% (£ pj :§, the pj is taken differently by the old interpreters and the new. Hsing Ping expounds: "If the man be worthy, fit for you to have intercourse with, then have it; but if he .Q not worthy," etc. On the other hand, we find:— "If the man will

advantage you, he is a fit person (^ ?J ;§); then maintain intercourse with .him," etc. This seems to be merely carrying out Confucius's rule, I, viii, 3. Chu Hsi, however, approves of Tsze-chang's censure of it, while he thinks also that Tszechang's own view is defective. — Pao Hsien says, "Our intercouise with friends should be according to Tszehsia's rule; general intercourse according to Tsze-chang}s.:)

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CHAPTER IV. Tsze-hsia said, "Even in inferior studies and employments there is something worth being looked 'at; but if it be attempted to carry them out to what is remote, there is a danger of their proving inapplicable. Therefore, the superior man does not practice them."

CHAPTER V. Tsze-hsia said, "He, who from day to day recognizes what he has not yet, and from month to month does not forget what he has attained to, may be said indeed to love to learn."

•t. TSZE-HSIA'S OPINION OF THE INAPPLICABILITY OF SMALL PURSUITS

TO GREAT OBJECTS. Gardening, husbandry, divining, and the healing art are all mentioned by Chii Hsi as instances of the /J* yi[, "small ways," here intended, having their own truth in them, but not available for higher purposes, o:- what is beyond themselves. Jj( i; imperative and emphatic, —^ {£, "push them to an

extreme." What is intended by Jg is the far-reaching object of tho Chiin-tSxe,"tfi cultivate himself and regulate others." j^g, in the 4th tone, explained in the dictionary by j$jj, "water impeded." — Ho Yen makes the /]•• j^ to be ^ £$, "strange principles."

5. THE INDICATIONS OF A REAL LOVE OF LEARNING: — ^BY TSZE-HSIA.

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CHAPTER VI. Tsze-hsia said, "There are learning extensively, and having a firm and sincere aim; inquiring with earnestness, and reflecting with selfapplication: — virtue is in such a course."

CHAPTER VII. Tsze-hsia said, "Mechanics have their shops to dwell in, in order to accomplish their works. The superior man learns, in order to reach to the utmost of his principles."

CHAPTER VIII. Tsze-hsia said, "The mean man is sure to gloss his faults."

6. HOW LEARNINiJ SHOULD BE PURSUED TO LEAD TO VIRTUE: BY

TS/K-HSIA. K'uiig An-kwo explains ,& "S if it were fjjj, "to remember." On tfl ft jfjj jg Jg, the fS g says—

Tfr Rll, ^ « a ± *, J?r JS, -I? % to

'_ H, "what are inquired about are things essential to one's self; what are thought about are the important personal duties." Probably it is so ; Imt all this cannot be put in a translation. On jg ,@, compare VI xxviii. 3. fc fc £ *,— compare VII, xv; XIII, xviii.

7. LEARNING is THE STUDENT'S

VORKSHOI': — BY TsZE-HSli. ft is

here "a place for the display and sale of goudd." A certain quarter

was assigned anciently in Chinese towns and cities for mechanics, and all of one art were required to have their shops together. This is still very much the case. A son must follow his father's profession, and, seeing nothing but the exercise of that around him, it was supposed that he would not be led to think of anything else, and become very proficient in it.

8. GLOSSING HIS FAULTS THE PROOF OF THE MEAN MAN: — BY TSZE-HSIA-. Literally, "The faults of the mean man, must gloss," i. e., he, is sure to gloss. Wan, in thia sense, a verb, in the 4th tone.

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CHAPTER IX. Tsze-hsia said, "The superior man undergoes three changes. Looked at from a distance, he appears stern; when approached, he is mild; when he is heard to speak, his language is firm and decided."

CHAPTER X. Tsze-hsia said, "The superior man, having obtained their confidence, may then impose labors on his people. If he have not gained their confidence, they will think that he is oppressing them. Having obtained the confidence of his prince, one may then remonstrate with him. If he have not gained his confidence, the prince will think that he is vilifying him."

0. CHANGING APPEARANCES OF THK

SUPERIOR MAN TO OTHERS: BY

TSZE-HSIA".' Ts/e-hsia probably intended Confucius by the Chun-tsze, but there is a general applicability in his language and sentiments. ^ s-, tfl £/ — literally, "look towards him," "approach him." — The description is about equivalent to our "Jortiter in re, suaviter in modo."

10. THE IMPORTANCE OF ENJOYING CONFIDENCE TO THE RIGHT SERVING OF SUPERIORS AND ORDERING OF INFERIORS: BY TSZE-HSll. Chll H.Sl

gives to -f|j here the double meaning of " being sincere," and " being believed in.'"" The last is the proper force of the term, but it requires the possession of the former quality.

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CHAPTER XL Tsze-hsia said, "When a person does not transgress the boundary line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues."

CHAPTER XII. 1. Tsze-yu said, "The disciples and followers of Tsze-hsia, in sprinkling and sweeping the ground, in answering and replying, in advancing and receding, are sufficiently accomplished. But these are only the branches of learning., and they are left ignorant of what is essential. — How can they be acknowledged as sufficiently taught ? "

2. Tsze-hsia heard of the remark and said, "Alas! Yen- Yu is wrong. According to the way of the

11. THE GREAT VIRTUES DEMAND THE CHIEF ATTENTION, AND THE SMALL ONES MAY BE SOMEWHAT VIO- LATED : — BY TszE-HSil. The sentiment here is very questionable. A different turn, however, is given to the chapter in the older interpreters. Hsing Ping, expanding K'ung Ankwo, says: "Men of great virtue never go beyond the boundary line ; it is enough for those who are virtuous in a less degree to keep near to it, going beyond and coming back." We adopt the more natural

interpretation of Chu Hsi. f^], "a piece of wood, in a doorway, obstructing ingress and egress"; then, "an inclosure" generally, "a railing," whatever limits and confines.

12. TSZE-HSIA5S DEFENSE OF HIS OWN GRADUATED METHOD OF TEACH- ING: AGAINST TSZE-YU. 1. /J) ^f"

is to be taken in apposition with fj J^, being merely, as we have found it previously, an affectionate method of speaking of the disciples. The sprinkling, etc., are the things which boys were supposed anciently to be

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superior man in teaching, what departments are there which he considers of prime importance, and delivers ? what are there which he considers pf secondary importance, and allows himself to be idle about? But as in the case of plants, which are assorted according to their classes, so he deals with his disciples. How can the way of a superior man be such as to make fools of any of them ? Is it not the sage alone, who can unite in one the beginning and the consummation of learning?"

CHAPTER XIII. Tsze-hsia said, "The officer, having discharged all his duties, should devote his leisure to learning. The student, having completed his learning, should apply himself to be an officer."

taught, the rudiments of learning, from which they advanced to all that is inculcated in the -)^ $. But as Tsze-hsia/'a pupils were not boys, but men, we should understand, I suppose, these specifications as but a contemptuous reference to his instructions, as embracing merely what was external, jjflj, read shdi and shd, 1st tone, "to sprinkle the ground before sweeping." )$£, in the 4th tone, "to answer a call." ^, "to answer a question." $JI = "but," as in VII, xxxiii. /£ £ is expanded by the paraphrasts — ^ fr £ ffi ;£, "as to that in which the root (or, what is essential) is." This is, no doubt, the meaning, but the phrase itself is abrupt and enigmatical, jiu £. juj =

#D ;£ fBJ ^ "SJ iijfc, in opposition to the JJIJ pj ^ above. 2. The general scope of Tsze-hsia's reply is sufficiently plain, but the old interpreters and new differ in explaining the several sentences. After dwelling long on it, I have agreed generally with the new school, and followed Chu Hsi in the translation. US is explained in the dictionary by ^, "classes."

13. THE OFFICER AND THE STU- DENT SHOULD ATTEND EACH TO HIS PROPER WORK IN THE FIRST IN- STANCE:— BY TSZE-HSIA. •g5 = ^f g£ •Jj, in I, vi. — The saying needs to be much supplemented in translating, in order to bring out its meaning.

rfi"t

ffij

CHAPTER XIV. Tsze-yu said, "Mourning, having been carried to the utmost degree of grief, should stop with that."

CHAPTER XV. Tsze-yu said, "My friend Chang can do things which are hard to be done, but yet he is not perfectly virtuous."

CHAPTER XVI. The philosopher Tsang said, "How imposing is the manner of Chang! It is difficult along with him to practice virtue."

CHAPTER XVII. The philosopher Tsang said, "I heard this from our Master: — 'Men may not have

14. THE TRAPPINGS OF MOTTRNXNG MAY BE DISPENSED WITH: BY TSZE-

vcr. The sentiment here is perhaps the same as that of Confucius in III, iv, but the sage guards and explains his utterance. — K'ung An-kwo, following an expression in the ^ |f, makes the meaning to be that the mourner may not endanger his health or life by excessive grief and abstinence.

15. TSZE-YTJ'S OPINION OP TSZE- CHAXO, AS MINDING HIGH THINGS TOO -MUCH.

16. THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG' s

OPINION OF TSZE- CHANG, AS TOO HIGH-PITCHED FOB FRIENDSHIP. ^

^ is explained in the dictionary by & -$L) IE -til, "exuberant," "correct." It is to be understood of Chang's manner and appearance, keeping himself aloof from other men in his high-pitched course.

17. HOW GRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF PARENTS BRINGS OUT THE REAL NA- TURE OF MAN: — BY TSANG SHAN. g is said to indicate the ideas both °* S S« "one's self," and fi ££,

niL

•flL

shown what is in them to the full extent, and yet they will be found to do so, on occasion of mourning for their parents."

CHAPTER XVIII. The philosopher Tsang said, "I have heard this from our Master: — 'The filial piety of Mang Chwang, in other matters, was what other men are competent to, but, as seen in his not changing the ministers of his father, nor his father's mode of government, it is difficult to be attained to.";

CHAPTER XIX. The chief of the Mang family having appointed Yang Fu to be chief criminal judge, the

"naturally." Q j|£, "to put forth one's self to the utmost," as we should say — "to come out fully," i. e., in one's proper nature and character. On the construction of »& ^L) IS 15 -TS compare XII, xiii. !§• !U i§ %i if- — !fi seems to = ,£, X so that fff and 3c J- are like two objectives, both governed by ^.

18. THE FILIAL PIETY OF MANG

CHWANO: — BY TSANG SHAN. Chwang was the honorary epithet of Sii ( $& ), the head of the Mang family, not long anterior to Confucius. His father, according to Chu Hsi, had

been a man of great merit, nor was he inferior to him, but his virtue especially appeared in what the text mentions. — Ho Yen gives the comment of Ma Yung, that though there were bad men among his father's ministers, and defects in his government, yet Chwang made no change in the one or the other, during the three years of mourning, and that it was this which constituted his excellence.

19. HOW A CBIMINAB JTTDGTC SHOULD CHERISH COMPASSION IN HIS ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE: — B^

flu

latter consulted the philosopher Tsang. Tsang said, "The rulers have failed in their duties, and the people consequently have been disorganized, for a long time. When you have found out the truth of any accusation, be grieved for and pity them, and do not feel joy at your own ability."

CHAPTER XX. Tsze-kung said, "Chau's wickedness was not so great as that name implies. Therefore, the superior man hates to dwell in a low-lying situation, where all the evil of the world will flow in upon him."

TSANG SHAN. Seven disciples Ox Tsang Shan are more particularly mentioned, one of them being this Yang Fu. ffc is to be understood of the moral state of the people, and not, physically, of their being scattered from their dwellings, "ff has occurred before in the sense of — "the truth," which it has here.

20. THE DANGER OF A BAD NAME :

—BY TSZE-KUNG. Jjj & £ g, «so very bad as this";— the this (-^) is understood by Hsing Ping as referring to the epithet— j^-. which can-

not be called honorary in this instance. According to the rules for such terms, it means — £§ ¥l\ $k *£) "cruel and unmerciful, injurious to righteousness." If the & does not in this way refer to the name, the remark would seem to have occurred in a conversation about the wickedness of Chau. ~fT ^ is a low-lying situation, to which the streams flow and waters drain, representing here a bad reputation, which gets the credit of every vice.

-jfc,

CHAPTER XXI. Tsze-kung said, " The faults of the superior man are like the eclipses of the sun and moon. He has his faults, and all men see them; he changes again, and all men look up to him."

CHAPTER XXII. 1. Kung-sun Ch'ao of Wei asked Tsze-kung, saying, "From whom did Chung-ni get his learning?"

2. Tsze-kung replied, ''The doctrines of Wan and Wu have not yet fallen tc the ground. They are to be found among men. Men of talents and virtue remember the greater principles of them, and others,

' 21. THE SUPERIOK MAN DOES NOT CONCEAL HIS EBBOBS, NOB PEBSIST IN THEM: — BY TSZE-KUNG. Such is the lesson of this chapter, as expanded in the Q |||. The sun and the moon being here spoken of together, the f£ must be confined to "eclipses," bufc the term is also applied to the ordinary waning of the moon.

22. CONFTTCIUS'S SOUBCES OF KNOWLEDGE WEBE THE BECOLLEC- TIONS AND TRADITIONS OF THE PBIN-

CIPLES OF WAN AND Wu :- — BY TSZE- KUNG. 1. Of the questioner here we have no other memorial. His surname indicates that he was a descendant of some of the dukes of Wei. Observe how he calls Confucius by his designation of $f f& or "Ni secundus." (There was an elder brother, a concubine's son, who was called f£ Jg.) ft f£ M ®, "How did Chung-ni learn?" but the "how" = "from whom?" The expression,

Ifff i

not possessing such talents and virtue, remember the smaller. Thus, all possess the doctrines of Wan and Wu. Where could our Master go that he should not have an opportunity of learning them ? And yet what necessity was there for his having a regular master?"

CHAPTER XXIII. 1. Shu-sun Wu-shu observed to the great officers in the court, saying, "Tsze-kung is superior to Chung-ni."

2. Tsze-fu Ching-po reported the observation to Tsze-kung, who said, "Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompassing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments.

however, in par. 2, — ^ -J- jg ;?; §l, expounded as in the translation, might suggest, from "what quarter?" rather than "from what person?" as the proper rendering. The last clause is tauen by modern commentators, as asserting Confucius's connate knowledge, but Ankwo finds in it only a repetition of the statement that the sage found teachers everywhere.

-'•'). TSZE-KUNG REPUDIATKS BEING THOUGHT SUPEKIOK TO CONFUCIUS,

AND, BY THE COMPARISON OF A HOUSE AND WALL, SHOWS HOW ORDINARY PEOPLE COULD NOT UNDERSTAND THE

MASTER. 1. ^ was the honorary epithet of Chau Ch'au (jffl -fJl), one of the chiefs of the Shu-sun family. From a mention of him in the s$C !§» SB @ M) w® may conclude that he was given to envy and detraction. ^L, — used here as in XI, xv, 1. 2. Tsze-fu Ching-po, — see XIV, xxxviii. If £ § !|i!, — ^ is to be taken generally for a house or building,

COXFUCIAN ANALECTS

-fiL

3. "The wall of my Master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array.

4. "But I may assume that they are few who find the door. Was not the observation of the chief only what might have been expected?"

CHAPTER XXIV. Shu-sun Wu-shu having spoken revilingly of Chung-ni, Tsze-kung said, "It is of no use doing so. Chung-ni cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds, which may be stepped over. Chung-ni is

and not in its now common acceptation of "a palace." It is a poor house, as representing the disciple, and a ducal mansion as representing his master. Many commentators make the wall to be the sole object in the comparison, and ^ ]$a—'& '£. %$. It is bettor, with the & |$, to tako both the house and the wall as members of the comparison, and 'g •jg- = ',;^ m i|*-. The wall is not a part of the house, but one inclosing it.

3. fTJ means 7 cubits. I have translated it— "fathoms." 4. The' ^ ^ here refers to Wu-shu.

24. CONFUCIUS is LIKE THE SUN

OR MOON, HIGH ABOVE THE BEACH OF DEPRECIATION: BY TSZE-KUNG. -JBfc

& ^ is explained by Chu Hsi (and the gloss of Hsing Ping is the same) as=|^ ffl 3$ jlfc, "it is of no use to do this." ft A ± K £,— ftfe A is to be understood, according to the $j gf, as embracing all other sages. ^J

-tfc, H

rfff

the sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off from the sage, what harm can he do to the sun or moon ? He only shows that he does not know his own capacity." CHAPTER XXV. 1. Ch'an Tsze-ch'in, addressing Tsze-kung, said, "You are too modest. How can Chung-ni be said to be superior to you?"

2. Tsze-kung said to him, "For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed in what we say.

3. " Our Master cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair.

$g, — I have supplied "from the sage," after most modern paraphrasts. Hsing Ping, however, supplies "from the sun '.ind moon." The meaning comes to the same. Chu Hsi says that %, here is the same with jjg, "only"; and Hsing Ping takes it as = ii, "just." This meaning of the character is not given in the dictionary, but it is necessary here ; —see supplement to Hsing Ping's Dfc. in loc.

25. CONFUCIUS CAN NO MOKE BE

EQUAiED THAN THE HEAVENS CAN

BE CLIMBED: — BY TSZE-KUNG. We find it difficult to conceive of the sage's disciples speaking to one another, as Tsze-ch'in does here to Tsze-kung, and Hsing Ping says that this was not the disciple Tsze-ch'in, but another man of the same surname and designation. But this is inadmissible, especially as we find the same parties, in I, x, talking about the character of their Master. 1- 3- ^ 3$H, "you are doing tho modest." 2. ;§• ^- has here its lightest meaning. The f|- H makes it =

4. "Were our Master in the position of the ruler of a state or the chief of a family, we should find verified the description which has been given of a sagtfs rule:- — he would plant the people, and forthwith they would be established; he would lead them on, and forthwith they would follow him; he would make them happy, and forthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is it possible for him to be attained to?"

fjjL ;§•, "a student," but "a man," as in the translation, is quite as much as it denotes. Compare its use in I, viii, et al. 4. 5*c J- ± & ^R.tfc * must be understood hypothetically, bscause he never was in the position

here assigned to him. %ft, — as in X, x, 1. %£ is for ^, as in I, v. 3j£, — as in XVI, i, II. iJj £,— as in XV, xxxii, 3. 2, them, "the people" being' always understood.

