With a Prehistoric People: The Akikuyu of British East Africa

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'with a prehistoric people

The AkiMyu of British East Africa

BEING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE METHOD OF LIFE AND MODE OF THOUGHT FOUND EXISTENT AMONGST A NATION ON ITS FIRST CONTACT WITH EUROPEAN CIVILISATION

BY

f

W. SCORESBY ROUTLEDGE M.A.(Oxon.)

AND

KATHERINE ROUTLEDGE

(born PEASE)

SOM. COLL.(OXON.) ; M.A.(TRIN. COLL., DUBLIN)

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP

LONDON EDWARD ARNOLD

(pufifie^er to t^e Jnbto dfftce

I 9 I o

[^// rights reservedl

TO

EDWARD B. TYLOR, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.

LATELY PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

THIS SMALL CONTRIBUTION TO A GREAT SUBJECT

IS

BY HIS PERMISSION

DEDICATED

PREFACE

In August 1902 I found myself by accident among the A-ki-kii-yu people of British East Africa.

The country so named is, it is perhaps needless to explain, part of that which has fallen to our share in the general division of the African Continent between nations of Europe. It had been nominally taken over by the Foreign Office in 1895, but British rule over the greater proportion was as yet on paper only. At the time of my arrival the railway, which had been constructed from the coast, had just reached its terminus, Lake Victoria Nyanza. The traveller who wished to reach the heart of the Ki-ku-yu country then, as now, traversed the line for about half of its length, and left it at Nairobi. He there put his goods on porters' backs, and travelled thence some sixty miles to the north-east till he reached Fort Hall, which had then been recently established as the first station of the province of Kenya, The Fort consisted of a rough stone building, enclosed for purposes of defence by a wall of loose stones, and a ditch some twelve feet wide.

The province was, at the time I speak of, practically un- known and its people unsubdued : except for a few fixed points, it had no boundaries even.

To reduce and control this vast area Mr. Sidney Hinde had lately been appointed, with the title of sub-commissioner. Under him he had at first but two young white assistants, Mr. Hemstead and Mr. R. W. Humphery. In the face of

X WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

often heartbreaking difficulties and discouragements these three gentlemen achieved results of which they each have good cause to be proud. From them all I received the greatest help and kindness, but more especially from Mr. and Mrs. Hinde. Later on more junior officers were given to the sub- commissioner, and he was thus able to establish a station at Ny-er'-i. He placed Mr. C. W. Neligan in charge of it. As it happened to be near to my fixed camp, I saw a great deal of Mr. Neligan, and I am particularly indebted to him for much help and hospitality.^

To give an example of the way in which territory was gradually brought under control I will quote the following instance. Soon after my arrival at Fort Hall, to which I travelled with the sub-commissioner, returning from leave to take up his command, three native elders came to see him and to tell him that the people of their district were prepared to accept " The (White Man's) Government," and that therefore they would not oppose its orders by force of arms. These three old men had, they said, started a company of five, but that two of their number had been Idlled on the road by fellow-tribesmen of another district which was opposed to submission to the white man. Mr. Hinde received the sur- vivors cordially, explained at great length to them what the advent of the white man meant, gave them presents, and dismissed them. Not one of the three ever reached home. They were all murdered en route by those who were opposed to their mission.

On the news coming in, the leading men of the guilty district were summoned to the Fort. They came without hesitation or mistrust. The sub-commissioner then explained to them that " the Government " Avould not permit the murder of its friends or sanction the misdeeds that were constantly

1 Since tlie above was printed I have heard of the death of this i)0])iilar young District Officer, to my very great regret.

PREFACE xi

occurring, and that they must now either surrender the murderers and pay a heavy fine in cattle, or accept war. A date was fixed for compliance, and the futility of resistance to the power of " the Government " was clearly pointed out to them, and they were told to go home and think it well over.

Failing compliance in such a case, some five hundred of the Masai tribe, the hereditary enemies of the Akikuyu, would then be summoned, and with the addition of some regular native troops and police the country would be scoured. The men were killed, and the women, children, and herds taken captive until such time as, experience having been dearly bought, another meeting procured the requisite submission. The indemnity exacted from the natives usually consisted in part of the making of roads, the first object of the Government in a newly acquired territory being to make it accessible, so that troops may be readily moved backwards and for- wards through it for the purpose of preserving order. Such a road consists of a track about twelve feet wide, from which the tussock grass has been cut away. The Akikuyu share with the majority of native races an intense dislike to the coming of a road, being shrewd enough to see all that its pres- ence conveys, and never themselves make a visible track if it can be avoided. They are, however, very expert at thus making a path, one man seizing the tussock by its top, whilst another chops the roots with the tip of his sword. The cleared track was carried as far as feasible along high ground, as the possibility of a native rising at any time was not forgotten.

As part of the work of thus bringing the country under control, a new station was formed at Ny-er'-i, some thirty miles to the northward of Fort Hall. I was present at the selection of the site, and obtained and entrenched a small plot of ground in the neighbourhood. The buildings I put up were a rough stone room for photographic work, and what are known as bandas, large erections, resembling barns, with thatched roofs

xii WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

and open sides, underneath which tents can be pitched and goods stored.

As I looked northward from my door there was nothing but wilderness between me and Abyssinia. Lions were not infrequent visitors and rhinoceros abounded. I once counted up as many as thirty as having been killed, to my own know- ledge, within a radius of a mile of a point near my fixed camp.

Using this little homestead as a depot, and availing myself of Mr. Hinde's permission and advice, I travelled about the country shooting, photographing, collecting and taking notes, and not only never on any occasion had any serious trouble with the natives, but, on the contrary, became great friends with various influential men over a wide extent of country. In particular, the younger and only brother of one of the principal chiefs became my inseparable companion. He was an especially bright, attractive lad of about seventeen, widely known and universally popular, and by him I was chaperoned in Kikuyu society. Where he could not introduce me himself, as in the case of certain rites, his influence was such that I always found myself committed to the care of an influential sponsor.

Much information regarding native custom was gathered from my various retainers during long rides and shooting expeditions about the country, when the conversation naturally turned on the objects around us ; but the most fruitful season was in the evening, when I made it a practice to have a big fire in front of my tent and every one was welcome. They sat around it in order of social consideration, talking amongst themselves. I presently joined in the conversation, perhaps asking a question, and so induced one man to give an explanation which would be corrected and amplified by the others. In this manner I also got in touch with local gossip, and learnt what was going on in the neighbourhood — festivals, dances, markets, and the like. Invitations would be

PREFACE xiii

given and expeditions made to be present, and these in their turn opened out " fresh fields and pastures new."

Going to England for a while in 1904, I again returned, this time with a wife, and on presenting my native friends to her she found them so interesting that she devoted herself to gathering information in directions that I had passed over, for doing which she was particularly favourably placed. Hence the following pages may be taken as dealing with matter carefully collected and noted with a special view to accuracy. They extend over a period of some five and a half years in all, between two and three of which were spent in intimate touch with the Akikuyu.

The methods of collecting information were much the same during the later visit as those already described, but it was in addition possible for my wife to visit among the huts and thus come in touch with the women and domestic life.

The language employed was Swahili. This is, as is well known, the tongue of the Swahili people, a coast race spring- ing from the union of Arabs and native tribes. It has been carried by them into the interior on their trading and slave- raiding expeditions, and forms the lingua franca of this part of Africa. We each found, soon after arrival, that although our own knowledge of it made no pretence of being grammatical, there was with care no barrier to communication with the natives, more especially in the case of those with whom we were in daily intercourse. Our upper servants were Swahilis, but they had in many cases been much with the Akikuyu, and spoke their language. A few of the younger Akiku}^! have picked up Swahili, and whenever we found such an one, he was immediately engaged for some small office, such as carrying a camera or rifle, which made him one of our regular retinue, and brought him into constant touch ^vith ourselves. Thus, though frequently each party was speaking

xiv WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

a foreign language, we gained the advantage of being able to dispense with an interpreter. Pains were, however, especi- ally taken to guard against misunderstanding as a possible source of error, all information being, for instance, re-stated by us and subjected to correction. It was also checked in other ways in order to ensure as great accuracy as possible. For communication with the older men and with the women we were obliged to rely on the services of interpreters, a dis- ability we shared with every Government official who has been in the province in our day. Our servants, however, who acted in this capacity were accustomed to our ways, and intelli- gently interested in what we desired to know.

A list of those native friends who more especially gave us assistance is appended, that as much idea as possible may be gained of the value of the evidence. Great care was taken to avoid leading questions, or in any way suggesting an answer expected. No payment was ever given for information as such, except in one or two instances where folk-stories only were concerned.

The information asked for was in almost every instance given readily, and often with considerable intelligence. Every position has its advantages and drawbacks, but a gain in certain directions undoubtedly arose from the absence of all connection with officialdom and hut-tax on the one hand, or with religious propaganda on the other. It is unnecessary, however, to say to any one with experience in dealing with natives, or even with our fellow-countrymen of the uneducated classes, that under the most favourable circumstances it is often difficult and arduous work to arrive at a straightforward and clear understanding of such facts as we desired to learn. Our practice was to obtain information regarding any subject from as many independent sources as possible. The various statements thus made often appeared at first hopelessly contradictory. When not unfrequently, after considerable

PREFACE

XV

trouble, a satisfactory grouping of facts seemed almost to have been arrived at, some new statement was made or fact transpired, in view of which the whole carefully constructed edifice tumbled into ruins. The difficulty arose in part from the fact that there are undoubtedly variations of customs in dilferent districts, but it would have been rash to assume that this was always its explanation. The native, we found, though he might occasionally desire to throw us off the trail, as for instance in the matter of iron- working, and of the cere- mony of the second birth, rarely, if ever, gave us information which was incorrect, still less did he intend to mislead us. The uncivilised man, however, naturally finds it almost impossible to look from the outside at facts or customs which to him are second nature. The rule is thus given without the exception, the exception without the rule, and accidental circumstance confused with primary necessity. For example, much of the difficulty found in arriving at the qualifications necessary for a ruhng " Elder," arose through the use of the word "M'wan'-gi " as if it were an official title, whereas it in reality signifies merely a member of the older generation. There was in another case entirely contradictory evidence as to whether a man who "inherits" his father's wives becomes their guardian, or their actual possessor. The solution proved to be that the son may not take in marriage either the first, second, or third wife of his late father, to these he stands in the position of guardian : the fourth, or any other wife of the deceased, he may properly add to his own household. Such is, however, an unusually large establishment, and cases of this sort would not always have come to the knowledge of our younger informants.

In this Avay, when once the key is gained, the inquirer glances back through his list of confused notes, which at one time looked so hopeless, and the whole becomes clear.

It should also be borne in mind by the anthropological

xvi WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

critic who " sits at home at ease," that for the spade-work of the science, the authorities, as well as the students, are human, and must be taken in their own time and way^ An oppor- tunity missed, because the student is tired or out of humour, will not occur again. On the other hand, the inquiry often has to be dropped when it is most interesting and productive, because the informant is becoming bored, and, childhke, needs a change of occupation. The books cannot be taken out of the shelves and restored to them at will.

These pages make no pretence of being an exhaustive treatise on the Akikuyn. The subject of the language has been adequately dealt with by Mr. McGregor in his Dictionary and Grammar, and only a few unusual and technical words are here given. No detailed study has been attempted with regard to the physical characteristics of the people. Their origin and clan organisation have been but lightly touched upon, and remarks on these matters must be regarded as tentative. Arrangements had been made for further research, but other work arose towards the end of our sojourn in Africa, and they had, to our very keen regret, to be abandoned.

While all pains have been taken that such information as has been given shall be accurate, it is obvious that its reUabihty must vary. The value of the evidence has, as far as possible, been made clear in the text. There are some matters on which it is possible to speak from our own definite knowledge and observation, such as handicrafts, certain religious ceremonies, and events of a like nature. In other cases, as for example various social customs, the evidence is of such a nature that its general correctness may, we think, be relied on. In addition, statements are also included which are believed at least to contain truth, and which it would have been a misfortune to leave unchronicled, but which in the time at our disposal it was impossible altogether to verify. The very obviousness of these and other deficiencies

PREFACE xvii

will, we trust, make easier the path of future labourers in a field which is well-nigh inexhaustible.

It is essential to recollect that the districts described are but a small part of the country occupied by the Akikuyu. Even in these districts there is considerable divergency in practice and custom, according to locality and clan, hence it may certainly be concluded that, when other areas come to be carefully examined, yet greater differences will be found, ^ Until a mass of accurate data, drawn from every part of this a.t present little-known country, has been collected, it is obvious that generalisations on any point connected with these people must be regarded as premature.

The great interest of the subject lies in the fact that the Akikuyu of to-day are, in their civilisation and methods, at the point where our ancestors stood in earliest times. Present «,t trial by ordeal, the life of our Saxon forefathers becomes a living reality ; watching the potmaker and the smith, the liand of the clock is put back yet farther, and the dead of Britain's tumuli go once more about their daily avocations.

W. SCORESBY ROUTLEDGE.

My husband has made clear in the previous pages how the information contained in this book Came to be collected : some explanation seems due for its publication.

I frequently induced my native friends to give me informa- tion by telling them that " when we were back in England the white women would wish me to tell them about the women of Kikuyu, for we all now belonged to the same great white Chief." It is believed that some account of these thousands of our new fellow -subjects, whose destiny now lies in the

' I am informed that a change has recently been made in the Government regulations, by which, as stated in the text, certain districts were closed to civilians. c

xviii WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

hands of the British Padiament, may not be without interest to some at any rate of the British people.

It is also hoped that the information given may possibly prove of use to the newcomer, whether traveller or official, in the district described. Opportunity or inclination may often prevent the acquisition of such knowledge, and the results of ignorance be lamentable.

While the main object of this book may thus be said to be popular, certain of the information held in it was collected from a more purely scientific point of view. Anthropology is a study as yet but little known. For a hundred educated persons who have sympathetic understanding of the evolution of species, there is but one who has given thought to the further story which concerns itself with man's conquest over nature, the gradual development of his social powers, and his religious thought. The explanation of this indifference may perhaps be found in the fact that the science is in many direc- tions in its infancy. The data are still being collected : the stage of assured deduction is hardly yet reached.

If the Kikuyu nation is to contribute their share to the worl^ing out of these great problems, the need for exact and full record of native habit and custom is urgent. At the beginning of the time covered by these investigations a white man was in many parts a thing unknown. To-day it is difficult to discover the original mode of government, and the shields borne by native boys preparing for tribal initiation are decor- ated with "Reckitts' Blue."

An apology is due for the fact that my own share of the work was undertaken purely through interest of circumstances,, and, apart from some slight knowledge of our own early con- stitution, without any technical knowledge. We were also removed from almost all access to literature. Whilst this was in many ways to be regretted, it was felt on our return to civilisation that under the circumstances the wisest method

PREFACE xix

was to proceed on the same lines in dealing with the matter collected. All reference to books on the subject was therefore sedulously avoided until these notes had been cast in their final form. They have therefore, at least, this advantage, y' that they are a record of independent observation and unbiased by the theories of others.

With tv/o diverse objects in view, the popular and scientific, a certain difficulty has arisen in the preparation of the pages which follow. The general reader naturally desires what may be termed an " impressionist " view of native life. The scientist, in his armchair at home, clamours for as numerous and accurate details as possible, whether their immediate relevance to any point at issue is or is not obvious.

An attempt to solve the problem by relegating lengthy detail to the Appendix, has not proved feasible. It is there- fore necessary to rely, not without considerable confidence, on the discerning pov»'er of the reader to skip those parts which to him personally are not of interest. From this aspect a certain amount of repetition, which occurred in the original essays, has been allowed to remain, in order that each subject may be comprehensible on its own account.

In dealing with nomenclature, an English word has always been preferred to a Kikuyu, where the meaning is identical. Where the Kikuyu and English terms represent in the main the same idea, but with a certain difference of meaning, such as N'gai and God, N'go-ma and Spirit, the two are employed interchangeably. The use of the native word alone is in such cases apt to be confusing to all but the most conscientious reader, while that of the English term itself is somewhat misleading.

SAvahili words have been employed in only a very few instances, where, as explained elsewhere, they have passed into common use amongst Europeans.

XX WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

In this family of languages, words are inflected at the beginning and not at the end, thus, M'ki-ku-yu (singular) makes A-ki-ku-yu (plural).

In all native words and names the Geographical System of spelling has been followed : in this the consonants are sounded as in English, and the vowels as in Italian. No hard- and-fast rule has been followed in the form of presentation of words ; it has been thought that the interests of the reader will be usually best consulted by dividing these into their component syllables and noting the accentuation ; but this practice has been abandoned where a word very frequently recurs, and its constant repetition in this manner might seem unnecessary and pedantic.

With regard to the responsibility for the collection of material, speaking generally, my husband's observations were those which dealt with dress, ornaments, and the arts and crafts of life, that is, the greater portion of Part I. ; my own, those appertaining to the women, and to social and political life, contained in Part II. On the difficult subject of reUgion, Part III., we each made notes or attended ceremonials- as seemed feasible. The folk tales were obtained by me in the time left at my disposal during his shooting or other expeditions.

It is obvious that there are certain drawbacks, from the reader's point of view, associated with this dual authorship, and the consequent change of personality in the writers, especially in Part III. These it has been sought to reduce as far as possible, but in certain cases it is, as Avill be seen, impossible to dissociate the description of events witnessed, or the account of a conversation held, from the individuality of the recorder.

It is to be hoped that there may also be corresponding advantages derived from the impressions of two observers approaching similar topics from the different aspects in which

PREFACE xxi

they naturally present themselves to the minds of a man and a woman.

When the best has been done that the circumstances have rendered possible, the writer sits down under the feeling, not only of many scientific shortcomings, but also of the impossi- bility of conveying between the covers of any book that sensation of rest and space and freedom, of in some mysterious way, " coming once more to one's own," which springs from daily and nightly intercourse with nature and with nature's children. It may be that such a sense arises from half un- conscious recollection of our days of childhood, or it may be that it comes to us from a time when our forefathers also lived in simple communion with nature, in the childhood of the world.

Katherine Routledge.

Waterside, Burlesdox, Hants, November 1909.

Our most grateful thanks for help given in the preparation of this book are primarily due to Mr. A. W. McGregor of the Church Missionary Society, who ha^ resided amongst the Akikuyu since 1901. He has by his tact and kindness won the confidence of the natives, and is the greatest authority on their language. Mr. McGregor found leisure in a busy life to give us invaluable assistance both in East Africa and England.

It is a pleasure also to acknowledge our obligation for help and hospitality to Dr. and Mrs. Crawford, who are doing excellent work at the Kenya Medical Mission, and who gave us much information.

Mr. Hobley, C.M.G., who has kindly aided us by his interest and advice, has permitted us to reprint a list obtained by him of Kiku5ni medicines.

xxii WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

We wish also to thank Dr. C. H. Read, P.S.A., and Mr. T. Athol Joyce of the Ethnographical Department of the British Museum. To the encouragement and help of Mr. Joyce this book owes much.

The notes of Mr. Marett on the Comparative Study of Religion, add greatly to any interest possessed by our work in this direction.

We owe to Dr. C. S. Myers the suggestion that records should be obtained of native music, and he has been good enough to make an analytical study of those we brought back.

To Professor Gowland, F.R.S., A.R.S.M., Professor of Metallurgy at the Royal School of Mines, London, we tender our sincerest thanks for his most valuable note showing the place occupied by Kikujru iron-smelting in the evolution of that art.

Whilst this book was in the press Sir Hugh Bell, Bart., offered to place at our disposal a hitherto unpublished sketch and letter by Grant, the colleague of Speke, dealing with native iron- working. Of this offer we have gratefully availed ourselves.

Dr. 0. Stapf of the Kew Herbarium, has most kindly personally looked through a collection of some two hundred and fifty specimens made for it by us. He has determined the species of those of more immediate interest : the remainder of the collection is now being examined.

Mr. J. Allen Howe and Mr. W. F. P. M'Lintock of the British Geological Survey have given us valuable aid by reporting on specimens submitted to them.

Our obligations are also due to Mr. A. J. Chfton of Messrs. Dalmeyer Limited, not only for arranging a photographic outfit, which proved eminently suitable to the conditions, but also for his kindness in constantly acting as adviser in all matters connected with photography.

SOURCES OF INFORMATION

The following Akikuyu were in our employment and in daily intercourse with us for months together. They all spoke SwahiU.

Ka-no'-hi-a wa Du-ku'-u

Kl-KAN-Ju'-I WA Bat'-I-A

Ka-kan'-ja wa Ki-ra'-ttt Ki-lan'-go wa Gun'-du

Wa-ma'-htt ..... Brother of the chief Wom-bu-gu,

Gura River, a constant companion.

Wa-nang'-a Headman for eighteen months over

all Akikuyu in my service.

N'jar'-ge Son of chief Mun-ge. With us for

six months, carried camera. . A friend of N'jar'ge, employed as

personal attendant. . From south-western Kikuyu —

specially intelligent. . With me both visits to Kikuyu. . An orphan picked up as child by my man Dosa, employed as assistant groom — very shrewd.

The foregoing represent six different districts and various clans.

The routine of daily travel brought us also into intimate contact with many other of our Kakuyu retainers.

The following natives in our employment were not of Kjkuyu nationality, but had been long in the country, had in some cases Kikuyu wives, and spoke the language well. Their help was often valuable.

Do'-SA BIN Mi-sha'-mi . . Head groom, an educated Swahili,

with wide African experience. . Swahili, personal servant.

Ali bin Sha-ku'-a Ali bin Salim

Swahili, personal servant.

xxiv WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

Lou-be'-a bin Cha'-ris . . My wife's personal attendant, the son

of a Swahili father by a Masai mother, brought up in Kiktiyu.

Other Akikuyu throughout the country who more especially gave us assistance were —

Mun'-g:^ An important chief whom I had

knowB well for some years.

Ka-ku'-ki Another influential chief, also well- known to me.

N'du-i-'ni A chief. My wife on one occasion

resided near his headqiiarters.

Ra-zi'-mi Father of N'duini. The above visit

was paid in order to gather information from him.

" Jash'-u " WA Ka'-eu'-ri . . Under instruction by Mr. McGregor.

N'JO-Ko'-Gi Servant to Dr. Crawford.

This list does not, of course, take into account the numerous elders, Medicine-Men, artificers in iron and pottery, and other natives of Kikuyu with whom we constantly came into contact, and who all added in greater or less degree to our knowledge of the subject in hand.

All the articles figured in this book, with one exception, together with others, have been accepted from us by the British Museum. Particular attention is called to a series which will there be found that illustrates, step by step, the method of making a primitive pot.

The following Swahili terms, for which there is no English equivalent, have been employed throughout, rather than the corresponding words in Gekikuyu, they having passed into -common use among Europeans in East Africa : —

AsKARi OR AsiKARl . . .An armed retainer.

Marli or Mali .... Compensation paid to the family of a

girl by her intended husband for the loss of her services.

Shamba A cultivated plot of ground.

Shaxjri ..... Discussion, also the result arrived at,

an agreement.

CONTENTS

FAOE 1

INTRODUCTION The CoMiNa of the Akiku'yu .....

Chkonology ........ 9

The AKTKu^Ytr in eelation to their Neighbours — Waefare and

Trade ........ 12

PART I

THE PEOPLE AND THEIR PURSUITS

Men and Manners

19

Dress

26

Land and Agriculture

38

Flocks and Herds

44

Food and Cookery

49

Arts and Crafts —

Hut-Building

66

Bridge-Building

71

Fire-Making .

74

String-Making

77

Iron-Making .

79

The Blacksmith

87

Wire-Drawing

92

Chain-Making d

95

XXV

xxvi WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

Arts and Crafts {continued) — Pottery

Methods of Carrying Loads Markets Art . Music

97 103 105 108 111

PART II

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE Family Life —

Homesteads ..... Women —

Position of Women

Early Years

Betrothal and Marriage .

Polygamy

Children .

Old Women

Dress of Women Inheritance .

Social Customs and Ceremonies — Customs at Birth Ceremony of the Second Birth Ceremonies on Initiation into the Tribe Disposal of the Dead . The Drinking of Warm Blood Blood Brotherhood . Reception of a Stranger

117

120 123 124 133 135 137 139 142

147

151 154

168 174 176 176

Dancing Games

178 192

CONTENTS

XXVll

Political Life-

Political Organisation

•

. 195

Administration .....

. 203

Notes taken at Kikiiyu Trials

. 209

Codes of Justice .....

. 215

Efficacy of KikuyuVustice ....

. 218

PART III

RELIGION

Conception of the Deity ....

. 225

Sacrifice to God

. 229

Snake Worship .

. 237

Conception of the Sotjl

. 239

Morals ....

. 245

The Medicine-Man

. 249

Initiation of the Medicine-Man

. 251

Avocations of theTVIedicine-Man

. 255

Witchcraft

. 272

Notes on Kikuyu Medicines .

. 277

Notes on Pharmacy, Medicine, and Surgery .

. 280

PART

IV

FOLKLORE

Myths ......

Tales ......

1. The Maiden who was Sacrificed by her Kin

2. The Lost Sister ....

3. The Four Young Warriors

4. A Tale inculcating Kindness to Animals .

283 285 287 290 297 299

xxviii WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

Tales {continued) —

5. The Girl and the Doves .

6. The Greedy Hyena

7. The Elephants and the Hyenas Stories Concerning the Rainbow

8. The Giant of the Great Water

9. The Snake from the Great Water

Tales Dealing with Legendary Animals .

10. M'wambia and the N'jenge

11. The Girl who Cut the Hair of the N'jenge

12. The Forty Girls ....

13. The Man who became a Hyena .

Conclusion — Kiku'ytj under the English .

301 303 305 307 309 312 315 315 321 324 326

329

Appendix I. Letter descriptive of European Life amongst the Akiku'yu ......

II. The Masai' ......

„ III. Attire worn by Warriors when performing a Spectacular Dance .....