BOOK XX. YAO Yt)EH

CHAPTER I. 1. Yao said, "Oh! you, Shun, the Heaven-determined order of succession now rests in vour person. Sincerely hold fast the due Mean. If there shall be distress and want within the four seas, the Heavenly revenue will come to a perpetual end."

2. Shun also used the same language in giving charge to Yii.

in his days, may have contained the passages as he gives them, and the variations be owing to the burning of most of the classical books by the founder of the Ch'in dynasty, and their recovery and restoration in a mutilated state. 1. We do not find this address of Yao to Shun in the Shu-ching, Pt. I, but the different sentences may be gathered from Pt. II, ii, 14, 15, where we have the charge of Shun to Yii. Yao's reign commenced 2357 B. c., and after reigning 73 years, he resigned the administration to Shun. He died 2257 B. c., and, two years after, Shun occupied the throne, in obedience to the will of the people. ^ ^ flf $£, literally, "the represented and calculated numbers of heaven," i. e., the divisions of the year, its terms, months, and days, all described in a calendar, as they succeed one another with determined regularity. Here, ancient and modern

HEADING OF THIS BOOK. — §f| 0 H -f~, Yao said, No. 20. Ilsing Ping says: "This Book records the words of the two sovereigns, the three kings, and of Confucius, throwing light on the excellence of the ordinances of Heaven, and the transforming power of government. Its doctrines are all those of sages, worthy of being transmitted to posterity. On this account, it brings up the rear of all the other Books, without any particular relation to the one immediately preceding."

1 . PRINCIPLES AND WAYS O¥ YAO, SHIN, Yii, T'ANG, AND Wu. The first five paragraphs here are mostly compiled from different parts of the Shu-ching. But there are many variations of language. The compiler may have thought it sufficient, he gave the substance of the original in his quotations, without seeking to observe a verbal accuracy, or, possibly, the Shu-ching, as it was

Vfc

Jg ifc

3. T'ang said, " I, the child Li, presume to use a dark-colored victim, and presume to announce to Thee, 0 most great and sovereign God, that the sinner I dare not pardon, and thy ministers, O God, I do not keep in obscurity. The examination of them is by thy mind, O God. If, in my person, I commit offenses, they are not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offenses, these offenses must rest on my person."

interpreters agree in giving to the expression the meaning which appears in the translation. I may observe here, that Chu Hsi differs often from the old interpreters in explaining these passages of the Shuching, but I have followed him, leaving the correctness or incorrectness of his views to be considered in the annotations on the Shu-ching. 3. Before |E-J here we must understand ^j the designation of the founder of the Shang dynasty. The sentences here may in substance be collected from the Shii-ching, Pt. IV, in, 4, 8. Down to f[fj ^ & fo is a prayor addressed to God by T'ang, on his undertaking the overthrow of the Hsiti dynasty, which he rehearses to his nobles and people, after the completion of his work. T'ang's name was JS. We do not find in the

Shu-ching the remarkable designation of God — ^ jjz jjf ifr. For the grounds on which I translate $?• by God, see my work on "The Notions of the Chinese Concerning God and Spirits." fa, now generally used for "empress/' was anciently used for "sovereign," and applied to the kings. Here it is an adjective, or in apposition with &. The sinner is Chieh (Ut), the tyrant, and last sovereign of the Hsia dynasty. "The ministers of God" are the able and virtuous men, whom T'ang had called, or would call, to office. By fffj $. & (fr» T'ang indicates that, in his punishing or rewarding, he only wanted to act in harmony with the mind of God. &&&%& Vj )h ,R M 5M 3§» as m *ne translation. In the dictionary, it is said that £1 and &Q are interchanged. This is a case

rrjr

iMIM

4. Char, conferred great gifts, and the good were enriched.

5. "Although he has his near relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous men. The people are throwing blame upon me, the One man."

6. He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored the discarded officers, and the good government of the kingdom took its course.

7. He revived states that had been extinguished, restored families whose line of succession had been broken, and called to office those who had retired into obscurity, so that throughout the kingdom the hearts of the people turned towards him.

8. What he attached chief importance to were the food of the people, the duties of mourning, and sacrifices.

in point. 4. In the Shu-ching, Pt. V, iii, 9, we find King Wu Baying ^ & ft & m ffii & & 1ft m. "I distributed great rewards through the kingdom, and all the people were pleased and submitted." 5. See the Shu-chine, Pt. V, i, sect. II, 6, 7.

The subject in gg ;fr ^ f| is 3£ or •H", tyrant of the Yin dynasly. j^), — in the sense of rg. j|j is used in the sense of ^=, "to blame." The people found fault with him, because he did not come to save them from their sufferings by destroying their

JEl ?L

9. By his generosity, he won all. By his sincerity, he made the people repose trust in him. By his earnest activity, his achievements were great. By his justice, all were delighted.

CHAPTER II. 1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius, saying, "In what way should a person in authority act in order that he may conduct government properly?" The Master replied, "Let him honor the five excellent, and banish away the four bad, things; — then may he conduct government properly." Tsze-chang said, "What are meant by the five excellent things?" The

oppressor. The remaining paragraphs are descriptive of the policy of King Wu, hut cannot, excepting the 8th one, be traced in the present Shu-ching. fj}, paragraph 9, is in the 4th tone. See XVII, vi, which chapter, generally, resembles this paragraph.

2. HOW GOVERNMENT MAY BE CONDUCTED WITH EFFICIENCY, BY HONORING FIVE EXCELLENT THINGS, AND PUTTING AWAY FOUR BAD THINGS: A CONVERSATION WITH

TSZE-CHANG. It is understood that this chapter, and the next, give the ideas of Confucius on government, as a sequel to those of the ancient sages

and emperors, whose principles are set forth in the preceding chapter, to show how Confucius was their projier successor. 1. On ^ jEJC. see VI, vi, but the gloss of the •(?/§ If says — fi£

tt K 2 Wt ft &, Xfc®:£, "ffi jEJc here denotes generally the practice of government. It is not to be taken as indicating a minister." We may, however, retain the proper meaning of the phrase, Confucius describing principles to be observed by all in authority, and which will find in the highest their noblest embodiment. The 0 |g favors this view. See its paraphrase in loc, I

aat s£)

nri nM

fifi *

fin

Fri

JfiJ fin

fin m, fin

V^MMi

fill

Master said, "When. the person in authority is beneficent without great expenditure; when he lays tasks on the people without their repining; when he pursues what he desires without being covetous; when he maintains a dignified ease without being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce."

2. Tsze-chang said, "What is meant by being beneficent without great expenditure?" The Master replied, "When the person in authority makes more beneficial to the people the things from which they naturally derive benefit; — is not this being beneficent without great expenditure? When he chooses the labors which are proper, and makes them labor on them, who will repine? When his desires are set on benevolent government, and he secures it, who will accuse him of covetousness ? Whether he has to do

have therefore translated ^ -J- by — "a person in authority." ^ jfjj ^ £S, — see IV, xviii, though the application of the terms there is different. ^ ifij •"-£ Sg, — see XIII, xxvi. )$ jfjj ^ J£,_ — see VII, xxxvii. 2. @ J£ -^ 5k is instanced by the promotion of

agriculture. ^ pj ^ ai a; is instanced by the employment of the people in advantageous public works. ^ £l "K S is explained: — "Desire for what is not proper is covetousness, but if, while the wish to have the kingdom overshadowed by his

m fin" A

ffil

il ffii EK ^ . I')

with many people or few, or with things great or small, he does not dare to indicate any disrespect;— is not this to maintain a dignified ease without any pride? He adjusts his clothes and cap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe; — is not this to be majestic without being fierce?"

3. Tsze-chang then asked, "What are meant by the four bad things?" The Master said, "To put the people to death without having instructed them;— this is called cruelty. To require from them, suddenly, the full tale of work, without having given them warning; — this is called oppression. To issue orders

benevolence has not reached to universal advantaging, his desire does not cease, then, with a heart impatient of people's evils, he administers a government impatient of those evils. What he desires is benevolence; and what ho gets is the game; — how can he be regarded as

covetous?" 3. jji^ is explained horo by -±'£, "to require from." We may get that meaning out of the character, which = "to examine," "to look for." A good deal has to be supplied, here and in the sentences below, to bring out tho meaning as in the

-tiL -tile ftl

as if without urgency, 'a£ ,/w^, and, when the time comes, to insist on them with severity; — this is called injury. And, generally, in the giving pay or rewards to men, to do it in a stingy way; — this is called acting the part of a mere official."

CHAPTER III. 1. The Master said, "Without recognizing the ordinances of Heaven, it is impossible to be a superior man.

2. "Without an acquaintance with the rules of Propriety, it is impossible for the character to be established.

3. "Without knowing the force of words, it is impossible to know men."

translation, ijg ;£ is explained by £3 £,and seems to me to be nearly = our "on the whole." ft £|i}, — "giving out," i. e., from this, and "presenting," i. e., to thaf. The whole is understood to refer to rewarding ' men for their services, and doing it in aii unwilling and stingy manner.

3. THE ORDINANCES OF HEAVEN, THE RULES OF PROPRIETY, AND THE

FORCE OF \VORDS, ALL NECESSARY

TO BE KNOWN. 1. fa here is not only "knowing," but "believing and

resting in." f^- is the will of Heaven regarding right and wrong, of whicli man has the standard in his own moral nature. If tins be not recognized, a man is the slave of p;isriion, or the sport of feeling. 2. Compare VIII, viii, 2. 3. £fl here supposes much thought and examination of principles. Words are the voice of the heart. To know a man, we must attend well to what and how he thinks.

SOI

.My master, the philosopher Ch'ang, says : "The Great Learning is a Book transmitted by the Confucian School, and forms the gate by which first learners enter into virtue. That we can now perceive the order in which the

TITLE OF THE WORK. — ;fc 4&» "The Great Learning." I have pointed out, in the prolegomena, the great differences which are found among Chinese commentators on this Work, on almost every point connected with the criticism and interpretation of it. We encounter them here on the very threshold. The name itself is simply the adoption of the two commencing characters of the treatise, according to the custom noticed at the beginning of the Analects; but in explaining those two characters, the .old and new schools differ widely. Anciently, ^ was read as ^C, and the oldest commentator whose notes on the work are preserved, Chang K'ang-ch'ang, in the last half of the 2nd century, said that the Book was called ^ ^, ^ 3C- IB 1f ^, pj H ^ S&, "because it recorded that extensive learning, which was available for the administration of government." This view is approved by K'ung Ying-ta (fl |g ^), whose expansion of K'ang-ch'ang's notes, written in the first half of the 7th century, still remains. He says — ^ *% M M 3&, "Jt $ means the highest principles." Chu Hsi's definition, on the contrary, is — Jt & $' :fc A £. ^ -&) " ^C ^ means the Learning of Adults." One of the paraphrasts who follow him says — ^ & ^ A- 54 ^ -?• §£, "J^ means adults, in opposition to children." The grounds, of Chu Hsi's interpretation are to be found in his very elegant preface to the Book, where he tries to make it out, that we have here the subjects taught in the advanced schools of antiquity. I have contented myself with the title— "The Great Lean.- ing," which is a literal translation of the characters, whether read as ^

THE INTRODUCTORY NOTE. — I have thought it well to translate this, and all the other notes and supplements appended by Chu Hsi to the original text, because they appear in nearly all the editions of the work, which fall into the hands of students, and his view of the classics is wru.t must be regarded as the orthodox one. The translation, which is here given, is also, for the most part, according to his views, though my own differing opinion will be found freely expressed in the notes. Another version, following the order of the text, before it was transposed by him and his masters, the Ch'ang, and without reference to his interpretations, will be found in the translation of the Li Chi.- — ^ ;(§[ J-, — see note to the Analects, I, i, I. The Ch'ang here is the second of the two brothers, to whom reference is jnai'o in the prolegomena. JL JS) " Confucius," =the K'ung, as 2fr j£ is

ancients pursued their learning is solely owing to the preservation of this work, the Analects and Mencius coming after it. Learners must commence courxe. with this, and then it may be hoped they will be kept front.

. THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS

1. What the Great Learning teaches, is — to illustrate illustrious virtue; to renovate the people; and to rest in the highest excellence.

found continually in the Analects for the Chi, i. o., the chief of the Chi family. For how can we say that " The Great Learning" is a work left by Confucius? Even Chu Hsi ascribes only a small portion of it to the Master, and makes the rest to be the production of the disciple Tsang, and before his time, the whole work was attributed generally to the sage's grandson. I must take JL Jj- as = JL H, the Confucian school.

THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS. Such Chu Hsi, as will be seen from his concluding note, determines this chapter to be, and it has been divided into two sections (g£), the first containing three paragraphs, occupied with the heads (j$J $|) of the Great Learning, and the second containing four paragraphs, occupied with the particulars (^ £J ) of those.

Par. 1. The heads of the Great Learning, ^c ^ ± it. — "the way of the Great Learning," iH being ~$£ & ± ~)j &, "the methods of cultivating and practicing it," — the Great Learning, that is. ^£, "is in." The first t$ is used as a verb; the second as an adjective, qualifying fg. The illustrious virtue is the virtuous nature which man derives from Heaven. This is perverted as man grows up, through defects of the physical constitution, throxigh inward lusts, and through outward seductions; and the great business of life should be, to bring the nature back to its original purity.- — "To renovate the people," — thia object of the Great Learning is made out, by changing the character |jj of the old text into ^f. The Ch'ang first proposed the alteration, and Chu

THE GEEAT LEARNING

fill

ffi

rfii

2. The point where to rest being known, the object of pursuit is then determined; and, that being determined, a calm unperturbedness may be attained to. To that calmness there will succeed a tranquil repose. In that repose there may be careful deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed by the attainment of the desired end.

Hsi approved of it. When a man has entirely illustrated his own illustrious nature, he has to proceed to bring about the same result in every other man, till "under heaven" there be not an individual, who is not in the same condition as himself. — "The highest excellence" is understood of the two previous matters. It is not a third and different object of pursuit, but indicates a perseverance in the two others, till they are perfectly accomplished. — According to these explanations, the objects contemplated in the Great Learning are not three, but two. Suppose them realized, and we should have .the whole world of mankind perfectly good, every individual what he ought to be !

Against the above interpretation, we have to consider the older and simpler, ^f, is there not the nature, but simply virtue, or virtuous conduct, and the first object in the Great Learning is the making of one's self more and more illustrious in virtue, or the practice of benevolence, reverence, filial piety, kindness, and sincerity. See the £fe /$. ~fc & St $£) in l°c- — There is nothing, of course, of the renovating of the people, in this interpretation. The

second object of the Great Learning is II .R = $?. ^ & Si, "to love the people." — The third object is said by Ying-ta to be "in resting in conduct which is perfectly good (/fc jfc |H ]fc 3i H £- ff))" and here also, there would seem to be only two objects, for what essential distinction can we make between the first and third? There will be occasion below to refer to the reasons for changing f| mt° jjJUf, and their unsatisfactoriness. "To love the people" is, doubtless, the second thing taught by the Great Learning. — Having the heads of the Great Learning now before us, according to both interpretations of it, we feel that ' the student of it should be a sovereign, and not an ordinary man.

Par. 2. The mental process by which the point of rest may be attained. I confess that I do not well understand this paragraph, in the relation of its parts in itself, nor in relation to the rest of the chapter. Chu Hsi says: "jfc is the ground where we ought to rest"; — namely, the highest excellence mentioned above. But if this be known in the outset, where is the necessity for the $£, or "careful deliberation." which issues in its attainment? The para-

-» lies

3. Things have their root and their branches. Affairs have their end and their beginning. To know what is first and what is last will lead near to what is taught in the Great Learning.

4. The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue throughout the kingdom, first ordered well their own states. Wishing to order well their states, they

phrasts make £[J jh to embrace even all that is understood by ^ tfa |JC &P below. — Ying-ta is perhaps rather more intelligible. He says: "When it is known that the rest is to be in the perfectly good, then the mind has fixedness. So it is free from concupiscence, and can be still, not engaging in disturbing pursuits. That stillness leads to a repose and harmony of the feelings. That state of the feelings fits for careful thought about affairs (fife J® Jt $* #), and thence it results that what is right in affairs is attained." Perhaps, the paragraph just intimates that the objects of the Great Learning being so great, a calm, serious thoughtfulness is required in proceeding to seek their attainment.

Par. 3. The order of things and methods in the two preceding paragraphs. So, according to Chu Hsi, does thia paragraph wind up the two preceding. "The illustration of virtue," he says, "is the root, and the renovation of the people is the completion (literally, the branches).

Knowing where to rest is the beginning, and being able to attain is the end. The root and the beginning are what is first. The completion and end are what is last." — The adherents of the old commentators say, on the contrary, that this paragraph is introductory to the succeeding ones. They contend that the illustration of virtue and renovation of the people are doings (ijil), and not things ($)). According to them, the things are the person, heart, thoughts, etc., mentioned below, which are "the root," and the family, kingdom, and empire, which are '-the brandies." The affairs or doings are the various processes put forth on those things. — -This, it seems to me, is the correct interpretation.

Par. 4. The different steps by which the illustration of illustrious virtue throughout the kingdom may be brought about. 1$ t$ ^ #£ 55 ~F is understood by the school of Chu Hsi as embracing the two first objects of the Great Learning;, the illustration.

^fcfc

first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they first rectified

namely, of virtue, and the renovation of the people. We are not aided in determining the meaning by the synthetic arrangement of the different steps in the next paragraph, for the result arrived at there is simply — 5^ f 2p, "the whole kingdom was made tranquil." — Ying-ta's comment is— ^ $J g, £ W ft & £ "Jfc 5^ ~fT, "to display illustriously their own illustrious virtue (or virtues), making them reach through the whole kingdom." But the influence must be very much transformative. Of the several steps described, tne central one is fg- j| , "the cultivation of the person," which, indeed, is called ;£, "the root," in par. 6. This requires "the heart to be correct," and that again "that the thoughts be sincere." Chu Hsi defines )i) as J| ,£ Jljff ±» "what the body has for its lord," and ^ as & £. 6f H£» "what the »£» sends forth." Ying-ta says: & & $ ft In, £. &) "that which comprehends and embraces all consider ings is called the ,£.»;£ ft 0f 3ft £ IB Z ^, " the thoughts under emotion are what is called ^;." tfr is then the metaphysical part of our nature, all

that we comprehend under the terms of mind or soul, heart, and spirit. This is conceived of aa quiescent, and when its activity is aroused, then we have thoughts and purposes relative to what affects it. The "being sincere" ia explained by Ji, "real." The sincerity of the thoughts Is to be obtained by |jr £p, which means, according to Chu Hsi, carrying our knowledge to its utmost extent, with the desire that there may be nothing which it shall not embrace." This knowledge, finally, is realized ^ jfe tfyj. The same authority takes 4%, "things," as embracing, ^, "affairs," as well. $}• sometimes = ^, "to come or extend to," and assuming that the "coming to" here is by study, he makes it = 55 9u "to examine exhaustively," so that "jfjg. % means exhausting by examination the principles of things and affairs, with the desire that their uttermost point may be reached." — We ieel that this explanation cannot be correct, or that, if it be correct, the teaching of the Chinese sage is far beyond and above the condition and capacity of men. How can we suppose that, in order to secure

their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their. thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things.

sincerity of thought and our selfcultivation, there is necessarily the study of all the phenomena of physics and metaphysics, and of the events of history ? Moreover, Chit Hsi's view of the two last clauses is a consequence of the alterations which he adopts in the order of the text. As that exists in the Li Chi, the 7th paragraph of this chapter is followed by jfc ^ ftj ;fc, J& 2$ *H £ rg ijj,, which he has transferred and made the 5th chapter of annotations. Ying-ta's comment on it is: "The root means the person. The person (i. e., personal character) being regarded as the root, if one can know his own person, this is the knowledge of the root; yea, this is the very extremity of knowledge." If we apply this conclusion to the clauses under notice, it is said that wishing to make our thoughts sincere we must first carry to the utmost our self-knowledge, and this extension of self-knowledge fc $ (fa. Now, the (-hunge of the style indicates that the relation of ft $q 1Uul t ia

different from that of the parts in the other clauses. "It is not said that to get the one thing we must first do the other. Bather it seems to me that the Ifc $%} is a consequence °f S5C £fl. that in it is seen the other. Now, 5^1, "a rule or pattern," and ]E "to correct," are accepted meanings of $}•, and $fy being taken generally and loosely as=things, ^ /jig- !j% will tell us that, when his selfknowledge is complete, a man is a law to himself , measuring, and measuring correctly, all. things with which he has to do, not led astray or beclouded by them. This is the interpretation strongly insisted or DY $1 ft ^. the author of the -£ & ^ ^ It $$• I* is the only view into any sympathy with which I can bring my mind. In harmony with it, I would print Jjt £n ^ $§• % as a paragraph by itself, between the. analytic and synthetic processes described in paragraphs 4, 5. Still there are difficulties connected with it, and I leave the vexed questions, regretting my own inability to clear them up.

Fii ^ to M

tfri

ffi,

5. Things being investigated, knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being complete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts being rectified, their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families were regulated. Their families being regulated, their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy.

6. From the Son of Heaven down to the mass of the people, all must consider the cultivation of the person the root of everything besides.

Par. 5. The synthesis of t!ie preceding processes. Observe the ffc of the preceding paragraph is changed into §5, and how j£ (the second, or lower first tone) now becomes Ufa, the 4th tone, /ft is explained by jGfc JJl, " the work of ruling," and #1 by Ji. jjfc, "the result." Jg is used for ^, as in par. 2.

Par. 6. The cultivation of the person is the prime, radical thing required front all. I have said above that the

Great Learning is adapted only to a sovereign, but it is intimated here that the people also may take part in it in their degree. ^ ^, "Son of Heaven," a designation of the sovereign ty, iff. $$ ^F" ?C) "because he is ordained by Heaven." ^ J^= -*• tjf, "all." Chang K'ang-ch'ang, however, says: ^ ^, |J ff J§- -tfc,^ "§t? ^ means that they tinifonnly do this."

7. It cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what should spring from it will be well ordered, never has been the case that what was of great importance has been slightly cared for, and, at the same time, that what was of slight importance has been greatly cared for.

Par. 7. Reiteration of the importance of attending to the root. Chu Hsi makes the root here to be the person, but according to the preceding paragraph, it is "the cultivation of the person" which is intended. By the ^ or " branches'' is intended the proper ordering of the family, the state, the kingdom, "iho family," however, must be understood in a wide sense, as meaning not a household, but a clan, embracing all of the same surname. J? ?§, "thick" and "thin/' — used here metaphorically. #f ]ff.t according to Chu Hsi, means "the family," and ffi $$, "the state and the kingdom," but' that I cannot understand, fff fif. is the same as the root. Mencins has a saying which may illustrate the second part of the paragraph. —

is careless in what is important will be careless in everything."

Tin' preceding chapter of classical text is in the word's of Confucius, handed down by the philosopher Tsang. The ten chapters of explanation which folknv contain the views of Tsang, and were recorded by his disciples. In

CONCLUDING NOTE. It has been shown in the prolegomena that there is no ground for the distinction made here between so much clung attributed to Confucius, and so much ffi, or commentary, ascribed to his disciple Tsang. The invention of paper is ascribed to Ts'ai Lun (|| f£), an officer of the Han dynasty, in the time of the emperor Hwo (%ft), A. D.

89-105. Before that time, and long after also, slips of wood and of bamboo ($fj) were used to write and engrave upon. We can easily conceive how a collection of them might get disarranged, but whether those containing the Great Learning did so is a question vehemently disputed. ^J £5 — ^-) "the chapter of classic on the right "; ^n fa, "on the left";

(&e oW copies of the work, there appeared considerable confusion in these, from the disarrangement of the tablets. But now, availing myself of the decisions of the philosopher Ch'ang, and having examined anew the classical text, I have arranged it in order, as follows:

COMMENTARY OF THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG

CHAPTER I. 1. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, "He was able to make his virtue illustrious."

2. In the Tai Chia, it is said, "He contemplated and studied the illustrious decrees of Heaven."

— these are expressions = our ''preceding," and "as follows," indicating the Chinese method of writing and printing from the right side of a manuscript or book on to the left.

COMMENTARY OF THE PHILOSOPHER TSANG

1. THE ILLUSTRATION OF ILLUS- TRIOUS VIRTUE. The student will do well to refer here to the text of "The Great Learning," as it appears in the Li Chi. He will then see how a considerable portion of it has been broken up, and transposed to form this and the five succeeding chapters. It was, no doubt, the occurrence of |^, in the four paragraphs here, and of the phrase tJJj ^, which determined Chu Hsi to form them into ono chapter, and refer them to the first head in the classical text. The old commentators connect them

with the great business of making the thoughts sincere. 1. See the Shu-ching, V, ix, 3. The words are part of the address of King Wu to his brother Fang (IJ), called also K'ang-shu (^ •$.; $±, the honorary epitheton appointing him to the marquisate of fff. The subject of lj£ is King Wan, to whose example K'ang-shu is referred. — We cannot determine, from this paragraph, between the old interpretation of ^, as = " virtues," and the new which understands by it, — "the heart or nature, all-virtuous." 2. See the Shu-ching, IV, v, Sect. I, 2. Chu Hsi takes j{J| as=jjfc, "this," or 9Jg, "to judge," "to examine." The old interpreters explain it by JE, "to correct." The sentence is part of the address of the premier, I Yin, to T'ai-chia, the second emperor of the Shang dynasty, 1753-1719 B. c. The subject of Kg is T'ai-chia's

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3. In the Canon of the emperor (Yao), it is said, "He was able to make illustrious his lofty virtue."

4. These passages all show how those sovereigns made themselves illustrious.

The above first chapter »f commentary explains the illustration of illustrious virtue.

CHAPTER II. 1. On the bathing tub of T'ang, the following words were engraved: "If you can one day renovate yourself, do so from day to day. Yea, let there be daily renovation."

2. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, "To stir up the new people."

father, the great T'ang. Chu Hsi understands by IJJj fa, the Heavengiven, illustrious nature of man. The other school take the phrase more generally, the Jjjj! -f£, "displayed ways" of Heaven. 3. See the Shuching, I, i, 2. It is of the emperor YAo that this is said. 4. The -g must be referred to tho three quotations.

2. THE RENOVATION OF THE

PEOPLE. Here the character jlgf, "new," "to renovate," occurs five times, and it was to find something corresponding to it at the commencement of the work, which made the Ch'uug change the || of $J g into Uj. -But the %ft here have nothing to

do with the renovation of the people. This is self-evident in the 1st and 3rd paragraphs. The description of the chapter, as above, is a misnomer.

1. This fact about T'angjs bathing tub had come down by tradition. At least, we do not now find the mention of it anywhere but here. It was customary among the ancients, as it is in China at the present day, to engrave, all about them, on the articles of their furniture, such mor?,! aphorisms and lessons. 2. See the K'ang Kdo, par. 7, where K'ang-shu is exhorted to assist the king "to settle the decree of Heaven, and f^ $ft B;." which may mean to make the bad people of Yin into good

3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Although Chau was 'an ancient state, the ordinance which lighted on it was new."

4. Therefore, the superior man in everything uses his utmost endeavors.

The above second cjiapter of commentary explains the renovating of the people.

CHAPTER III. 1. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "The royal domain of a thousand li is where the people rest."

people, or to stir up the new people, i. e., new, as recently subjected to Chau. 3. See the Shih-ching, III, i, Ode I, st. 1. The subject of the ode is the praise of King Wan, whose virtue led to the possession of the kingdom by his house, more than a thousand years after its first rise. 4. jg ^ is here the man of rank and office probably, as well as the man of virtue; but I do not, for my own part, see the particular relation of this to the preceding paragraphs, nor the work which it does in relation to the whole chapter.

3. ON BESTING IN THE HIGHEST

EXCELLENCE. The frequent occurrence of jh in these paragraphs, and of 3? H, in par. 4, led Chu Hsi to combine them in one chapter, and connect them with the last clause in the opening paragraph of the work.

1. See the Shih -chine;, IV, iii, Ode III, st. 4. The ode celebrates the rise and establishment of the Sharig

or Yin dynasty. |j$ is the 1,000 li around the capital, and constituting the royal demesne. The quotation shows, according to Chu Hsi, that $8 & fa fjT IT Jh £ $&, "everything has the place where it ought to rest." But that surely is a very sweeping conclusion from the words. 2. See the Shih-ching, II, viii, Ode VI, st. 2, where we have the complaint of a downtrodden man, contrasting his position with that of a bird. For %$ here, we have %$, in the Shih-ching. %$ §£ are intended to express the sound of the bird's singing or chattering. "The yellow bird" is known by a variety of names. A common one is ^ ^, or, properly, || |£g (ts'ang kang). It is a species of oriole. The ^f- [3 are worthy of observation. If the first chapter of the classical text, as Chu Hsi calls it, really contains the words of Confucius, we might have expected it to be headed by these characters. J£

jh isc

2. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "The twittering yellow bird rests on a corner of the mound." The Master said, "When it rests, it knows where to rest. Is it possible that a man should not be equal to this bird?"

3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Profound was King Wan. With how bright and unceasing a feeling of reverence did he regard his resting places!" As a sovereign, he rested in benevolence. As a minister, he rested in reverence. As a son, he rested in filial piety. As a father, he rested in kindness. In communication with his subjects, he rested in good faith.

Jh» literally, "in resting." 3. See the Shih-ching, III, i, Ode I, st. 4. All the stress is here laid upon the Jk» which does not appear to

have any force at all in the original, Chu Hsi himself saying there that it is |fj fjij, "a mere supplemental partif le." In ft; %$, ^ is read u)&, and

-til, ** -tiL

4.. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Look at that winding course of the Ch'i, with the green bamboos so luxuriant! Here is our elegant and accomplished prince! As we cut and then file; as we chisel and then grind: so has he cultivated himself. How grave i& he and dignified! How majestic and distinguished! Our elegant and accomplished prince never can be forgotten." That expression — -"As we cut and then file," indicates the work of learning. "As we chisel and then grind," indicates that of self -culture. "How grave is he and dignified!1' indicates the feeling of cautious reverence. "How commanding and distinguished!" indicates an awe-inspiring deportment.

is an interjection. 4. See the Shihching, I, v, Ode I, st. 1. The ode celebrates the virtue of the duke W" (i&)°£ Wei (?|f), in his laborious endeavors to cultivate his person. There are some verbal differences between the ode in the Shih-ching, and as here quoted; name!", $|L for

&; $fc for 5$; gg for |g. ffi, here, noetic, read o. $j£ is used as=|[j~, "says," or "means." It is to be understood before j=J ^, ffj] ^g, and ^ Hs-— -The transposition of this paragraph by C'hu Hsi to this place r"oes seem unhappy. It ought evi- J dently to come in connection with

& Tfii ffil W\

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"Our elegant aiid accomplished prince never can be forgotten," indicates how, when virtue is complete and excellence extreme, the people cannot forget them. 5. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Ah! the former kings are not forgotten." Future princes deem worthy what they deemed worthy, and love what they loved. The common people delight in what delighted them, and are benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is on this account that the former kings, after they have quit the world, are not forgotten.

The above third chapter of commentary explains resting in the highest excellence.

the \voiv of ff| £. 5. See the Shihching, IV, i, Sect. I, Ode IV. st. 3. The former kings are Wan and Wu, the founders of the Chau dynasty. jj^ dfc are an interjection, read wu M. In the Shih-ching we have J^ sp. J^ D? are found with the same meaning. 1 translate ff- It 3t- $[» by "what they deemed worthy," "wh^t they loved." When we try to determine what that what was, we are perplexed by the varying views of the old and

new schools. J£ ft' — see Analects' XV, xix. — According to Ying-ta, " this paragraph illustrates the business of having the thoughts sincere." According to Chu Hsi, it tells that how the former kings renovated the people was by their resting in perfect excellence, so as to be able, through out the kingdom and to future ages, to effect that there should not be a single thing but got its proper place.

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CHAPTER IV. The Master said, "In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary to cause the people to have no litigations?" So, those who are devoid of principle find it impossible to carry out their speeches, and a great awe would be struck into men's minds; — this is called knowing the root.

The above J^urth chapter of commentary explains the root and the issue.

4. EXPLANATION OF THE ROOT AND THE BRANCHES. See the Analects, XII, xiii, from which we understand that the words of Confucius terminate at f£ 5f-, and tliut what follo'.vs is from the compiler. According to the old couimentuiors, this is the conclusion of the chapter on having the thoughts made sincere,

and that ^ Jfc ^ is the root. Butaccording to Chix, it is the illustration of illustrious virtue which is the root, while the renovation of the people is the result therefrom. Looking at the words of Confucius, we must conclude that sincerity was tho subject in his mind.

CHAPTER V. 1. This is called knowing the root. 2. This is called the perfecting of knowledge.

The above fifth chapter of the commentary explained the meaning of "investigating things and carrying knowledge to the utmost extent," bid it is now lost. I have ventured to take the views of the scholar Ch'ang to supply it, as follows : The meaning of the expression, "The perfecting of knoivledge depends on the investigation of things,''1 is this: — // we wish to carry our knowledge to the utinost,-we must investigate the principles of all things we come into contact with, for the intelligent mind of man is certainly formed to know, and there is not a single thing in which its principles do not inhere. But so long as all principles are not investigated, man's knowledge is incomplete. On this account, the Learning for Adults, at the outset of

5. Ox THE INVESTIGATION OF THINGS, AND CAHKYTNG KNOWLEDGE TO THE UTMOST EXTENT. 1. This is

said by one of the Ch'ang to be (fif 3C) "superfluous text." 2. Chu Hsi considers this to be the conclusion of a chapter which is now lost. But we have seen that the two sentences come in, aa the work stands in the Li

Chi, at the conclusion of what is deemed the classical text. It is not necessary to add anything here to what has been said there, and in the prolegomena, on the new dispositions of the work from the time of the Sung scholars, and the manner in which Chu Hsi has supplied this supposed missing chapter.

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BB fill

ite lessons, instructs the learner, in regard to all things in the world, to proceed from what knowledge he has oj their principles, and pursue his investigation of them, till he reaches the extreme point. After exerting himself in this way for a long time, he will suddenly find himself possessed of a wide and far-reaching penetration. Then, the qualities of all things, whether external or internal, the subtle or the coarse, will all be apprehended, ' and the mind, in its entire substance and its relations to things, will be perfectly intelligent. This is called the investigation of things. This is called the perfection of knowledge.

CHAPTER VI. 1. What is meant by "making the thoughts sincere," is the allowing no self-deception, as when we hate a bad smell, and as when we love what is beautiful. This is called self -enjoyment.

6. ON HAVING THE THOUGHTS

SINCERE. 1. The sincerity of the thoughts obtains, when they move without effort to what is right (md wrong, and, in order to this, a man must be

specially on his guard in his solitary moments. |=J ff£ is taken as if it were ^j |^, = repose or enjoyment in one's self, fjt, according to Chu Hsi, is in the entering tone, but the dictionary

THK GREAT LEARNING

ffi Iff

Jfi

daifc

Therefore, the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.

2. There is no evil to which the mean man, dwelling retired, will not proceed, but when he sees a superior man, he instantly tries to disguise himself, concealing his evil, and displaying what is good. The other beholds him, as if he saw his heart and reins;— of what use is his disguise? This is an instance of the saying — "What truly is within will be manifested without." Therefore, the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.

makes it in the 2nd. 2. An enforcejin nt oj the concluding clause in the last paragraph, ft, 3rd tone, the same as ^g, meaning $} ^ $J, "the appearance of concealing." A ^1 M tL) — A refers to the superior man mentioned above, = " the other." g, = jlfe. "him," andnot=MmseZ/, which is its common signification. Jfl J|f , —

literally, "the lungs and liver," but with the meaning which we attach to the expression substituted for it in the translation. The Chinese make the lungs the seat of righteousness, and the liver the seat of benevolence. Compare ^- ^ £. |fc & flg ft J£ in the Shu-ching, IV, vii, Sect. Ill, 3.

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3. The disciple Tsang said, "What ten eyes behold, what ten hands point to,, is to be regarded with reverence!"

4. Riches adorn a house, and virtue adorns the person. The mind is expanded, and the body is at ease. Therefore, the superior man must make his thoughts sincere.

The above sixth chapter of commentary explains mcUWng the thoughts sincere.

3. The use of "ff" -^ at the beginning of this paragraph (and extending, perhaps, over to the next) should suffice to show that the whole wor"k is not his, as assumed by Chu Hsi. "Ten" is a round number, put for many. The recent commentator, Lo Chung-fan, refers Tsang's expressions to the multitude of spiritual beings, servants of Heaven or God, who dwell in the regions of the air, and are continually beholding men's conduct. But they are probably only an emphatic way of exhibiting what is said in the preceding paragraph.