„ IV. The Smelting of Iron Ore by the Akiku'yu

„ V. The Place of Kiku'yu Thought in the Comparative Study of Religions .....

List of Books and Papers published to Date in which Reference is made to the Akiku'yu ......

Glossary — English-Kiku'yu ......

,, Kiku'yu-English ......

335 344

350 353

357

363

367 373

Index

381

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

I. II. III.

IV,

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

XI.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.

XXIII.

XXIV.

XXV.

XXVI.

XXVII.

A Young Kiku'yu Warrior, photogravure Aberdare Eange . MoFNT K:enya

Gorge of the Chania River, 1904

1907 Kiku'yu War-Pit (in text) KiKu'yu Sword and Scabbard .

„ Quiver and Arrows Standing at Ease

Design of the Clan Anjiru (in text) Another Manner of Standing at Ease Snuff and Snuff Bottles A Kiku'yu Warrior — Ordinary Dress An unusual Form of Head Covering Portrait of Chief Karuri Ear Ornaments

Neck Ornaments

N'gu'o — Garment of Men and Boys Two Young Warriors in Mufti . An M'kiku'yu of Middle Age Armlets ....

PAGE

Frontispiece xxxiiA xxxiiB 8a 9b 14 16a 16b 18b 21 22a 24c 28a 28b 32a 32c 32e 32g 32h 32j 32k 32m 32o 32q 32s 32t 36a 36c 36d 36a

XXX WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

PLATE

PAOK

XXVIII.

Ki-ni-a'-ta, or Embroidered Bands .

. 36i

XXIX.

Waist Fringes .....

. 36k

XXX.

Cultivated Land in neighbourhood of Nyeri

. 40a

XXXI.

Women Hoeing .....

. 40b

XXXII.

Bull-Roarer and Sling

. 42a

XXXIII.

Herd of Cattle .....

46a

XXXIV.

A Chief's Present op a Goat and Kid

. 46b

XXXV.

Women Pounding Grain.

. 56a

XXXVI.

Kiku'yu Rubbing Stones in Use

56b

XXXVII.

Bee-Box or Hive ....

. 56c

XXXVIII.

Woman Making Gruel ....

rSx)

XXXIX.

Women Making Native Beer .

62a

XL.

Typical Kiku'yu Hut ....

. 66a

XLI.

Diagrams showing Hut Construction

66b

XLII.

Door of a Hut .....

. 70a

XLIII.

A Tree Trunk Bridge ....

70b

XLIV.

Kiku'yu Suspension Bridge

72a

XLV.

Ibeplements for making Fire .

74a

XLVI.

Fire Making .....

. 74c

XLVEI.

Weaving a String Bag ....

78a

XLVIII.

String Bag (commencement)

78b

XLIX.

„ (three parts finished)

78c

L.

Three String Bags ....

78e

LI.

Iron Sand Quarry ....

80a

LII.

Children Washing Iron Sand .

82a

LIII.

Drying the Iron Sand after Washing

82b

LIV.

Furnace for Smelting Iron Ore

84a

LV.

Interior of a Smithy ....

84b

LVI.

»» >> ....

86a

LVII.

The Hammer of Kiku'yu

90a

LVIII.

Earthenware Nozzles of Smith's Bellows .

90b

LIX.

Wiredrawer's Clamp . . . . .

94a

LX.

Wire Drawing ......

94b

LXI.

The First Step in the Making of Chain

96a

LXII.

„ Second „ „ „ . .

96b

LXIII.

„ Third „ „ „

96c

LXIV.

„ Fourth „ „ „

96e

LXV.

„ Fifth „ „ „ . .

96g

LXVI.

„ Final „ „ „ . .

96h

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

XXXI

I'LATE

LXVII.

British Prehistoric and Kiku'yu Modern

Pot

TAGB

. 98a

LXVIII.

Kiktj'yu Tray and Stool

. 98c

LXIX.

Pottery— Winnowing Sand

. 98d

LXX.

„ First Stage .

. 102 a

LXXI.

,, ,,

. 102b

LXXII.

,, ,,

. 102c

LXXIII.

,. Second Stage

. 102d

LXXIV.

5 »>

. 102e

LXXV.

J5 >>

. 102f

LXXVI.

„ Burning

. 102o

LXXVII.

Bringing Water to the Hill

-Top

. 102u

LXXVIII.

Harvesting the Maize Crop

. 104a

LXXIX.

A Market Scene

. 104b

LXXX.

Clay Models

. 108a

LXXXI.

Modelling a Human Figure

108b

LXXXII.

Dancing Shields

. 110b

LXXXIII.

                             55

. llOc

LXXXIV.

M 55 . .

IIOd

LXXXV.

„ „ . .

110b

LXXXVI.

A Picture Rattle

IIOg

LXXXVII.

Key to Picture Rattle No. 1

. llOi

.XXXVIII.

No. II.

110k

LXXXIX.

A Populous Hillside .

116b

XC.

Entrance to a Kiku'yu Homestead

U6c

XCI.

A Kiku'yu Homestead.

116D

XCII.

A Woman Carrying Load of Wood

124a

XCIII.

Axe and Digging Knife

124c

XCIV.

A Family Group

124d

XCV.

Acting Nursemaid

124e

XCVI.

Three Kiku'yu Girls .

124o

XCVII.

Group of Women and Children

136a

XCVIII.

A Middle-Aged Woman

136b

XCVIIIa.

A Kiku'yu Razor

140a

XCIX.

W^omen's Dress.

140b

c.

Girdle worn by Kiku'yu Women

140c

CI.

Ornaments of Women .

140b

CII.

Headband worn by Girls

140a

cm.

Woman in Dancing Dress

140h

CIV.

Boys in „ „

156a

xxxii WITH A PREHISTORIC PEOPLE

PLATE

CV. Cekemonial Weapons CVI. Ceremonial Waist Fringe CVIa. „ „ . .

CVII. Figures and Steps in Ceremonial Dance CVIII. CIX. Boy in Ceremonial Dress ex. Ceremony of Leap Gathering . CXI. Girl Candidates for Initiation CXII. Initiation Dance — Distribution of Gifts CXIII. A Dance Performed by Boys CXIV. Dancing Garments CXV. A Rattle and two Bells CXVI. Dance by Women CXVII. A Kiku'yu Image (front view) CXVIII. „ „ (side view)

CXIX. Dance before an Image CXX. Dance before an Image CXXI, A Kiku'yu Elder . CXXII. A Veteran's Spear

An Official Drinking Party (diagram in text) CXXIII. An Ornamental Club CXXIV. A Kiku'yu Court of Justice . CXXV. A Kiku'yu Sacrifice CXXVI. A Medicine-Man . CXXVII. Bag and Gourds of a Medicine-Man CXXVIII. Falls of Kitongi (photogravure) . To face

CXXIX. Lake Naivasha . CXXX. Native Gathering to discuss Hut Tax CXXXI. SwAHiLis Making Tents CXXXII. Our Camp . CXXXIII. Kiku'yu Porters CXXXIIIa. Pack Donkeys . CXXXI V. Travelling in Kiku'yu

CXXXV. Our Homestead at Nyeri CXXXVI. Masai' Warriors .

Map of part of Kiku'yu and Adjacent Coun

PAGH

156c 156d 156b 156f 156g 156h 160a 160b 160d 180a 180c 180d 188a 188b 188c 188d 190a 198a 198b 201 208a 208b 232a 248b 256a

p. 307 310a 328b 336a 336b 340a 340b 340c 340d 344a

At end

PL. I

Aberdare Range From north cif Xveri

I-J

a.

< ^

a ^

L^

G O

3

o

s

c

INTRODUCTION

THE COMING OF THE A-KI-KIJ-YU

The great area occupied by the A-ki-ku-yu, or people of Ki-kii-yu,^ is still imperfectly known. The British Government has not hitherto been able to reduce the whole of it to sub- mission, and the civilian is not yet allowed to penetrate the eastern and northern districts. The portion of it dealt within the following pages lies in the highlands, about 6000 ft. above the sea. The northern boundary coincides, as nearly as possible, with the Equator, but owing to its elevation the climate is temperate. The sun has tropical power, but is frequently veiled in mist, and the nights are cool. On the south lie the plains of Athi, through which runs the railway, and which the traveller gradually leaves behind him as he enters the hills. On the west the mountains known to the white man as the Aberdare Range, with the peak of Ki-nan-g'op, remain untouched by man, and formed till lately an outlet to the Akikuyu for an ever-increasing population, and a bul- wark on that side against their neighbours, and therefore their enemies, the Masai. On the east the great mass of Ke-ny-a, still in its primitive state, rises to a height of over 17,000 ft., and dominates Kikuyu. Its proportions are not of remark- able beauty. The base is large in relation to the whole, and it rises above its surroundings somewhat like a giant ant-hill, but the summit is crowned by a striking mass of sharp jagged

' Possible derivation — Ki locative, Icuyu fig-tree = country of fig-trees.

2 KIKUYU

rocks, which, standing out amidst glaciers and perpetual snow, make a strong appeal to the imagination. The time to see Kenya at its best is in early morning or towards evening. At those times clouds frequently veil the base, and the summit is bathed in the purple mist of dawn, or lit up with glorious colours of sunset. But Kenya, whether beautiful or not, is always Kenya, striking, arresting, majestic. The traveller for many miles around lives under a sense of its presence, and when, as happens at certain times of year, the great mountain veils itself in mist for weeks together, there is a felt need in the landscape till it again appear. No wonder that the god of the Akikuyu lives on Kenya.

The country between these great landmarks consists of a sea of ridge-like hills, which gradually merge into plains once more on the northern side. These hills and ridges are from 200 to 600 ft. high, divided by well -watered valleys, and a traveller standing on the higher levels of the Aberdare- Range and looking tov/ards Kenya, is reminded of the waves of a heavy cross sea.

This undulating land, now dotted all over with groups of brown huts, and their adjacent patches of cultivation, has obviously been originally covered by a dense forest of giant trees and impenetrable undergrowth. The tradition of the- people gives support to this statement, while here and there at intervals still remain small patches of virgin forest which have escaped destruction through their being used as places of sacrifice.

The Akikuyu say that their nation is derived from the A-kam'-ba, which is probably correct, as an examination of the two languages will show,^ although certain evidence points to the fission as being remote ; the Akam'ba are to-day their

' " The Akikuyu of the southern part of the Kt'nya province, and the Akamba of the adjoining Kitui district, readily understand each other." Vocabularies Kamba and Kikuyu Language (H. Hinde).

PREVIOUS INHABITANTS 3

neighbours to the south-east.^ As far as could be gathered from the Akikuyu — for there is nothing of the nature of regular tradition handed down from father to son, or any- definite method of preserving the history of past events — they obtained the country by a system of peaceful penetration, effected by individuals, or small bands of individuals united only by family ties. There was nothing of the nature of acquisi- tion by force of arms under one or more military leaders.

They say that the country, when their fathers first came into it, was held by a race of hunters, whom the}'' term A'si, or occasionally A-ki-e-ki, which last they say is the old name, but that there were also spread over it in part a diminutive race known as the A-gum'-ba.

The A'si were, they say, the same as the people to-day known as N'dor-6-bo, a Masai term, living on the elephant and other wild game, and on wild honey, strong and fierce. They made no attempt at cultivation, built no permanent huts, and owned no goats or cattle.

The Agum'ba, on the other hand, whom the Akikuyu also found in possession, were a race about 4 ft. 6 in. in height. The name given them by the Akikuyu, A-mai-tho ma chi-a-na, can be translated either " the enemies of the children," or " the fierce little people." In another form, Maitlio ma chi-a-na, it means " children's eyes," or " the people that look at you as a child w^ould." According to tradition, they lived in the forests and dug pits in which their huts were built. These houses were large and communal, and were roofed with poles, banana leaves, and earth. They made pots, v.hich were larger in the belly than those made by the Kikuyu,

1 The statement referred to was made to us in at least five different localities «f that part of Kikuyu here dealt with. The question of the source or sources of the nation is, however, a difficult one, and nothing definite is yet known. See p. 283 ; also Eliot, End Ajrica Protectorate, p. 127 ; Hobley in the periodical Man, No. 78, 1906; Dundas, J/an, No. 76, 1903; McGregor, Church Missionary Review, •January 1909. The two last named have appeared since the above was WTitten.

4 THE AGUM'BA

and these had been seen by one informant near the holes where their houses used to exist. The natives point out to-day saucer-shaped depressions in the ground as the site of the huts of these Httle people, and excavation made by us at the spot indicated, substantiates the tradition. The Agum'ba, our friends told us, used bows and arrows, and also had other weapons. " They must therefore have possessed iron." The suggestion that if we dug we might find the- arms had been of stone, roused considerable interest. We selected a site on a ridge containing four or five of thes& saucer-shaped depressions, each some three feet in diameter, and chose one for excavation, across which a trench was dug about two feet wide, running north and south, and another running east and west. Each trench was kept at one level, so as to define the distance from the surface of any article found. At about three feet from the surface we came across fragments of obsidian, which the authorities at the British Museum assure us have been worked by hand. At the same depth there were brought to light fragments of pottery, the charcoal remains of fire, and banana seeds, such as are used by the Akikuyu to-day to form the terminals of PI. cvi. the reed petticoat at ceremonial dances. Below this level

nothing was discovered. We made an expedition to another site pointed out, and devoted two days to digging, but came to the conclusion that the depression was natural. At the present time in some places huts are built in semi-lunar excavation on the hillside, but not in circular depressions.

When levelling the surface for tent-pitching, which some- times involves cutting down to a depth of three feet, pieces of obsidian worked by hand were constantly found in the surface soil.

It would, a priori, seem most probable that the " eyes of the children " preceded the A'si or N'dor'obo. If so, it would be quite possible for them to retreat before the more

CLEARANCE OF FOREST 5

powerful race to those districts where game was least abundant, where they would not be likely to come into contact with them. The peculiar character of the country with its labyrinth of hills would be all in favour of such a proceeding, whilst the density of the vegetation is such, when the country is in a state of nature, that men and flocks who desire concealment can fade out of sight like water spilled on the ground. Such in- formation, however, as was obtained was definitely to the opposite effect, that the A'si preceded the Agum'ba, and that later the two peoples Uved side by side in different villages. The A'si wandered far and wide, even reaching what is now German territory, while the Agum'ba took charge of herds. The two tribes, it was stated, even went so far as to intermarry. Such was the condition of things, so the Akikuyu say, when first they commenced to migrate. Now the A'si, though they had no goats of their own, seem to have much appreciated them for food and for sacrifice. When, therefore, an M'kikuyu had decided to strike out for himself, he went to the A'si and asked leave to make a clearing in their forest, and paid in goats to them for the land he took. " He would pay thirty goats." Placing fire at the foot of a tree, and constantly scraping away the charred portion, he soon threw it down ; heaping brushwood along its length, the giant of ages was soon a mass of ash. The light undergrowth he cleared with his sword ; then taking a heavy crowbar and driving it deep into the soil in four or five places close together, a sod of tangled roots was loosened, prised up, and overturned. The ground thus broken up roughly was again gone over, this time with a short stick. Each clod was taken by hand and beaten, to separate the soil from the tangled roots, and these were then piled and burned. Around the plot thus formed a fence was run, and the work of the man was finished — all cultivation for the future now resting with his women. Each year this process was repeated, until sufficient land had been brought under cultivation to

6 CLEARANCE OF FOREST

supply the needs of him and his. Meanwhile his goats and cattle fed in the forest glades. But gradually the soil became exhausted by the constant repetition of similar crops. He must clear more forest for cultivation, whilst the exhausted clearing now became " the inheritance of the goats " — for sustenance — for the forest where the goats had previously browsed had been now brought under cultivation by another. But his estate was complete — one half under cultivation, one half in fallow — the fallow being to him the equivalent of pasturage. In the midst there was the homestead, a collec- tion of beehive huts surrounded by a strong stockade, his own house and a house for each of his wives, and possibly one for his unmarried sons, with pounds for the cattle at night. The boundaries of the estate thus built up was indicated by the planting of trees in line, by regular hedges, and by boundary stones sunk deep out of sight. Possession of that which he had thus won by hard work he maintained by the power of his sword, and he acknowledged the jurisdiction of no man.

With his harmless little neighbours, " the children's eyes," he did not interfere, but they gradually disappeared from the land. One tradition states that they went " west to a big forest." A very old man, the father of the chief N'du-i-m', said that his father had never seen the Agum'ba, but he himself had known a track, now vanished, reported to have been made by them. The A'si, too, gradually fell back ; their numbers were limited, there was plenty of country for them, and the Akikuyu were numerous, and game was no longer to be found near inhabited districts. So the Akikuyu pushed on and on. Their progress was like that of the locusts — the ranks at the rear, finding the food supply exhausted, taking wing over the backs of the main body to drop to ground in the forefront. And as locusts clear a sturdy crop, so have the Akikuyu cleared the forest. In the heart of Kikuyu, except for a sacred grove here and there, scarcely a tree remains.

CLEARANCE OF FOREST 7

As far as the eye can reach, in all directions, spreads one huge garden, every square inch of which is private property with care- fully marked boundaries, that have been bequeathed from father to son for generations. The rate of expansion of the nation has been great. It is calculated that, in the known districts of Kenya, it numbers half a million souls, and the western boundary of the country has been brought under cultivation by a breadth varying from ten to fifteen miles within the niemory of people still alive. The method adopted to gain this information was to ask any very old man at what definite spots he could recollect having seen elephant droppings when a boy. Drawing a line between the spots thus indicated gives the boundary of cultivation seventy years ago. The same process is probably at work on the eastern side of the country, but Government rules forbid investigation.

In the district dealt with, the slopes of the Aberdare Range alone retain their primitive groAvth, and the preservation of such woodland as still remains has now become imperative, not only in order to retain a heritage of great natural beauty, but in the interests of timber supply, and, above all, of the rainfall of the country. The inhabitants themselves are not blind to the importance of this last consideration. " In old days," we were told, " there were many big trees and few people and much rain. Now the big trees are all dead and like earth, so there is little rain. These are the words of the ancient men." Nevertheless, the process has continued, and even accelerated, since the coming of the British, which gave the natives security of property and freedom from the necessity of self-defence. It has gone on under our own eyes in a manner that is heart- breaking to witness, more especially in the case of the river ravines where the damage done is irreparable. Gazing west- ward during the dry season, columns of smoke may be seen rising in every direction, each denoting the fall of a giant. This work accomplished, and the surface soil denuded by the

8 CLEARANCE OF FOREST

cultivator of every particle of protection in the shape of shrub or weed, the vegetable mould of ages is soon driven away by the high wind of summer, or swept off by the fierce deluge of the rains and carried down the stream. When the first goodness of the soil is exhausted the same work of destruc- tion is continued still higher up, the habits of the native mean- while defiling the water-supply, on which very possibly a European settlement may depend. This process has gone on for years within a mile of government station, and all endeavours have been futile to induce the officials to use the very simple methods by which it might be terminated. The Protectorate (xovernment has at last shown signs of interfering through its forest officers, and it is sincerely to be hoped that effectual measures will be taken to put an end to this destruction of what is at once the glory and salvation of the country.

PL. Ill

^

^^^^K- ■^^tr'iA^^isl^Z ^ 1^

K^^^^Fa^^^^^B

.T^z^HC/#r^'*>'^j^3t3|^^K^' '■

L— -

k^

^^^^^^•' ■ ' -• "'V.' '"■ . ^

I^^K^K^,';^^^*^

• •      ;  v;  jmI
    

~'^ - ^^^1

" ^^^^1

'■ ^:-<^^^^^^l

.' 1(1 y "'™

^^■4r- v^%^-- f^vV4^

I ( ■ 5. A'. />ho/.

The Gorge of the Cha'-m-a River near Xveri

Photo taken in 1904. 8a

PL. IV

I A' A' phot.

The Gokgk of the Cha'-ni-a River near Nyeri

Photo taken during second visit to Kikuyu, 1907.

The squared log shown was the only piece of timber used for any useful purpose. All other was burnt as it lay on the ground. 8b

CHRONOLOGY

The Akikuyn arrange their ideas as to sequence of time when duration of any length is concerned by reference to successive ages. The persons belonging to each epoch bear its name. These ages, as far as our inquiries showed, are identical with generations, the son in every case bearing the appellation of the one succeeding that of his father.

The following are the ages since the creation of the world : ^

Man-ji-ri — When God had finished the world He spoke to the first man,

Mam'-ba. Mam'ba told his son N'ji-ri to separate the dry land

from the waters. N'ji-ri dug channels, and when he came to the

sea built up a bank of sand. Man-do-ti — The age of evildoers. Chi-era — The people increased greatly. Masai — Smearing with red earth became fashionable (no connection

with tribe Masai). Ma-thd-thi — The Akikuyu are said to have come in this age from the

tribe of the Akam'ba. N'de-mi — Eoot stem " to cut " — during this age the Akikuyu cut

trees. 2 I-re-gi — Meaning " the revolters." Some persons now alive (1908)

have been acquainted with this generation. The era of uprising

against the Somalis. Ma-i-na — The generation now dying off. Mivan'gi — The generation in middle life. Mu-i-run' -gu — The rising generation. The name of the next generation

is not yet known.

1 The first five of these ages have been given by Mr. McGregor since we left East Africa. The tradition of them had not been met with by us. For a slightly different version of the ten ages, see Hon. K. R. Dundas, Man, No. 101, 1908.

^ One Kikiiyu authority placed the Ndemi before the Mathathi age. 2

10 CHRONOLOGY

The Chief Mun-ge, belonging to the M'wan'gi, gave the names of his ancestors for four generations, that is as far as his great- great-grandfather, who would belong to the " Mathathi." The aged father of another chief, N'duini, himself of the " Maina," only got as far as the names of his father and grand- father, the latter of the generation " N'demi." No memor}^ we encountered carried beyond the time of the "Mathathi," or, reckoning thirty years for the generations, about a century and a half ago.

Men reckon age amongst themselves according to the year by which they were initiated into the tribe, and each annual festival of circumcision has a name bestowed on it in accord- ance with some marked feature of the time. Thus the name of the festival in 1897, "Ki-an-gwa-chi," signifies that there were at. that date many sweet potatoes ; while that of 1907, " Ka-ban'- go," literally " the year on the back," recalls the rare occurrence that a boy on tha,t occasion ran away, and was forcibly operated upon in that attitude. It would be interesting to ascertain by what authority these names are bestowed, and also that given to the generation, for they apparently obtain throughout the whole country, and are not confined to any one district. It did not transpire that events occurring in the intervening twelve months are in any way associated with or dated by the names of the circumcision eras.

The following are names ^ which have been given to the successive annual celebrations : —

1891, Ngan'do. — No explanation could be obtained for the bestowal of this name.

1892, Ngi'-ge. — The year of the "large variety of locust " (ngige). An individual circumcised at the particular festival known by this name is known as "an Ngige."

^ We are indebted for the list to Mr. McGregor.

CHRONOLOGY 11

1893, Nyon'go. — The year of a cattle disease that was characterised by " a rotten belly and running from the nose."

1894, Mutung'o. — The year of a skin disease all over (small pox).

1895, Thungu'-ya. — The year of a particular scented flower.

1896, Ka-gi'-cha. — This year was named in reference to a particular clan which we have been unable to identify.

1897, Ki-angwa'chi. — The crop of grain known as m'wele failed, but the sweet potatoes w^ere more prolific.

1898, Nu'-THi. — The year of the jigger or the burrowing flea.

1899, Ki-en-je'ku. — The year when the circumcision wound went wrong (septic poisoning).

1900, Ndi'-mu. — The year that the manioc crop failed.

1901, Hit'-ti. — The year of the hyena or hyenas (hitti).

1902, Ka-man'di. — The year connected with a spear.

1903, Mo-CHi'-Ri ( = a judge). — No explanation.

1904, Ki-hur'i-a. — The year of the scratcher or something to do with scratching.

1905, Kan-yo'-to. — The year of a certain animal.

1906, Nga'-ra. — The year of putting in little heaps.

1907, Ka-ban'go. — The year of lying on the back.

1908, Name not decided on at date of our departure.

The age of a child is always explained by holding out the hand to show its height, and any allusions as to the years of children made in these pages must be taken as computed on this data. Mothers sometimes plant trees on the birth of their children, but appear as a rule to lose count of their ages before very long.

THE AKIKUYU IN RELATION TO THEIR NEIGHBOURS.— WARFARE AND TRADE

For many generations past, accident, geographic and political, had, until the coming of the white man, preserved the Akikuyu from the access of almost any external influence.

It has been seen that they are wholly or in part an off- shoot of the Kam'ba tribe, whose territory is to the south- east, and that when they migrated to their present abode they found in possession two peoples, one of whom, the Agum'ba, has entirely disappeared, whilst the other was the prede- cessor of the N'dorobo of to-day. With the Akam'ba they appear to have lived in a state of slight intercourse and desultory warfare.

Of the N'dor-6-bo little which is accurate is yet known ; they roam in small bodies over the vast areas of uncultivated land which adjoin the Kikuyu country. Certain of the Akikuyu, compelled by poverty or the necessity of leaving home to escape being put to death, or even for the mere love of an adventurous life, sometimes take to the woods, but by so doing practically cease to be regarded as Akikuyu, and their countrymen refer to them as N'dorobo, and reckon them as savages.

The most influential neighbours of the Akikuyu are the well-known Masai tribe, a pastoral people, and consequently dwellers in the open. Their country was contiguous to that of the Akikuyu on the south, and extended also over the great plains on the other side of the Aberdare Range. They even rounded the extreme end of that range, and descended on Kikuyu from the northern side.

No sharply defined boundaries separated these neighbours. Between the cultivated hills of the one and the pastoral plains

12

METHODS OF WARFARE 13

of the other existed a neutral territory of irregular width, formed by country insufficiently watered, and not particularly attractive to either party — a Tom Tiddler's land, where the great game roamed undisturbed, and a general feeling of danger lurked in the air both from man and beast. With both people skilled cattle thieves, it is obvious that it was impossible for the flocks and herds of either to be allowed to graze without a considerable neutral belt intervening.

Between the two nations reigned perpetual war. The Akikuyu were in their own domain a people to be reckoned with. Not only were they numerically strong, but their country, with its labyrinthine tracks winding up and down a sea of hills, amid dense forest and underwood, was not such as to attract the invader. Their method of defence also might strike terror into the hearts of the boldest, for at the shortest notice they had warpits ready that rendered any track or path almost impassable either to advance along or to retreat by. -The accompanying sketch will convey a pretty good idea of the probable deterrent effect of a number of these defences ; butr a full valuation of their moral effect can only be formed after being dragged back as one lurches forward on the verge of falling into their depths. For a man of the plains like one of the Masai, armed with a large shield and long spear and sword, to allow himself to be tempted into such a country meant annihilation. Old men still chuckle as they recount the terrible fate of these adversaries, whose custom it was more especially to travel at night, as pit after pit claimed its victims, and the poisoned arrow whistled from out of the dense foliage. The Akikuyu used from time to time to imprint a lesson on raiders that was not forgotten.

A people who dwelt in a mountainous country also pos- sessed an advantage over their adversaries in their power of negotiating rivers. Taken as a nation the Akikuyu are good swimmers. They swim after the manner of a dog, and

14

THE MASAi

I have never seen them employ the breast stroke or the ordinary action of the legs. If a river has to be crossed, however, every one plunges in and gets across somehow. The Masai neither can swim nor will learn to do so, and nothing on earth will induce them to go into water out of their depth. I have seen a fighting party of two hundred Masai absolutely stopped by a deep channel in a ford not ten yards wide, whilst their

KIKUYU WARPIT.

J>ectional dra^ving showing sharpened spikes in interior.

adversaries on the opposite bank reviled them in true Homeric fashion.

The Masai are, however, on their own lines, a race of fighters, and between the herds feeding in their thousands on the Masai plains and our Akiktiyu, who would have given their lives to possess them, ever stood their long gaunt owners, whose ordered charge, shoulder to shoulder, wdth its double line of waving plumes and flashing spears, was as irresistible as a stampede of their own cattle.

SOMALI INCURSION 15

The Akikuyu have conceived a great admiration for the fashion in war of these redoubtable adversaries, and are incHned to copy their arms and accoutrements. An M'kikuyu warrior dresses his hair in Masai fashion in a pigtail, dons the Masai war mask, with its dark ostrich plumes which he has managed to pick up by trade, and arms himself v/ith a Masai shield and spear ; but he has no idea of military organisation, drill, and obedience, and, when it comes to real fighting, makes a miserable display until he reverts to his old tactics. The English, as has been said, availed them- selves of the Masai in the subjugation of the Akikuyu.^

It is reported that in the generation of the I-re-gi, the Akikuyu were brought in contact with the Somalis, mIio came down from the north and endeavoured to establish them- selves in the country. They were opposed not only by the Akikuyu, but also by the Masai, N'dorobo, and the Akam'ba. It cannot, necessarily, be concluded that these nations united in the defensive, but they may each have attacked the enemy in their own way and manner. A Somali woman left behind at that time was said to be still alive in 1908. All knowledge of this great war was, however, denied by Ra-zi-mi, father of the chief N'duini, whose own father, as has been said, belonged to the generation Iregi.

The Akikuyu did not to any appreciable extent come in contact with civilisation in any form. They were not entirely cut off from intercourse with the coast, but it affected them but little. The great route for slaves and ivory which ran between the Great Lake and the sea, the Uganda road, just touched its borders on the south-v/estern side, and at that point, which now forms a station on the Uganda railway named Kikuyu, the caravans from the coast used to stop to refit and lay in fresh supplies of grain. The Arab and slave raiders never

^ The Masai have now been removed from their southern plains to leave them open for white colonisation, and planted in the country of the north, while a fast line has been drawn by the Guaso Nyro River between the two tribes.

16 CONTACT WITH THE COAST

seem to have thought it poHtic to interfere with the Akikuyn ; it suited their purpose better to maintain friendly relations with those living in that part in order to make sure of getting the absolutely essential food supplies. The Masai, however, were far more in touch with passing caravans, and in a desultory fashion simple articles of commerce, such as trade salt and brass and copper wire, procured by them as " hon'-ga " or " leave to pass payment," would soak into the Kikiiyu country.

On the southern border the Akam'ba, who were from their situation more in communication with the coast, similarly carried on a limited commercial intercourse. The Akikuyu had practically nothing but vegetable produce to sell, except a little ivory.

Slavery as an institution did not exist amongst them, nor did they make raids for the capture of slaves.

The Akikuyu employ as missiles the poisoned arrow (PI. vi. p. 16b) and the n'juguma or life-preserver. For hand-to- hand combat they use the spear (PI. xxv. p. 36c), the shield (PL cxxxvi. p. 344a), and the sword (PL v.) ; whilst defensive works are growing stockades (PL xc. p. 116c), war-pits (p. 14), and myriads of sharp, fire -hardened bamboo skewers set betwixt the herbage.

The Kikuyu bow is in appearance a poor weapon : a round stick tapered at both extremities and kept permanently strung. Still, in the dense cover it does all that is required of it, and is the true weapon of the people. The n'juguma is hurled with accuracy up to 30 yards : the handle transfixes the object. It is deadly.

The peculiar spear and large shield are obviously impossible weapons for use in dense cover. Copied apparently from the Masai, they have gradually become universal as the country lost its forest.

With the sword the M'kikuyu is really proficient.

As a nation they are devoid of the military instinct ; as individuals they do not cultivate proficiency in arms.

KiKUVU SwORU AND ScABBAK'I)

Total length of sword, 31J in. ; weight, i lb. 9I oz. Sword balances at a point 16 in. from the extremity of the handle. The scabbard, when worn, lies between the belt and the body. It is made of wood, covered with goatskin. The leather cover is invariably dyed a bright red with the bark of a certain root.

Sword — Ro'-hi-yo (pi. hi'-vo).

,, handle — Mu'-ti wa ro'-hi-yo. ,, scabbard — N'jor'-a. ,, belt — N'do'-ho.

16 a

PL. VI

^1

41

3 4-H'

eir

/hi/. Miis. [A'.

i6b

Plate vi

KikCyu Quiver and Arrows

1. Quiver — of solid leather. Round bottom sewn in. Length, 26 in. ; girth, 7| in.

l'\ Its cap, of which the upper extremity is dome- shaped and sewn in.

The length of the sling can be adjusted by sliding either of the two collars up or down.

2. Detachable extremity of arrow — consisting of a short length of shaft (4| in.), of which one end is socketed into the main shaft (2*) whilst the other carries a triangular tip of thin iron. This iron tip is secured in its place by being forced into a cleft in the extremity of the short shaft, which is then made to tightly pinch it by means of a whipping (a). This is the common form of arrow, and is that used for hunting. It is always heavily poisoned.

2'\ An arrow shaft from which the movable extremity (Fig 2) has been separated. The socket into which it fits is shown at (b), which also indicates the whipping that prevents the socket from splitting. The pluming is attached by a whipping. The shaft is of solid wood — length, 21 in.

All arrows and hunting harpoons are thus made, with heavily poisoned detachable heads. The object is to pi-event the arrow head being drawn from the wound by the weight of the shaft in the animal's flight.

2\ An arrow ready for use. The bulky appearance from socket to tip is due to the thick coating of poison.

3. A highly finished war arrow. The movable end is one piece of carefully wrought ironwork. The shaft is solid wood.

4. The movable end of a special aiTow used for shooting birds. This end is carved out of one piece of wood. The barbs (upper end) are not here well shown. Below the barbs it assumes the form of a long spindle. Reason unknown.

4^ The shaft of Fig. 4. It is made of a stem of grass.

PART I

PL. VII

Standing at Ease

i8b

IV. S. A', phot.

PART I

THE PEOPLE AND THEIR PURSUITS

MEN AND MANNERS

In dealing mth the Akikuyu people it is as yet impossible to speak definitely on the subject of race. On this matter, as on that of their more recent origin and history, much yet remains to be learnt.

They speak undoubtedly a Bantu language, but Mr. McGregor informs us that they possess another language in addition to that in common use. In height the men are generally about 5 ft. 4 in. ; the women considerably less. This statement is not, however, based on any measurements specially taken. Their hair is short and curly, and their skins are black. The colour of the latter is however of a less pronounced shade than the ebony tint which characterises the West African native. They differ widely also from the inhabitants of the West coast in both form and feature. The Akikuyu are exceedingly strong, muscular, healthy, and well set up. The carriage of the women lacks the grace that is often seen in native races, the reason being that loads are carried by them on the back, and not on the head.

Amongst boys and lads when herding the flocks, the habit is not infrequent of standing on one leg, whilst at the same time the sole of the other foot is placed against the inner side of the thigh of the leg that carries the weight. The nature of their employment requires that they shall not sit down for a moment, or they would lose some of their charges amidst the tangled shrubbery on which goats prefer to browse.

Another common attitude of these people is crossing the Pi- viiL

19

20

CLANS

PL vii. PI. xxxiv.

legs when standing : this is an unconscious trick or mannerism of young warriors.

A pecuKar habit of children and young adults is the placing of one finger against the teeth when thinking : it is not appar- ently an expression of shyness.

The Kikuyu nation is divided into thirteen Clans (i-ri-ka). The members of each clan have a blood tie in common, but are not restricted to any particular geographical area, they live side by side. A man belongs to the tribe of his father. He may not marry a member of the clan of either his father or his mother,' but may return to that of his grandmother. There are said to be certain other restrictions as to marriage between particular clans which cannot be broken without penalty of barrenness.

Some clans have a recognised headman, others have not. The chief N'duini and his father are heads of the Anjiru. The head of the Mwesaga is said to live near Karuris. The chief bond of solidarity is mutual responsibility for the murder fine, which can be collected from all members of the clan over a very large district ; the arrangement has the curious result, that if a man murders one of his own clan in his own district no murder fine need be paid.

It is also reported that members of a clan would meet and discuss any subject and offer sacrifice, and thus arrive at a concerted course of action. A clan Avould always provide hospitality to its own members who were on a journey.

There is no distinction in dress and ornament to mark to what clan a man belongs, but certain persons profess to be able to state the clan of any individual by examining his hand. Such a person was once challenged by Mr. McGregor to name the clans of three men in the missionary's train, and in each case was successful.

1 This was the general result of our investigation, and is corroborated by Mr. McGregor. It was denied in the case of one member of the clan Agachiku ; but this may have been due to a misunderstanding.

CLANS

21

Bee boxes, as sold in markets, may be seen marked with designs which are said to be connected with particular clans, apparently those of the makers of the boxes.

DESIGN OF THE CLAN AN-JI -RCT.

LIST OF CLANS

^^Xt»-^'>■ ~i

c5».e c-A£<-/\

1. A-che-ra.

2. A-ga^chi-ku.

3. A-ga-thi-gi-a;; — ^

4. Ai-cha-ka-mu-yo

5. Ai-ri-muv -^

6. A-ki-u-ru or M' we-sa-ga or

7. Am-bu-i.

'bu-ru.

8. An-ga-ri or Ai-the-ka-hu-no.

9. An-ji-ru.

10. An-go-i.

11. E-tha-gi

12. Ai-ze-ran'-du

13. Ai-zi-e-ge-ui;

crn.s2. Cx^ci. "^"v

The traditions in various clans are hereditary and difEer from one another, especially as regards food. Some may theoretically eat wild game, others not even out of a pot where such has been cooked. An old man dying, calls his sons, and hands on the instructions given to him by his father. His dying curse, " ki-ru-me," is invoked on those who depart from these instructions. It has been stated that certain lands may be thus entailed by parental direction, and may not be sold. This we have not been able to trace, except as far as regards the preservation of some land under timber. The Achera, the Ambui, the Ethaga, and the Anjiru ^ may eat wild game. In two other clans, Angari and Aizeran'du, some

1 One member of this clan said be did not do so.

22

CLANS

M'wizaga Anj iru . Agachiko -yt/ V)" J^ ' Achera

M^ (ZT ~yyf Aiziranuu J>^ ^^ 'M Agazigia '"''■^y^K J> V^ Aiziageni

may eat wild game and some may not. This difference is accounted for by tradition, that in each there were originally two brothers, one of whom went and killed game and the other did not, and their respective descendants adhere to the pre- cedent thus laid down. Men are even met with to whom all meat is forbidden.

The Agachiku clan must not work iron, and must not act as circumcisors. The M'wesaga are the clan most strongly differentiated. They share with the Agachiku the prohibition of working iron. They have also certain mysterious powers. All males of the clan can see rain coming and can stop it, and for them to express admiration of any person is to bring about evil ; this can be counteracted by the Medicine-Man, who makes mud with spittle and touches with it the temple, throat, and stomach of the victim. If admiration is expressed without bad intent, no harm will result. They are also bound by filial duty to preserve certain land as woodlands. The clans are again subdivided into families.^

^ Mr. C. W. Hobley, C.M.G., gives the following notes on this subject in the Journal 3Ian, 1906: —

" Classification of the Kikiiyu by their totemic clans : —

Clans. Totem.

Kahuno The stomach, etc., of a sheep.

. All wild game.

. Elephant and all birds.

. Zebra.

. Swala, Thomson's gazelle.

. Fish.

. Hippo.

. Wart hog.

. IMpala.

" Every clan has its medicine man ; there is no particular clan of medicine men.

" The people of the M'wizaga clan are supposed to be under a curse; many members of the tribe go off into forests and wander about in a mad state, and eventually die. Their medicine can cure this, but the cure is expensive, costing thirty goats."

Mr. McGregor considers that totems exist in particular families, but that the same totem would not obtain throughout a whole clan.

Pl. VIII

W. S. K. phot. Another Manner of standing at Ease

MEN AND MANNERS 23

In disposition the Akikuyu are naturally cheerful : merry, loquacious, and laughter-loving. Soon forgetting their troubles and lacking the spirit of vindictiveness. They have a great sense of justice, and endorse the infliction of the severest punishment if they know they are in the wrong. They much dislike and are hurt by the hectoring rudeness of the European of the " damned nigger " school of thought and manner.

Though shrewd enough in matters of business, they are wanting in the ever-present greediness that characterises the Masai.

The M'kikuyu is by nature extraordinarily honest ; bright and intelligent, trustful and truthful in contact with one European, he becomes stupid and unreliable, tricky, and treacherous to a degree, in the hands of another : it all depends on how he is treated. His moral code is dealt Avith more fully later on. He may be summed up as being exceptionally good native material, but of so plastic a character that if badly handled at the outset it is spoiled permanently.

They are naturally polite in their intercourse with one another, and a very definite code of good manners exists. It is the custom for women and children to stand aside for warriors to pass on the path, but the warrior Avill always yield the road to an old woman. The order kept at all functions is very striking. Even the children, though never harshly treated or spoken to, behave considerately and courteously ; very differently from the little European wild beasts who are permitted by their parents to conduct them- selves in such a way as to render life a scourge to all the other passengers on board the mail steamers to East Africa.

The custom of spitting on an object in order to secure good luck is found amongst the Akikuyu. This habit exists amongst our own lower orders in the custom of spitting on a coin.

24 MEN AND MANNERS

To spit upon a person or thing is also an expression of good- will. The blacksmith spits upon the sword he has forged before handing it over to the owner : so, too, courtesy demands that a man should spit in his hand before offering it to a friend, and the female visitors spit on the newly-arrived youngster as a sign of welcome.

I once saw an amusing instance of this spitting in accord- ance with poKteness. An unarmed old man was going across the hollow camp square when a large boarhound puppy sprang on its legs and galloped after him for a frolic. The old fellow suddenly saw it coming, and never having seen such a creature, for the Akikuyu have no dogs, was very frightened, and turned to fly. Then it dawned on him that it was the strange beast of the white man, so he stopped, knelt down, spat into the palm of his hand and extended it to the pup so as to express amity in the same way as he would have done to its master. Now the dog had been taught to " shake hands," so, of course, when it reached him, it sat up and extended its paw, and the friendliest relations were established between them.

The Akikuyu in the districts here dealt with are, according to my experience, a sober people, but it has been stated that in some other districts it is far otherwise.

The old men are inveterate snuff-takers, for no M'kikuyu smokes. The young warriors occasionally take a pinch, but a snuff bottle is not often seen decorating their bosoms. Tobacco, like native beer, seems to be reserved as a consolation of middle life and of old age. Still, to offer snuff to any one is a form of courtesy. It is not an uncommon thing to see one traveller accost another to try the favour of a pinch, and such a request is never directly refused.

The plant is casually cultivated, and the dried tobacco leaf is made up in the form of a rope for the purpose of preservation and convenience in trading. A small portion

PLATE IX

Snuff and Snuff-bottles (Ki-lan'-gi kya am-bo'-ke)

2. New unmounted snuff-bottle of wood. 2jin. xi^in.

3. Snuff-bottle fitted with a double chain to sling it from the neck. Above is attached a plug of wood to close the mouth. 3J in. x ly^ in. Length of sling, 30 in.

I. Snuff-bottle with neck-sling, closed by a cap of sewn leather ornamented with beads. 2J in. x if in. Length of sling, 36 in.

4. A humorous snuff-bottle of ornamental wood, in form of a miniature n'ju-gu'-ma, or life-preserver, of which the head has been hollowed out. Plug to close orifice attached by fine strip of leather. " When asked for snuff, you say, 'What have I but my n'ju-gu'-ma?'" Length, 15^ in. Diameter of head, liin.

6. Snuff-bottle made of horn of bush-buck. The larger end is permanently closed by sewn leather. The smaller end is covered by a leather cap that slides up and down the sling by which it is carried over the shoulder. Length of horn, 9 in. Full length of sling, 26i in.

5. Prepared snuff as sold in the native markets, done up in packets of banana-leaf. Weight, i oz. ; length, 7 in.; girth, 3^ in. In use it is mixed with a little pounded i-ga-ti (? some form of soda) to render it more pungent.

24 b

Fl. IX

V

4

4t^

24 c

THE USE OF SNUFF

25

of such is taken and slightly greased with sheep's tail fat that has been rendered down. It is then laid on a flat rubbing stone, similar in shape but much smaller than the lower one used in mealing corn. The upper stone employed is, however, altogether different from the upper mealing stone, for it takes the form of a stone globe the size of a large orange. Under this the leaf is triturated by a movement imparted to the ball that is partly a push and partly a roll. (Exactly similar balls are shown in Fewkes, The Aborigines of Porto Rico, Plate xxxi. figs. e. f. g.) From time to time more grease is very carefully added drop by drop only, just sufficient being given to maintain it in the condition of a damp powder.

The form in which it is sold in the market is shown on PL ix. Fig. 5.

It is expensive. Such a packet would last a man^ perhaps three days. It would cost two good sticks of sugar cane — something approaching the value of half a day's work, though it is exceedingly difficult to express values accurately when describing dealings between native and native.

^ The following terms are employed in speaking of men : Ka'-he .

Kl'-HE

Mu'-MO

M'wa-na'-ke

Wa-ka-ny-u-ku

Mun'-du mu-ge'-ma Ka-ra-bai'

M'zur'-i . M'zur'-i a ki-a-na . M'zur'-i a bou'i

A small boy.

A big boy (uucircumcised).

A young man recently circumcised.

A warrior — an adult man.

A married man.

„ with a child.

„ whose children are

growing up. An elderly man.

who needs a stick. of extreme old age.

DRESS

The M'kikuyu carries on his person certain garments and certain ornaments, which, taken together, constitute his dress. His dress (thus defined) varies with his age and with the occasion. Some parts of it are worn for the sake of propriety, some for utiHty, and some simply to comply with custom. It is convenient to consider that every article, on any individual with whom one may be thrown in contact, falls within one of the above heads, and that each item has its own story to tell. Here we shall solely speak of the dress of the boys and men : that of the women is dealt with elsewhere.

Hair-Dressing

The different ways of dressing the head, either by adding to the hair or by shaving it off, is in itself alone a large subject. Every little district has, in the case of men, its own styles of adorning the hair. Throughout life a man is constantly having his head shaved, in whole or in part, in accordance with passing events of moment to him. To women these remarks do not largely apply, though PL IL occasionally a girl or young woman may be seen with a mop

head for special reasons, or a middle-aged woman will shave off her tuft, as a white woman would commence wearing a cap.

These frequent ceremonial shavings of the head, and the subsequent permission of the hair to grow again, appear to be dictated partly by a religious feeling and partly by a mere obedience to the canons of custom.

All hair, other than that of the scalp, is pulled out by the roots by both men and women. For this purpose tweezers are constantly carried about the person. When an M'kikuyii has nothing else to do, he hunts for stray hairs.

Their hair is short, curly, and as fine as the finest Anglo- Saxon hair when carefully compared.

26

HAIR-DRESSING 27

One way of doing it is to take the smallest tuft of hair PL xi possible and to twist into it the fibres of a wood bark, whereby the appearance of a cord of long hair is obtained. This process is repeated all over the head, the length of the cords being regulated according to their position. When they are all completed, a line is taken across the crown of the head from ear to ear. All cords arising in front of that parting are then divided into three equal portions . The ends of the cords of each division are finely whipped together, and form thus three pendants, the centre one of which falls over the middle of the forehead, and the other two over the right and left temple respectively. They are retained in their correct position by a string connecting the points. The cords arising behind the transverse parting are disposed of by allowing the lower ones to remain loose, as a thick fringe reaching well down over the neck ; whilst the upper ones, extending from ear to ear, are brought together to form a pigtail, which hangs over and extends below the fringe. This pigtail is well whipped at intervals to preserve its form. The whole is then anointed with a plentiful amount of red ochreous clay and oil rendered down from the tail of the sheep.

Another style of dressing the hair is to take the long wing PL %. plumes of the vulture (n'de-ri) and to strip the vane from either side of the stem, thus obtaining from each plume two curling bands of feather. These strips of feather are then securely whipped by one end to tufts of hair. The tufts are composed of all the hair arising from the top of the head over an area of the size of the hand : where our religious bares the scalp by shaving, the native attaches strips of feather as closely as he can.

The rest of the hair is left in its natural state — short, crisp, curly, like a thin woven mat.

The head is anointed with mutton fat and red ochre, but not so the feathers. These are carefully and tastefully arranged so that the natural curl, obtained by stripping the vane from the axis, shall be the same for all feathers on one side of the head. PL x.

Plate x

A KiKtJYU Warrior — Ordinary Dress

Shows —

a. Special form of hair-dressing with strip of feathers.

h. The shaved forehead.

c. The ornamental brow fillet of beads.

d. Chain earrings. (PI. xiii. Fig. 3.)

e. Metal collar and chain. (PI. xviii. Fig. 1.) /. String necklace. (PI. xx. Fig. 1.)

P-, Part of shoulders and chest covered with red ochre and

fat (showing dark above the clear skin of arm and

breast). h. The body strap of shells worn diagonally. j. The gai'ment, here made of calico (Americano) ; one

method of wearing. j. Arm ornaments — (1) Brass wire, coil. (2) Strap worked

with beads. (PI. xxviii. Fig. 1.) k. Method of wearing sword on right side. /. Upper iron portion (i-ti-mu) and part of the middle or

wooden portion (mi'i-ti) of fighting spear. VI. Left arm bracelet — right armlet.

Pi.. X

If. .v. N. phot.

28 a

PL. XI

1 1 '. 5. A' phot.

28 b

Plate xi

Fig. 1 shows —

a. A common style of dressing the hair: lengthened,

parted, whipped into pigtails : that from the back of the head lengthened till it covers the whole of the neck.

b. The cut that is customary when shaping the stomach

of the ox into a head covering. This example has not yet been trimmed and ornamented.

c. The cartilage of the ear adorned with a special form of

ear ornament. (See PI. xiii. Fig. 2.)

d. A double row of raised scars on the left arm.

e. A special form of arm ornament. (Cf. PI. xxvii. Fig. 3.)

Fig. 2 shows —

a. Thfe hair dressed in the same way as Fig. 1. The pig- tails are, however, here fashioned in a manner much more common than is there shown. 6. The head covering is accurately shaped and bordered with beads.

c. The rope-like lobe of the ear is shown passed upwards

over the cartilage. The cartilage lies beneath the head covering. Attached to the cartilage and dependent from it is an ornament (n'gi-ri) fonned of a thin triangular plate of bone. The anterior extremity of the n'gi-ri is tucked behind the anterior half of the lobe. This ornament is often attached to the hair at the back of the head or dependent over the forehead. (See

PI. XXV.)

d. The garment is worn passing over and around both

shouldei's, the manner always adopted for warmth.

30 HAIR-DRESSING

This efifect (PI. x.) is very pleasing ; the steel black of the feathers contrasting well with the coloured ointment, and harmonising with the natural colour of the skin of the face.

With the hair dressed thus, a fillet, consisting of a single row of small black and white beads (mu-ga-si), is worn. It is PL XXV. placed low on the forehead, but little above the eyebrows ;

and from its centre a pendant drops to the root of the nose.

Another way of dressing the hair is to take a tuft in the centre of the crown and to attach to it a pellet of clay the shape and size of a filbert. From this central button others are symmetrically arranged in concentric circles, each plaque touching its neighbour above, below, and laterally. Being coated with grease and red ochre, the appearance is that of a roof of red ornamental tiles. The whole of the hair of the head is thus treated. One small ornament only is worn dependent from the crown when the hair is thus dressed. Frontispiece. One of the commonest styles is very effective. In this the naturally short hair having been lengthened by having bark string twisted up with it, or perhaps it would be more accurate to say, cords of the desired length having been attached to the head by twisting them into tufts of the natural short hair, an effect is obtained exactly like the roped coat of a prize poodle dog.

The hair thus lengthened is then allowed to hang naturally without any further restraint. The cords are of such a length as to reach to the shoulders, but those falling over the forehead are made short, not depending below the brows. In fact, the hair immediately above the forehead is shaved off in order that the short cords in front may hang in the fashion desired.