4. This paragraph is commonly ascribed to Tsang Shan, but whether correctly so or not cannot be 'positively affirmed. It is of the same purport as the two preceding, showing that hypocrisy is of no use. Compare Mencius, VII, Ft* I, xxi,
5. Chang K'ang-ch'ang explains f£ (read p'ang) by J$, "large," and Chu

Hsi by T£* $f, as in the translation. The meaning is probably the same. — It is only the first of these paragraphs from which we can in any way ascertain the views of the writer on making the thoughts sincere. The other paragraphs contain only illustration or emorcement. 'Now the gist of the first paragraph seems to be in ^ ^ §fc, "allowing no selfdeception." After knowledge has been carried to the utmost, this remains to be done, and it is not true that, when knowledge has been completed, the thoughts become sincere. This fact overthrows Chu Hsi's interpretation of the vexed passages in what he calls the text of Confucius. Let the student examine his note appended to this chapter, and he will see that Chu was not unconscious of this pinch of the difficulty.

CHAPTER VII. 1. What is meant by, "The cultivation of the person depends on rectifying the mind," may be thus illustrated:— If a man be under the influence of passion, he will be incorrect in his conduct. He will be the same, if he is under the influence of terror, or under the influence of fond regard, or under that of sorrow and distress.

2. When the mind is not present, we look and do not see; we hear and do not understand; we eat and do not know the taste of what we eat.

7. ON PERSONAL CULTIVATION AS DEPENDENT ON THE RECTIFICATION

OF THE MIND. 1. Here Chu Hsi, following his master Ch'ang, would again alter the text, and change the second j| into *£,». But this is unnecessary. The % in |ft j| is not the mere material body, but the person, the individual man, in contact with things, and intercourse with society, and the 2nd paragraph shows that the evil conduct in the first is a consequence of the mind not being under control. In $£ £g,

3& 18) fff IS («*)) ® iS, the 2nd term

rises on the signification of the first, and intensifies it. Thus, $£ is called "a burst of anger," and f||, "persistence in anger," etc., etc. — I have said above that j| here is not the material body. Lo Chung-fan, however, says that it is: — 4l 1?j 1^1 jf|) " 4| is the body of flesh." See his reasonings, in loc., but they do not work conviction in the reader. 2. id) 3» ^ M' — this seems to be a case in point, to prove that we cannot tie ..fr in this Work to any very

ITii ££

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3. This is what 13 meant by saying that the cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying of the mind.

The above seventh chapter of commentary explains rectifying the mind and cultivating the person.

CHAPTER VIII. 1. What is meant by "The regulation of one's family depends on the cultivation of his person," is this: — Men are partial where they feel affection and love; partial where they despise and dislike; partial where they stand in awe and reverence;

definite application. Lo Chung-fan insists that it is " the God-given moral nature," Lut. & '^ tfc. M is evidently = " \vhen the thoughts are otherwise engaged."

8. THE NECESSITY OF CULTIVAT- ING THE PERSON, IN ORDER TO THE REGULATION OF THE FAMILY. The

lesson here is evidently that men are continually falling into error, in consequence of the partiality of their feelings and affections. How this error affects their personal cultivation, and interferes with the regulating of their families, is not specially

indicated. 1. The old interpreters seem to go far astray in their interpretation. They take ;£ in j£ 3t fif $1?, ^» and the other clauses, as = jig, "to go to," and )S$ as synon)moua with ff), "to compare." Ymg-t/i thus expands K'ang-ch'ang on \ £.

& m la * m & &••— "Suppose i

go to that man. When I see thut he is virtuous, I feel affection for, and love him. I ought then to turn round and compare him with myself. Sinoe he is virtuous and I love him, then, if I cultivate myself and be virtuous, I shall so be able in like

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partial where they feel sorrow and compassion ; partial where they are arrogant and rude. Thus it is that there are few men in the world who love and at the same time know the bad qualities of the object of their love, or who hate and yet know the excellences of the object of their hatred.

2. Hence it is said, in the common adage, "A man does not know the wickedness of his son; he does not know the richness of his growing corn."

3. This is what is meant by saying that if the person be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate his family.

The above eighth chapter of commentary explains cultivating the person and regulating the family.

manner to make all men feel affection for, and love me." In a similar way the other clauses are dealt with. Chu Hsi takes £. ap=;J$-, "in regard t«," and J$ (read p'i) as = fig, "partial," "one-sided." Even his opponent, Lo Chung-fan, interprets here in the same way. But j£ is evidently the common sign of possession, the clause that follows it being construed as the regent after A Z- K = ffifc, "proud," "uncivil." 2- «(,— "great," "tall"; ® ± «[.— "the tall ness (richness, abundance) of his growing crop." Farmers were noted, it would appear, in China, so long ago, for grumbling about their crops.

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CHAPTER IX. 1. What is meant by "In order rightly to govern the state, it is necessary first to regulate the family," is this: — It is not possible for one to teach others, while he cannot teach his own family. Therefore, the ruler, without going beyond his family, completes the lessons for the state. There is filial piety: — therewith the sovereign should be served. There is fraternal submission: — therewith elders and superiors should be served. There is kindness:— therewith the multitude should be treated.

0. ON REGULATING THE FAMILV AS THE MEANS TO THE WELL- ORDER- ING OF THE STATE. 1, There is here implied the necessity o/ self-cultivation to the rule both of the family and of the state, and that being supposed to exist, — which is the force of the, $j, — it i# shown how the virtues tin ft secure )-((inl-i! inn of tlte family have their (wre.v)o»(///( 't'irlu.-fi in the wider

sphere of the state. ^ J- has here both the moral and the political meaning; it is ffi m £. ^ J-, "the superior man with whom ia the government of the state." It being once suggested to Chu Hsi that ^ pj ffc should be ^, ^ ffc, he replied —

« £ * P! », IP ffc £ * U6 »•

"The impossibility of another's being taught is just my inability to teach."

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2. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, "Act as if you were watching over an infant." If (a mother) is really anxious about it, though she may not hit exactly the wants of her infant, she will not be far from doing so. There never has been a girl who learned to bring up a child, that she might afterwards marry.

3. From the loving example of one family a whole state becomes loving, and from its courtesies the whole state become courteous, while, from the ambition and perverseness of the One man, the whole state may be led to rebellious disorder; — -such is the nature of the influence. This verifies the saying, "Affairs may be ruined by a single sentence; a kingdom may be settled by its One man."

2. See the Shu-ching, V, x, 7. Both in the Shu and here, some verb, like act, must be supplied. This paragraph seems designed to show that the rule/- must be carried on to his object by an inward, unconstrained feeling, like that of the mother for her infant. Lo Chung-fan insists on this as harmonizing with f$ g, "to love the people," as the second

object proposed in the Great Learning. 3. How certainly and rapidly the influence of the family extends to the state. — ^ is the one family of the ruler, and — \ is the ruler. — X, = "I» the One man," is a way in which the sovereign speaks of himself; see Analects, XX, i, 5. — • W = — -6j, as in Analects, II, ii. — i V R'J i£, — X /£ ffi) — compare Analects,

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4. Yao and Shun led on the kingdom with benevolence, and the people followed them. Chieh and Chau led on the kingdom with violence, and the people followed them. The orders which these issued were contrary to the practices which they loved, and so the people did not follow them. On this account, the ruler must himself be possessed of the good qualities, and then he may require them in the people. He must not have the bad qualities in himself, and then he may require that they shall not be in the people. Never has there been a man, who, not having reference to his own character and wishes in dealing with others, was able effectually to instruct them.

XIII, xv. (£ and |H have reference tothe^,3&(=1$), gbinpar. 1. 4. An illustration of the last part of the last paragraph. But from the examples cited, the sphere of influence is extended from the state to the kingdom, and the family, moreover, does not intervene between the kingdom jurul the ruler. In :li,l Jfj/f -^-, if-

must be understood as referring to the tyrants Chieh and Chau. Their orders were good, but unavailing, in consequence of their own contrary example. fff = ;&. ffiffi3?-^, "what is kept in one's own person/' i. e., his character and mind, ^f,, — see Analects, V, xi; XV, xxiii. Ying-tu seems to take xjS Sft as simply =

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5. Thus we see how the government of the state depends on the regulation of the family.

6. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "That peach tree, so delicate and elegant! How luxuriant is its foliage! This girl is going to her husband's house. She will rightly order her household." Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the people of the state may be taught.

7. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "They can discharge their duties to their elder brothers. They can discharge their duties to their younger brothers." Let the ruler discharge his duties to his elder and younger brothers, and then he may teach the people of the state.

8. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "In his deportment there is no tiling wrong; he rectifies all the

"good." 6. See the Shih-ching, I, i, Ode VI, st. 3. The ode celebrates the wife of King Wan, and the happy influence of their family government. ^ ^" = ^ •?• Observe ^p- is feminine, as in Analects, V, i. |f , "go-

ing home," a term for marriage, used by women. 7. See the Shih, II, ii, Ode VI, st. 3. The ode was sung at entertainments, when the king feasted the princes. It celebrates their

people of the state." Yes; when the ruler, as a father, a son, and a brother, is a model, then the people imitate him.

9. This is what is meant by saying, "The government of his kingdom depends on his regulation of the family."

The above ninth chapter of commentary explains regulating the family and governing the kingdom.

CHAPTER X. 1. What is meant by "The making

virtues. 8. See the Shih, I, xiv, Ode III, st. 3. It celebrates, according to Chu Hsi, the praises of some chuntsze, or ruler. PH \j$, — not "four states," but the four quarters of the state, the whole of it.

10. ON THE WELL-ORDEBING OF THK STATE, AND MAKING THE WHOLE KINGDOM PEACEFUL AND HAPPY. The

key to this chapter is in the phrase lf) 2=6 £- iM» the principle of reciprocity, the doing to others as we would that they should do to us, though here, as elsewhere, it is put forth negatively. It is implied in the expression of the last chapter, — W\ HI *P ^ ^ Si1» but it is here discussed at length, and shown in its highest application. The following analysis of the chapter is translated freely from the gl] ^ $$ jgi: "This chapter explains the well -order ing of the state, and the tranquilization of the kingdom. The greatest stress is

to be laid on the phrase — the measuring square. That, and the expression in the general commentary

• — loving and hating what the people love and hate, and not thinking only of the profit, exhaust the teaching of the chapter. It is divided into five parts. The first, embracing the first two paragraphs, teaches that the way to make the kingdom tranquil and happy is in the principle of the measuring square. The second part embraces three paragraphs, and teaches that the application of the measuring square is seen in loving and hating, in common with the people. The consequences of losing and gaining are mentioned for the first time in the 5th paragraph, to wind up the chapter so far, showing that the decree of Heaven goes or remains, according as the people's hearts are lost or gained. The third part embraces eight paragraphs, and

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the whole kingdom peaceful and happy depends on the government of his state," is this: — When the sovereign behaves to his aged, as the aged should be behaved to, the people become filial; when the sovereign behaves to his elders, as the elders should be behaved to, the people learn brotherly submission; when the sovereign treats compassionately the young and helpless, the people do the same. Thus the ruler has a

teaches that the most important result of loving and hating in common with the people is seen in making the root the primary subject, and the branch only secondary. Here, in par. 11, mention is again made of gaining and losing, illustrating the meaning of the quotation in it, and showing that to the collection or dissipation of the people the decree of Heaven is attached. The fourth part consists of five paragraphs, and exhibits the extreme results of loving and hating, as shared with the people, or on one's own private feeling, and it has special reference to the sovereign's employment of ministers because there is nothing in the principle more important than that. The 19th paragraph speaks of gaining and losing, for the third time, showing that from the 4th paragraph downwards, in reference both to the hearts of the people arid the decree of Heaven, the application or nonapplication of the principle of the measuring square depends on the

mind of the sovereign. The fifth part embraces the other paragraphs. Because the root of the evil of a sovereign's not applying that principle lies in his not knowing how wealth is produced, and employing mean men for that object, the distinction between righteousness and profit is here much insisted on, the former bringing with it all advantages, and the latter leading to all evil consequences. Thus the sovereign is admonished, and it is seen how to be careful of his virtue is the root of the principle of the measuring square, and his loving and hating, in common sympathy with the people, is its reality."

1. There is here no progress of thought, but a repetition of what has been insisted on in the two last chapters. In 5g 5g, ^ |j, the first characters are verbs, with the meaning which it requires so many words to bring out in the translation. i$ = t&- 5U, — properly, "fatherless"; here = "the young and helpless." $,

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principle with which, as with a measuring square, he may regulate his conduct.

2. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him not display in the treatment of his inferiors; what he dislikes in inferiors, let him not display in the service of his superiors ; what he hates in those who are before him, let him not therewith precede those who are behind him; what he hates in those who are behind him, let him not therewith follow those who are before him; what he hates to receive on the right, let him not bestow on the left; what he hates to receive on the left, let him not bestow on the right: — this is what is called "The principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate one's conduct."

read as, and = ^L, "to rebel," "to act contrary to." ff J-, here and throughout the chapter, has reference to office, and specially to the royal or highest. ^ ft! £ it,— ^ is a verb, read hsich, according 'to Chu Hsi, J$F, "to measure"; £g,- — the mechanical instrument, " the carpenter's square." It having been seen that the ruler's example is so influential, it follows

that the minds of all men are the same in sympathy and tendency. He has then only to take his own mind, and measure therewith the minds of others. If he act accordingly, the grand result — the kingdom tranquil and happy — will ensue. 2. A lengthened description of the principle of reciprocity. $fc, — 4th tone,

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3. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "How much to be rejoiced in are these princes, the parents of the people!" When a prince loves what the people love, and hates what the people hate, then is he what is called the parent of the people.

4. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, "Lofty is that southern hill, with its rugged masses of rocks ! Greatly distinguished are you, O grraneZ-teacher Yin, the people all look up to you."" Rulers of states may not neglect to be careful. If they deviate to a mean selfishness, they will be a disgrace in the kingdom.

"to precede." 3. See the Shih-ching, JJ, ii, Ode V, st. 3. The ode is one that was sung at festivals, and celebrates the virtues of the princes present. Chu Hsi makes K (read chih, 3rd tone) an expletive. Chang's gloss, in 2g -^ |J: jgJE, takes it as=^, and the whole is — "I gladden these princes, the parents of the people." 4. See the Shih-ching, II, iv, Ode Vll, st. 1. The ode complains of the

king Yii (^), for his employing unworthy ministers. |0, read ts'ieh, meaning "rugged and lofty-looking." jl. = fn.., "all." )$, read p'i, as in chap. viii. ^ is explained in the dictionary by 0%*, "disgrace." Chu Hsi seems to take it as=f8J, "to kill," as did the old commentators. They say: "He will be put to death by the people, as were the

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5. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, " Before the sovereigns of the Yin dynasty had lost the hearts of the people, they could appear before God. Take warning from, the house of Yin. The great decree is not easily preserved" This shows that, by gaining the people, the kingdom is gained, and, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.

6. On this account, the ruler will first take pains about his own virtue. Possessing virtue will give him the people. Possessing the people will give him the territory. Possessing the territory will give him its wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have resources for expenditure.

tyrants Chieh and Chau." 5. See the Shih, III, i, st. 6, where we have 5|f for JH, and |£ for $£. The ode is supposed to be addressed to Bang Ch'ang (J&), to stimulate him to imitate the virtues of his grandfather Wan. )|3:, = "the sovereigns of the Yin dynasty." The capital of the Shang dynasty was changed to Yin by P'an-kang, about 1400 B. c., after which the dynasty was so denominated, gfl _h *&, according to Ch€( Hsi, means "they were the sovereigns of the realm, and corresponded to (fronted) God." K'ang-ch'ang says: "Before they lost their people, from their virtue, they were also able to appear before Heaven; that is, Heaven accepted their sacrifices." Lo Chung-fan makes it: — "They harmonized with God; that is, in loving the people." K'ang-ch'ang's interpretation is, 1 apprehend, the correct one. 6. fft ^ |&, — ^ here, according to Chu Hsi, is the "illustrious virtue" at the beginning of the

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7. Virtue is the root; wealth is the result.

8. If he make the root his secondary object, and the result his primary, he will only wrangle with his people, and teach them rapine.

9. Hence, the accumulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people; and the letting it be scattered among them is the way to collect the people.

10. And hence, the ruler's words going forth contrary to right, will come back to him in the same way, and wealth, gotten by improper ways, will take its departure by the same.

book. His opponents say that it is the exhibition of virtue; that is, of filial piety, brotherly submission, etc. This is more in harmony with the first paragraph of the chapter. 8. £f and |*j are used as verbs, = $(5 If;, "to consider slight," "to consider important." ^ jj£, — "will wrangle the (i. e., with the) people." The ruler will be trying to take, and the people will be trying to hold. $£ iff:, — "he will give" — (i. e., lead the people to,=teach them) — "rapine." The two phrases = he will be against

the people, and will set them against himself, and against one another. Ying-ta explains them — "people wrangling for gain will give reins to their rapacious disposition." 9. fft ffc, "wealth being scattered," — that is, diffused, and allowed to be so by the ruler, among the people. The collecting and scattering of the people are to be understood with reference to their feelings towards their ruler. 10. The "words" are to be understood of governmental orders and enactments. *(%-, read

ITS

11. In the Announcement to K'ang, it is said, "The decree indeed may not always rest on us;" that is, goodness obtains the decree, and the want of goodness loses it.

12. In the Book of Ch'u, it is said, "The kingdom of Ch'u does not consider that to be valuable. It values, instead, its good men."

13. Duke Wdn's uncle, Fan, said, "Our fugitive does not account that to be precious. What he considers precious is the affection due to his parent."

pei, = i$i, "to act contrary to," "to rebel," that which is outraged being £|, "what is right," or, in the first place, Si 'ts "the people's hearts," and, in the second place, ^ ,£,», "the ruler's heart." Our proverb — "goods ill-gotten go ill-spent" — might be translated by g; ^ jfjj A % •, fa ffi fljj $, but those words have a different meaning in the text. 11. See the K'ang Kdo, par. 23. The only difficulty is with -J-. K'angch'ang and Ying-ta do not take it as an expletive, but say it=#h "in," or "on"; — "The appointinent of Heaven may not constantly rest on one family." Treating ^f- in this way, the supplement in the Shu should be "us." 12. The Book of Ch'u is found hi the (b\ |fj, "Narratives of the States," a collection

purporting to be of the Chau dynasty, and, in relation to the other states, what Confucius's "Spring and Autumn" is to Lu. The exact words of the text do not occur, but they could easily be constructed from the narrative. An officer of Ch'u being sent on an embassy to Tsin, the minister who received him asked about a famous girdle of Ch'u, called £| $j, how much it was worth. The orficer replied that his country did not look on such things as its treasures, but on its able and virtuous ministers. 13. ^. 3flJ, "Uncle Fan" ; that is, uncle to Wan, subsequently marquis, commonly described as duke, of Tsin. Wan is the •£ X) or, "fugitive." In the early part of his life, he was a fugitive, and suffered many vicissitudes of fortune.