No hat nor cap is generally worn by the people ; a form

PI. xL of casque-shaped head covering, made from the stomach

of the ox turned inside out, may, however, occasionally be

seen. This headgear is much worn by the Masai warriors,

and the Akikuyu have probably copied it from them.

EAR ORNAMENTS 31

Ear Ornaments

The first thought of a M'kikuyu is to ornament his ears : to this even the dressing of his hair is a secondary consideration. Ear ornaments may be divided into —

(1) Those attached to the edge of the cartilage (du-ge-ra) of the ear.

(2) Those supported by the lobe (gu-tu).

The cartilage, in the case of men, has three holes made in its upper convex border to support three quills in an erect pi. ixxxi. position. Sometimes another hole is made in it lower down, but this is to carry some other form of ornament, for quills n. ixi. are not worn projecting horizontally.

In some districts the men wear five quills instead of three, but five quills are usually only worn by the women.

Some months before the time for the circumcision rite to be performed, the lobes of the boys' ears are pierced. The aperture is gradually dilated, by constantly wearing in it a suc- cession of rings of gradually increasing size, until an object Pi. xiv. the size of the largest orange may be passed through it easily. To achieve this condition is said to take about four months.

Together with dilatation of the aperture, hypertrophy of the lobe takes place, until it becomes like a round india-rubber cord the size of a stout lead pencil, and often reaches as a loop down to the shoulder.

When not in use for the support of an ornament, the dilated lobe is loosely twisted up, and the eye, thereby formed at the end, passed over the cartilage so as to hang it up and to prevent Pi. xL 'Fig. 2. it getting torn. Should this happen a surgical operation is required to make good the damage, and for this the fee is a goat.

Some of the ornaments worn by men in the cartilage are —

(1) The ear quills (s. ron-i-or'-i, pi. ny-or'-i, also chu-ma). Pi. xvi.

In the simplest form these are single stems of grass having

32 EAR ORNAMENTS

a bead of gum at the base. The free end is passed through the hole in the cartilage. It cannot slip out backwards, because of the bead of gum. It does not slip out downwards, because of the position it assumes in consequence of its length. PI. xvi. The same ornament, in a different form, consists of a strip

of leather placed in the hollow of the upper edge of the ear, into which are fitted the larger ends of the stems of three feathers. Each rachis passes through a corresponding hole made in the upper border of the cartilage. On each shaft are placed six dark blue beads, and the tip is finished off with one small white bead and a whipping of thread and gum. PI. xi. Fig. 1. (2) A helix of brass wire (hu-la-hu-li) forming a boss, pi. xiii. Fig. 2. -worn in the lowest aperture made in the edge of the carti- lage.

(3) A ring of the very smallest coloured beads, threaded on a fibre of tendon, worn in the fourth or lowest aperture made in the cartilage.

(4) A tassel of the finest beads.

In men the dilated lohe may support — Pl. XV. Figs. (1) A cylinder of ivood (mu-ti wa gu-tu), plain or orna-

' • mented.

PL xiv. Fig. 3. (2) A disc of wood, usually ornamented with inlaid beads. Pl. xiv. Fig. 1. (3) Hoops of various sizes. They are carved from wood, and have a deeply-concave border, in which the rope-like lobe of the ear lies.

(4) An oval disc (go-so-rei-i) of lead. Europeans say that these were originally beaten out of Maria Theresa dollars, formerly current on the coast. Pl. xiii. Fig. 6. (5) A cylinder made of twisted wire, the shape and size of a small cotton reel — from this depends short lengths of chain.

PL. Xll

! v. S. K. phot.

Portrait of Kar-ur'-i

One of the most influential of the Akikuyu, and a man of great ability. Shows : —

1. The anterior portion of the scalp shaved.

2. The rest of the hair in its natural condition, ungreased and not artificially lengthened. This, in the case of a man of his years, is quite exceptional.

3. A typical Kikuyu ear: —

(a) The cartilage carrying a number of ear-rings. Cf. PL xiii. Fig. 5.

(I)) The lobe (reaching to the level of the chin) con- taining another peculiar ear ornament. Cf. PI. xiii. Fig. 6.

4. The way in which the garment (here made of monkey skins and of the long form) is brought together over the right shoulder by a thong and sliding wire stop.

5. A pair of iron wire armlets.

6. The usual walking-stick.

32 a

PLATE XIII

Ear Ornaments

Fig. in. Mi-in'-do, a peculiar ornament of the lobe of the ear, worn by men only. One to six mav be worn.

Fig. I. Method of making mi-in'-do.

A short length of iron wire (v) is whipped at each end with fine iron wire (x, x). A small tab of copper is now wrapped around each end and hammered into a boss of the particular shape shown. The bar is then bent to the required form and the final whipping added.

Length in the straight, 3 in. Length when shaped, ijin. Two mi-in'-do weigh | oz.

Fig. m is Fig. i to which the final shape has been given and the final additional whipping of fine copper wire added between x and x.

3. Mi-in'-do ornamented with short lengths of chain, worn by elderly men only. For comfort the wearer has added a wrapping of leather at top. Length from top of curve to bottom of fringe, 4I in. ; weight, 2j oz.

2. Hu-la-hu'-li, ornament worn by anybody in lowest of the perforations in the cartilage. " Formerly it was worn by old men, but not nowadays." Diameter, ^in. The centre stands above the surface f in.

4. Lengths of iron chain worn attached to the cartilage, obtained from Meru (foot of Mt. Kenya). The pattern of the chain is Kamba (?). Length, 4iin.

5. Open ring of iron ^vire whipped with fine copper wire, to which is attached lengths of fine chain. Worn in the cartilage. A number of similar but considerably larger rings are shown in use, PL xii. p. 32 a.

6. Ke-chu'-i ("a ring") is an ornament of the lobe, A spiral of iron wire, in the form of a cylinder, is whipped with fine copper wire at either extremitv. To a bead span lengths (g^in.) of chain are attached. Weight, 2 oz. To fit it to the ear the iron wire is straightened out. On it an iron tube is then threaded. By means of the tube the straightened wire is then coiled around the lobe of the ear to form the figure shown in use, PI. xii. p. 32 a, PI. Ixiii.

32b

Pl. XIII

1^

6

Brit. Mns. [/?.]

PLATE XIV Ear Ornaments — Lobe only

1. A pile of rings (n'de'-be) of different sizes for expand- ing the lobe of the ear. Worn by girls and young married women, also by warriors and men of all ages, but never by boys and girls until preparing for initiation.

2, 2(1, 2b. Examples taken from pile i viewed from different aspects. Circumference of the smallest, 4 in. ; of the largest, 8| in.

3, 3n, 3^. Solid discs of wood, ornamented with beads on outer face, worn for ornament in the distended lobe.

3. Circumference,  jjin.  ;   depth,  3j  in.
   

3a. ,, 7iin. ; ,. i^in.

3^. ,, 7* in. ; ,, 11 in.

Largest specimen in collection is 9 in. in circumference.

5. A plain solid cylinder of wood, shaped at the ends (ki-lori-gi'-ti ya gu'-tu). The two points that come next to the neck are somewhat shortened, a-b = if in. Not Avorn in pairs.

4. Similar article to 5, but larger and slightly orna- mented, fl-^ = 3^ in.

6. Is similar to 5 and 4, and made of solid ivory. Referred to as mu'-ti wa gu'-tu. The lower inside tip has been shortened.

7. ya. Ki-lin-gi'-ti ya gu'-tu. A beautifully modelled wood ornament into which the rope-like lobe is slipped. Not common. Worn by warriors only, ya, position when in use. 7, laid on its side to show construction.

Length, ya, a-d-b — 3jin. Depth, ya, il-c = i|in.

32(1

PL. XIV

" o ,

n O O

I O o

O O o

000°"'

j" o^oo 0 0 . O OO 01 O

0 0 OO <to

OO qOOOooOii ,2?oOOooc,oo

3b

Brit. Mus. [/?.]

32 6

PLATE XV Ear " Blocks "

1. Carved oniament of wood (mu'-ti wa gu'-tu). The spike a is passed through the distended lobe of the ear. The lobe is then slightly stretched to allow it to be slipped over the lower point, h. Between h and c is a shallow groove extending round the whole circumference of the article. In this groove the hypertrophied lobe lies like a solid rubber tyre on a bicycle wheel. Uncommon. Extreme length, 6iin. Length of prong, a-c, 2| in. Circumference in groove, b c, 7} in.

2. A common form of ornament for the lobe fmu'-ti wa gu'-tu). A hollow wooden cylinder carved into form indi- cated. The extremities of the spikes are united by a string of beads. The lower end of the cylinder is thrust into the slightly stretched loop formed by the hypertrophied lobe, which lies around it at the level d-e. In wear the spikes maintain a position dn-ected upwards and slightly forward. Girth, cl-e, 6i in. Extreme length, 5^ in. Length of prong, 2| in. Interval between prongs, outside to outside, 2| in.

:!2f

PL. XV

Brit. Mhs. [/?.]

32 g

PL. XVI

MM

^

.i.lt.W'fj

BriL M//S. [A'.]

Ear "Sticks" (Ron-i-oi'-i) Worn in the cartilage of ear

One of the most typical ornaments of the Akikiiyu. The essential thing is the spikes (h-c), which rise above the upper border of the cartilage. The piece of leather (a), into which the " sticks " are set, lies in the gutter in the upper external border of the cartilage. Its function is merely to support the sticks. The chain dependent from the leather as here shown is a somewhat unusual addition.

Cf. Pi. viii.; PI. XXV.

32 h

Ornaments worn around the Neck See p. 33

321

Pl. XVII

Brit. Mus. [A' ]

Necklace

The beads of the string are a dark blue (the most valued colour). The extremity of each length of the fringe of chain is terminated by two milk-white beads tied to it.

Length of necklace, 152 in.

General length of fringe throughout, 2j in.

32 J

Pl. XVIII

XucK Ornaments

I. Mu-lii-ni-o, or collar, formed of a single rod of stout iron wire whipped around with fine iron wire. Over the centre (where there is no whipping) lengths of chain are laid, and then over them two pieces of flat iron are folded. These are compressed laterallv, converting them into a tube. From each tube four lengths of fine iron chain depend to the waist.

One of the com- monest an d most graceful of the neck ornaments. Worn both by men and \vomen : never bv children.

Circumference of collar, I in.

Length of depen- dent chain, 24 in.

Obtained from an M'kikuyu of the Mer'-u countrv (foot-hills of Mt. Kenva).

2. A flat ornamental collar of flexible iron. Made apparentlv bv binding a core of smaller gauge wire with other much stouter, leaving a considerable and even interval betAveen each turn. The whole has been then somewhat flattened and rendered homogeneous by hammer- ing. Each turn thus rests against its fellow at an angle of 45°. One extremity of the whipping wire terminates in a hook and the other in an eve.

Obtained from an M'kikuyu from the Mer'-u countrj- (foot-hills of Mt. Kenya).

32 k

**»IUU\N^^^^'

/y/z7, .l/«,f. [A'.]

PLATE XIX N li C K L A C E S

1. A necklace of beads with a fringe of trumpet-shaped pieces of iiard wood. Such is worn by boys and by old men : not by others. It is simply called mi'-ti. The only interest is in the design.

Total length, 15 in. Length of trumpet, i in.

2. Hoops of fine grass plaited over a core of string, (ma-li-gi-ri-gi). Made by little girls when bird-scaring and used by them only. The hoop is formed by tying together the two ends of twine. Some half-dozen are worn.

Length, 192^ in.

3. Ki-ban'-di, a neck ornament made and worn by boys. Five lengths of grass stem (li in.) are brought together b)' a double string passing through the cavity of each. Another cord forming the neck string is, at the same time, passed through each bight projecting at the upper end. The string passing through the grass stems is then drawn tight and secured.

4. A single string of beads of graduated sizes. The larger beads are formed of the wood mu-hu'-ti, the smaller ones of the wood ki-ra'-go. They are valued for the scent they are considered to give off when rubbed together in wear. Worn doubled, forming two necklaces.

Total length of string, 60 in.

Circumference of largest bead, 2^ in. ; of smallest, i] in.

5. Mon'-do, satchel worn round the neck by boys, warriors, and elderly men. Each compartment contains a "medicine" — /.c, a variety of different drugs as com- pounded for the wearer by the medicine-man to form a charm. The design and workmanship of the article is that of the wearer.

Size, 2x2 in. Fringe, 3 in.

32 1

Pi.. XIX

Brit. Mus. [R ]

32111

PLATE XX Necklaces and Armlet

1. Mang-oi'-o, a form of necklace made from lengths of a peculiar round cord woven with the fingers from bark. The ends of the cords are whipped together to form one necklace. From two to six such necklaces may be worn at the same time.

Number of cords in one necklace, 9 to 14. Length of each cord, 18 in.

Stated to be worn by small boys, big boys, and warriors, but not by elderly or old men ; also by small girls, big girls, and young married women.

2. Armlet formed of leather strap whipped with copper wire. On the inner aspect, throughout its entire length, a cut {b} has been made with a chisel through each turn of the wire. Terminal tongue (a, d, c) passes through terminal hole (/), and carries the usual spiral wire stop ((/).

Extent of wire whipping =^ a, h, c = i i in.

3. N'gi-ta, or collar worn bv boys up to time of circum- cision, but never afterwards.

Length (jf dependent chain, 14 in.

321-1

PLATE XXI Necklaces

1. Ma-rei-me'-li, an ornament of fixed design worn by boys only up to time of circumcision.

A string of blue beads (16 in.) has betwixt each bead in its anterior portion eighteen tabs of leather folded over it and whipped with copper wire. A cowrie shell, to which are attached six lengtlis of iron chain (14 in.), forms a pendant.

2. l-ken-i'-a, or collarette, worn by big girls and married women. 1 he pattern is said to be very old-fashioned.

Length of necklace, 21 in.

,, pendant, 3 in .

,, chain, 11 in.

Necklace: beads, two outside rows, milk-white.

,, ,, centre row, red.

Pendant : beads, two outside rows, red. ,, ,, centre row, milk-white.

3. Represents one of two specimens. Both have obviously had much wear. Each obtained from a different source, yet details of construction are identical. Neck- lace formed of treble row of beads; centre row dark blue, outer rows milk-white. To this is attached row of cowrie shells, their extremities united by single row of milk-white beads.

The treble row of beads is maintained in ribbon form by strips of leather pierced by three holes to carry the three threading strings.

Length of collarette, i8i in.

,, pendant, if in.

,, chain, ii| in Pendant of one \orkcd with blue beads.

,, other ,, ,, white ,,

32 1'

32 q

PLATIC XXII I-KI'N-l'-A

l-ken-i'-a, a milk-white disc, size of a crown piece, formed from a sea-shell rubbed down and pierced. It is flat (MI its posterior and somewhat convex on its anterior surface.

It is highly valued for making the ornament known as i-ken-i'-a (fig. 2, previous page), and is obtained by trade with the Akam'ba. The two larger specimens are 2^ in. in diameter, the smaller i| in.

Pl. XXII

Brit. Mus. [/?.]

32 s

Pl. xxin

m^Ajn

A Valuable Necklace

The leaves of a certain plant are much appreciated for their scent. They come, the natives sav, from the country near Lake Naivasha, and hence were formerly only obtained through the Masai' by trade. From the leaves these necklaces are made by the Akikuyu. Each element consists, on section, of one or more leaves compressed into a solid cone. The appearance of an open wire whipping is due to the midrib. Each cone is held tightly against its neighbour by a knotted cord encircling its larger end J in. from the base.

Of each element, length

I in. Of total necklace, length

28 in.

The Kikuyu name of the necklace and of the plant from which it is made is ma-li-li-chu-a.

ORNAMENTS 33

Ornamentation of the Face and Neck.

The nose, the nostrils, and both of the lips are never in an}' way pierced or ornamented.

No M'kikuyu, in the districts dealt with, either files or removes any of his teeth. This is the more remarkable con- sidering the fearsome practice of the Akam'ba, from whom the Akikuyu say they are descended. The Mas-ai, too, invariably remove an upper incisor in order, they declare, that they may be fed with milk when the jaws are clenched with tetanus. On the other hand, the Akikuyu, their neighbours, say, when questioned, that they find no necessity to do so for this purpose. As a rule their teeth are excellent, and caries rare. In cases of decay and extreme pain, a tooth is removed by breaking away the wall of the socket with the point of a knife tapped on its butt with a stone. The damage done to the jaw is con- siderable. The dentist's fee is a load of flour. They do not seem to experience pain to anything like the same extent that a European would under similar circumstances. The natives are constantly polishing their teeth with a green stick which has been chewed at one end, so as to form a brush, and they say they use charcoal, or a form of soft stone, as tooth-powder. I have never seen them use a toothpick, but have been warned that to employ a porcupine quill for the purpose will result in all the teeth presently becoming friable, and breaking down " hke dried mud."

Big lads and girls frequently decorate their cheeks with a pair or more of patches in the form of a star, and each the size of a shilling. For this purpose a vegetable dye is used that temporarily stains their naturally brownish-black skin to an intensely black hue. They also sometimes adorn their faces with a painted domino of blue or red on the occasion of a dance ; it has no significance that the writer is aware of, but he has seen it also amongst the Masai.

The neck is always, from earliest childhood, decorated by some form of collar or band. This is usually composed either of beads of sorts, of cordage, or of wrought metal work. In addition, there is the chain sling of the universal snuff bottle. 5

34 RAIMENT

Each age of each sex wears the ornaments pecuHar to it. Custom even prescribes, too, the manner in which an article shall be worn according to the occasion. For instance, the belt that is edged with a fringe of chain must be worn around the waist in public, yet the same is permitted to be worn, and is usually worn, as a sash, passing over one shoulder and under the opposite arm when herding the goats.

Most of the different forms of ornament are illustrated in the plates, and are accompanied by detailed notes on their use.

Raiment

The one and only garment worn by men and boys for protection is the n'gu-o, a form of cape. Of these the best are made of goat skins selected for their colour, which may be either all dark chestnut, or chestnut and white as alternate skins, and ornamented with beads and raised leather work. Short bright lengths of chain are also attached to small rosettes of beads, and very effectively set off the rich, dark goat skin. This garment may often now be seen made of cotton, which is sometimes preferred on account of its lightness. The length required is three " hands." ^

This garment is worn in such a manner as to completely drape the whole of the upper part of the body, and is held in its place by an adjustable thong which brings together the ends of the upper border at a point 3| in. from the corners. This thong nips the right shoulder, either just above or below its curve. The right arm is thus free to mani- pulate the sword and spear. The left arm is either covered or left bare according to the fancy of the wearer. The whole effect is very graceful.

When working in the fields, men often wear only a banana leaf. The midrib forms a strap around the waist, whilst the blade of the leaf, splitting into strips, depends from the midrib, forming a short petticoat. It is considered improper,

^ " A hand " is tho distance from the internal condyle of the elbow joint to the tip of the middle finger. The price is a fixed sum. The purchaser is only entitled to claim his own arm as the measure. He is not entitled to call in any long-armed friend. The seller may not himself measure off the stuff.

RAIMENT 35

even when working quite alone, to be unclothed, and any one transgressing is liable to be reported, and brought before the elders of the village. A man, however, is considered fully dressed if he is wearing his mu-ni-or'-a, which is a strap PI. xxix. an inch wide, from which depends a fringe of fine chain 3 in. '^" ' deep, as referred to above.

The short cape is sometimes seen in the colder and wetter parts lengthened to the knee and widened. It is then Pi. xxvi, made of the handsome pelts of the grey monkey or of the hyrax. But these long robes are not worn by the younger men.

Ornaments of Arms, Waist, Legs

The curve of the shoulder and the outer part of the upper arm is often decorated by small lenticular artificial scars PI. xi. Fig. i. of a keloid character. Beyond this no form of tattooing is indulged in. On the upper arm some one of the many special ornaments for the purpose is almost invariably worn, as also are different sorts of bracelets, some shapes extending half-way to the elbow.

On the fingers may sometimes be seen rings formed of a coil of fine wire ; again, in some parts an incurved lozenge- shaped plaque of iron forms the upper surface of a ring which covers the whole of the back of the proximal phalanx. This form of ring is very common amongst the Masai. PI. cxxi.

Round the waist is worn some form of fringe which varies in character with the occasion.

Above the swell of the calf is usually some form of orna- ment, whilst the ankle is commonly encircled with a thong on which are threaded a number of little bells which pleasantly mark the wearer's otherwise silent tread. These lie below a band of black fur.

Sandals are seldom worn except by travellers.

Plate xxiv

■^ \ The One and Only Garment of Men and Boys,

({p^r^ THE N'gi5-o

1. A ii'gu-o folded to show manner of wearing it. Size of this example, 44 x 22| in.

2, Another specimen spread out flat to show the cut. Size of this, 42 x 22 in.

PI. viii. p. 20c, PI. XXV. p. 36c, show the appearance in wear.

I'L. XXIV

Brit. Mus. [A*.]

36 a

PLATE XXV Two Young Warriors in Mufti

Figure to left shows :— -

(a) Mode of wearing the garment, in this case made of goatskins.

(6) Beadwork cap of stomach of the ox.

(c) Peculiar triangular ornament (n'gi'-ri), attached

to hair and dependent over forehead. See PI. xi. Fig. 2.

(d) The ear quills. See PI. xvi.

(e) The collar with dependent chain reac hingbelow

the waist. Two such are here worn. See PI. xviii. Fig. I.

(/) The m cdeof wearing the sword. The scabbard lies next to the skin on the side where the garment is open. See PI. v.

(o) Bracelets of iron wire. PI. xxvii. Fig. 5.

(/;) Fighting spear. The whole is of wrought iron, except that portion here grasped by the left hand.

(/) Ornamental garter. See PI. xx. Fig, 2.

(y) Beads round left ankle. PI. xxviii.

Figure to right shows : —

(a) The garment, here made of trade calico. (/;) The hair lengthened sufficientlv to extend over the forehead and well down the nape of the neck.

(c) The fillet of beads across the forehead.

(d) Another form of fighting spear.

(t') " Medicine " sewn into leather sachet, and attached to a strap worn round the right ankle.

36 1.

Pl. XXV

36 c

IV. S. R phot.

Pl. XXVI

IV. S. R. phot.

An M'kikuyu of Middle Adic i'rom the Lower Slopes of Mount Kinangop

A well-groomed, wealthy, and dignified old gentleman. PI. shows : —

(n) The large warm garment occasionally worn in the

colder districts. It is made of picked monkey

skins, {h) Method of wearing" the garment when warmth is

not desired. ((■) The spear carried by veterans being lighter than

the fijjhtinu; one. 1*1. c.xxii.

Orn/\ments of the Arms, Waist, AND Legs

36 e

PLATE XXVII

Armlets

I. Ivorv ornament (ngo'-zo) for the lower shoulder and upper arm, laid on its side to show shape, and the leather thong (d) whereby the opening (i) can be adjusted to the exact size of the upper arm.

a-a = 3^ in. h-b = 2f in. c-c = 6| in.

i((. A somewhat similar article, made of wood, viewed from the side. It represents the appearance of Fig. i when that is in use. It is worn as high as possible on the upper arm. The ends are directed forwards and backwards. Fifj. i« is simply a cheap imitation, carved from white wood, of its old and valuable ivory counterpart shown in Fig. i.

e-e = 3I in. e-f = 4I in. f^g = 2| in.

3. An armlet carved in one piece out of buffalo horn, and having its anterior and posterior extremities orna- mented with coarse copper wire. It is worn slipped up the arm as close to the shoulder as possible, and similarly to la. Cf. PI. xi. Fig. I, p. 28 b, for illustration of use.

a-h (outside) = 4 in. c-d = 2J in.

4 and 5. Armlet and bracelet made for, and worn by, the author. Formed of a single stout iron ^vire, whipped over with line brass and copper wire. It has to be fitted to the limb by a professional expert found at all markets. He first straightens out the coil, and then, bv means of an iron tube some 9 in. long slipped over it, he closely and smoothl}' moulds it to the arm or Avrist. These ornaments cannot be slipped on or off.

2. A charm worn round the ankle to obviate fatigue in the joint when travelling.

Consists of three solid cylinders of hard wood threaded on strip of leather. One end of the thong is pointed and the other pierced to take it.

The cylinders are not hollowed out at their bases to contain " medicines."

Obtained from a native of Mer'-u (foot of Mt. Kenya).

Length, i| in. ; greatest girth, 1 in. ; length of thong, II in.

36 f

Pl. XXVII

^'' |jtewi.iiife=^

\Brit.Mus. [/?.]

PLATE XXVIII

Ki-ni-a'-ta, or Embroidered Bands

Worn by boj's, unmarried girls, and warriors.

By girls around the neck and around the upper arm.

By boys and men above the calf, above the swell of the biceps, and around the neck.

1. Size, 8| X I in. fat ornamental tab).

2. Size, 94 X I in. To show tongue at one end that is passed through the hole in the other end. Length of tongue, 5 in. Cf. 2a.

3. Size, io| X f in.

2rt is Fig. 2 to show method of fastening by a sliding bead.

3(1. The common form of stop on any thong, being a cylinder formed of fine iron or copper wire.

j. A necklace (rare) formed of discs of bone. Each disc is \ in. in diameter and concavo-convex- — probabl}' due to method of manufacture. Process has not been observed.

Two other specimens of embroidered straps, not here shown, measure respectively ii| x \ in. and iij x ^^ in.

36 h

Pl. XXVIII

Brit. Mus. [A".]

361

PLATE XXIX Waist Fringes

1. An unornamented leather strap to which is attached a fringe of cords, eighty-five in number. Each of these averages 8 in. in length, and is composed of short pieces of grass stem (i in.). Each cord is terminated either by the addition of the upper extremity of the fruit of the gourd, or with a claw of the ant-bear, which is hollow. On movement a chinking sound, as of sleigh-bells, is produced.

a = claw.

h = gourd (similar to tip of a cucumber).