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14. In the Declaration of the duke of Ch'in, it is said, "Let me have but one minister, plain and sincere, not pretending to other abilities, but with a simple, upright, mind; and possessed of generosity, regarding the talents of others as if he himself possessed them, and, where he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, and really showing himself able to bear them and employ them: — such a minister will be able to preserve my sons and grandsons and blackhaired people, and benefits likewise to the kingdom may well be looked for from him. But if it be his character, when he finds men of ability, to be jealous and hate

Once, the duke of Ch'in (fj|) having offered to help him, when he was in mourning for his father who had expelled him, to recover Tsin, his uncle Fan gave the reply in the text. The that in the translation refers to $ til, "getting the kingdom." 14.

"The declaration of the duke of Ch'in" is the last book in the Shuching. It was made by one of the dukes of Ch'in to his officers, after he had sustained a great disaster, in consequence of neglecting tlie advice

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them; and, when he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose them and not allow their advancement, showing himself really not able to bear .them: — such a minister will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons and black-haired people; and may he not also be pronounced dangerous to the state?"

15. It is only the truly virtuous man who can send away such a man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell along with him in the Middle Kingdom. This is in accordance with the saying, "It is only the truly virtuous man who can love or who can hate others."

16. To see men of worth and not be able to raise

of his most faithful minister. Between the text here, and that which we find in the Shu, there are some differences, but they are unimportant. 15. fc A is here, according to Chu Hsi and his followers, the prince who applies the principle of reciprocity, expounded in the second paragraph. Lo Chung-fan contends that it is f| j£ ;&, "the lover of the people." The paragraph is closely

connected with the preceding. In Jfc $S £., £. refers to the bad minister, there described. The 0] ^, "four I"; see the Li Chi, III, iii, 14. ^ || m * tS=^ H & ID Jft * m) "will not dwell together with him in the Middle Kingdom." China is evidently so denominated, from its being thought to be surrounded by barbarous tribes. ^ fc A $£ S 5$, — see Analects, IV, iii. 10. 1 have

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them to office; to raise them to office, but not to do so quickly: — this is disrespectful. To see bad men and not be able to remove them; to remove them, but not to do so to a distance: — this is weakness.

17. To love those, whom men hate, and to hate those whom men love; — this is to outrage the natural feeling of men. Calamities cannot fail t(O come down on him who does so.

18. Thus we see that the sovereign has a great course to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion

translated -fifr as if it were "fH, which K'ang-ch'ang thinks should be in the text. Ch'ang 1 (Eg) would substitute jgU "idle," instead of '|§, and Chu Hsi does not know which suggestion to prefer. Lo Chung-fan stoutly contends for retaining ^-, and interprets it as =" fate," but he is obliged to supply a good deal himself, to make any sense of the passage. See his argument, in loc. The paraphrasts all explain & by ^., "early." j§, 3rd tone, but with a hiphil force, ii is referred to JJf ^ in the last paragraph, and ^ to ^. SJ& ffi tjj [jgj. 17. This is spoken of the ruler not

having respect to the common feelings of the people in his employment of ministers, and the consequences thereof to himself. ^, 1st tone, is used as in Analects, XI, ix, 4, or = the preposition sji. This paragraph speaks generally of the primal cause oj gaining and losing, and shows how the principle of the measuring square must have its root in the ruler's mind. So, in the g f||. The great course is explained by Chu as — "the art of occupying the throne, and therein cultivating himself and governing others." Ying-ta says it is — "the course by which he practices filial

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and sincerit}^ to attain it, and by pride and extravagance he will fail of it.

19. There is a great course also for the production of wealth. Let the producers be many and the consumers few. Let there be activity in the production, and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will always be sufficient.

20. The virtuous ruler., by means of his wealth, makes himseJf more distinguished. The vicious ruler accumulates wealth, at the expense of his life.

21. Never has there been a case of the sovereign

piety, fraternal duty, benevolence, and righteousness." |g and ^ are here qualities of the same nature. They are not contrasted as in the Analects, XIII, xxvi. 19. This is understood by K'ang-ch'ang as requiring the promotion of agriculture, and that is included, but does not exhaust the meaning. The consumers are the salaried officers of the government. The sentiment of the whole is good : — whore there is chperful industry in the people, and an economi-

cal administration of the government, the finances will be flourishing.

20. The sentiment here is substantially the same as in paragraphs 7, 8. The old interpretation is different : — "The virtuous man uses his wealth so as to make his person distinguished. He who is not virtuous, toils with his body to increase his wealth."

21. This shows how the people respond to the influence of the ruler, and that benevolence, even to the scattering of his wealth on the part

loving benevolence, and the. people not loving righteousness. Never has there been a case where the people have loved righteousness, and the affairs of the sovereign have not been carried to completion. And never has there been a case where the wealth in such a state, collected in the treasuries and arsenals, did not continue in the sovereign's possession.

22. The officer Mang Hsien said, "He who keeps horses and a carriage does not look after fowls and pigs. The family which keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep. So, the house which possesses a hundred chariots should not keep a minister to look out for imposts that he may lay them on the people. Than to have such a minister, it were

of the latter, is the way to permanent prosperity and wealth. 22. Hsien was the honorary epithet of Chungsun Mieh (H), a worthy minister of hu under the two dukes, \ho ruled

before the birth of Confucius. His sayings, quoted here, were preserved by tradition, or recorded in some Work which is now lost. ^ (read ch'u) j$ ,^, — on a scholar's being

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better for that house to have one who should rob it of its revenues." This is in accordance whith the saying:— "In a state, pecuniary gain is not to be considered to be prosperity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness."

23. When he who presides over a state or a family makes his revenues his chief business, he must be under the influence of some small, mean man. He may consider this man to be good; but when such a person is employed in the administration of a state or family, calamities from Heaven, and injuries from men, will befall it together, and, though a good man may take his place, he will not be able to remedy the evil. This illustrates again the saying, "In a state, gain is not to be considered prosperity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness."

first called to office, he was gifted by his prince with a carriage and four horses. He was then supposed to withdraw from petty ways of getting wealth. The ^|i, or high officers of a state, kept ice for use in their funeral rites and sacrifices. fj(i fjc, — •

with reference to the cutting the ice to store it; see the Shih, I, xv, Ode I, 8. 5K $k (£ g., — see Analects, XI, xvi. 23. ^ 2$ ^- £, — H is used as a verb, = £), ^ |£-, "considers to be

good.» # a % ij ft jpj. w a ft m,

— see Mencius, 1, Pt. I, i, et passim.

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The above tenth chapter of commentary explains the government of the state, and the making the kingdom peaceful and happy.

There are thus, in all, ten chapters of commentary, 'the first four of which discuss, in a general manner, the scope of the principal topic of the Work; while the other six go particularly into an exhibition of the work required in its subordinate branches. The fifth chapter contains the important subject of comprehending true excellence, and the sixth, what is the foundation of the attainment of true sincerity. Those two chapters demand the especial attention of the learner. Let not the reader despise them because of their simplicity.

f THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 347

THE DOCTRINE OF

THE MEAN

My master, the philosopher Ch'ang, says — "Being without inclination to either side is called CHUNG; admitting of no change is called YUNG.- By CHUNG is denoted the correct course to be pursued by all under heaven; by YUNG is denoted the fixed principle regulating all under heaven. This work contains

THE TITLE OF THE WORK. — tfi Jjff, "The Doctrine of the Mean." I have not attempted to translate the Chinese character Jjf , as to the exact force of which there is considerable difference of opinion, both among native commentators, and among previous translators. Chang K'angch'ang said ^£ 0 t|i Jf £, &. & IB f» sfll £ ft Jfl •&, "The Work is named (|i /jj, because it records the practice of the non-deviating mind and of harmony." He takes /j|j in the sense of $, "to use," "to employ," which is the first given to it in the dictionary, and is found in the Shu-ching, I, i, par. 9. As to the meaning of tjj and )HI, see chap, i, par. 4. This appears to have been the accepted meaning of Jff in this

combination, till Ch'ang 1 introduced that of ?f» $,, "unchanging," as in the introductory note, which, however, the dictionary does not acknowledge. Chu Hsi himself says —

/lf) ^P & •&» "Chung is the name for what is without inclination or deflection, which neither exceeds nor comes short. Yung means ordinary, constant. The dictionary gives another meaning of Yung, with special reference to the point before us. It is said — ^ pfri •{&, "It also means harmony;'' and then reference is made to X'ang-ch'ang's words given above, the compilers not having observed that he immediately subjoins — /|f, f] ill, showing that he takes Yung in the sense of "to

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/fee Jaw of the mind, which was handed dmvn from one to another, i» the Confucian school, till Tsze-sze, fearing lest in the course of time errors should, arise about it, committed it to writing, and delivered it to Mencius. The Book first speaks of one principle; it next spreads this out, and embraces all things; finally, it returns and gathers them all up under the one principle. Unroll it, and it fills the universe; roll it up, and it retires and lies hid in mysteriousneas. The relish of it is inexhaustible. The whole of it is solid learning. When the skillful reader has explored it with delight

employ," and not of "harmony." Many, however, adopt this meaning of the term in chap, ii, and my own opinion is decidedly in favor of it, here in the title. The work then treats of the human mind: — in its state of chung, absolutely correct, as it is in itself; and in its state of hwo, or harmony, acting ad extra, accord-- ins.' to its correct nature. — In the version of the work, given in the collection of " Memo-ires concernanl V histoire, les sciences, etc., den China!*," vol. i, it is styled — " Juste Milieu." Remusat calls it "I/invariable •/'after Ch-ans; L Intorcetta and his coadjutors call it — "M( )!',(, m constans vel sempiternum." The Book treats, they say, "J)e MEDIO SEMPI- , sive de durea mediocritate ilia, cut, ut ait Cicero, inter nimium et

parum, constanter et omnibus in rebus tenenda." Morrison, character ]jg, says, "Chung Yung, the constant (golden) Medium." Collie calls it — "The golden Medium." The objection which I have to all these names is, that from them it would appear as if tfi were a noun, and Jf a qualifying adjective, whereas they are coordinate terms. My own version of the title in the translation published in "The Sacred Books of the East" is "The State of Equilibrium anil Harmony."

INTRODUCTORY NOTE. -^ igl -J-, — see on introductory note to the ^c :% On Tsze-sze, and his authorship of this work, see the prolegomena. )'•; -^ is a phrase denoting — "the zenith and nadir, and the four cardinal points," = the universe. f& ^

THE DOCTRINE 01' THE MEAN

(iW Tie Aa* apprehended it, he may carry it into practize all his life, and will find that it cannot be exhausted^"

CHAPTER I. 1. What Heaven has_ conferred is called THE NATURE; an accordance with this nature is called THE PATH of duty; the regulation of this path is called INSTRUCTION.

4f, — not our "good reader," but as in the translation. — I will not here anticipate the judgment of the reader on the eulogy of the enthusiastic Ch'ang.

1. It has been stated, in the prolegomena, that the current division of the Chung Yung into chapters was made by Chu Hsi, as well as their subdivision into paragraphs. The thirty-throe chapters which embrace the work are again arranged by him in five divisions, as will be seen from his supplementary notes. The first and last chapters are complete in themselves, as in the introduction and conclusion of the treatise. The S3cond part contains ten chapters; the third, nine; and the fourth, twelve.

Par. 1. The principles of duty have their root in the evidenced wilt of Heaven, find 'heir full eshiliiti'in in the teaching of sages. By (|)%, or "nature," is to be understood the nature of man, though Chu Hsi

generalizes it so as to embrace that of brutes also; but only man can be cognizant of the tao and chido. fe he defines by -^-, "to command," "to order." But we must take it as in a gloss on a passage from the Yi-cliing, quoted in the dictionary. — & % A #f M S. "Ming is what men are endowed with." Chu also says that ffe is just if, the "principle," characteristic of any particular nature. But this only involves the subject in mystery. His explanation of j|£ by g£, "a path," seems to be correct, though some modern writers object to it. — What is taught seems to be this: — To man belongs a moral nature, conferred on him by Heaven or God, by which he is constituted a law to himself. But as he is prone to deviate from the path in which, according to his nature, he should go, wise and good men — sages- — have appeared, to explain* and repuli to this, helping all by their instructions to walk in it.

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2. The path may not be left for an instant. If it could be left, it would not be the path. On this account, the superior man does not wait till he sees things, to be cautious, nor till he hears things, to be apprehensive.

3. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful over himself, when he is alone.

Par. 2. The path indicated by the •nature may never be left, and the superior man — ft iii (£ , ne wno would embody all principles of right and duty — exercises a most sedulo'Os care that he rn.it/ atf-iin thereto. ${ ffc. is a name for a short period of time, of which th^re are thirty in the twenty-four hours; but the phrase is commonly read for "a moment," "an instant." K'ung-Ying-ta explains pj Sft ^ itt — "what may be left is a wrong way," which is not admissible. j£t, 4th tone, =^fe, "to be, or go, away from." If we translate the two last clauses literally, it "is cautious and careful in regard to what he does not see; is toarful and apprehensive in regard to what he does not hear," — they will not be intelligible to an English readir. A question arises, moreover, whether fl; fy~{ ^ ffi. 3£ #? '^. fej, ought not to be understood

passively, = " where he is not seen," "where he is not heard." They are so understood by Ying-ta, and the -fc 4& f||. chap, vi, is much in favor, by its analogy, of such an interpretation.

Par. 3. Chu Hsi says that HJ- is "a dark place"; that $H means "small matters"; and that -('H) is "the place which other men do not know, and is known only to one's self." There would thus hardly Le here any advance from the last paragraph. It. seems to me that the secrecy must be in the recesses of one's own heart, and the minute things, the springs of thought and stirrings of purpose there. The full development of w}i(-t is intended here is probably to be found in all the subsequent paswiget1 about |($, or "sincerity." Pee j?ij JBJ

f ' ty 'Ji tft) in loc)

JSlf 'I- THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 351

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4. While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, the mind may be said to be in the state of EQUILIBRIUM. When those feelings have been stirred, and they act in their due degree, there ensues what may be called the state of HARMONY. This EQUILIBRIUM is the great root from which grow all the human actings in the world, and this HARMONY is the universal path which they all should pursue.

5. Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail

Par. 4. "This," says Chu Hsi, "speaks of the virtue of the nature and passions, to illustrate the meaning of the statement that the path may not be left." It is difficult to translate the paragraph because it is difficult to understand it. ff} (£ is different from ,£ |^ in par. 1. That defines; this describes. What is described in the first clause, seems to be %£, "the nature," capable of all feelings," but unacted on, and in equilibrium.

Par. 5. On this Intorcetta and his colleagues observe: — Quis non videt eo dumtaxat collimasse philosophum, ut hominis naturam, quam ab origins, sua rectam, sed deinde lapsam et depravatam passim Sinenses docent, ad primcevum innocentice statum reduceret? Atque itd reliquas 'res

creatas, homini jam rebettes, et in ejusdem ruinam armatas, ad pristinum obsequium veluti revocaret. Hot caput primum libri Ta Heo, hoc item hie et alibi non semel indicat. Etsi autem nesciret philosophus nos a prima felicitate propter peccatum primi parentis excidisse, tamen et tot rerum quce adversantur et infestce stint homini, et ipsius naturae humance ad deleriora tarn pronce, longo usu et contemplatione didicisse videtur, non posse hoc universum, quod homo vitiatus quodam modo vitiarat, connaturali suce integritati et ordini restitui, nisi prius ipse homo per victoriam sui ipsius, cam, quam amiseratt integrilatem et ordinem recuperaret." I fancied something of the same kind, before reading their note. According to Chii Hsi, thr

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throughout heayen and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish.

In the first chapter, which is given above, Tsze-sze states the views which had been handed down to him, as the basis of his discourse. First, it shows clearly how the path of duty is to be traced to its origin in Heaven, and is KI 'changeable, while the substance of it is provided in ourselves, and may not be departed Jrom. Next, it speaks of the importance of preserving 1 1 nd nourishing this, and of exercising a watchful self -scrutiny with reference to it. Finally, it speaks of the meritorious achievements and transforming influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest extent. The unsh of Tsze-sze was that hereby the learner shoidd direct his thoughts

paragraph describes the work and influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest issues. The subject ia developed in the 4th part of the work, in very extravagant and mystifal language. The study of it will modify very much our assent to the views in the above passage. There is in this whole chapter a mixture of sense and mysticism, — of what may be grasped, and what tantalizes and the mind, fa, according to si.=3j tt $, «wni rest in

their positions." K'ang-ch'ang explained it by JE, — "will be rectified." "Heaven and Earth" are h^ere the parent powers of the universe*. Thua Ying-ta expounds: "Heaven and Earth will get their correct place, and the processes of production and completion will go on according to their principles, so that all things will be nourished and fostered."

CONCLUDING NOTE. The writer Yang, A. D. 1053-11315, quoted here, was a distinguished scholar and

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inwards, and by searching in himself, there find these truths, so that he might put aside all outward temptations appealing to his selfishness, and fill up the measure of the goodness- which is natural to him. This chapter is what the writer Yang called it, — " The sum of the whole work." In the ten chapters which follow, Tsze-sze quotes the words of the Master to complete the meaniny of this.

CHAPTER II. 1. Chung-ni said, "The superior man embodies the course of the Mean; the mean man acts contrary to the course of the Mean.

author in the Sung dynasty. He was a disciple of Ch'ang HaO, and a friend both of him and his brother I. f| §g, "the substance and the abstract," = the sum.

2. ONLY THE StTPEBIOR MAN CAN FOLLOW THE MEAN; THE MEAN MAN IS ALWAYS VIOLATING IT. 1. Why

Confucius should here be quoted by his designation, or marriage name, is a moot-point. It is said by some that disciples might in this way refer to their teacher, and a grandson to his grandfather, but such a rule is constituted probable on the strength of tlxis instance, and that in chap.

xxx. Others say that it is the honorary designation of theAsage, and = the JE 3fc» which Duke Ai used in reference to Confucius, in eulogizing him after his death. See the Li Chi, II, Sect. I, iii, 44. Some verb must be understood between ^ J- and tjJ j|f, and I have supposed it to be f§, with most of the paraphrasts. Nearly all seem to be agreed that tjj Jff here is the same as tfi 5ftJ in the last chapter. On the change of terms, Chu Hsi quotes from the scholar Yu (5J|), to the effect that tfj $J is said with the nature and feelings in view, and »£ Jjj , with reference to virtue

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2. "The superior man's embodying the course of the Mean is because he is a superior man, and so always maintains the Mean. The mean man's acting contrary to the course of the Mean is because he is a mean man, and has no caution."

CHAPTER III. The Master said, "Perfect is the virtue which is according to the Mean! Rare have they long been among the people, who could practice

and conduct. 2. %* ^- jfj] Bf tfi is explained by Chu: — "Because he has the virtue of a superior man, and moreover is able always to manage the chung." But I rather think that the chun-tsze here is specially to be referred to the same as described in 1, ii, and t£=IE tj». Wang Su, the famous scholar of the Wei ($|) dynasty, in the first part of the third century, quotes /J) A ± * If, with JX. before rjj, of which Chu Hsi approves. If J£ be not introduced into the text, it must certainly be understood. ,g. ^ £s tne OppOSite of $ if, Si ti) in 1, ii. — This, and the

ten chapters which foliow, all quote the words of Confucius with reference to the tfi /|f , to explain the meaning of the first chapter; and "though there is no connection of composition between them," says Chu Hsi, "they are all related by their meaning."

3. THE KAKITY, LONG EXISTING IN

CONFUCIUS' s TIME, OF THE PRACTICE OF THE MEAN. See the Analects, VI, xxvii. K'ang-ch'ang and Ying-ta take the last clause as = "few can practice it long." But the view in the translation is better. The change from -ft|J /g, (EJ to -J- 0 is observable.

•f THE DOCTRINE OP THE MEAN 355

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CHAPTER IV. 1. The Master said, "I know how it is that the path of the Mean is not walked in:— The knowing go beyond it, and the stupid do not come up to it. I know how it is that the path of the Mean is not understood: — The men of talents and virtue go beyond it, and the worthless do not come up to it.

2. "There is no body but eats and drinks. But they are few who can distinguish flavors."

4. HOW IT WAS THAT FEW WEBE ABLE TO PBACTICE THE MEAN. 1. %£

may be referred to the H£ in the first chapter ; immediately following t}j J|f in the last, I translate it here — "the path of the Mean." £tf ;§• and ^ # are not to be understood as meaning the truly wise and the truly worthy, but only those who in the degenerate times of Confucius deemed themselves to be such. The former thought the course of the Mean not worth their study, and the latter thought it not sufficiently exalted for their practice. ff , — "as," "like."

^S 1^ following K) indicates individuals of a different character, not equal to them. 2. We have here not a comparison, but an illustration, which may help to an understanding of the former paragraph, though it does not seem very apt. People do not know the true flavor of what they eat and drink, but they need not go beyond that to learn it. So the Mean belongs to all the actions of ordinary life, and might be discerned and practiced in them, without looking for it in extraordinary things.

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CHAPTER V. The Master said, "Alas! How is the path of the Mean untrodden!"

CHAPTER VI. The Master said, "There was Shun:— He indeed was greatly wise! Shun loved to question others, and to study their words, though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad in them, and displayed what was good. He took hold of their two extremes, determined the Mean, and employed it in his government of the people. It was by this that he was Shun!"

o. Chu Hsi says: "From not being understood, therefore it is not practiced." According to K'angch'ang, the remark is a lament that there was no intelligent sovereign to teach the path. But the two views are reconcilable.

6. How SHUN PURSUED THE COURSE OF THE MEAN. This example of Shun, it seems to me, is adduced in opposition to the knowing of chap. iv. Shun, though a sage, invited the opinions of all men, and found truth of the highest value in their simplest sayings, and was able to determine from them the

course of the Mean. ^ rtf. f$j jjjjj,

" the two extremes," are understood

by K'ang-ch'ang of the two errors of exceeding and coming short of the Mean. Chu Hsi makes them — "the widest differences in the opinions which he received." I conceive th« meaning to be that he examined the answers which he got, in their entirety, from beginning to end. Compare Jfl :£ FS $g, Analects, IX, vii. His concealing what was bad, and displaying what was good, was alike to encourage people to speak freely to him. K'aiig-ch'ang makes the last sentence to turn on the meaning of $£, when applied as an honorary epithet of the dead,= "Full, all -accomplished"; but Shun was so named when he was alive.

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CHAPTER VII. The Master said, "Men all say, 'We are wise' ; but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, they know not how to escape. Men all say, 'We are wise'; but happening to choose the course of the Mean, they are not able to keep it for a round month."

CHAPTER VIII. The Master said, "This was the manner of Hui: — he made choice of the Mean, and whenever he got hold of what was good, he clasped it firmly, as if wearing it on his breast, and did not lose

7. THEIR CONTRARY CONDUCT SHOWS MEN'S IGNORANCE OF THE COURSE AND NATURE OF THE MEAN. The first -^ ^f is to be understood with a general reference, — "We are wise," i. e., we can very well take care of ourselves. Yet the presumption of such a profession is seen in men's not being able to take care of themselves. The application of this illustration is then made to the subject in hand, the second ^ $ft requiring to be specially understood with reference to the subject of the Mean. The conclusion in both parl s is left to be drawn by tho reader for

himself. Jj|, read hw&, 4th tone, "a trap for catching animals." SJ], read ch'i, like ^, in Analects, XIII, x, though it is here applied to a month, and not, as there, to a year.

8. HOW HUT HELD FAST THE

COURSE OF THE MEAN. Here the example of Hui is likewise adduced, in opposition to those mentioned in chap. iv. All the rest is exegetical of the first clause — fp] (£ ^ A &) "Hui's playing the man." — » ^ is not "one good point," so much as any one. ^ is "the closed fist" ; J^ 46, —"the appearance of holding firm.'.'

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CHAPTER IX. The Master said, "The kingdom, its states, and its families, may be perfectly ruled; dignities and emoluments may be declined; naked weapons may be trampled under the feet; — but the course of the Mean cannot be attained to."

CHAPTER X. 1. Tsze-lu asked about energy.

2. The Master said, "Do you mean the energy of the South, the energy of the North, or the energy which you should cultivate yourself?

9. THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAINING TO THE COURSE OF THE MEAN. 5^

~F, — " the kingdom" ; we should say — "kingdoms," but the Chinese know only of one kingdom, and hence this name for it — "all under the sky," embracing by right, if not in fact, all kingdoms. The kingdom was made up of states, and each state of families. See the Analects, V, vii; XII, xx. J£j, "level"; here a verb = P #?, "to bring to perfect order." jTJ, — "a sharp, strong weapon," used of swords, spears, javelins, etc. 'f f"I $&) — literally, "cannot be canned,"

10. ON ENERGY IN ITS RELATION

TO THE MEAN. In the Analects we find Tsze-lu, on various occasions, putting forward the subject of his valor (J£), and claiming, on the ground of it, such praise as the Master awarded to Hui. We may suppose, with the old interpreters,

that hearing Hui commended, as in. chap, viii, he wanted to know whether Confucius would not allow that he also could, with his forceful character, seize and hold fast the Mean. 1. For 5$ I have been disposed to coin the term "forcefulness." Chu defines it correctly — -ft JS. JS 0 A £ &) "the name of strength sufficient to overcome others." 2. jfjj ( =$c) §£ must be — "the energy which you should cultivate," not "which you have." If the latter be the meaning, no further notice of it is taken in Confucius's reply, while he would seem, in the three following paragraphs, to describe the three kinds of energy which he specifies. K'ang-ch'ang and Ying-ta say that jfn §S means the energy of the Middle Kingdom, the North being "the sandy desert," j and the South, "the country south 1 of the Yangtze." But this is not

•f THE DOCTRINE OP THE MEAN 359

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3. "To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others; and not to revenge unreasonable conduct:— this is the energy of southern regions, and the good man makes it his study.

4. "To lie under arms; and meet death without regret: — this is the energy of northern regions, and the forceful make it their study.

5. "Therefore, the superior man cultivates a friendly harmony, without being weak. — How firm is he in his energy! He stands erect in the middle,

allowable. 3. That climate and situation have an influence on character is not to be denied, and the Chinese notions on the subject may be seen in the amplification of the 9fch of the K'ang-hsi celebrated Precepts ( lg Ink j$j gjll). But to speak of their effects as Confucius here does is extravagant. The barbarism of the South, according to the interpretation mentioned above, could not have been described by him in these terms. The energy of mildness and forbearance, thus described, is held to come short of the Mean ; and therefore ^ -^ is taken with a low and light meaning, far short of what

it has in par. 5. This practice of determining the force of phrases from the context makes the reading of the Chinese classics perplexing to a student, fig £., — see the Analects, XII, xiv. 4. ££, "the lapel in front of a coat"; also "a mat." |£ & 2fc, "to make a mat of the leal tier dress (^.) and weapons (&)." This energy of the North, it is said, is in excess of the Mean, and the fj&, at the beginning of par. 5, " therefore," = "those two kinds of energy being thus respectively in defect and excess." ^ is §$ |JJ, "the appearance of beinc energetic." This illustrates the energy which is in exact accord

fin

without inclining to either side. — How firm is he in his energy! When good principles prevail in the government of his country, he does not change from what he was in retirement. — How firm is he in his energy! When bad principles prevail in the country, he maintains his course to death without changing. — How firm is he in his energy! "

CHAPTER XI. 1. The Master said, "To live in obscurity, and yet practice wonders, in order to be mentioned with honor in future ages: — this is what I do not do.

2. "The good man tries to proceed according to

with the Mean, in the individual's treatment of others, in his regulation of himself, and in relation to public affairs. % jf, fa «!;— often in the Analects. I have followed Chu Hsi in translating g|. Ying-ta paraphrases: 'frja^a.iitfJtelt "He holds to what is upright, and does not change, his virtuous conduct being all-complete." A modern writer makes the meaning: "He does not change through being puffed up by the fullness of office." Both of these views go on the interpretation of jg

11- ONLY THE SAGE CAN COME UP TO THE REQUIREMENTS OK THE MEAN.

1. ^ is found written jf|, "to examine," "to study," in a work of the Han dynasty, and Chu adopts that character aa the true reading, and explains accordingly: — "To study what is obscure and wrong (H| $£)." K'ang-ch'ang took it as=fjji{, "towards," or, "being inclined to," and both he and Ying-ta explain as in the translation. It is an objection to Chu's view, that, in the next chapter, |Bf| is given as one of the characteristics of the Mean. The jg •ft "5 S) in par. 3, moreover, agree well with the older view. 2. ^ ^f- is here the same as in the last chapter, par. 3. A distinction is made between

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the right path, but when he has gone halfway, he abandons it: — I am not able so to stop.

3. "The superior man accords with the course of the Mean. Though he may be all unknown, unregarded by the world, he feels no regret. — It is only the sage who is able for this."

CHAPTER XII. 1 . The way which the superior man pursues, reaches wide and far, and yet is secret.

H it here and $ it below. The former, it is said, implies endeavor, while the latter is natural and unconstrained accordance. 3. jft •J- here has its very highest signification, and = H % in the last clause. iB| -^ is said to be different from jjg •jfr, the latter being applicable to the recluse who withdraws from the world, while the former may describe one who is in the world, but does not act with a reference to ita opinion of him. It will be observed how Confucius declines saying that he had himself attained to this highest style — "With this chapter," says Chu Hsi, "the quotations by Ts/.e-sze of the Master's words, to explain the meaning of the first chapter, stop. The great object of the work is to set forth wisdom, benevolent virtue, and valor, as the three grand virtues whereby entrance is effected into the path of the Mean, and therefore, at its commencement, they are illustrated by reference to Shun, Yen Yuan, and Tsze-lu; Shun possessing the wisdom,

Yen Yuan the benevolence, and Tsze-lu the valor. If one of these virtues be absent, there is no way of advancing to the path, and perfecting the virtue. This will be found fully treated of in the 20th chapter." So, Chu Hsi. The student forming a judgment for himself, however, J will not see very distinctly any ref- ' erence to these cardinal virtues. The utterances of the sage illustrate the phrase ija Iff, showing that the course of the Mean had fallen out of observance, some overshooting it, and others coming short of it. When we want some precise directions how to attain to it, we come finally to the conclusion that only the sage is capable of doing so. We greatly want teaching, more practical and precise. 12. THE COURSE OF THE MEAN BEACHES FAB AND WIDE, BUT YET IS SECBET. With this chapter, the third part of the work commences, and the first sentence,— -# -J- ,£ -ft, & jfij $%, may be regarded as its text. If we could determine satisfactorily the signification of those two terms, we

362 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN M «t)

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2. Common men and women, however ignorant, may intermeddle with the knowledge of it; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage does not know. Common men and women, however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry it into practice; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage is not able to carry into practice. Great as heaven and earth are, men still find some things in them with which to be dissatisfied. Thus it is that, were the superior man to speak of his way in all its greatness, nothing in the world would be

Bhould have a good clue to the meaning of the whole, but it is not easy to do so. The old view is inadmissible. K'ang-ch'ang takes f£ as=fS» "doubly involved," "perverted," and both he and Ying-ta explain : — " When right principles are opposed and disallowed, the superior man retires into obscurity, and does not hold office." On this view of it, the sentence has nothing to do with the succeeding chapters. The two meanings of $£ in the dictionary are -*-" the free expenditure of money," and "dissipation," or "waste." According to Chu, in this passage, |£ W )\ Z. ^ til, "J£ indicates the wide range of the tdo in practice."

Something like this must be its meaning: — the course of the Mean, requiring everywhere to be exhibited. Chu then defines H as^ff £. ^, "the minuteness of the tao in its nature or essence." The former answers to the what of the tdo, and the latter to the why. But it rather seems to me that the H here is the same with the H| and ^, i, 4, and that the author simply intended to say that the way of the superior man reaching everywhere,- — embracing all duties, — yet had its secret spring and seat in the Heaven -gifted nature, the individual consciousness of duty in every man. 2. 5^ ^= [5 ;fc» ffi jf, Analects, XIV, xviii, 3. But

•!) THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN

found able to embrace it, and were he to speak of it in its minuteness, nothing in the world would be found able to split it.

3. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "The hawk flies up to heaven; the fishes leap in the deep." This expresses how this way is seen above and below.

4. The way of the superior man may be found, in its simple elements, in the intercourse of common men and women; but in its utmost reaches, it shines brightly through heaven anr! earth.

I confess to be all at sea in the study of this paragraph Chu quotes from the scholar Hau ($| j£), that what the superior man fails to know was exemplified in Confucius's having to ask about ceremonies and offices, and what he fails to practice was exemplified in Confucius not being on the throne, and in Yao and Shun's being dissatisfied that they could not ~nake every individual enjoy the beuefits of their rule. He adds his own opinion, that what men complained of in Heaven and Earth, was the partiality of their operations

in overshadowing and supporting, producing and completing, the heat of summer, the cold of winter, etc. If such things were intended by the writer, we can only regret the vagueness of his language, and the want of coherence in his argument. In translating %* ^ IS ~X 5 ^5. I have followed Mao Hsi-ho. 3. See the Shih, III, i, Ode V, st. 3. The ode is in praise of the virtue of King Wan. ^ is in the sense of Kg 3g, " brightly displayed." The application of the words of the ode does appear strange.

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T/tr twelfth clmpter above contains tne words of Tsze-sze, and is designed to illustra'e what is said in the first chapter, that "The path may not be left." In the eight chapters which follow, he quotes, in a miscellaneous way, the words of Confucius to illustrate it.

CHAPTER XIII. 1. The Master said, "The path is not far from man. When men try to pursue a course, which is far from the common indications of consciousness, this course cannot be considered THE PATH.

2. "In the Book of Poetry, it is said, (In hewing an ax handle, in hewing an ax handle, the pattern is not far off.' We grasp one ax handle to hew the other; and yet, if we look askance from the one to the other, we may consider them as apart. Therefore,

13. THE PATH OF THE MEAN is

FAB TO SEEK. EACH MAN HAS

3 LAW OF IT IN HIMSELF, AND IT

2 PURSUED WITH EARNEST

RITY. 1. A ± ^ it ffij jl A.

When men practice a course, and

be far from men." The

meaning is as in the translation. 2. See the Shih-ching, I, xv, Ode V, st. 2. The object of the paragraph seems to be to show that the rule for dealing with men, according to the principles of the Mean, is nearer to us than the one ax is to the other. The branch

iti?

-tiL

the superior man governs men, according to their nature, with what is proper to them, and as soon as they change what is wrong, he stops.

3. "When one cultivates to the utmost the principles of his nature, and exercises them on the principle of reciprocity, he is not far from the path. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others.

4. "In the way of the superior man there are four things, to not one of which have I as yet attained.— To serve my father, as I would require my son to serve me: to this I have not attained; to serve my prince, as I would require my minister to serve me: to

is hewn, and its form altered from its natural one. Not so with man. The change in him only brings him to his proper state. 3. Compare Analects, IV, xv. Jjjt is here a neuter verb = " to be distant from." 4. The admissions made by Confucius here arc remarkable, and \e do not think

the less of him because of them. Those who find it necessary to insist, with the Chinese, on his having been, like other men, compassed with infirmity, dwell often on them : but it must be allowed that the cases, as put by him, are in a measure hypothetical, his father having died when

this I have not attained; to serve my elder brother, as I would require my younger brother to serve me: to this I have not attained; to set the example in behaving to a friend, as I would require him to behave to me: to this I have not attained. Earnest in practicing the ordinary virtues, and careful in speaking about them, if, in his practice, he has anything defective, the superior man dares not but exert himself; and if, in his words, he has any excess, he dares not allow himself such license. Thus his words have respect to his actions, and his actions have respect to his words; is it not just an entire sincerity which marks the superior man?"

he was a child. He passes from speaking of himself by his name (£), to speak of the chun-tsze, and the change is most naturally made after the last j|g fa % )& Z ft, If W £ li) — "in the practice of ordinary virtues," i. e., the duties of a son, minister, etc., mentioned above, and

"in the carefulness of ordinary speech," i. e., speaking about those virtues. To the practice belong the clauses ;£ J^f ^ J£, ^ & ^ &. and to the speaking, the two next clauses. $?, — as a final particle, = JJ., "simply," "just."