2. The Mit-ui or'-o, or W'ciisi Fniii^c. Univ^^rsally \vorn by warriors and by middle-aged men. From a leather strap, ornamented with a double row of blue and ^vhite beads, depend short lengths (2| in.i of chain. The pattern and ornamentation of the mu-ni-or'-o does not vary. It is fastened by passing the pointed thong, terminating one extremity, through a hole pierced in the other. The spiral of brass wire (c) that is slid along the pointed thong as a stop is here well shown.

Length of belt (fringed), 30 in. ,, thong, 13 in.

3^]

Pl. XXIX

H

Brit Mns. [i?.]

36 k

LAND AND AGRICULTURE

37

LAND AND AGRICULTURE

The Kikuyu country is as fertile as it is beautiful. The only problem for the student is how a people naturally so unwarlike has contrived to possess and to hold so desirable a residence. In its natural condition it abounds, as has been seen, in both wood and water, while the soil is so suited for cereal crops that it has become the granary of this part of Africa. In the case of famine in other districts, large supplies of corn are bought here by the Government and forwarded for the purposes of relief. The present condition of the land can best be made clear by considering it as virgin, wooded, fallow, or cultivated. Of these the last is by far the most important. The land which is used for pasture — it can scarcely be called pastoral land — is spoken of hereafter.

The manner in which the Virgin Land on the confines of the country is being brought into private ownership has been P. 6. described. In the heart of the country the only vestiges

which remain are the sacred groves and the common grounds preserved by custom, such as the dancing-greens. These last in some cases owe their present form to communal labour.

Woodland is, generally speaking, non-existent, the country having been denuded of trees, but there are the following exceptions. In addition to the sacred groves, which are usually found on hilltops, a certain species of giant forest tree is considered sacred and is always preserved. It is known as the mu-ti mu-gu, and is a form of ficus. These trees may be destroyed by grass fires, but are never intentionally cut down.

Isolated trees here and there are allowed to remain in order

3S

LAND AND AGRICULTURE 39

that bee-boxes may be placed in them, and they form con- Pi. xxxvii. spicuous objects in the landscape. The traveller who goes half a mile out of his way attracted by the hope of shade, will be doomed to find the bees already in possession.

Certain trees, up to about twenty feet in height, are found amongst the cultivated land. They are pollarded stocks whose shoots are useful in hut-building ; therefore they are spared.

Lastly, in parts of the country, all too few in number, small copses may be found preserved for timber. These cannot be used without leave being obtained and payment given. They are said to belong " to the chief," or at times " to the elders." It remains for other inquirers to show how far this is a case of communal ownership. The obligation of the clan M'we-sa-ga to keep certain lands under woodland has already been pointed out.

Fallow Land is all in private ownership, and cannot be again brought into cultivation by any one except the owner, without his leave. For such permission, in the majority of cases, payment would be expected in the form of goats, though a rich man might occasionally make a present to a friend who desired an additional shamba.

Cultivated Land. — The Akikuyu are essentially an agri- cultural nation. The countryside, when not aAvaiting its turn of cultivation, presents the appearance of large allotments or of small fields divided by hedges. The arable ground is generally in lots of one and a half to three acres, one or more being assigned to the care of each wife of the head of the home- stead. Interspersed are large plantations of bananas, manioc, and sugar-cane.

The whole of the people are cultivators of the soil. It is the duty of the men to clear the land of the virgin forest, or of the brushwood that covers it after lying fallow, and roughly to break up the surface. Their help is also required

40 AGRICULTURE

to scare the birds from the ripening crops ; beyond this they nominally contribute nothing. In practice, however, they do much more, planting and hoeing and harvesting, for if a man has not womenkind enough to cultivate his ground he is obliged to assist, and it is not considered derogatory to do so.

Two instruments only are employed in agriculture. One is

the crow-bar (mu-ga-rti-ru) for the original breaking up of the

See p. 5. ground, which proceeding has already been described. This

is a wooden stake seven feet long, about as thick as the wrist,

and sharpened at one end into a long fine point.

PI. xciii.Fig.3. The other is known as the ka-hi-yu, and is a lanceolate

instrument of iron like a spear-head, set into a short handle.

PI. xxxi. It is stabbed into the ground and the handle depressed, by

which means the soil is prized up with great rapidity as with

a spade. The power is chiefly derived from the wrist. The

ka-hi-yu are made by the native smiths and are of native

iron. They are not sharpened. Their form and size are

invariable.

The equatorial year has of course no winter and summer. Its passage is marked by two wet seasons, which occur in what are our spring and autumn. Planting is done in all cases at the first commencement of the rains, and harvesting as soon as the crop has ripened after their cessation. There are therefore tvv^o seed times and two harvests in twelve months, and when an M'kikuyu speaks of " a year," he means six months.

Cutting out in paper in ample quantity the moon in its different phases, and with a supply of counters to represent rain, hoeing, birds, etc., we got some of our native friends to set out for us what they considered to be a typical Kikuyu agricultural year. After due deliberation the subjoined scheme was considered by them to be so. It must be taken, not as an absolute statement of fact, but as the Kikuyu ideal of a

Pl. XXX

^s. A^ j'hoi.

CULTIVATKD LaXD IN THE NeIGHBOI'RHOOD OF NyEKI

40 a

Pl. XXXI

A'. A', phot.

WoMIiN HoEINCi

1. Botli figures (a and h) show attitude of women at Held-work and method of holding ka-hi-yu.

2. II shows attitude in repose, /; attitude in work.

5. (( shows attitude in repose, h typical attitude in planting and hoeing. The spinal curves are remarkable, also the slight degree of flexure of knee-joint.

40 b ;

AGRICULTURE

41

typical year. The rains are very irregular, and if they fail

aether the crop per

ishes.

1st Month

•

Plant.

3

o

C

Light Rains

2nd Month .

•

3

o

c

Heavy Kains.

3rd Month .

•

3

o

c

Heavy Rains.

Rain Stops.

4th Month .

9

3

o

c

Hoeing

5th Month .

•

3

o

c

H

oeing.

Bird-soaring.

6th Month

•

3

o

c

Bird-scaring and Harvest.

Maize, the principal crop, is so^^'n by stabbing holes with the kai-hu, about 6 inches in depth and 2 feet apart, into each of which two seeds are dropped.

During the hoeing and weeding season the women are much occupied in the fields, the attitude which they assume for work, bending straight from the waist downwards with knees almost straight, would not commend itself to a European. The men squat on their heels for the same work. The ka-hi-yu is a very efficient instrument for dealing with weeds, as they are thereby prized up bodily by the roots.

As soon as the crops are sufficiently ripe to attract the birds, the protection of them becomes a serious business, in which the whole population take part. Temporary platforms are erected in the fields so that the whole field of operations may be in view, and stones and pieces of earth are thrown at the depredators ; slings are also used for this purpose. The Plate xxxii. flocks of small thieves are addressed by every abusive epithet, and hoarse cries and shouts echo from hill to hill throughout the country-side. 6

42

AGRICULTURE

At harvest-time the ears of corn are gathered by hand and

Plate ixxviii. carried in bags of plaited string to the huts, where they are

hung up to dry. They are then stored in huge baskets inside

the enclosure of the homestead. These baskets are roofed in

Plate xci. and set upon legs, to avoid the depredation of vermin.

The more important grains are : —

Maize (zea mays) : Kik, m'bem'-bi ; Swa. mu-hin'-di.

Kaffir corn (Sorghum vulgare) : Kik. moh'-cha or mwu-i ; Swa. m'ta-ma, the Indian millet.

Mive'-li, a fine grain, something like canary seed in appear- ance.

Others of less importance are different forms of millet knoAvn to the Akikuyu as mu-kom'-bi, muim'-bi, u-gim'-bi. These are grown in comparatively small quantities.

All these grains are exotic, and the Akikiiyu say have been derived from the " white man of very long ago," and have reached them in trade through the Akam'ba, the tribe situated between them and the coast. A chief told us his grandfather would have refused to touch maize, which is now the mainstay of the people. It is interesting to note, in the same way, that the European varieties of maize introduced since the English occupation, which at first the natives would not touch, are now becoming appreciated by them. This is slightly unfortunate from the point of view of the settler, who has to guard his crops from theft in a way formerly unnecessary.

Other crops that are grown are different forms of bean, n'ja-hi, a small variety; m'bo-shi-o, the seed of which is I in. long; and n'ju-gu, or pigeon-pea {cajanus Indicus'i). This last is a shrub about 9 feet high, and is very largely grown. The fire-drill is often made of this wood. When the seed-pods have been gathered the bushes are pulled up and preserved for fuel.

The arum lily (Kik. n'do-ma), the sweet potato (Kik.

Fl. XXXII

BrLL-ROARTR ( Ke-lui-iu'-ta and Smng i Ki-.iiu'-tha)

[SKE OVliR

42 a

PLATE XXXII Bull-roarer and Sling

1. Bull-roarer consists of : —

a. The handle — a stick 26 in. long.

h. Aflat tongue of wood— 4^ X I in. The long borders are sharpened to a cutting edge. It is pierced at one end to carry.

c. The thong — made of bark twine.

In use the thong is whirled around the head with the arm extended, and then twitched — not cracked like a whip. When well handled it makes a loud sound of a character something between a pistol-shot and the whoop of a motor syren. Used to scare birds.

2. A small, roughly made sling employed to hurl pellets of mud. Made of bark twine woven by the fingers in the same manner as women weave their bags.

Cf. PI. xlviii. p. 78 b. It is used from a platform erected in the centre of each plot of ripening grain.

The principle of the sling is not emplovcd in warfare or for any other purpose.

n-b

= 3i

in.

c-d

= I*

in.

c-y

= 12

in.

d-z

= I 1

in.

42 b

AGRICULTURE 43

n'gwa-chi), the sugar-cane (Kik. ki-gwa, pi. i-gAva), are also cultivated. Plantations of manioc may be seen, and much resemble an English hop garden. Each vine trails over its supporting pole, which are situated about 12 feet apart.

The only fruit cultivated are bananas (Kik. ma-ri-go), of these there are many varieties, each differently esteemed. It is most difficult to recognise any difference in the plants, but the appearance and character of the fruit varies greatly.

Tobacco (Kik. m'ba-ki) is largely grown, both for home consumption, in the form of snuff, and also as an article of trade with the surrounding tribes.

The Castor Oil tree (Kik. ri-a-ri-ki) is cultivated, and the oil of the seeds used as grease for the skin and garments by those too poor to afford mutton fat.

FLOCKS AND HERDS

While the Akikuyu are in the main, as has been seen, an agricultural people, most possess, in addition to their cultivated land, a certain number of goats and sheep : cattle are the valued property of the few. The live stock are prized for their milk when alive, and for their flesh and hides when dead. They are appreciated, however, not so much as a source of food, but chiefly as being the embodiment of wealth. All that gold connotes to the European, his flocks and herds do to the M'kikuyu : for them he would pawn his very soul, forgetful in old times that the possession of this form of wealth might not improbably cost him his life. One of the chief objects in the accumulation of live stock is that they may be used for the purchase of wives. To those acquainted with the Akikuyu, perhaps the most realistic touch in the folk tales See p. 318. recorded lies in the answers given by the boy M'wam'bia to the mythical N'jen'ge. The animal whose life he has saved tells him to state what he would like as reward. He asks first for goats and then for women. When his wishes have been generously granted, and he is requested to say what next he desires, he replies, " Nothing more " !

The goat is taken as the unit of value. If a man wishes to buy a wife he must pay so many "goats," but the actual pay- ment may take the form of cattle, sheep, and goats. So, too, in the purchase of ivory , negotiations used to be carried on in terms of goats. The fixed ratio of value of goats to cattle is as 13 to 1.

44

HERDS 45

The total amount of cattle held by the Akikuyu has always been small. A herd the property of an individual may vary from ten to one hundred beasts.

Grazing ground in the heart of Kikuyu does not exist to any appreciable extent. It is therefore the general practice for herds to be sent to the confines of the cultivated land, where in certain parts there exist tracts which have been denuded by fire of thick forest growth. This ground is naturally covered by grass so dense that progress is only possible along the game tracks, whilst in height it sometimes reaches above the head of a man on horseback. In this sea of grass the rhino lives, and to it the Akikuyu set fire in the dry season, with the result that the country is gradually brought, and maintained, in a condition that permits of its being pastured by their cattle.

To these grounds the herds are sent, where they are placed at night in strong enclosures and guarded with unceasing vigilance, both at pasture and in the stockade, by a numerous armed escort to protect them from lions and raiders.

It has been said that the cattle of the Akikuyu are branded with a tribal mark. All inquiries that I have been able to make point to such brands being purely for identification, and dictated by the fancy of the owner. Occasionally some particular marking may be considered as " medicine," and to have protective power.^

The care of the cattle and everything connected with them is work that custom assigns to men and boys, and they are not supposed to drink other milk than that of the cow.

The calves are shut up apart from their mothers at night, and in the early morning the herd is milked to a moderate extent, and then the calves are permitted to suck their mothers dry. The cows will not give up their milk except in the pre- sence of their calves ; and should a calf die it is skinned, and the skin stuffed with grass : the cow licks it over and seems

1 Cf. PL Ixxxvii. 9.

46 FLOCKS AND HERDS

quite satisfied, and permits her milk to flow. In the evening the calves are turned loose as the herd approaches the home- stead, and have the whole of the day's milk.

Milking is done into a half calabash held with one hand. From this it is poured into a long narroAv gourd, which has previously been well rinsed out with cows' urine and then filled with smoke . The consequence of its thus being put into ' ' dirty ' ' vessels, i.e. vessels in which the milk ferment is present, is that immediately it is heated, with a view to sterilising it, it breaks up into curds and whey, whilst, if not heated, it quickly turns sour. As the natives make no attempt at keeping it, these drawbacks do not matter to them, but from the European traveller's point of view it is a very serious evil. When attacked by dysentery a supply of pure boiled milk is almost essential to recovery, and even for bad fever it is most valuable ; hence it is most unfortunate that the natives often think that to milk an animal into any vessel other than the usual half cala- bash, e.g. into a European white enamelled bowl, is likely to make it go off its milk. Curds, whey, cream, butter, and cheese are never prepared ; in fact, the three latter are unknown.

The sheep and goats are pastured together, sometimes accompanied by a few odd cattle and calves, should the owner be so happy as to possess such. Their grazing ground is the fallow land, which is sometimes referred to as " the possession of the goats." The boys, when the country is quiet, generally have charge of the smaller flocks ; for a flock may be anything from ten or twenty sheep and goats to three or four hundred, the joint property of neighbours. Every sheep and goat is marked not by any form of brand, but by mutilating the ear in some way. The flocks are counted every morning and every evening as a matter of routine, so that, what between counting his goats and the contents of the lot bottle, our M'kikuyu is decidedly quick at figures.

It is a pretty sight to see the flocks brought home for the

46 a

CU

■^

^

^

a <

X

U

46 b

FLOCKS 47

night. The mothers break into a trot as they climb the hillside on which the village stands, and call to their youngsters. The kids, perhaps as many as fifty in number, are liberated simultaneously by a woman from their common pound, and scamper for all they are worth through the low archway of growing greenery, which alone gives access to a Kikuyu homestead. They career like young rocking-horses down the short greensward without, helter-skelter, waggling their little tails, and often tumbling over each other in their eagerness, as they run straight to their mothers, whom all but the youngest recognise almost immediately.

Every sheep and goat is sheltered for the night in the hut occupied by the owners, and as the chill of sundown comes, they wend their way with calm assurance into their respective homes and stand round the fire in the centre, warm- ing themselves, presently to jostle there with their owners. In the case of a heavy rain shower they assert themselves still more energetically. Eventually they are put away for the night on the floor under the bedsteads, but the visitor constantly tumbles over one in the perpetual gloom of a native hut. Their presence thus in the house is of the greatest value, as the alkali in their urine prevents the ingress of the burrowing flea or jigger. Where no goats are present, as in the case of very poor people, children and sick persons may be seen with their fingers and toes dropping off, in consequence of the jiggers in their hands and feet.

Every wife has her own house, and every house has its own quota of goats — the term "goat " being used indifferently by the Akikuyu for both sheep and goat. On these, though not in any sense her property, she has practically a lien, for thej'- are those which, on some ground or other, she can claim on behalf of her own children against the other wives should her husband die. Ewes are not milked, but the she-goats are. Their milk is re- garded as the perquisite of the women, and as such is used by

48 FLOCKS

them for the young children. This, however, amounts to no large quantity, as though the quality is rich and delicate the yield is small, and the larger proportion is required for the kids.

It is an interesting fact that unless the goats are kept well supplied with saline earth they will not give thick milk nor keep in condition. A trough containing such earth is found in every homestead (cf. p. 59 and PL xl. p. 66a).

FOOD AND COOKERY

The Akikuyu may be looked, on as essentially vegetarians. Meat, in the form of beef, mutton, and goats' flesh, though it is frequently eaten, is the luxury of the few, and only par- taken of in small quantity on occasions of sacrifice or festival.

As regards food, they are very conservative in their taste, and have a real repugnance to even try, when offered to them, any cereals or vegetables other than those they are accustomed to. White European bread and biscuits are not to their palate attractive ; sugar and salt are.

This last, in its refined white European form, is always, by strangers, suspected of being poison, and refused. They, however, accept with avidity the crude yellow-brown crystals, with plenty of coral grit amongst them, which is the trade article, and obtained by the evaporation of sea water.

ANIMAL FOOD

Theoretically, certain of the Akikuyu clans are by custom allowed to eat a few sorts of wild game, but practically no M'kikuyu who has not been much in contact with the game- eating N'dorobo or Akam'ba, will touch it. If he does, he is looked on by his fellows as a pariah. Nothing but dire starvation will induce the Akikuyu to try to eat wild meat, and then, being unaccustomed to flesh in any quantity, they are soon attacked by dysentery.

Birds, reptiles, insects, and grubs of any sort are never 7

50 FOOD

eaten : the locust and the white flying-ant are not recognised as edible. As regards fish, it is specifically laid down, by custom and tradition, that the eating of it makes a person ceremonially unclean.

Eggs, too, are not used as food : the Akikuyu give as their reason for not keeping fowls, that the crowing of the cocks would betray the whereabouts of their homesteads to raiding parties.

Cattle, sheep, and goats, even when they die a natural death, are eaten. On very great occasions a bull is killed for food. The favourite animal for slaughter is a full-grown castrated ram that has been kept in the dark under his mistress's bedstead for three months and fed on sweet potato tops. He is the only animal in the country that ever gets really fat, and his tail, whereon his fat chiefly tends to accumulate, grows to the size and weight of one of his hind legs. He- goats are castrated with the view to ultimate slaughter, but it is not customary to fatten them in the same way.

Animals are not killed until they reach maturity, and it is unusual to kill any female, such being reserved for breeding.

Manner op Slaughter

The Kikuyu manner of slaughter, in the case of sheep or goat, is as follows : —

The animal is held as it stands, or is thrown to the ground. The nostrils are then closed by grasping the muzzle with one hand whilst its windpipe is tightly pinched with the other. A sheep makes no struggle or resistance, and in a very short time is dead or almost so. It is then placed across a man's knees in a resting attitude, with its fore feet tucked under its breast, and a sword is thrust into the root of the neck. Thereupon nearly all the blood in the body escapes, and is collected into a calabash held to receive it.

COOKING FLESH 51

A knowledge of this method of slaughter is of practical importance, as the cook and boys of the traveller are usually Swahilis from the coast, to whom, as Mohammedans, meat killed in this way is uneatable. Mutton thus made for the white man's table, and for presents to his Kikuyu friends, does not somehow disappear with the remarkable celerity that is so usually the case when the beast has had its throat cut by the hand of the True Believer.

Methods of Cooking Flesh

Broiling on a wooden grid is the customary way of cook- ing flesh. Occasionally, hoAvever, a small portion may be roasted on a spit stuck into the ground. Boiled meat is never eaten by men, but the natives say that women make a sort of Irish stew with meat and vegetables when given a sheep, as a special luxury, after child-birth.

While the sheep or goat is being killed and the blood collected, a large fire is made and stirred, so as to rapidly break down into a mass of glowing embers. When it has become such, at one end of the fire two Y-shaped sticks are driven into the ground, say 3 ft. apart. In the fork of each of these rests the extremity of a rod some 4 ft. long. The same thing is done at the other end of the fire. Then transversely across the face of the glowing mass of embers are laid some half-dozen other bars to form the grid. Of these the ends are supported by the two bars first mentioned. Made of green sticks of suitable strength, this grid neither sags with its load nor catches fire, though removed but some 3 in. from the hot coals.

The joints and black puddings are then placed on it and turned about occasionally : no attempt is made to baste them

52 VEGETABLE FOODS

by placing pieces of fat on the top of the joints. In the case of prime animals there is sufficient surface fat to prevent the flesh from becoming dried up. Moreover, the fat occa- sionally catching fire scorches the surface of the joint, with the result that all the juices of the meat remain in it, and very excellent it is, though inclined to be a bit raw in places. The long bones are cracked for their marrow.

VEGETABLE FOODS

The following is a fairly exhaustive list of the different forms of vegetable produce on which this people subsists, and of the ways in which it is prepared for food.

Arum Lily (Kik. N'do'-ma)

The plant is gathered and prepared in the same way that we do celery. It is then packed into a tall jar and boiled and steamed. The mouth of the pot is closed with a mass of the green leaves placed over it to keep in the steam. The tubers are boiled. They taste like an inferior potato. The plant is largely grown, but is not particularly appreciated. Its value lies in the fact that it is a stand-by in the event of the failure of other crops.

Sweet Potato (Kik. N'gwa'-chi)

The tubers are boiled or roasted on the embers. It is much liked, and universally grown. In addition, the foliage is of the first importance as fodder for fattening the stalled rams and for the milch goats.

Sugar Cane (Kik. sing. Ki'-gwa, pi. i'-gwa)

The hard outer coat of the stem is shaved off with the sword, or torn off, bit by bit, with the teeth, and the soft white

VEGETABLE FOODS 53

cellular interior masticated for its abundant juice, the snow- white woody fibre being spat out after each mouthful. Though very sweet it does not cloy the palate, and is very thirst- quenching and refreshing. Largely grown where locality permits. Eaten by all.

A Form of Yam (Ge'-kwa, pi. I'-kwa)

The tubers are roasted over the embers usually. Some- times they are boiled. It is a valuable, sustaining, and much- appreciated food. It is largely grown.

Maize (Kik. M'bembi)

This grain occupies the same position in Kikuyu as wheat does with us. The yet unripened cobs are roasted over the embers, and, even when quite ripe and hard, are similarly parched and masticated. More usually the cobs are shelled and the grains boiled, being at the same time blended with some of the different sorts of bean. It is not Kikuyu custom to reduce the maize to flour, as the Swahilis do.

Millet

Mtama n.s. {pi. mitama) (Swa.). A form of millet, Kaffir com, sorghum.

(Kik.) mu-he-ha ; mo-hi-a ; mu-hy-a; moh'-cha. Mwele /i.s. {pi. miele) (Swa.). The name of the plant of the Bulrush millet (Penicillaria spicata Sac.). The seed is uwele s. {pi. mawele) (Swa.). Kik. mwe-li ; mwe-bi ; mwe-re. Uwimbi (Swa.) ? = Kik. mit-gim'-bi, a dwarf millet. u-gim'-bi u-gum'-bi mw-im'-bi Mkonyori (Swa.) Mu-kom'-bi (Ejk.), foxtail millet. „ (Swa.) Mu-rai-ya (Kik.), a variety of millet.

This is the next most important grain to the maize. It is ground into flour, and made into a stiff, dough-like mass

54 MAKING FLOUR

by boiling, and eaten hot. Often small quantities of maize and different beans are added, and tlie mass, when cold, is employed as a food when travelling.

M'we'-li and the other kinds of millet are usually rubbed down into flour, as otherwise they have a scouring effect. They are employed in making gruel. They are also carried about unground, and eaten by odd mouthfuls when travelling.

Beans (Kik. N'ja'-hi ; M'bo'-shi-o ; N'ju'-gu ; Tho-ro'-ko ; Thu'-u)

These different species of bean are not rubbed into flour, but are boiled, either separately or mixed with maize, and eaten either hot or in the form of a cold cake. The pods containing the young seeds are never used as a green vege- table as with us.

Method of Making Flour

The method of making flour is as follows : The grain is first placed in a wooden mortar (ki-no) formed from a short length of the trunk of a tree, hollowed out for about 20 in. at one end, and of which the other is sunk into the ground, leaving the hollo wed-out portion alone above it. A heavy wooden pestle, some 5 ft. long, is used, with a stabbing action, to bruise the grain. When this has been done it is brought to the rubbing stones. These are two flat slabs of granite, of which the lower one, about 24 in. long, 16 in. wide, and 3 in. thick, forms the bed or table. The upper stone or rubber is some 18 in. long, 9 in. wide, and 3 in. thick. In use, the larger stone is let into the ground so that one end may be raised a few inches. Behind this raised end the woman kneels. She places a handful of the bruised grain on the

MAKING FLOUR 55

upper end of the slab, lays the rubbing stone transversely across the lower, and holding it by its extremities, and raising one edge, brings a certain amount of grain betwixt the two. She then suddenly throws her weight forwards and down- wards whilst stiffening her arms. The upper stone is thus made to travel over the face of the lower, whilst the material betwixt them is reduced to a fine meal. In 1906 the market value of 60 lbs. of meal thus prepared was goods to the value of 2s. 8d., and forty such loads were prepared at three days' notice on one occasion without its being considered anything out of the common. On li lb. of maize, or of any of the different forms of meal, varied, say, every third day by beans, a man will keep contented and in good condition, making 15 miles per diem under a 50 lb. load, and do so for many weeks.

It is very desirable that any traveller or resident in Kikiiyu should at the earliest opportunity learn to recognise these different seeds, and make himself acquainted with their peculiar dietetic qualities. He must know, too, what vessels will be required for cooking them, the way in which each sort of food has to be dealt with prior to cooking, and the length of time that is required to prepare a meal from each.