Jft

CHAPTER XIV. 1. The superior man does what is proper to the station in which he is ; he does not desire to go beyond this.

2. In a position of wealth and honor, he does what is proper to a position of wealth and honor. In a poor and low position, he does what is proper to a poor and low position. Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is proper to a situation among barbarous tribes. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what is proper to a position of sorrow and difficulty. The superior man can find himself in no situation in which he is not himself.

14. HOW THE SUPERIOR MAN, IN EVERY VARYING SITUATION, PURSUES

THE MEAN, DOING WHAT is RIGHT,

AND FINDING HIS RULE IN HIMSELF.

1. Chu Hsi takes ^ as = J£ ^t, "at present," "now"; but that meaning was made to meet the exigency of the present passage. K'ang-ch'ang takes it, as in chap, xi, as = ^, "being inclined to." Mao endeavors to establish this view: —

m (* #» tu * * «* # £ ffc. " ^ ft

is the proper station in which he has

been." The meaning comes to much the same in all these interpretations. ^ $j| -T- 3t ^f) — compare Analects, XIV, xxviii. 2. ff ^ HJ Rt = :f? sf- ^ ^ 8f 'IT (?f £ II, "He pursues the path, which ought to be pursued amid riches and honors." So, in the other clauses. |=| ^, — literally = "self -possessing." The paraphrasts make it — "happy in conforming himself to his position." I consider it equivalent to what is said in chap.

ffi

3. In a high situation, he does not treat with contempt his inferiors. In a low situation, he does not court the favor of his superiors. He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from others, so that he has no dissatisfactions. He does not murmur against Heaven, nor grumble against men.

4. Thus it is that the superior man is quiet and calm, waiting for the appointments of Heaven, while the mean man walks in dangerous paths, looking for lucky occurrences.

5. The Master said, "In archery we have something like the way of the superior man. When the archer misses the center of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself."

3. $£ is explained in the dictionary, after K'ang-ch'ang, by ^ }$, "to drag and cling to." The opposition of the two clauses makes the meaning plain. 4. U , according to K'angch'ang, |£ 2p tg, «ia equivalent to peaceful and tranquil." Chu Hsi says,— %, 2p i£ ^, «^ means level ground." This is most correct, but we cannot so well express it in the translation. 5. ]£, the 1st tone, and g§ are both names of birds, small

and alert, and difficult to be hit. On this account, a picture of the former was painted on the middle of ) the target, and a figure of the latter was attached to it in leather. It is not meant, however, by this, that they were both used in the same target, at the same time. For another illustration of the way of the superior man from the customs of archery, see Analects, III, viu

CHAPTER XV. 1. The way of the superior man may be compared to what takes place in traveling, when to go to a distance we must first traverse the space that is near, and in ascending a height, when we must begin from the lower ground.

2. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "Happy union with wife and children is like the music of lutes and harps. When there is concord among brethren, the harmony is delightful and enduring. Thus may you regulate your family, and enjoy the pleasure of your wife and children."

3. The Master said, "In such a state of things, parents have entire complacence!"

1.5. IN THE PRACTICE OF THE

MEAN THEKE is AN ORDERLY AD- VANCE FROM STEP TO STEP. 1 . J$ is

read as, and=Sf. 2. See the Shih, II, i, Ode IV, st. 7, 8. The ode celebrates, in a regretful tone, the dependence of brethren on one another, and the beauty of brotherly harmony. Mao says: "Although there may be the happy union of wife and children, like the music of lutes and harps, yet there must also be the harmonious concord of brethren, with its exceeding delight, and then may wife and children be regulated and enjoyed. Brothers are

near to us, while wife and children are more remote. Thus it is that from what is near we proceed to what is remote." He adds that anciently the relationship of husband and wife was not among the five relationships of society, because the union of brothers is from Heaven, and that of husband and wife is from man ! 3. This is understood to be a remark of Confucius on the ode. From wife, and children, and brothers, parents at last are reached, illustrating how from what is low we ascend to what is high.— But all this is far-fetched and obscure.

fig

fife 9S TFfi

.Xl* Hi* jiij

CHAPTER XVI. 1. The Master said, "How abundantly do spiritual beings display the powers that belong to them!

2. "We look for them, but do not see them; we listen to, but do not hear them; yet they enter into all things, and there is nothing without them.

16. AN ILLUSTRATION, FROM THE OPERATION AND INFLUENCE OF SPIR- ITUAL BEINGS, OF THE WAY OB1 THE

MEAN. What is said of the kweishun in this chapter is only by way of illustration. There is no design, on the part of the sage, to develop his views on those beings or agencies. The key of it \a to be found in the last paragraph, where the ^ ^ £. |g evidently reiers to H %j{ sp ^ jn chap. i. This paragraph, therefore, should be separated from the others, and not interpreted specially of the kwei-shan. I think that Dr. Medhurst, in rendering it ("Theology of the Chinese," p. 22)— "How great then is the manifestation of their abstruseness ! Whilst displaying their sincerity, they ere not to be concealed," was wrong, notwithstanding that he may be defended by the example of many Chinese commentators. The second clause of par. 5,— f£ £ ^ pj £. £p ^ appears altogether synonymous with the ift fc tfi i& fr ^ ft, in the ^ & ff , chap, vi, 2, to which chapter we have seen that the whole of chap, i, pars. 2, -*), has a remarkable similarity. However we may be driven to find a recondite, mystical, meaning for |ft, in the 4th part of this work, there is no necessity to do so here. With regard to what is said

of the kwei-shan, it is only the first two paragraphs which occasion difficulty. In the 3rd par., the sage speaks of the spiritual beings that are sacrificed to. j^f, — read chdi; see Analects, VII, xii. The same is the subject of the 4th par. ; or rather, spiritual beings generally, whether sacrificed to or not, invisible themselves and yet able to behold our conduct See the Shih-ching, III, iii, Ode il, st. 7, which is said to have been composed by one of the dukes of Wei, and was repeated daily in hia hearing for his admonition. In the context of the quotation, he is warned to be careful of his conduct, when alone as when in company. For in truth we are never alone. "Millions of spiritual beings walk the earth," and can take note of us. The ,^ is a final particle here, without meaning. It is often used so in the Shih-ching. Jg, read to, 4th tone, "to conjecture," "to surmise." •9$, read yi, 4th tone, "to dislike." What now are the kwei-shan in the first two paragraphs. Are we to understand by them something different from what they are in the third par., to which they run on from the first as the nominative or subject of fi£? I think not. The precise meaning of what is said of jfjj ^ pj jg; cannon b0

3. "They cause all the people in the kingdom to fast and purify themselves, and array themselves in their richest dresses, in order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, like overflowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and on the right and left of their worshipers.

4. "It is said in the Book of Poetry, 'The approaches of the spirits, you cannot surmise; — and can you treat them with indifference ? '

determined. The old interpreters say that $t = £, "to give birth to"; that pJ = JjJf, "that which"; that Jfi pj sa = ;f» % fJT *H» "there is nothing which they neglect"; and that the meaning of the whole is — "that of all things there is not a single thing which is not produced by the breath (or energy | ^.) of the kwei-shan." This is all that we learn from them. The Sung school explain the terms with reference to their physical theory of the universe, derived, as they think, from the Yi-ching. Gnu's master, Ch'ang, explains: — "The kwei-shcin are the energetic operations of Heaven and Earth, and the traces of production and transformation." The scholar Chang (Jg &) says: "The kwei-shdn are the easily acting powers of the two breaths of nature (H M.)-" Chu Hsi's own account is: — "If we speak of two breaths, then by kwei is denoted the efficaciousness of the secondary or inferior one, and by shan, that of the

superior one. If we speak of one breath, then by shan is denoted its advancing and developing, and by kwei, its returning and reverting. They are really only one thing." It is difficult — not to say impossible — to conceive to one's self exactly what is meant by such descriptions. And nowhere else in the Four Books is there an approach to this meaning of the phrase. Mao Hsi-ho is more comprehensible; though, after all, it may be doubted whether what he says is more than a play upon words. His explanation «s: — "But is truth, the kwei-shan are &.. In the Yiehing the |^ and gj| are considered to be the kwei-shdn; and it is said — "one ^ and one ffi are called i|t" Thus the kwei-shan are the j|f, embodied in Heaven (f§ 5^) for the nourishment of things. But in the text we have the term ^ instead of yj[, because the latter is the name of the absolute as embodied in Heaven, and the former denotes the same not

5. "Such is the manifestness of what is minute! Such is the impossibility of repressing the outgoings of sincerity!"

CHAPTER XVII. 1. The Master said, "How greatly filial was Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity was the throne; his riches were all within the four seas. He offered his sacrifices in his ancestral

only embodied, but operating to the nourishing of things, for Heaven considers the production of things to be '&." See the tfj J|f ft, in loc.

Remusat translates the first paragraph:— "Que les vertus des esprits sont sublimes 1" His Latin version is: — "Spirituum geniorumque est virtus : ea capaxf" Intorcetta renders : — "Spiritibus inest operativa virtus el efficacitas, et hcec o quam prcestans estf quam multiplex/ quam sublimis.'" In a note, he and his friends say that the dignitary of the kingdom who assisted them, rejecting other interpretations, understood by kwei-shan here — "those spirits for the veneration of whom and imploring their help, sacrifices were institxited." ffi signifies ''spirits," "a spirit," "spirit"; and fa, "a ghost," or "demon." The former is used for the animus, or intelligent soul separated from the body, and the latter for the anima, or animal, grosser, Bool, KO separated. In the text, however, they blend together, and are not to be separately translated, iney are together equivalent to m m.par. 4, "spirits," or "spiritual

17. THE VIRTUE OF FILIAL PIETY, EXEMPLIFIED IN SHUN AS CARRIED TO THE HIGHEST POINT, AND REWARDED

BY HEAVEN. 1. One does not readily see the connection between Shun's great filial piety, and all the other predicates of him that follow. The paraphrasts, however, try to trace it in this way: — "A son without virtue is insufficient to distinguish his parents. But Shun was born with all knowledge and acted without any effort; — in virtue, a sage. How great was the distinction which he thus conferred on his parents!" And so with regard to the other predicate. See the B li- & fi ± ft ;—on this expression it is said in the encyclopaedia called i§ 42} !&: — "The four cardinal points of heaven and earth are connected together by the waters of seas, the earth being a small space in the midst of them. Hence, he who rules over the kingdom (^ ~p) id said to govern all within the four seas." See also note on Analects, XII, v, 4. The characters ^ J|jj are thus explained: — "Tsung means honorable. Miao means figure. The two together mean the place where the figures of one'e ancestors

temple, and his descendants preserved the sacrifices to himself.

2. "Therefore having such great virtue, it could not but be that he should obtain the throne, that he should obtain those riches, that he should obtain his fame, that he should attain to his long life.

3. "Thus it is that Heaven, in the production of things, is sure to be bountiful to them, according to their qualities. Hence the tree that is flourishing, it

are.'-' Chu Hsi says nothing on ^ Jf3| !§f *£» because he had given in to the views of some who thought that Shun sacrificed merely in the ancestral temple of Yao. But it is capable of proof that he erected one of his own, and ascended to Hwang-ti, as his great progenitor. See Mao Hsiho's tfi J|f fft, in loc. gp,— "to entertain a guest"; and sometimes for IjL, "to enjoy." So we must take it here, — "enjoyed him"; that is, his sacrifices. As Shun resigned the throne to Yii, and it did not run in the line of his family, we must take f$ £. as in the translation. In the time of the Chau dynasty, there were descendants of Slum, possessed of the state of Ch'an (|Jfc), and of rourso

sacrificing to him. 2. The ^ must refer in every case to ^ ^, — "its place, its emolument," etc.; that is, what is appropriate to such great virtue. The whole is to be understood with reference to Shun. He died at the age of one hundred years. The word " virtue'" J takes here the place of "filial piety," in the last paragraph, according to Mao, because that is the root, the first and chief, of all virtues. 3. ifft and % (according to Chu=I^C, "thick," "liberal") are explained by most commentators as equally capable of a good and bad application. This may be said of ^t, but not of Ti,, and the /fe in ^ £ /J£ 4% would seem to determine the meaning of both to be only good«

iSr A,

nourishes, while that which is ready to fall, it overthrows.

4. "In the Book of Poetry, it is said, 'The admirable, amiable prince displayed conspicuously his excelling virtue, adjusting his people, and adjusting his officers. Therefore, he received from Heaven the emoluments of dignity. It protected him, assisted him, decreed him the throne; sending from Heaven these favors, as it were repeatedly.'

5. "We may say therefore that he who is greatly virtuous will be sure to receive the appointment of Heaven."

If this be so, then the last clause ft| % S ^ i8 omy an after-thought of the writer, and, indeed, the sentiment of it is out of place in the chapter. $j is best taken, with K'ang-ch'ang, as=jg, and not, with Chu Hsi, as merely =fa. 4. Seethe Shih-ching, III, ii, Ode V, st. 1, where we have two slight variations of ^ for B and g{ for JR. The prince spoken of is King Wan, who is thus brought forward to confirm

the lesson taken from Shun. That lesson, however, is stated much too broadly in the last paragraph. It is well to say that only virtue is a solid title to eminence, but to hold forth the certain attainment of wealth and position as an inducement to virtue is not favorable to morality. The case of Confucius himself, who attained neither to power nor to long life, may be adduced as inconsistent with these teachings.

CHAPTER XVIII. 1. The Master said, "It is only King Wan of whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief! His father was King Chi, and his son was King Wu. His father laid the foundations of his dignity, and his son transmitted it.

2. "King Wu continued the enterprise of King T'ai, King Chi, and King Wan. He once buckled on his armor, and got possession of the kingdom. He did not lose the distinguished personal reputation which he had throughout the kingdom. His dignity was the royal throne. His riches were the possession of all

18. ON KING WAN, KING Wti, AND THE DUKE OF CHAU. 1. Shun's father was bad, and the fathers of Yao and Yii were undistinguished. Yao and Shim's sons were both bad, and Yii's not remarkable. But to Wan neither father nor son gave occasion but for satisfaction and happiness. King Chi was the duke Chi-li (?£ M)) the most distinguished by his virtues, and prowess, of all the princes of his time. He prepared the way for the elevation of his family. In ^ f|2 £•) ^ J5E ±) the £ is made to refer *° i& !H) "the foundation of the

kingdom," but it may c,s well be referred to Wan himself. 2. -fc 3£,- — this was the duke T'an-fu (Jj[ 3£), the father of Chi-li, a prince of great eminence, and who, in the decline of the Yin dynasty, drew to his family the thoughts of the people. $f, — "the end of a cocoon." It is used here for the beginnings of supreme sway, traceable to the various progenitors of King Wu. ^ $c 3$c is interpreted by K'ang-ch'ang: — "He destroyed the great Yin" ; and recent commentators defend his view. It is not worth while setting forth what

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN Jft

JKl

within the four seas. He offered his sacrifices in his ancestral temple, and his descendants maintained the sacrifices to himself.

3. "It was in his old age that King Wu received

the. appointment to the throne., and the duke of Chau completed the virtuous course of Wan and Wu. He carried up the title of king to T'ai and Chi, and sacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the royal ceremonies. And this rule he extended to the princes of the kingdom, the great officers, the scholars, and the common people. If the father were a great officer and the son a scholar, then the burial was that due to a great officer, and the sacrifice that due to

may be said for and against it. "He did not lose his distinguished reputation;" that is, though he proceeded against his rightful sovereign, the people did not change their opinion of his virtue. 3. -fc = j&, "when old." W u \vas eighty-seven when he became emperor, and he only reigned seven yours. His brother Tan (S.), the duke of Chau (see Analects, VI, xxii; ^.H. v ) acted as his chief minister. In a 5, £ is in the 4th tone, in which ie character means— "to exercise the sovereign power." _fc ^ Jfc fe ^ Zf,— the house of Chau traced their

lineage up to the Ti K'u (Ifr $), 2432 B.C. But in various passages of the Shu, King T'ai and King Chi are spoken of, as if the conference of those titles had been by King Wu. On this there are very long discussions. See the tfi ^ St," in loc. The truth seems to be, that Chau-kung, carrying out his brother's wishes by laws of state, confirmed the titles, and made the general rule about burials and sacrifices which is described. From 5Jf jjjf| -{jj, to the end, we are at first inclined to translate in the present tense, but the past witb

a scholar. If the father were a scholar arid the son a great officer, then the burial was that due to a scholar, and the sacrifice that due to a great officer. The one year's mourning was made to extend only to the great officers, but the three years' mourning extended to the Son of Heaven. In the mourning for a father or mother, he allowed no difference between the noble and the mean."

CHAPTER XIX. 1. The Master said, "How farextending was the filial piety of King Wu and the duke of Chau !

2. "Now filial piety is seen in the skillful carrying out of the wishes of our forefathers, and the skillful carrying forward of their undertakings.

a reference to Chau-kung is more correct. The "year's mourning" is that principally for uncles, and it did not extend beyond the great officers, because their uncles were the subjects of the princes and the sovereign, and feelings of kindred must not be allowed to come into collision with the relation of governor and governed. On the "three years' mourning," see Analects, XVII, xxi.

19. THE FAB-BEACHING FILIAL PIETY

OF KING Wtf, AND OF THE DUKE OF

CH!U. 1. jg is taken by Chu as meaning — " universally acknowledged"; "far-extending" is better, and accords with the meaning of the term in other parts of the Work. 2. This definition of ^, or "filial piety," is worthy of notice. Its operation ceases not with the lives of parents and parents' parents.
= IJif A» "antecedent men"; but English idiorn seems to require the

3. "In spring and autumn, they repaired and beautified the temple halls of their fathers, set forth their ancestral vessels, displayed their various robes, and presented the offerings of the several seasons.