The leader of a " safari " (caravan) is respectfully ad- dressed " my father," but he will find that his family of perhaps a couple of hundred hungry porters will soon lose all affection for their parent, and desert him in the middle of nowhere, if, by want of knowledge or forethought, he offers to feed them on unground m'we-li, or condemns them to a diet of beans many days in succession.

56 FOOD AND COOKERY

Fruit

The only cultivated fruit is the banana. Certain sorts of them are eaten unripe, whilst the pulp is still quite hard. These are peeled and thrown on the embers to roast. Another kind is allowed to grow ripe on the tree. The peel of these remains quite green, but the pulp becomes soft and ripe. Yet another variety is cut and plunged into the store of newly ground m'ta-ma flour, or buried in the ground in a large pot. The. rind of these turns yellow and the fruit has a delicate flavour. This burying is, however, only an occasional practice.

Though the banana is universally grown wherever possible, it is not more than a subsidiary element of the food-supply.

To say that there are no wild edible fruits or roots is, practically speaking, an accurate statement. The poverty of this part of the world in this respect is quite remarkable. At no time of the year can a man keep himself alive on wild vegetable produce.

At the higher elevations the blackberry and the raspberry grow rankly, but fruit but Uttle. Still, they are recognised as edible and gathered by the passer-by. The " elephant berries " of the Lai-ki-pi-a plains yield an occasional handful.

Now and then a fruit like a green medlar is met with, and again there is a large forest tree whose fruit contain pips that are sucked for an adhesive sweet pulp with which they are coated. But all the foregoing are only gathered for the pastime of the idle moment.

Honey

Honey, of which the Akikuyn are exceedingly fond, is

PI. xxxvii. collected everywhere. All over the country, where inhabited,

may be seen isolated trees. In every tree is one, and some-

FL. XXXV

k . A'. ///(//.

\Vo:\rEX POUN'DINC. (iRATN

In mortars formed of sections of tree trunks. The butt of each mortar is set into the ground slightly out of the ver- tical. The mortar is hollowed out by means of an axe- blade set into the extremity of a heavy shaft, like one of the pounding sticks here represented.

^6 a

PL. XXXVI

K. R. phot.

KiKUVU Rl BBING-STOXES IN USE

The grain is being rubbed into flour, in tlie Kikiiyu manner, by the kneeling figure.

Scene : Servants' quarters, author's camp.

56 b

Pl. XXXVII

W. S. R. phot.

Bee-box or Hive

From the side of a steep bank a stunted specimen of the African oak is growing and overhanging a wet valley beneath. The two main stems of the tree are united by a dead branch lashed to each, and to it the bee-box is secured.

56 c

PL. XXXVIII

K. R. phot.

Woman making Gruel

Illustration shows: — The way in which the Kikuvu pot is supported on three stones and the fire afterwards started beneath it.

A half gourd, used as a dish, is behind the standing figure.

The woman cooking is wearing bead hoops in cartilage of ear. PI. ci. Fig. 5, p. 140 e.

Collar and chain. PI. xviii. Fig. i, p. 32 k.

Numerous long necklaces of woven cords.

Bracelets and broad garters of iron wire.

Both figures are clad alike. The PI. illustrates the adaptability of the garments to the requirements of the moment.

56 d

HONEY 57

times half a dozen, bee-boxes, placed there for the wild bees to build their comb in, secure from the attacks of the different honey-eating birds.

These boxes are formed from short lengths of trunks of trees, hollowed out by means of the blade of an axe set into the end of a shaft some 6 ft. long, and weighing altogether about 6 lbs., so as to form a chisel, for no curved cutting tool of the nature of a gouge is known. The timber chosen is some soft wood, often a mimosa, the girth twice the size of a man's body, and about 5 ft. in length. The exterior is first wrought into a true cylinder by adzing with an axe, and then one end of the length of tree trunk is set upright in the ground at a suitable depth and angle. The workman — for the making of bee-boxes is always the work of a man — now proceeds to remove, by successive stabs, all the wood from the centre of the trunk. Eventually he obtains a hollow shell a couple of inches thick. This is nicely dressed externally with the axe. Round the margin of each extremity, on the inner aspect, a deep groove is cut about 2 ins. from its edge, into which flat boards, each one obtained by adzing down a solid tree trunk, are fitted. The finished article looks like a properly headed-up barrel. No holes are intentionally made anywhere to admit the bees ; these find their -way in through the interstices in the fitting of the end-pieces. As many as half a dozen of these bee-boxes may be seen at a large native market on sale. They are laid upon suitable forked branches in the isolated tree, and secured in place by lashings of tough creepers. In the case of new boxes, bunches of sweet-smelling flowers are tied to one extremity when it is first put in place. The idea is to attract the bees to it.

A peculiarity of the Akikuyu is never to suspend their boxes beneath the branch, by means of a span and bridle, as the Akam'ba do. Considering that they trace their descent from the Akam'ba, this point is worthy of notice. In some

58 SALT

parts of Kikujoi, towards the Akam'ba border, the bee-boxes are ornamented by simple designs in poker work. In the part of the country here described such is never done, though it is usual for a man to brand his box with a clan design.

Theft of honey from these boxes, which may be miles from the owner's home, is a recognised offence of a serious character.

The honey is gathered by night. The bees are driven out of their hives by holding smoked torches beneath the box. The honey is then collected into leathern bags. It is eaten in the condition in which it happens to be obtained, often black with age and smoke, and mixed with much broken comb. No attempt is made at separation or purification. From it a form of drink is prepared.

SALT

No saline deposits are known in Kikuyu. A small amount of coarse salt has, for long past, been obtained on the borders of the country from caravans passing to the northward to Ugan'da, and some too, perhaps, by way of trade through the Akam'ba ; but the people generally have had to content themselves with the ash obtained by burning the papyrus rush. In many places the winding valley between two hills forms a marsh which is covered by an impenetrable growth of this grass, which rises to a height of 12 ft. or more. The smouldering fires of the ash-gatherers are still to-day to be seen, even in the opened-out districts, and their product to be purchased in the markets, but trade salt is now rapidly displacing it.

The Akikuyu do not, however, seem to experience any especial craving for salt, though they much appreciate it as a gift. With a thimbleful of salt doled out by the crystal, and a like amount of snuff by the pinch, it is easy to keep a wayside

FOOD AND COOKERY 59

acquaintance alert and vivacious for hours, and to gather all the scandal of the neighbourhood.

The clay lying beneath the surface mould in certain marshes, and in the face of past and present river banks, has in the past been excavated by elephants and other game. To some of these places the Akiku5ru drive their flocks to lick the saline earth. They also make it up into flat cakes of 20 lbs. each, to take home or to sell in the markets. Every homestead has, on its surrounding green, a trough some 8 to 20 ft. long pi. xl. hollovv^ed out of a tree trunk. The saline clay is broken up in this with a little water, when the flocks greedily lick it up. The owners consider this clay essential to the health of their animals, and all over the country this practice maintains, the natives going to great expense and trouble to procure it, but it is not used as human food.

Of whets to the appetite the Akikuyu know nothing.

THE KITCHEN

All cooking, except that of meat, is done by the women. They cultivate the ground, gather the proceeds for use, and transport it home. They fetch the firewood too : a great labour, and also the water. The cooking is usually done on small fires outside the hut for convenience, but sometimes it is done inside. There are no ceremonies nor rites con- Cf. pp. 77 and nected with the fire at which cooking is done, nor with any other form of fire. Roasting is not practised, nor is frying. Baking in any form is unknown. Cooking amongst hot embers, grilling, boiling, and stewing are, as has been seen, recognised methods of preparing food.

Pots are described under Pottery. They vary in size from I gallon to 4 or 5 gallons. There are only two shapes. No form of lid or stopper is made for them. Though they

60 THE KITCHEN

have lugs they are never suspended over the fire, nor is any form of ring made for their rounded bottoms. Each is set betwixt three stones, and the fire built beneath. No food can be cooked in or eaten from a cracked pot ; to do so makes a person ceremonially unclean, and involves an expensive purification. The narrow-necked vessels are only used as receptacles for fluids. The lack of covers or lids is made good by closing the mouth of cooking pots when in use with a mass of green leaves.

Calabashes or gourds of different sizes, bisected longi- tudinally, form the only dishes and receptacles for food. Food is eaten out of one common dish. A native hut, i.e. the home of one wife, will have three or four earthenware pots, half a dozen half-calabashes of different sizes as dishes, and a couple of gourd flasks, each fitted with sling and leather cap, to carry milk or gruel when absent from home. Cooking vessels are not formally cleansed : the nature of the work they do renders such unnecessary.

Stirring in cooking is done with a stick. A special whisk, made like the butt of an arrow plumed with strips of leather, is used for stirring up the gruel in the long narrow gourd in which it is carried on a journey, and may sometimes be found in a man's quiver. Messes, however, made of flour are pre- pared of such a consistency that they may either be drunk as a soup from the dish, or else gathered up as a bolus with the fingers, and so carried to the mouth.

No form of kitchen middens exist, nor are they being formed. The character of the food and the nature of Kikuyu customs alike preclude any such formation.

FOOD AND COOKERY 61

MEALS

The only formal meal of the day is that partaken of at sundown. It is eaten usually outside the hut, but inside the enclosure. The morning meal is some that has been kept over from supper. Men and women never eat together. A woman is not allowed to see a man eat meat, still less does she cook it for him.

No knife, spoon, or fork are employed with any dish. If a piece of meat wants dividing it is chopped in half with the touch of a sword point.

The principal man hands to each diner in order of pre- cedence his portion. No one exhibits any eagerness to begin, nor hurries with what has been given him, nor asks for a further help. If the meal is meat, however, the whole on the grid is generally distributed at first. It is the rule to eat slowly. The first mouthful taken must be spat out on to the ground. Benedictus benedicat. In a general Vvay only equals in rank eat together.

FORMS OF DRINK

No kind of drink accompanies a meal. A man drinks when he is thirsty. Many porters on the march drink cold water freely : on a known road they reserve themselves for particular sources of supply as being the most palatable. The Akikuyu have no idea of preventing water becoming contaminated. The consequence is that the rivers and brooks become abominably polluted with the rush of the first rains, and much dysenteric trouble ensues. The Government officials could do an immense amount of good by simply proclaiming the sanctity of water. The natives quite realise

62 FORMS OF DRINK

the effect of contamination, and would welcome the enforce- ment of the most stringent rules at the different Government stations.

Gruel (Mu-thor'-a)

Watery Gruel is largely drunk cold by all in daily life, and is much liked. In the manner and extent of use, and in the consideration in which it is held, it occupies much the same place as beer does amongst our labouring classes.

It is made from any of the smaller grains mentioned, rubbed down into flour, but from maize it is not made. Sup- plies of gruel may frequently be seen being carried about in large narrow-necked calabashes containing up to 5 gallons, the mouth being stoppered with a screw of sweet leaves. It is not made as an article for sale.

Native Beer (N'jo'-hi)

This is the pure juice of the sugar-cane slightly fermented. No water is added to it, either in manufacture or in use. It is the chief alcoholic drink of the Akikujru. It has a slightly acid taste yet somewhat resembles a soft cider. A quart would be a reasonable amount for a man to take. On it the natives sometimes become intoxicated to the extent of becoming muddle-headed, garrulous, noisy, or treacherously aggressive, but they do not seem to be inclined to become sleepy or physically incapable. Still their friends recognise them as being under alcoholic influence and treat them ac- cordingly. Drunkenness is not considered ludicrous, and a sot is despised. No man is allowed to drink n'j6-hi before he has attained the position of an elder ; the idea does not seem to attract the younger men, who never express any wish or exhibit any inclination to be alloAved to partake.

Pi.. XXXIX

U'.S. R. phot.

Native Bei:r-making

Shows an end view of the tree trunk, in which are excavated a series of shallow mortars for pounding the cane. Down its length the women stand alternately — not facing one another.

The peculiar habit of crossing the legs when standing at ease is seen in the case of the bov on the left.

The large platters (PI. Ixviii. Fig. i, p. 98 b) arc- used to carry the pounded pulp to a group of men near by (not shown) whose duty it is to wring out the juice.

The white material on the ground is the snow-white sticks of peeled cane cut into sliort lengths ready for pounding.

62 a

MANUFACTURE OF NATIVE BEER 63

Occasionally formal drinliing parties are summoned by a chief, which are very serious functions. Every step at these meetings is taken in exact accordance with precedent estab- lished by custom. They are called in order that important news may be imparted to all in the most formal manner. Hence everybody who is anybody is invited, and takes care to be present. Such a party, summoned by a chief to present me to his people as a close friend and ally, is described some- what fully on p. 200.

N'j6-hi is made as follows : —

The trunk of a large tree, some 10 to 20 ft. long, and 18 in. or more in diameter, is roughly squared on three sides and bedded firmly into the ground, whilst at the same time rising above it to a convenient height. The upper surface is then wrought flat, with the exception of a strong edge 3 in. deep and as much wide, which runs all the way round. On this surface, at intervals of about 18 in. apart, cup-shaped cavities forming mortars are worked. They are about 9 in. across and 6 in. depth. Such a log may be seen any- where, the explanation being that it lies v/here it fell. The pestles employed are about 6 ft. long, weigh about 10 lbs., are clubbed at the end, and resemble the Indian club of the gymnasium with a long and much stouter shaft.

The sugar-cane when cut is forthwith stripped of its dark hard outer surface with a sharpened kai-hu or si-me. The now snow-white sticks are made up into bundles and carried by the women to the log, together with a quantity of strong twine, some large platters, half calabashes of large size, and large gourd bottles for storage of the juice. The cane, cut into short lengths, is now thrown into the trough ; the women range themselves on either side alternately, and one gives the lead by driving her pestle into her mortar and starting an impromptu song. In the next stroke she makes she is

64 MANUFACTURE OF NATIVE BEER

accompanied by the others, who take the time from her, and indorse, in the form of a chorus, the sentiments expressed by the soloist.

As soon as a portion of the cane is crushed it is piled up on the great platters (ki-ta-ru-ru) and carried to the men, who sit around the large half calabashes in order to wring out the juice. Each man holds in his left hand a stick, the size of a finger and about 10 in. long, to one end of which a few yards of strong bark string is attached. He rests the stick against the face of the pile of pounded cane, and opening his hand grasps the mass of pulp in the centre of which now lies the stick with its string dependent. He then passes the string with the right hand up and down the length of the stick. The result is a spindle-shaped mass of pulp secured round the central stick by a number of strings passing over its surface. This spindle he now takes in his two hands and slowly wrings over the calabash. When no more juice flows the string is cast off from around the mass, and the dry snow-white fibre that formed the spindle falls from its central stick axis to the ground. The whole mass is thus treated. From the calabash dishes the juice is ladled into large narrow-necked gourds, and taken home. Into it is then placed some of the dried pods of the alofa tree. These are sold in the native markets split and dried. The effect of the introduction of this fruit is, the natives say, to set up fermentation. Next morning, i.e. in about eighteen hours from being expressed, the juice is ready for drinking.

It is stated that another form of alcoholic drink is made. Water is added to honey in the proportion of two parts of water to one of honey. The strained fluid is ready for drinking in less than twenty-four hours. Neither of these beverages remains potable for more than a day. As might be anticipated, that made from honey is much the more in- toxicating.

KIKUYU FOOD 65

EPITOME OF KIKX^YU FOOD

The dishes of Kikuyu cookery are few : —

1 . Black pudding or sausage is made from the blood, mixed with pieces of fat, meat, kidney, heart, and other viscera chopped up small and placed in the stomach, and into lengths of the great intestine. These are first secured with a skewer, and then tied with a strip of the tough inner bark of a bush.

2. Meat broiled as previously described.

3. Plain boiled maize or beans (the hard seeds), or the tubers of the arum lily and its green stems.

4. A stiff hasty pudding or cake made by boiling together mixed grains, whole beans, and flours. It is eaten hot or cold, and is a favourite food to carry on a journey.

5. Parched maize ; also a small grain like canary seed eaten raw.

6. Honey mixed with plenty of broken comb.

7. Sugar-cane peeled and chewed.

The beverages are : —

1. Thin gruel.

2. Native beer, i.e. fermented sugar-cane juice or mead.

ARTS AND CRAFTS

HUT-BUILDING

Pi. xcvii.

PI, xciii. T^. 124c.

The Kikuyu hut (njoim'-ba) is a strong, comfortable, well- built structure, admirably adapted to the requirements of its users.

It lends itself to the employment of any form of vegetable growth available, and it demands no tool as essential for its construction, though the universal digging and slashing knife (ka-hi-yu) is always, as a matter of fact, employed. Every hut, large and small, is constructed in exactly the same way. Its merits are manifold, as will be pointed out later ; its chief faults are lack of light, and of any means of ventilation beyond the door.

To build a hut the following is the procedure : —

Marki?ig out the Site. — A circular mark, about 15 ft. in diameter, is scratched into the ground on the site selected. No guide beyond the eye is used.

Digging the inner Ring of Holes. — Holes, nineteen in number, equidistant from one another, are then dug in the line of the scratch. Each hole is made by stabbing the digging-knife or a pointed stick into the ground, and removing with the hand the earth so loosened. A hole is thus rapidly made, of any depth desired up to the length of a man's arm, and yet only large enough for the arm to pass down it, whilst the surrounding soil remains undisturbed.

Setting up the Inner Ring of Posts. — Into each of the nineteen holes is placed a post the size of the wrist, and bifurcated at its

PL. XL

ir. s R phoT.

A Tyi'ical Kiki'yu Hut, with Woman entering THE Doorway

Shows : —

1. The terminal spike of roof.

2. The heavy grass thatching.

3. The row of posts that support the eaves on either

side of doorway.

4. The enclosing stockade (poor and temporary).

5. The trough for feeding the flocks with saline earth.

See p. 59.

66 a

PL. XLI

• b

a Doer

•b

Fig. I. Diagram to show System of building a Hut

a, a, a. Wall-posts.

h, b, b, I). Posts to support the eaves.

c, c, c, c. Central pillars to carry weight of roof.

indicate the ties passing from wall-plate to

wall-plate.

b b

Fig. II. DiA(iRAM oi- Frame for Apex of Roof

a, a. The axial stake.

b, b. Rods that are lashed to ends of rafters, c'. Main hoop on which the frame is built. c'^. Supplementary hoop to give rigidity.

HUT-BUILDING 67

upper end. These posts rise above the level of the ground about 4 ft.

Setting up Interior Pillars to carry the Roof. — An oblong is next marked ofif in the centre of the circle, 3 ft. by 4 ft. 6 in. At each corner of this figure four posts, of the thickness of the pi. xii. Fig i, upper arm, are similarly set up. These likewise have their free extremities bifurcated, and stand above the ground some 5 ft.

Material employed for Lashings. — A shrub known as kam'-ba supplies the place of string or rope. Its habit of growth is in the form of straight shoots some 8 to 12 ft. high, like hazel wands. Throughout the year the bark strips readily. It grows in great profusion. The wands are cut ; the bark at the end of the stick freed with the thumbnail or teeth, and then, with one pull, the whole of the bark leaves the rod to the very tip. Bundles of bark are thus prepared as required.

Preparation of Frame for Apex of Roof. — A strong hoop, Pi. xli. Fig. 2. some 3 ft. in diameter, is made of pliant rods bound together till they form a roll rather thicker than the wrist. This hoop, when completed, is laid flat upon the ground. Into the earth, at the centre of the hoop, is driven a stake, sharpened at both ends, some 4 ft. long. The smaller ends of a number of pliant rods are now lashed to the middle of this axial stake. Then, one by one, each rod is forced towards the ground, so as to take a curve with the convexity directed downwards, and then each rod in its turn is lashed to the hoop at the point where it crosses it. Further rigidity is presently secured by adding another ring midway between the first one and the axial stake.

A framework is thus obtained that in shape resembles the bloom of the convolvulus, whilst the axial stake may be likened to the stalk of the blossom.

This framework will presently be required in the construc- tion of the roof, of which it forms the summit of the dome.

68 ARTS AND CRAFTS

From every roof in Kikuyu the axial stake may be noticed projecting as a terminal some 2 ft. or more high.

The Wall-Plate or Curb-Plate. — Into and around the Y- shaped upper ends of the wall-posts are then bent long pliant rods. These, when interwoven, form a ring of great strength. On this ring the sticks that support the load of thatch will presently rest.

The Walls. — When the curb-plate has been finished, the walls are filled in with fine wattling, smaller uprights being introduced between the main uprights as required. When the hut has been completed this wall is daubed with clay : not with cattle dung. Sometimes the wall is made of planks set on end, and applied edge to edge, but such is only Seen in the case of a wealthy man in a forest district. The peculiar method of making these planks will be dealt with elsewhere.

The Rafters in relation to the Terminal of Apex of Roof. — The rafters or roof poles, in the form of long tapering saplings, whose butts are about the thickness of the wrist, are now rested on the wall-plate, and lashed to it with strips of bark. Below and beyond the wall-plate these ends project for some 4 ft., to form the eaves, while their smaller ends are brought together in the centre to form a conical roof with a pitch of 40 degrees. The frame to form the apex, previously con- structed, is now adjusted into position, and the small ends of some of the rafters lashed to it, the upper end of a rafter in each case being laid parallel to one of the vertical rods of which the frame is composed.

Provision for the Attachment of Thatch. — Flexible rods are now woven, and at the same time twisted, around the rafters, so as to form complete hoops or horizontal bands, which em- brace each rafter in the substance of a form of wooden rope. The interval between each of these bands depends on the length of the thatching material to be employed, but is usually about

HUT-BUILDING 69

18 in. The strongest and most carefully-applied band is that which embraces the butts of the rafters, and forms the edge of the eaves.

Provision to support the Eaves. — It has been stated that the rafters project some 4 ft. beyond the wall-plate to form a deep eave or verandah ; also, that their butts are connected together with a specially strong woven and twisted band of flexible rods. At intervals of about 4 ft. holes are now dug beneath the extremities of rafters. Each hole is of such a depth that a post with a forked head can be slipped into it, and then raised upwards from the bottom of the hole sufficiently to take the weight of the rafter. The hole is then gradually filled with earth and well rammed, which drives the earth beneath the heel of the post, and compels it to carry its load.

Transverse Roof-Ties. — From the curb-plate on one side, resting in the Y-shaped ends of two of the centre posts, down to the curb-plate on the opposite side, runs an arch of strong, flexible rods carried beneath the rafters, and lashed to them.

The other two central posts carry a similar arch resting on their Y-shaped extremities.

Four supplementary bands complete the framev/ork of the roof.

Thatching. — A number of loads of reeds, flags, or long grass, carefully cut and bound into long, conical bundles, tapering to a point, and each weighing perhaps ninety pounds, are now brought in and thrown down near the house. One by one they are opened, and the material made up into a number of wisps, each containing as much as can be grasped in the two hands. Each wisp is carefully tied at its butt with a scrap of tying-bark (kam'-ba).

Some hundreds of these having been got ready, thatching now begins. To the lowest hoop or band that embraces the lower ends of the rafters they are, one by one, securely tied,

70 HUT-BUILDING

with the thick end, or hutt of the wisp, downwards. A com- plete circle of closely applied wisps is thus completed.

Another circle is now commenced, but the wisps or sheaves of grass in this case, as in all future ones, have their butts upwards, being lashed to the roof hoop next in series, whilst the free brush-like ends project well beyond the eaves. The thatching, having been once started in this way, is gradually carried upwards by tying down circle after circle of wisps of grass, each overlapping that beneath it, and each having its butt upwards. A thoroughly good thatched roof is thus arrived at. It resists decay in a wonderful way, for the white ants and other destructive creatures do not attack it in consequence of the smoke that permeates throughout the whole of it from the fire beneath.

The Door. — There is no window, nor is there any provision for the exit of smoke : it seems somehow to leak away through the whole surface of the roof. The door is always made the same shape and size. It is a neatly -woven wattle hurdle made from a tough creeper. At night it is set up against the entrance on the inner side, and there firmly secured by wedging a strong piece of timber between its inner face and the nearest of the four inner pillars (c.c).

The Fireplace. — Into the forks of these pillars are laid two cross-bars, and on the cross-bars are laid horizontally broad planks, so as to form a ceiling to that part of the roof comprised within the four pillars. On the floor beneath p. sfid. are three stones,^ betwixt which the fire is made, whilst the upper surface of the boards form a platform on which firewood and articles are laid. This ceiling is obviously a great safe- guard against a conflagration, the possibility of which, how- ever, never seems to be taken into account by the Akikujn, who do not hesitate to throw on small sticks in quantity to make a brilliant blaze when temporary illumination is desired.

^ See Marriage Customs, p. 131.

PI. xxxviii.

PL. XLIl

H\ S. A', phot.

The Door oi- a Hut

Being taken to the home of the purchaser by the craftsman who' has made it.

70 a

Pl. XLIII

IV. S. R.phot.

A TnI-K-TRUNK BklDGIi OVKR THK Cha'-M-A RiVKK NliAU NyKRI

A warrior, \ itli the scabbard of his sword well shown, is watching the photographer from the middle of the bridge.

70 b

ARTS AND CRAFTS 71

General Summary. — A house, such as described, built of good materials, will last a lifetime, with occasional repairs, provided it be occupied. If, however, it be deserted, it will entirely disappear in the course of a few years under the ravages of white ants and boring beetles.