4. "By means of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, they distinguished the royal kindred according to their order of descent. By ordering the parties

addition of our. 3. ^ $c, — the sovereigns of China sacrificed, as they still do, to their ancestors every season. Reckoning from the spring, the names of the sacrifices appear to have been — jjifl, jjjj-j or f(J, ^, and $&. Others, however, give the names as $}' &) W) 3&» while some affirm that the spring sacrifice was ff. Though spring and autumn only are mentioned in the text, we are to understand that what is said of the sacrifices in those seasons applies to all the others, ift Jfj, — "halls or temples of ancestors," of which the sovereign had seven (see the next paragraph), all included in the name of ** $}• £* 3$, "ancestral," or "venerable, vessels." Chu Hsi understands by them relics, something like our regalia. Chang K'ang-ch'ang makes them, and apparently with more correctness, simply "the sacrificial vessels." g£ ^$, — "lower and upper garments," with the latter of which the parties personating the deceased were invested. 4. It was an old interpretation that the sacrifices and accompanying services,

spoken of here, were not the seasonal services of every year, which are the subject of the preceding paragraph, but the great fiij} and ip& sacrifices; and to that view I would give in my adhesion. The sovereign, as mentioned above, had seven ^. One belonged to the remote ancestor to whom the dynasty traced its origin. At the great sacrifices, his spirit tablet was placed fronting the east, and on each side were ranged, three in a row, the tablets belonging to the six others, those of them which fronted the soutu being, in the genealogical line, the fathers of those who fronted the north As fronting the south, the regior. of brilliancy, the former were callf-d fig ; the latter, from the north, the somber region, were called ^. As the dynasty was prolonged, and successive sovereigns died, the older tablets were removed, and transferred to what was called the jf$ lj|j, yet so that one in the B$ line displaced the topmost \jg, and so with the f§. At the sacrifices, the royal kindred arranged themselves as they were descended from

-fll,

present according to their rank, they distinguished the more noble and the less. By the arrangement of the services, they made a distinction of talents and worth. In the ceremony of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to their superiors, and thus something was given the lowest to do. At the concluding feast, places were given according to the hair, and thus was made the distinction of years.

5. "They occupied the places of their forefathers, practiced their ceremonies, and performed their music.

a BS on tne left' and from a U on the right, and thus a genealogical correctness of place was maintained among them. The ceremony of "general ($|=^) pledging" occurred towards the end of the sacrifice. Chu Hsi takes ^ in the 3d tone, saying that to have anything to do at those services was accounted honorable, and after the sovereign had commenced the ceremony by taking "a cup of blessing," all the juniors presented a similar cup to the seniors, and *hus were called into employment. Ying-ta takes ^ in its ordinary tone, ~fT f$ _£, "the inferiors were the superiors," i. e., the

juniors did present a cup to their elders, but had the honor of drinking first themselves. The $& was a concluding feast confined to the royal kindred. 5. jjgj %: fa, according to K'ang-ch'ang, is — "ascended their thrones"; according to Chu, it is "trod on — i. e., occupied — their places in the ancestral temple." On either view, the statement must be taken with allowance. The ancestors of King Wu had not been kings, and their places in the temples had only been those of princes. The same may be said of the four particulars which follow. By " those whom they" — i. e., their progenitors — '

•til. t

They reverenced those whom they honored, and loved those whom they regarded with affection. Thus they served the dead as they would have served them alive; they served the departed as they would have served them had they been continued among them.

6. "By the ceremonies of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth they served God, and by the ceremonies of

"honored" are intended their ancestors, and by "those whom they loved," their descendants, and indeed all the people of their government. The two concluding sentences are important, as the Jesuits mainly liascd on them the defense of their practice in permitting their converts to continue the sacrifices to their ancestors. We read in "Confucius Kinarum philosophus," — the work of Intorcetta and others, to which I have made frequent reference: — ",?x. Plurimis et clarissimis textibus Sinicis probari potest, legitimum prcedicti axiomatis sensum esse, quod eadem intentione et formali motivo Sinenses naturalem pietatem et politteum obsequium erga defunctos exerceant, sicuti erga eosdem adhuc superstites exercebant, ex quibus et ex infra \dieprudens lector facile deducet, 'o.s- ritus circa defunctos fuisse mere chiles, institutes dmntaxat in honorem et obusq-uium purenlum, etiam post

mortem non intermittendum; nam si quid illic divinum agnovissent, cur diceret Confucius — Priscos servire solitos defunctis, uti iisdem serviebant viventibus." This is ingenious reasoning, but does it meet the fact that sacrifice is an entirely new element introduced into the service of the dead? 6. What is said about the sacrifices to God, however, is important, in reference to the views which we should form about the ancient religion of China. K'angch'ang took £|J to be the sacrifice to Heaven, offered, at the winter solstice, in the southern suburb (#|$) of the imperial city; and jjjfc to be that offered to the Earth, at the summer solstice, in the northern. Chu agrees with him. Both of them, however, add that after _h & we are to understand Jjj ±, "Sovereign Earth" (^ fr m ± * ^ 3fc). This view of jflt here is vehemently controverted by Mao and many other

• t THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN 381

the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their ancestors. He who understands the ceremonies of the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and the meaning of the several sacrifices to ancestors, would find the government of a kingdom as easy as to look into his palm! "

CHAPTER XX. 1. The duke Ai asked about government.

But neither the opinion of the two great commentators that fa ± is suppressed for the sake of brevity, nor the opinion of others that by ^fc we are to understand the tutelary deities of the soil, affects the judgment of the Sage himself, that the service of one being — even of God — was designed by all those ceremonies. See my "Notions of the Chinese Concerning God and Spirits," pp. 50-52. The ceremonies of the ancestral temple embrace the great and less frequent services of the jjj$ and ftfr (see the Analects, III, x, 11) and the seasonal sacrifices, of which only the autumnal one CH") is specified here. The old commentatora take 75 as = j|fj£, with the meaning of HL, "to place," and interpret— "the government of the kingdom would be as easy as to place anything in the palm." This view is defended in the tfj |f gft. It has the advantage of accounting better for the |ff. We are to understand "the meaning of the sacrifices to ancestors," as including all the uses mentioned in par. 4. It is not easy to understand

the connection between the first part of this paragraph and the general object of the chapter. Taking the paragraph by itself, it teaches that a proper knowledge and practice of the duties of religion and filial piety would amply equip a ruler for all the duties of his government.

20. ON GOVERNMENT: SHOWING PRINCIPALLY HOW IT DEPENDS ON THE CHARACTER OF THE OFFICERS ADMINISTERING IT, AND HOW THAT DEPENDS ON THE CHARACTER OF THE SOVEREIGN HIMSELF. We have here one of the fullest expositions of Confucius's views on this subject, though he unfolds them only as a description of the. government of the kings Wan and Wu. In the chapter there is the remarkable intermingling, which we have seen in "The Great Learning," of what is peculiar to a ruler, and what is of universal application. From the concluding paragraphs, the transition is easy to the next and most difficult part of the Work. This chapter is found also in the ^ |f}, but with considerable additions. 1. yi /£, — see Analects,

HE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN Mf * A & ±A IP A ill

XV) liLo rbv •''UJ ^lLt»o x \ s*'-t

2. The Master said, "The government of Wan and Wu is displayed in the records, — the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be the men and the government will nourish ; but without the men, their government decays and ceases.

3. "With the right men the growth of government is rapid, just as vegetation is rapid in the earth; and, moreover, their government might be called an easilygrowing rush.

4. "Therefore the administration of government lies in getting proper men. Such men are to be got by

II, xix, et al. 2. The ~Jj were tablets of wood, one of which might contain up fc 100 characters. The ^? were flfj , or slips of bamboo tied together. In JC- A., K^such, i. e., rulers like Wan and Wu, and ministers 'such as they had.. 3. K'ang-ch'ang and Ying-ta take §£ as = $Jj, "to exert one's self," and interpret: — "A ruler ought to exert himself in the practice of government, as the earth exerts i:-clf to produce and to nurture-'' (& = *£)• Cim Hsi takes $jfas=ii, "hasty," "to make haste." A £1 $t jEi, — -"man's way hastens government"; but the A. must be taken with special reference to the preceding paragraph, as in the translation. The old commentators took |$f

^ as the name of an insect (so it is defined in the $£ 3f ), a kind of bee, said to take the young of the mulberry caterpillar, and keep them in i ts hole, where they, are transformed into bees. So, they said, does government transform the people. This is in accordance with the paragraph, as we find it in the ^ |fh— 5^ it 4fc £.,

1$ S -til. '^ ft E fit- This view is maintained also in the cfj ^ f£ But W3 cannot hesitate in preferring Chu H i's, as in the translation. The other is too absurd. He takes ^, as if it were J^ = ^, whioh, as well as Iffi, is the name of various rushes or sedges. 4. In the ^ |£, for ^£ A) we have ^ Jf^ ^ A» which is, no

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means of the ruler's own character. That character is to be cultivated by his treading in the ways of duty. And the treading those ways of duty is to be cultivated by the cherishing of benevolence.

5. "Benevolence is the characteristic element of humanity, and the great exercise of it is in loving relatives. Righteousness is the accordance of actions with what is right, and the great exercise of it is in honoring the worthy. The decreasing measures of the love due to relatives, and the steps in the honor due to the worthy, are produced by the principle of propriety.

6. "When those in inferior situations do not possess the confidence of their superiors, they cannot retain the government of the people.

doubt, the meaning. By 3^ here, says Chu Hsi, are intended "tne duties of universal obligation," in par 8, "which," adds Mao, "are the ways of the Mean, in accordance with the nature." 5. £: ;§ A •&• "Benevolence is man." We find the same language in Mencius, VII, Pt, ii, 16. This virtue is called MAN, "because loving, feeling, and the forbearing nature, belong to man, as he is born. They are that whereby man is man." See the tfi jft j$,

in loc. jj|3, — in the 3rd tone, read shai. It is opposed to [$£, and meana "decreasing," "growing less." For H #? £ we have, in the ^ g£, ff§ &T £1, /£, which would seem to mean — "are that whereby ceremonies are produced." But there follow the words— jjif ;£ jEjr £ # •&• The " produced" in the translation can only = "distinguished." Ying-ta explains ^fe by p E$ . 6. This has crept into the text here by mistake. It belongs to par. 17, below. We do not find

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7. "Hence the sovereign may not neglect the cultivation of his own character.. Wishing to cultivate his character, he may not neglect to serve his parents. In order to serve his parents,* he may not neglect to acquire a knowledge of men. In order to know men, he may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven.

8. "The duties of universal obligation are five, and the virtues wherewith they are practiced are three. The duties are those between sovereign and minister, between father and son, between husband and wife,

it here in the ^ |g . 7. ^ ^- is here the ruler or sovereign. I fail in trying to trace the connection between the different parts of this paragraph. "He may not be without knowing men."— Why? "Because," we are told, "it is by honoring, and being courteous to the worthy, and securing them as friends, that a man perfects his virtue, and is able to serve his relatives." "He may not l)e without knowing Heaven."— Why? "Because," it is said, "the •adations in the love of relatives and the honoring the worthy are

all heavenly arrangements and a heavenly order, — natural, necessary, principles." But in this explanation, £fl \ has a very different meaning from what it has in the previous clause. §f, too, is here parents, its meaning being more restricted than f n par. 5. 8. From this down to par. 11, there is brought before us the character of the "men," mentioned in par. 2, on whom depends the flourishing of "government," which government is exhibited in paragraphs 12-15. 5c T (£ »i st,— "the paths proper to be trodden by all

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between elder brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse of friends. Those five are the duties of universal obligation. Knowledge, magnanimity, and energy, these three, are the virtues universally binding. And the means by which they carry the duties into practice is singleness.

9. "Some are born with the knowledge of those duties ; some know them by study ; and some acquire the knowledge after a painful feeling of their ignorance. But the knowledge being possessed, it comes to the

under heaven,"=the path of the Mean. £fl=f?, is the knowledge necessary to choose the detailed course of duty. (£: ( =fo £. fe, "the unselfishness of the heart") is the magnanimity (so I style it for want of abettor term) to pursue it. H is the valiant energy, which maintains the permanence of the choice and the practice. #f Jl^ ff £, % — -fjj,,- — this, according to Ying-ta, means — "From the various kings ("g" 31) downwards, in the practicing of these five duties and three virtues there has been but one method. There has been no change in modern times and ancient." This, however, is not satisfactory. We want a substantive meaning for — . This Chu Hsi gives us. He says:— fllj g& jfn E, " — is simply sincerity;" the sincerity, that is, on which the rest of the work dwells with such strange predication. I translate, therefore, — here by singleness. There seems a reference in the term to $Q, chap, i, p. 3. The singleness is that of the soul in the apprehension and practice of the duties dt the Mean, which is attained to by watchfulness over one's self, when alone. %f £. I understand as in the second clause

same thing. Some practice them with a natural ease ; some from a desire for their advantages; and some by strenuous effort. But the achievement being made, it comes to the same thing."

10. The Master said, "To be fond of learning is to be near to knowledge. To practice with vigor is to be near to magnanimity. To possess the feeling of shame is to be near to energy.

11. "He who knows these three things knows how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how to

of the paragraph. 9. Compare Analects, XVI, ix. 5flJ, — compare Analects, XX, ii. $£, 2nd tone, "to force," "to employ violent efforts." Chu Hsi Bays: "The £ in fcj £, and ft Z.) refers to the duties of universal obligation." But is there the threefold difference in the knowledge of those duties? And who are they who can practice them with entire ease? 10. Chu Hsi observes that ^f- Q is here superfluous. In the ^ !£, however, we find the last paragraph |ollowed by— "The duke said, Your words are beautiful and perfect, but I am stupid, and unable to accomplish this." Then comes

this paragraph, "Confucius said," etc. The J-- 0, therefore, prove that Tsze-sze took this chapter from some existing document, that which we have in the ^ j|f, or some other. Confucius's words were intended to encourage and stimulate the duke, telling him that the three grand virtues might be nearly, if not absolutely, attained to $0 g(fr, — "knowing to be ashamed," i. e., being ashamed at being below others, leading to the determination not to be so. 11. "These three things" are the three things in the last paragraph, which makes an approximation at least, to the three virtues

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cultivate his own character, he knows how to govern other men. Knowing how to govern other men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with all its states and families.

12. "All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow; — viz., the cultivation of their own characters; the honoring of men of virtue and talents; affection towards their relatives; respect towards the great ministers ; kind and considerate treatment of the whole body of officers; dealing 'with the mass of the people

which connect with the discharge of duty attainable by every one. What connects the various steps of the climax is the unlimited confidence in the power of the example of the ruler, which we have had occasion to point out so frequently in "The Great Learning." 12. These nine standard rules, it is to be borne in mind, constitute the government of Wan and Wu, referred to in par. 2. Commentators arrange the 4th and 5th rules under the second; and the 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th under the third, so that after "the cultivation of the person," we have here an expansion of £{J f{J and |ft ^, in pac.5. tm,—'& = fe, "to govern." The student will do well to understand a 4? after %.. ^ H£, — by the U here are understood specially the

officers called fi$, f§, and $, the =• .£• and the =• JJ, who, as teachers and guardians, were not styled |£, "ministers," or "servants." See the Shu-ching, V, xxi, 5, 6. |fc J(. g.,— by the ^c SL are understood the six ^B, — the minister of Instruction, the minister of Religion, etc. See the Shu, V, xxi, 7-13. f| m g,— the IR (§. are the host of subordinate officers a^ter the two preceding classes. K'ang-ch'ang says,-fg ?8 ^ ffi, "ft =to receive," to which Ying-ta adds — ^ £. ffl ft. "being of the same body with them." Chu Hsi brings out the force of the term in this way:-f* ft) & H j| A £ & ifii ft 3£ tti) -til. "fHt means that he places himself in their place, and so examines their feelings." ^J- J$; &, — ~p ia a verb, "to make children of,"

as children; encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans; indulgent treatment of men from a distance; and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the states. 13. "By the ruler's cultivation of his own character, the duties of universal obligation are set forth. By honoring men of virtue and talents, he is preserved from errors of judgment. By showing affection to his

"to treat kindly as children." ?fc W X, — 3K=38 ?K» "to cal1 to come," ="to encourage." The ^ I, or "various artisans," were, by the statutes of Chau, under the superintendence of a special officer, and it was his business to draw them out and forth from among the people. See the Chau-li, XXXIX. 1-5. ^ & A-— Chu Hsi by ^ A understands §[ jg, "guests or envoys, and travelers, or traveling merchants"; K'ang-ch'ang understands by them He t^ .£. IS fj|, "the princes of surrounding kingdoms," i. e.., of the tribes that lay beyond the six f& (H), or feudal tenures of the Chau rule. But these would hardly be spoken of before the ff ^- And among them, in the 9th rule, would be included the ^, or guests, the princes themselves at the royal court, or their envoys. I doubt whether any others beside the Jg, or traveling merchants, are intended by the ^ X- If we may adopt,

however, K'ang-ch'ang's view, this is the rule for the treatment of foreigners by the government of China. 13. This paragraph describes the happy effects of observing the above nine rules. j|£ ]£, — by 5^ are understood the five duties of universal obligation. We read in the H |g: — "About these nine rules, the only trouble is that sovereigns are not able to practice them strenuously. Let the ruler be really able to cultivate his person, then will the universal duties and universal virtues be all-complete, so that he shall be an example to the whole kingdom, with its states and families. Those duties will be set up (iH A), and men will know what to imitate." ^ ^ means, according to Chu Hsi, ^ &l Ifc 5l» "he will have no doubts as to principle/" K'ang-ch'ang explains it by |3| % |£, "his counsels will be good." This latter is the meaning, the worthies being those specified in the note on the preceding

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relatives, there is no grumbling nor resentment among his uncles and brethren. By respecting the great ministers, he is kept from errors in the practice of government. By kind and considerate treatment of the whole body of officers, they are led to make the most grateful return for his. courtesies. By dealing with the mass of the people as his children, they are led to exhort one another to what is good. By encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans, his resources for expenditure are rendered ample. By indulgent treatment of men from a distance, they are brought to resort to him from all quarters. And by kindly cherishing the princes of the states, the whole kingdom is brought to revere him.

paragraph, their sovereign's counselors and guides. The addition of Hf determines the 3£ to be uncles. See the ffi ffjt, I, iv. Jk j& are all the younger branches of the ruler's kindred. ^ |j£ = ^ ^g; but the deception and mistake will be in the affairs in charge of those great ministers. 3j? gi and ^ are the same parties. f$j, — as in Analects, II, xx. Ying-ta explains it here — "They will exhort and stimulate one another to serve their ruler." On ftf ft] J£, Chu Hsi (says: "The resort of all classes of artisans being encouraged, there is au intercommunication of the productions of labor, and an interchange of men's services, and the husbandman and the trafficker" (it is this class which is designed by ^), " are aiding to one another. Hence the resources for expenditure are sufficient." I suppose that Chu felt a want of some mention of agriculture in connection with these rules, and thought to find a place for it here. Mao would make Bt=W) ^d ffl = &i&. See the t|i $ ft, in loc. Compare also ^ ^ ffi, x. 19. K'angch'ang understands pg ~Jj as meaning f§ 19, "frontier kingdoms," but the usage vf the phrase is against such