BRIDGE-BUILDING

Kikuyu is a land of streams. Coming from the mountains near at hand, they are liable to sudden rises and fallings of considerable amount. Their rocky channels, cut through mountain gorges, will not permit of overflow, whilst at the same time the gradient is considerable. Hence, with a very small rise of water, the force of the current renders a ford dangerous or impassable. The people have in consequence become expert bridge-builders. Should circumstances permit, a tree is felled so that it shall fall across the stream and rest on either shore. This, however, can only be done where cUjff- like banks rise above flood level, or the trunk would be swept away on the occasion of the first thunderstorm in the moun- tains above. This form of bridge is consequently only seen in the wilder parts. The usual form of bridge, however, is a suspension one : a sort of spider's-web of creepers carried from one tree to another. It is often no easy matter to recog- nise it. As paths were made as unobtrusive as possible for purposes of defence, so a bridge was for choice constructed in a spot and in a manner calculated to screen it from obser- vation,

A first-class bridge would be built thus : —

The biggest and tallest tree available is felled and axed flat on one surface. In drying, it often takes more or less of a twist, so that when one part of the flat surface looks upward, the remainder of the flat surface faces somewhat to the right or

72 BRIDGE-BUILD ING

to the left. Should this defect be very pronounced, another smaller piece is sewn to it, so as to make good the defect. Should no larger tree be available to make a footway, a spindle-shaped fascine of sticks and creepers supphes its place. Thus is the footway made. The width may vary from the breadth of a man's foot to a plank broad enough for a cow to traverse.

A pair of strong posts — tree trunks with the first bifurcation of the branches left on — are then set up a few feet apart on one bank — and are connected by a heavy crossbar. On this cross- bar one end of the foot-plank rests.

By the side of the posts that carry the crossbar are erected another pair of fairly strong tree trunks, each some 30 ft. or more above the ground.

To each of these tall posts two cords may for the present be said to be attached : the first cord is attached to the post at a point some 18 ft. above the level of the foot-plank or foot- rope, forming a hand-rail as it were ; the second cord is attached to the upper extremity of the post — its use will presently be explained. Every 12 in. or so along the length of the cord referred to as the " hand-rail," a large number of smaller cords are attached, which vary in lengths in accordance with the sag of the hand-rail. The lower extremity of these short lengths are attached to the footway. Hence, the weight of the footway, and any load that may be placed on the footway, is thus carried by the " hand-rail."

The second cord, previously stated to have been attached to the upper extremity of the 30-foot post, is now carried somewhat beyond the middle point of the " hand-rail," thus taking part of the weight of the load. Many other cords similarly pass between points along the " hand-rail rope " and the vertical post of its own side.

What has been said of one end or half of the bridge, equally applies to the other.

— _fi

Q

It c

■:/^ •-;

^1. o 1^ o

a.

BRIDGE-BUILDING 73

A series of Y-shaped uprights and crossbars form an inclined plane of varying length from the ground to the commence- ment of the foot-plank.

From these short posts that thus carry the approach, stays are carried to the tall 30-foot posts that support the " hand- rail " ropes, in order to meet the strain put upon them by the weight of the bridge transmitted to them.

The whole structure is made of tree trunks and of tough creepers. Every part yields till each cord comes to do some share of the work. The result is admirable, as all that is sought is attained by the simplest means. The soundness of the prin- ciple and practice is shown by the fact that in the grounds of the Staff College at Camberley is a large demonstration bridge constructed of planks, posts, and wire, identical other- wise in every respect with that of the Akiktiyu. In other words, our sappers cannot evolve anything better.

The suspension bridge shown (Plate xliv.) illustrates one where the footway was made of a rope of sticks. This had done so much work that the footway had stretched until the whole thing was admitted by all to be about to fall to pieces ; yet, under the pressure of necessity, I managed, by strict discipline, to pass about four hundred men, Avith their women and goats, over it in a steady stream, and still it did not part.

When such a bridge is carried between two great leafy trees growing on either side of a river, and often with their branches almost touching, it almost defies detection. Another great point in favour of these bridges is, that with a few touches of an axe pursuit can be checked. The approaches, too, are often covered by war-pits to cool the impetuosity of raiders.

74 ARTS AND CRAFTS

FIRE-MAKING

No tradition or explanation of the origin of fire exists amongst the Akikuyu, nor has it any place in social or religious ceremony. It is produced in one way only — by the friction between two pieces of wood. The implements for making it vary but slightly in pattern.

The Upper, or Drill, stick (u-lin'-di) is a straight rod like a lead pencil, 13 in. to 24 in. in length, and 1 in. to l^ in. in circumference. The lower end is convex. When using the longer drills of 24 in., the palms of the hands are not applied more than two-thirds of the way up. It may perhaps be well here to explain that to obtain fire by the friction between two pieces of wood it is essential that one shall be hard and the other soft, of which the harder shall be the drill. Again, not any drill will do with any fire stick. The texture of the wood of the one has to bear a certain relation to the tex- ture of the wood of the other in order to produce fire. The Akikuyu say, in explanation, that " one is the man and the other is the woman." The upper or drill stick (u-lin'di) may be made of the wood of the following trees : —

Ni-u-gu-o ; Mu-lin-di-ki ; Mu-gu-mu ; Mu-chu-gu ; Mu-gi-o ; Ru-gu-tu or Ka-gu-tu (? Vernonia Sp.) ; Mu-cha-sa (Vernonia Sp.) ; Mu-li-ka (? Vernonia Sp.).

The Lower or Fire stick (je-ka) is made of an altogether different wood. It is of the pulverised tissues of this stick that the tinder is formed, and gradually brought to a glow by the friction of the drill.

It is oval in sections, 9 in. to 12| in. long by 1| in. to 2 J in. in circumference, flattened on its lower aspect, and tapered to a point at either extremity. On the upper surface of its middle third, about half a dozen cavities, the size of half a pea, are formed to receive the end of the drill. The wall of each

Brit. A fits. IR.']

FlRIi-MAKING

1. Upper or Drill stick.

2. Lower or Fire stick.

PL. XLV

74 a

PLATE XLVI F I R E - M A K I N G

Shows : —

1. Method of holding the drill stick prior to beginning

work — i.e., by the thumb and finger-tips of right hand, and b}'^ the third and fourth fingers of the left hand.

2. The opposed palms in their do\vn\vard course are

here approaching the limit of their range.

3. The method of returning the palms to the top of the

drill stick —

((() The left hand b}' third and fourth fingers presses the point of the drill firmly downwards into the cavity of the fire stick.

(b) The riglit hand h.is been thrown upwards to the top of the drill, which it is now in the act of grasping, in order that it may presently do the work now being done by the left — i.e., of pressing the point of the drill into the cavity in the fire stick, whilst its companion travels upwards to be again opposed to it.

74 b

Pl. xlvi

74 c

K. A', phot.

FIRE-MAKING 75

cavity is cut down to its bottom at one point, and a tiny gutter made to proceed from it, Down this gutter the pulverised woody fibre insensibly trickles as it escapes from beneath the drill. None of it remains in the cavity of the fire stick.

This lower block or fire stick may be made of the wood of the following trees : —

Mu-rin'-ga ; Mu-chu-gu ; Mu-i-goi-a ; Mu-te-i (? Vernonia) ; Mu-re-vu.

To make fire, two natives proceed as follows : One from his quiver takes his drill and fire stick. From his scabbard he draws his sword. They sit on their heels opposite to one another. The sword lies on the ground between them, its point directed towards the man about to use the drill. The assistant then firmly holds the fire stick transversely across and a little above the tip of the weapon, and places a small handful of dry crumpled grass handy.

The fire-maker then rubs the palms of his hands, and also the tip of the drill, on the dry ground, and drops a minute quantity of earth into the chosen concavity on the fire stick. In this cavity the convex end of the drill is now placed. He then applies the fiattened palms of his hands to the upper end of the drill. Proceeding quite slowly, he causes the drill to rotate by moving the flattened palms backwards and forwards against each other, at the same time steadily pressing the drill downward into the cavity of the fire stick. As the palms pass down the stick the speed of rotation is gradually increased to the maximum.

When the lower borders of the hands have arrived within 6 inches of the fire stick, the third and little finger of the left hand are thrown around the drill to retain it firmly in position, whilst the right hand is rapidly thrown upwards to enable its third and little fingers to grasp the upper end of the drill. By the right hand the drill is now retained in position, whilst

76 FIRE-MAKING

the left is released and brought upwards opposite to its fellow. The flexed fingers are now extended, and the flattened palms, again opposed to one another, make another journey down the length of the drill.

As the drill rotates, smoke appears, whilst the powdered wood of the stick fire, gradually dribbling down the gutter made in its side leading from the cavity in which the drill is rotating, forms a little mound on the sword blade. The particles forming the pile cohere, but do not smoke or glow. When the mound has attained to the amount that would lie on a threepenny piece, it is found by experience that a portion of it, the size of half a pea, can be blown up into a solid red-hot ember. The man, therefore, having made his little pile, leisurely picks up a few blades of dry grass, on to which he tilts from the sword blade the little mound of coherent dust, and encloses it in the grass. He gently blows on it three or four times, whereupon the grass bursts into flame.

Thirty to forty seconds is the average time required to produce the mass ready to blow up. A flame is fairly uni- formly started in three-quarters of a minute from the time of beginning to drill. This statement is based on a number of observations carefully made with a stop-watch.

Fire is also carried about from place to place by herdsmen, cultivators, and travellers, in the form of a smouldering brand.

In the settled portions of Kikuyu, fuel is often exceedingly scarce. Nothing that interferes with cultivation is allowed to stand, beyond a few isolated sacred trees. Hence, for fuel, the natives depend on the small brushwood from land lying fallow, and on the dead bushes of the bean (nju-gu), of which large crops are grown.

At a particular dance a small fire is made in the centre of the ground, on which the branches of a special tree are placed before and during the performance.^ But it is the

1 Cf. p. 180.

ARTS AND CRAFTS 11

smoke derived from the special herbage, and not the fire, that is the point of this proceeding. Again, in offering sacrifice, fire is employed ; but it has no sanctity, being simply a necessity for the preparation of the cooked meat that constitutes the sacrifice.

On the other hand, a living man pursued by the " Bad People " was able to make good his escape by interposing a fire betwixt himself and the ghostly pack.^

The idea of a spirit also seems to be associated with the fire in a hut.'^

When a new hut has been built, the three stones of which the fireplace is formed must be new and uncontaminated,^ but no special consideration is given to the making of the first fire within their circle.

STRING-MAKING

String (mu-gi-o), which is used for various purposes, and is to be found on sale in most of the native markets, is made from the bark of certain trees, and also from the tendons of animals (ro-ga).

The native names of the trees of which the barks are employed for making string are : —

Mu-gi-o — this plant gives its name to all vegetable string, whether such be made from the mu-gi-o tree itself, or from the bark of trees of any other kind. Mon-du-e (Abutilon, sp.) ; Mu-ke-o ; Mu-lin'-da n'gu-rti-e ; Mu-gu-mu.

The process of manufacture is the same whatever plant is employed.

The first step is to peel (ku-nor'-a) the rods, the second to chew (ku-ta-nu-ka) the stripped bark, and the last to roll (ku-o-go-sa) the masticated fibre into a yarn of the desired

1 Cf. p. -244. 2 Cf. p. 242. 3 cf. p. 131.

78 STRING-MAKING

fineness. Two of such yarns are rolled, the one immediately after the other, and as they are formed they are again rolled in the reverse direction into a two-stranded cord. This cord

PI. xiviii. is afterwards plaited, or woven, with the fingers alone, into bags which vary in size from those that would be only large enough to hold half a dozen pennies, to others big and strong

PI. L enough to contain a sack of potatoes. The same form of string,

in different sizes and qualities, is used for the making of snares, to repair calabashes by sewing, to string beads together, to tie up the daily load of sweet-potato tops, and to bind together the sugar-cane pulp in order to wring out its juice (ku-hi-ha n'j6-hi) when making the national fermented drink (n'j6-hi).

Custom ordains that string for some purposes shall be made by the men, and for other purposes by the women. The twine that the women weave into bags (sing, mon'-do, pi. ki-on'-do) is made by them. So, too, a mother must chew and make the morsel of cord that binds together the tiny bunch of leaves that plays so important a part in the ceremony of her son's circumcision. On the other hand, the men must make the cord they require for the manufacture of n'j6-hi and for the setting of snares. The men also make the cord which binds together the daily collected truss of sweet-potato tops, nightly taken home for the milch goats and the fattening ram that lives in perpetual darkness beneath his master's bedstead. The mending, too, of cracked calabashes is done by the men.

The tendons of which string is made are chiefly obtained from the domestic animals, the goat, the sheep, and the ox. A very small amount is derived from the wild game by occa- sional barter with the race of wild hunters — the N'dorobo,

The method by which the tendons are extracted from the carcase of the animal by the Akikuyu shows some ingenuity. After the beast is skinned, they are taken up singly and placed in a cleft stick ; this is then gradually worked backwards, thus separating the flesh from the ligament. They are then dried

Pl. xlvii

I i '. .S". A', phot. Weaving a String Bag (Mon'-Jo ox: Ki-on'-do)

The work in hand is slung, bottom upwards, by a cord that passes around the maker's neck, in order to support its weight and to leave her hands free.

78 a

b b

Pl. xlviii

/v/

Brit. Mux. [A'.]

Thk Commenckment of a String Bag

To show the "stitch" or manner in which the long double working cord (a) is woven around the short lengths

78 b

Pi., xlix

Biit Mus. lJ?.-\

A String Bag Three Parts Finished

Shows the position in which it liangs from the neck in process of making. (The white mass is paper, introduced to distend it, when being photographed. j

78 c

PL. L

Brit. Mus. [A'.]

1 HREK String Bags

Each is made in the same way ?ind of the same materials. They vary only in the degree of fineness ot the

twine.

When pressed flat the smallest (shown against a sheet of white paper) measures 2 x 2 in. ; the largest 32 x 32 in. ; the other 10 x 9 in. The large one is shown in use, PI. Ixxviii. p. 104 a.

78 d

ARTS AND CRAFTS 79

in the sun and carefully preserved, being only split up and twisted into thread as required.

A Kikuyu cord is formed of two strands, each strand con- sisting of a single yarn. Each yarn is made by rolling the fibre employed between the right palm and the right thigh, in a direction downwards and outAvards ; immediately after- wards the two yarns are twisted together by a return move- ment of the hand directed upwards and inwards.

String is thus made of varying degrees of fineness, say from the size of the smallest knitting needle to that of a moderately sized one. I have never seen anything heavier than the above, or of the character of rope. For this purpose wild vines are roughly twisted together, e.g. in making bridges, or snares for large animals.

The customary price for a ball of strong well-made twine, as used for bag weaving, is to-day (1908) 1 pice (1 rupee = 64 pice = Is. 4d.). Such a ball weighs 3^- oz. (weighed) and contains 70 yards (measured).

IRON

Winning the Ore, and the Manufacture of Iron from it

In the labyrinth of hills that form Kikuyu, the native of to-day is found smelting iron in a manner so simple that, as we watch the different steps he takes to achieve his end, we feel we are standing beside primitive man before the dawn of history.

The mind of the native is difficult to fathom and his dis- position to gauge. I was allowed apparently to go every- where and to see everything : I was treated with the greatest politeness : everything that would be likely to please me was

80 IRON

done, but any question or allusion on my part to the subject of the winning and. extraction of iron was always met with replies calculated to lead the conversation into other channels. " Iron came from a place a great way off ! " Never mind, I would travel there specially. " It was dug from a great hole," All right ; I would enter it. " The hole could only be descended with a rope." Could not I climb any rope ? " The rope was decayed and might break, and it v.ould be said that my hosts had killed me." I would make a new rope specially, and leave a letter to absolve them from blame. " But the spot was in the heart of a hostile district ; . . . a really bad people to the west of us." I would take a strong escort and make friends by giving presents : I felt sure they would like me ! " No, no. To take me there would provoke hostilities with their neighbours : it was politically impossible for me to go," and so on ad infinitum.

Yet all the time the spot was an open quarry, in the heart of their own country, situated due east, distant about five miles !

Politeness and patience, however, work wonders, and when long afterwards they did take me to the spot, the prevarica- tions of the past formed material for many a joke.

Those branches of the Akikujni that I have been amongst cannot imagine a time when iron was not in use : I have made careful and wide inquiry to establish this point. Their folk- tales too, though dealing with times so remote that the animals are mythical, nevertheless refer to articles made of iron.

The population may amount to perhaps 500,000. Every individual is the possessor of at least some iron : a child may have less than an ounce, whilst a man or woman may perhaps hold as much as ten or fifteen pounds in different forms, but all, for use or ornament, have a little.

The following is a fairly exhaustive list of the articles in use amongst the Akikuyu that are made of iron : —

PL. LI

:M

K^...

^.'

p

IV. S. R. phot.

A Typical View in the Iron-sand Quarries

All material to the sky-line has been artificially washed away.

The figure in the foreground is a girl with her head unshaved. C/. p. 140.

80 a

IRON 81

Spears, swords, scabbard tips, arrow heads, axes or adzes, knives, razors, stilettos, tweezers for extracting the beard, branding irons for cattle, agricultural or digging knifes, black- smiths' hammers and tongs, cattle bells, goat bells, small ornamental ankle rattles, ceremonial thigh rattles, wiredrawers' tools (clamp, drawplate, chisel), wire, large (size of lead pencil), wire, small (size of fine twine), chain, spirals of wire (used as stops on thongs), earrings, necklets, finger rings.

Granting that the waste of the stock of iron by daily use must be comparatively small, and that perhaps a certain amount of that metal has been soaking into the country for generations past from Arab caravans passing through, still it is difficult to understand how the existing workings can have, even then, supplied the needs of so large a population, even when they were in full swing, which to-day they are obviously not. The natives say that the spot that I am now going to describe is the only one in Kikuyu, but that 50 miles away, near Kilimanjaro in German East Africa, another deposit exists. To derive metal, however, from this source would involve trading with the Masai or the Akam'ba, and, based on knowledge of the conditions, my impression is that such trade has never existed to any appreciable extent.

At the lower end of a secluded and narrov/ gorge of sharp fall, through which flows a perennial stream, the workings are found. They form a continuous exposure of one side of the ravine, as a cliff some 150 feet in height, creamy pink P!. li. in colour and devoid of vegetation. The original rock, which is broken down by water to yield the iron-bearing sand, is a much decomposed granite, from which can also be extracted a good deal of micaceous clayey matter strongly stained with iron oxide. ^ A portion of the rivulet, deflected at a point

^ I am very much indebted to 'Mr. J. Allen Howe, B.Sc., Curator of the Museum of the British Geological Survey, for most kindly examining and reporting on specimens submitted to him. II

82 AVINNING THE ORE

nearer the head of the glen, is led, with steady fall, in an artificial channel, over the surface of the detritus of the cliff. In this way its action can be brought to bear as desired against the material of the glacis at any level, and at any point, throughout the greater part of the length of the gorge.

Thus is excavated, and carried down into the brook below, the ferriferous sand formed from the more disintegrated portions of the rock, whilst those portions that are somewhat harder remain in situ, as huge boulders and isolated masses, making a chaotic scene and rendering progress difficult. The bounding cliffs of the ravine being thus gradually deprived of the support of their natural buttress, are constantly break- Pi. li. ing away. After this manner have apparently millions of tons of material been removed by the directing hand of man, associated with the action of the torrential rains.

The winning of the ore is done by the women and children of a few families living near by, as an occasional employment : the cultivation of the soil is still their primary occupation which they have not renounced, to any considerable extent, for the greater gain that would arise from collecting the iron sand.

Selecting a spot by the side of the stream where the ground is hard, or some place in the course of the flume, the native smooths out a shallow pan. Its shape is somewhat that of a scollop shell. Its dimensions are 3 feet by 2 feet. At the point where the shell would be hinged to its fellow, and for 2 feet on either side, he builds a wall a few inches high of sticks and grass, leaving an opening about 9 inches Avide in the middle. This opening he then temporarily closes with a separate wisp of grass.

Making a pile of about ten quarts of the iron-bearing sand, at the end of the pan farthest from him, and standing with one foot just outside his little grass gate and the other in the stream, he takes a half gourd in his hand and begins work. Holding the gourd by its neck, he scoops up the water and

II '. S. R. phot.

Children washing Iron-sand

The washing-pans, described on p. 82, here extend in series along the Icft-liand bank.

82a

Pl. liii

1 1 '. S. R. phot.

Drying the Washed Iron-sand

A pile of washed ore is shown in the foreground spread on the top of a smooth rock.

82 b

WASHING THE IRON SAND 83

dashes it against the face of the pile Avith a rapidity and accuracy that is obviously the outcome of practice. The water flows away in a steady stream, turbid with the lighter materials in suspension. Larger pieces he lightly flicks out of the pan with the finger-tips as he pauses from time to time. So he continues until most of the pile has disappeared. The sand now covers the floor of the pan, and has assumed a much darker colour than formerly, owing to the larger proportion of iron ore mixed with it. Again it is piled up at the same spot in the pan, and again the same process is repeated. From time to time he lifts the wisp of grass that closes the opening in the little fence, and scrapes up with his hands the rich deposit accumulated in front and beneath it, as also that Mhich by now covers the floor of the pan.

This process of alternately piling and washing is repeated some half-dozen times. AVhen the iron grains spread over the floor of the pan fairly mask, by their black colour, any sand mixed with them, he scrapes up and puts into his half gourd what he has gained, and moving knee-deep into the stream proceeds to give the final washing.

Time after time he stirs with his hand the contents of his gourd, adds more water and pours it off when turbid. At last the water comes away perfectly clear and he can do no more. The result is a wet mass of black sand, which is, to describe it accurately, a magnetite ore.^ It consists of a mixture of quartz grains and magnetite, the latter often in well-formed octahedral crystals : a small quantity of ilmenite is present. This wet sand is at once spread out on a flat PL rock to dry, and is then poured into a gourd bottle ready to be carried home. To gain a pint of well-cleaned ore would take a native a good hour.

The iron smelters are blacksmiths, some half-dozen in number, who live in the neighbourhood of the quarry. The

^ Kik. Mu-than-ea.

84 THE FURNACE

collection of the ore is done by their women and children. To-day only enough is collected for their working needs, in addition to perhaps an equal amount sold as raw iron. In the past the production must have been much greater, judging from the extent of the old workings, but a knowledge of the political conditions that existed in Kikuyu prior to the advent of the white man, leads me to think that only those Akikuyu resident in the immediate neighbourhood of the deposit ever worked it. It is inconceivable that it was ever treated as other than the private, though common property, of the natives in the immediate vicinity. There may, however, have been a much greater local population than now working energetically at it : moreover, the splendid virgin forest existed close at hand until within the last three generations : to-day it is 20 miles distant. Two out of the thirteen clans into which the Akikuyu are divided ^ do not Vv^ork in iron. No member of these two clans can become a smith. There is nothing of the nature of a trade guild amongst the ironworkers, nor is the smelting of iron associated with any PI. Iviii. ceremonial rites. The curse of a smith is, however, considered

" ^' to be particularly biting and adliesive, and is expensive for

him who has fallen beneath its ban to " spit out." ^ PI. liv. The furnace or " hearth " consists of a hole in the ground

lined with tempered clay, similar to that of which pots and bellows' nozzles are made. Its shape is that which a round bowl assumes when lateral compression has reduced its diameter by one-half : the edge becomes depressed at the extremities of the long axis, forming, as it were, two spouts, whilst the sides rise up considerably above their level. The fireclay lining is brought well over the edge, forming a wide, convex, everted border all around. The interior of the furnace has

1 The clan known as the Mwe-tli(.'--f];<i or Ai-ki-u-ru, and the clan known as the A-ga-chi-ku : these last also do not circumcise.

• Cf. " Ceremonial uncleanness," p. 258, No. 24.

PL. I.IV

FURNACK OR HiiARTH FOR SMELTING IrON OrE

Viewed from above. (Object on right-hand edge is a half calabash.)

Measurements : —

Interior : Anterior depression to posterior depression, 28 in. ; right side to left side,

23. in- Exterior : Anterior depression to posterior

depression, 47 in. Apparent substance of wall, lo in. 84 a

PL. LV

1 1 . ^V. A', phot.

The Interior of a Smithy

Shows a pair of bellows and their ^vooden nozzles, and the earthenware blast-pipe into which the ^vooden nozzles pass.

An anvil, as^ainst which rest two tools for wire-drawing : (to left, hand-vice : to right, draw-plate).

A blacksmith's hammer (side view).

A stone anvil, the upper surface of which shows two distinct grooves. Against tlie anvil rests another hammer, handle uppermost.

84 b

SMITH'S BELLOWS 85

the form of a blunt truncated cone, laterally flattened. The substance of the clay forming the lip, where alone I could observe it, was, I think, about 2 in. thick. Over the whole was thrown a well-built permanent roof — a circular hut with- out sides — about 15 ft. in diameter.

The bellows consist of a cone, or fool's-cap, of sewn goat pi. iv. skins, about 4 ft. long, and 6 in. in diameter at the large end. Into the apex is whipped a carved wooden pipe 6 in. in length. This pipe, when the bellows are in use, is securely pegged down to the ground, and over its extremity is loosely fitted the expanded butt of another pipe, made of pottery. This earthen- ware nozzle is about 3 ft. long, and of the size throughout of a pi. iviii. man's wrist. It rests on the lip of the hearth, with its nose directed somewhat downwards. Its distal half is buried beneath the mass of black charcoal that occupies the top of the hearth, but of it the nose alone is in a position of great heat, as is shown by that part alone becoming fused. The circumference of the brim of the leather fool's-cap, that consti- tutes the body of the belloAvs, is roughly divided into three parts. To two of these, on its outside, a straight flat strip of wood is sewn. An adjustable thong is stretched between the two extremities of each stick to form a becket.

Slipping all the fingers of one hand into one loop, and the thumb of the same hand into the other, the lad who works the bellows brings together the butts of the two straight sticks, and rests them upright on the ground. Retaining them there by pressure, he next proceeds to separate his thumb from the fingers and palm, which results in the upper extremity of the sticks becoming separated ; in other vv^ords, the circular open- ing of the bag is constrained to assume the form of a V, and through this V-shaped opening the air enters the bellows. Still keeping the sticks vertical, he now brings them together by closing his hand. That done, he depresses them on to the upper surface of the bag in the line of its long axis with a steady

86 SMELTING IRON

squeeze. A blast is thus ejected through the earthen nozzle equal to the capacity of that part of the leather cone, com- pressed by the two sticks. The continuity of the blast is maintained by the resiliency of the uncompressed portion. Two such bellows are always used simultaneously by the native, one being placed on either hand of the blower, who sits on his heels between them, and works them alternately. The ground is made up so that the bellows, as they rest on it, shall slope gently downwards into the fire. The same form of bellov/s is used by all Kikuyu smiths. Other instruments incidentally employed are the usual blacksmith's anvil, hammer, and tongs. The only materials made use of are the clean- washed iron sand and charcoal ; nothing else whatsoever. The charcoal is made from the wood of a particular tree (mu-koi-i-go).^

I have not seen a furnace actually being started : they commence operations at dawn. When I arrived the furnace was full to the top and the bellows working, but, as the mass gradually fell in the centre more ore was sifted over it by the handful, and more charcoal added little by little. The top surface of the mass in the hearth always remained black, and kept tending to become concave in consequence of the combustion of the central core. The blast is maintained till sundown. The mass is then left in the hearth for the night to cool.

Next morning I was summoned to see the next step. All loose charcoal was, as far as possible, scraped away from the top and sides of the mass in the hearth, thereby giving it a semi-globular form. A little water was sprinkled on it : a rope of green banana leaf midribs slipped beneath its greatest diameter, and it was capsized on to the depressed lip of the hearth and so rolled clear. Its appearance was then that of a coherent mass of hot charcoal. More water was now sprinkled

• Mu-koi-i-go — Bridella micrantha. Mull. Arg.

PL. LVI

W. S. A', phot.

The Interior of a Smithy

The smith is looking along the sword that he is making to see that it is true. The large anvil is that shown in the preceding figure. In order to take the photograph the thatch of the smithv had previously been stripped off, with the consent of the owner, on the understanding that he should have a new roof for the old one.

86 a

IRON 87

on it, and the smith and his crew, with round water-worn boulders in their hands, proceeded to knock it to pieces.

The slag was found distributed throughout the mass as it has flowed, whilst the pure iron had similarly run together into small lumps.

Carefully picking out the pieces of pure iron, the smiths then €arried them to the adjoining forge, and heated and beat them into the little " blooms " of Kiku}^! commerce. These weigh about 2 lbs. each. Ten quarts of sand, which is about the usual charge, might produce half a dozen such " blooms," whose value in the market would be, to-day, a small goat.

On examination, the iron thus obtained proves to be a very pure form of steel, that can be drawn into wire or fashioned into cutting instruments. These, though untem- pered, maintain a keen edge. It is welded without difficulty dimply by heating and hammering.^

THE BLACKSMITH

A good blacksmith makes all the articles that are formed of iron. He is by far the most skiKul workman, in fact he may be said to be the only highly skilled craftsman to be found amongst the Akiku5rii.

When a man wants a metal article he does not simply order it of the smith and pay for it or arrange for payment. Such is never done. There is a certain customary routine that is not departed from. Let it be supposed that a spear is required. The first step a man takes is to call early some morning on the smith, and give him a small present of about a quart of n'j6-hi. The subject of making a spear is then fully discussed, particularly the number of little " blooms " or blocks of iron and loads of charcoal that will have to be provided

^ A most valuable note dealing with the foregoing matter, by Professor Gow- lantl, F.R.S., A.R.S.M., will be found in Appendix IV.

88 IRON

by the customer ; for on him rests the onus of collecting the necessary materials for any proposed job. Having obtained these by barter, either direct from the producer at his home, or in the market, and having settled with the smith for com- mencing the job on a certain day, he tells his women to arrange to brew a supply of n'j6-hi accordingly, for n'j6-hi takes two days to make. All being ready, in the early morning of the appointed day he starts for the home of the smith with his women bearing a large calabash of n'j6-hi, the bits of iron, and the loads of charcoal. The smith, his partner, and the lad who works the bellows, for such is the usual party, then set to work, and the article is got out in the rough in the presence of the customer, all but the boy refreshing themselves with the drink from time to time.

It is essential that the customer should be present to see the lumps of iron beaten out, otherwise the smith v/ill prob- ably assert that bits, that appeared to be iron, proved to be nothing but slag when heated and hammered out. There is a fixed scale of remuneration for the smith, according to the article made, the fee for making a spear being a good goat. Now thirty good goats is the fixed customary price of a wife, or, to express it more accurately, is the amount of the present given by a suitor to his future wife's father to com- pensate him for the loss of his daughter's services. In his native world a man would give what would be considered by it as hard unskilled labour for a period of three months for the remuneration of one such goat. Hence we can form some estimate of the value attached to the blacksmith's skilL

The tools employed by the blacksmith are —

Anvils, Hammers, Tongs, Bellows

Pis. iv., hi. Anvils (i-hi-ga). — Four of these are required in a smithy :

two to make a spear, and two different ones to make a sword.

BLACKSMITH'S ANVIL 89

"They are blocks of granite fashioned by people v.ho are said to live near the Sagana River, and specialise in making them. These stone anvils are oblong in shape with wrought surfaces, perhaps 11 in. by 7 in. by 8 in. above ground, and weigh about 50 lb. each. The value of a pair is one big goat. The lower face of the stone is set into the ground for a few inches. The upper is smooth and convex in all directions : it has its corners well bevelled off, and across it is incised a single V-shaped groove. By means of the groove the two lateral stiffening combs of weapons are raised. A particular curvature of face and depth of groove is required for different work ; a spear is not made on the same anvil that a sword is made on. It is difficult, however, on inspection to appreciate much difference between the grooves and curvatures of two such anvils ; but then none save a skilled spearsman can appreciate that special something in the finished article — call it " balance," or what you please — that renders one spear infinitely more acceptable to him than another apparently identical. It may be thought that these stones would fracture under the eonstant concussion, which occasionally becomes severe when heavy work is being done. But they do not appear to break. I have never seen a broken stone lying about a smithy ; on the contrary, they pass from father to son. A smith well known to the writer, told him that of his four anvils, he had inherited one pair and bought the other. In this case one of his four anvils had no grooves across it.

The Hammer (ke-li'-ha) is a tool of great interest. It Pi. hii. seems to be unique amongst hammers, and its use has never previously been noted. By it excellently finished Mork is turned out. A smith has usually three of them. The follow- ing exact description is taken from one of medium size. Briefly, the tool is essentially a long heavy bar of iron, into the side of which is firmly fixed a wooden peg, whereby it may be held. The blow given is that caused by the fall of the

90 THE HAMMER

bar from the vertical to the horizontal position in consequence' of the grip of the hand on the peg being released.

The hammer-head is a round bar of soft steel weighing 2| lb. It is 10 in. long and 6 in. in circumference at the- point of its greatest girth. This point of greatest girth is situated, as a sharp ridge, 6 in. from one end and 4 in. from the other. At the point of greatest girth the bar of metal is pierced by a hole f in. in diameter, to receive the handle.. This handle hole is pierced to the left side of the line of longi- tudinal mesial section. From the point of greatest girth the short arm rapidly tapers to a sharp point, whilst the long arm is only reduced in calibre until its circumference becomes 3 in., when it terminates in a slightly convex face. This face looks dov/nwards when the tool is held in the right hand, and the long axis of the head makes an angle of 45° with the plane of the horizon. The handle is a round stick driven into the hole in the hammer-head, and is not wedged. It projects from the hammer-head 6 in., and is of equal calibre (2| in.) throughout.

When the smith picks up his hammer for use he holds it in such a v/ay that the handle and the iiead both lie in the same horizontal plane. The convex bevelled face that terminates the long arm rests on the work ; all the rest of the hammer- head lies to the right-hand side of it. The smith then raises his hand by a few inches to a higher level than the work, but still maintains the handle parallel to and to the right-hand side of it. He tightens his grasp of the slight round handle, and simultaneously rotates his wrist outwards. The hammer- head thereby passes from a horizontal to a nearly vertical position. He then relaxes his grip, whereupon the slight handle rotates in his grasp, as the long arm of the hammer- head falls from the vertical to strike, with its bevelled extremity, the appointed spot. At the same time, from the wrist, or from the elbow, according to the force of blow

Pl. Lvir

Brif. Mus. VK.^

Thk Hammer of Kikuyii

The head of the hammer is hei^e specially phiced with its face directed towards the reader's right hand, in order to show its slightly convex striking surface. In use, however, t]ie tool is held so that its pointed end is totvards the right hand of tJie siiiitJi, except when the spike is being employed (with this spike a direct blow is given in the same manner as we use a hammer). Made from native iron by Kikuyu smith in author's presence, Gura River, 1908.

90 a

Pl. lviii

ir. S. A', fhot

A Blacksinjith's "Mkdicine"

Here five earthenware nozzles of a blacksmith's bellows, and one cooking-pot with bottom knocked out, are shown.

Each of the nozzlts is of the short variety used by the smith : those of the iron-smelter are four times as long, though identical in pattern.

into the bvilbous extremity of these pottery nozzles the wooden ones, attached permanently to the leather bellows, are laid when in use.

90 1

TONGS AND BELLOWS 91

required, a flicking movement is convej^ed to the tool, similar to that employed to crack a hunting-whip.

The smith never stands to his work : he sits on the back of his heels, with the whole of the soles of his feet flat on the ground. Very rarely indeed, and only in doing the heaviest work, is the hammer ever swung from the shoulder, and then, as no hammer handle is more than 6 in. long, it can only be grasped with one hand.

The smith's Tongs (mi-ha-to) are 15 in. over all and weigh 2U oz.

The two parts are united by a well-burred pin.

The jaws, from hinge to snout, are 4 in. long.

The proximal portion of each jaw is bov.ed, so as to half embrace the work, whilst its nose, | in. in width, is flattened for I in. to bring it in contact with its neighbour. Between and by these two flat surfaces the vrork is grasped.

The extremity of each handle is pointed, and is used for making and enlarging holes.

This tool so much resembles a European article that particular inquiries were made regarding it. The people, hovrever, say that the tongs of the blacksmith have always been identical in pattern with those to-day in use.

The Bellows (mu-ra) have been fully described and figured on p. 85. They are identical in pattern Mdth those used for smelting iron ore, but are somewhat smaller, whilst their earthenware nozzles are lighter, and only about a quarter the length of those employed for use in smelting.

It is not unusual for a smith to put up an old bellows' nozzle to protect his property and crops, and such is " strong medicine." The accompamang illustration shows five thus Pi iviii. employed : so large a number is quite exceptional, the broken pot too, near by, suggests that it is a case of death. Circum- stances prevented the facts being gathered.

In working;, nothing; of the nature of a flux is used, nor are

92 WELDING

any steps taken to clean the surfaces to be brought together when welding. Nevertheless, a thoroughly good union is made, and a broken article from defective workmanship is Pljxxv. not often seen. The Kikuyu spear is a good instance of the-

skill of the Kikuyu smith. It is a highly finished weapon of complicated make, yet it has a beautiful balance : it poises so delightfully that merely to handle a good spear makes one- feel bloodthirsty. Yet such a spear is simply tapped out under the hammer, then pegged down on a banana log, bur- nished by means of a succession of balls of a soft granite the size of a goose's egg, and finally given a keen cutting edge by rubbing on a suitable stone.

A list of most of the articles made by the smith are given on p. 81.

WIRE-DRAWING

The smith first cleans his stone anvil for work by scraping- its face with a sword (rohiyu), and afterwards with the wooden handle of a hammer (ke-li-ha).

The bellows' boy (m'goi-o) starts his blast. A bit of iron, weighing some two pounds or so, is picked up with the tongs (mi-ha-to), placed on the glowing coals, and then more of them are heaped over it. When bright hot, it is taken out of the fire with the tongs, and by them held on the anvil whilst it is hammered out into a four-sided bar. As it lengthens out under repeated heatings and hammerings, one end is pre- sently made pointed and driven into a wooden handle, which enables the bar to be grasped without the aid of the tongs. The bar is thus worked out into a long rod of square section, each face of which is about {. in. When a few inches have been brought to the desired size in the square, their edges are beaten do\ n, giving a rounded section to that portion of

THE DRAW-PLATE 93

the rod. As occasion requires, further material is added by welding. A fairly even rod of iron is thus produced.

It may be noted that, after each hammering, the rod in its wooden handle is held vertically, and the butt of the handle given a smart bump on the anvil. This has the effect of again driving the rod, perhaps loosened by the hammering, tightly into its handle.

The next step is to reduce this rod-iron, wrought under the hammer, to a wire of even gauge. Taking a rough coil of it, the craftsman proceeds to size it according to the purpose it is required for. To do this he first makes a sharp point to one end of the m ire by rubbing down that end between a maize cob and the surface of his stone anvil. The point thus formed he passes through the particular hole in the draw-plate or sizing-iron (u-ta) of the gauge required.

This li-ta (lit. "a bow") is a somewhat flattened spindlc-Pi.lv. shaped bar of iron, 5 in. x 1 in. x -| in. On one of its two faces are seven depressed conical cups, each J in. in diameter across the base. The apex of each of these cones appears on the opposite face as a small hole. Before use the chosen hole is almost obliterated by the face being tapped with the butt of a cold chisel. It is then again opened out exactly the size required, by introducing into it the tapered point of an iron needle some 6 in. long (mu-ku-ha). From being thus con- stantly tapped, one face of the u-ta — the flattened one — presents a series of slight depressions, each the size of a farthing, in the centre of each of which is the hole that deter- mines the gauge of the wire.

The end of the wire to be drawn, pointed as described, is now passed, first into the base of one of the conical cavities in the u-ta, and then outwards, through the hole of defined size that forms the apex of the cavity. The smith in Fig. Ix. p. 95, is specially demonstrating this point.

94 THE HAND-VICE

The now projecting end of wire is then seized by means of a clamp or hand-vice (rti-ga).

This tool is very cleverly designed, so much so that I have made special inquiries respecting its origin. I failed, however, to gather anything showing that the design has been intro- duced from without. It consists of : —

(a) A bar of iron (roga), split for two- tenths its length. Weight, 2 lbs. 4| oz. Length, 10 in. Like a tuning-fork.

(h) A cold cJiisel or wedge (ke-ra-si), 7-| in. long, | in. wide, I in. thick. Y^eight, 6 oz.

(c) A ring or collar (n'go-me), 2| in. in diameter, 1 in. deep, and I in. thick. Weight, lOJ oz.

The clamp (ru-ga) is used in this Avay : —

First the broad flat point of the wedge (ke-ra-si) is inserted into the cleft of the split iron bar (ro-ga). Its jaws are then further separated by tapping the other end of the wedge with a wooden mallet (ju-gu-ma), until they have become sufficiently apart to permit the end of the wire, on which is now threaded the u-ta, or draw-plate, to be passed betwixt them, and to project an inch or so beyond.

The wedge (ke-ra-si) is now knocked away, whereupon the jaws of the split bar (ro-ga) close upon the inserted wire and pinch it.

The iron collar (n'go-me) is then passed over the top of the split rod (ro-ga), and is maintained in a position about half-way dov/n its length by the left hand ; whilst with the right the wedge (ke-ra-si) is inserted and adjusted inside the collar.

By hammering this wedge (ke-ra-si) firmly home, the two jaws, of which the split bar (ro-ga) consists, are thereby brought together so closely that the wire inserted betwixt them is held immovably.

The draw-plate or sizing-iron (u-ta), as threaded on the wire, is now either placed with its two extremities resting in notches cut at the same level in a couple of posts firmly

PL. LIX

Drit. A/ui. [A".]

Thic W'iKi -drawer's Clamp

1. The ru'-ga, or clamp (A B C), put together and shown finnlv holding a piece of wire (w).

2. The ro'-ga, or split bar (A) : side view.

3. The ro'-ga, or split bar (A) : front view.

4. The ke-ra'-si, or wedge (c) : side view.

5. l"he ke-ra'-si, or wedge (c) : front view.

6. The n'go'-me, or collar (B) : side view.

7. The n'go'-me, or collar (Bj : as seen from above.

94 a

PL. LX

WiRE-DKAWING

The smith explains the action of the draw-plate (u-ta) by resting it against his toes (it is usually rested against two strong notched posts). For demonstration he has passed a short length of wire (shown) through the u-ta (shown), and is holding the wire by means of the clamp, which is just indicated in the shadow behind his hands.

94 b

CHAIN-MAKING 95

embedded a few inches apart, and projecting about 2 ft. above ground ; or else, in the case of Kght work, it is placed against the feet, and held in position by the toes.

The vice (ru-ga) is then seized with both hands and the wire drawn forcibly through the ii-ta. I have seen copper and fine iron wire being drawn in this way, but I have not seen the rough rod being drawn through the u-ta for the first time. The workmen told me, however, that they draw it cold, and the character of the metal supports this. The draw-plate (li-ta) is not tempered in any way.

One of the commonest gifts of a father to his daughter on her marriage is a collar made from iron wire. If a man is well-off he to-day makes a point that this shall be of w ire made by hand by the native smith, and not of trade wire.

CHAIN-MAKING

Chain made from fine iron wire is universally and largely used through Kikuyu. It is employed solely as an article of ornament. To this purpose it lends itself admirably. In pattern and in method of manufacture there is no variation ; in size it is not made with links larger than fV inch in length. No form of chain, other than that to be described, is made or employed for any purpose by the Akiku}^!.

A hank of wire having been finally sized, by being passed through the draw-plate, is usually placed over one of the jaws pi. ix. of a forked stick stuck upright in the ground. The native sits down close to it. He then takes a metal rod some 24 in. Pi. ixit in length, and of the thickness of a knitting needle, that has one of its ends firmly set into the long axis of a Avooden handle about 9 in. long, like a round desk paper-ruler. He then laps one end of the suspended hank round the lower part of the metal rod, and then squeezes, between his right forefinger

9G CHAIN MAKING

and thumb, the wire against the rod. At the same time he causes the rod to rotate by rolling the wooden cylinder, into which it is fixed, betwixt the inside of his flattened left hand and the outside of his left thigh. The flexible wire rapidly travels up the rod, which thus becomes covered by an evenly applied whipping of wire as a long spiral around it.

The Avooden handle is now removed, the rod with its whip- Pi. ixii. ping laid on a flat-topped stone, and a longitudinal cut made completely through the whipping, throughout its entire length, by means of a short wide chisel or punch struck with a wooden mallet. The wire whipping can now be slipped down the PI. ixiv. Figs, central core, when it falls apart as a series of links or circlets

12 ,

of fine wire (ga-zi-ka).

Having lately formed part of a spiral, the two free extremities of each link do not at present face one another, for they lie in different planes. A pinch of loose links is therefore taken

Pi. ixiii. and laid on a suitable stone, and one by one, as pushed forward

by a finger, each receives a blow from the butt of a chisel held vertically above it. Each link thereby becomes truly flat.

The two ends of each link have now been brought opposite to one another, but they are still separated by an interval equivalent to the thickness of the chisel edge A^ith which they were cut. This gap enables each link to be hooked on to the

PI. l>dv. one precedina; it, therebv forming a chain.

° As the chain is formed, bit by bit, by hooking the links

together, it is carefully wound, under slight strain, round the middle two-fourths of a stick some 16 in. long and of the thickness of a child's wrist, in order to preserve it from falling apart, and the end is temporarily secured.

This stick or roller, with its coating of unriveted chain, is noAv laid on the ground close to a stone Avith a rounded top. Its ends are opposed by a couple of pegs driven into the earth. A short length of the yet unclosed chain is now drawn off

[M. l.vv. the roller and stretched across the top of the anvil by the

PL. LXI

W. .">. A', //lof.

Thk First Sthp in thk Making oi< Chain

WinJing the sized wire on to the iron rod. The dia- meter of this rod deciJes the size of each link.

96;

Pl. lxiii

W. S. R. phot.

Thu Second Step in the Making of Chain

The iron rod, now covered by its wire whipping and with handle removed, is next laid on a stone and a cut carried along its entire length, by means of a short chisel and li</ht wooden mallet.

96 b

IV. S. R. phot.

The Third Step in the Making of Chain

The little pile of circlets of iron wire resulting from Step II are now pushed forward, one by one, with the finger, and flattened with a single smart tap of the butt of rtlie chisel.

96 c

PLATE LXIV

The Fourth Step in the Making of Chain

Fig. I shows the result of vStep II, prior to their being flattened by Step III, being a sample of links, as cut, laid on a table.

Fig. 2. Sample links suspeneled by a thread.

Fig. 3. The links, Battened by Step III, are next hooked together, and the chain thus formed is strained around a wooden roller, and the end secured so as to maintain the tension.

Fig 4. Iron chain to show evenness.

Fig. 5. Copper chain to show relative degree of fineness.

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PLATE LXV

The Fiith Step in the Making of Chain

The roller, with its coating of links (PI. Ixiv. Fig. 3), is here shown in use. It is retained in position by a couple of pegs whilst the chain is gradually drawn off it.

96f

PL. LXV

ly. S. R. phot.

96 g

Pl. lxvi

IV. S. A', phot.

Thic Sixth and Final Sti:p in the Making oi- Chain

As drawn from the roller the chain is led across a flat stone, where, by a tap with the side of the cutting end of the chisel, the link is closed.

Also shows ear-rings, previously illustrated in PI. xiii. Fig. 6, in wear.

96 h

ARTS AND CRAFTS 97

smith, who is seated on the ground facing both anvil and roller. With one hand he grasps the finished portion of the chain, if any such there be, or, in the case of a new length of chain, a terminal piece of string with the middle, third, and fourth fingers, thereby maintaining a steady strain against the roller, whilst with the index finger and thumb of the same hand he so manipulates the link he is dealing with as to bring its opening uppermost. This done, he proceeds to bestow a sharp tap immediately over the opening with the side of the cutting end of his chisel held in the other hand.

By this single blow the once rounded link becomes oblong, its two free ends are brought into opposition, and a beautifully smooth even chain is produced, which does not develop defects on long use. By rubbing with sand it is burnished and rendered evenly flexible, whilst friction with its wearer's greasy skin gradually imparts to it a brilliant polish.

Occasionally trade copper wire, the size of bell wire, is similarly drawn smaller, and made in the same way into chain of extraordinary fineness, evenness, and smoothness, each inch of chain consisting of fourteen links. Such fine Pi. ixiv. copper chain is, however, uncommon. The steel chain of '^' everyday use has usually seven to ten links to the inch. A Pi- ixiv. piece of copper chain I obtained from its maker, whose portrait is given, is 69 inches long and weighs exactly 1 ounce. A piece of steel chain of his make measures 89 inches and weighs exactly 2| ounces.

POTTERY

A porous pottery is made very similar in form, character, Pi. ixvii. and ornamentation to the prehistoric pottery of Britain. The material employed is a mixture of a blue clay and a soft sand.^

^ This sand is called li-um'-ba ; it is disintegrated granite rock in which quartz grains, felspar, and mica flakes make up probably the whole bulk.

13

98 POTTERY

These essentials are found in two deposits 10 miles apart. The pottery is made in the neighbourhood of the sand, which is mined in a hillside on the bank of the Gu-ra River in Wom- bu-gu's country. Where sand is found, there pottery is made ; but deposits of sand are few and far between in Kikuyu. No sharp sand is found in its rivers and brooks, for the face of the country is everywhere covered with a rich red volcanic soil of great depth, resting on igneous rocks. Hence a stream consists of a channel in the basalt, partially blocked with large boulders, and choked with alluvial mud.

The making of pottery is exclusively the work of the women of a few families living in the neighbourhood of the sand deposit. They fetch the materials to their homes ; there they make, dry, and burn the pots, and finally they carry them long distances to the native markets for sale.

It is diflLicult to understand how their output can be suffi- cient to meet the demand, for every death means the destruction of all the deceased's pots, besides the loss due to the accidents PI. Ixvii. of daily use amongst a large population.

The clay (m'bi-u) for pottery is carried by the women, from the marsh in which it is found, in wicker panniers, and is spread out in the sun to dry, in the form of small rough pieces like pulled bread. The natives say that they do this because the water which is in the clay when collected is " bad ": beyond this they can give no explanation for exposing it to the sun and air. When thoroughly dry it is placed in an elliptical hole in the ground 24 in. by 19 in. by 10 in. lined with banana leaves ; it is then moistened into a plastic mass, and is at once ready for use. It is now knov/n as n'daka. PI. 1. From the mine the sand is brought in bags woven with

the fingers from twisted twine. The acquisition of the sand is not devoid of risk. The natives tunnel into the hillside for it. As they do nothing to support the sides and roof of the drive, the miner is sooner or later overwhelmed. This

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PLATE LXVIII A Tray and Stool

1. Ki-ta-ru'-ru, or tray particularly used for winnowing grain, as also sand in pottery-making. It is made from the plant mu-gi'-o. Diameter, 25 in.; depth, 2 in. It is made in the form of a rope of graduated size flemished down. The turns are then sewn together with strips of the same material. The result is a strong, flat, almost light-tight platter, with an even, upraised border.

2. The viniversal form of stool found in every Kikuyu home. It is carved out of the solid.

98 b

Pl. lxviii

PL. LXIX

ir. S. A', phot.

PoTTiu'v — Woman winnowing the Sand

The coarser particles have been j^raduallv worked down- wards to a certain point of the circumference of the tray over which they are now in the act of being jerked. The white patch in the foreground consists entirely of such rejected material.

IM. lx\ iii. shows the tray in detail.

98 d

POTTERY 99

event is attributed by his friends, not to natural causes, but to the influence of a spirit Hving in the bowels of the earth in the direction in which the tunnel is being driven, who is annoyed at his privacy being intruded upon. When, therefore, he thus gives expression to his disapproval, they sacrifice a goat on the spot to appease him, and immediately start another tunnel, diverging from the old one at the point of fall. This they continue till the like event again happens, when again they make sacrifice and again proceed. And so on ad in- finihim. Of course, any attempt at rescue is never even contemplated, for no M'kikuyu will approach a dying man, least of all, one absolutely in the very clutches of the fiend.

The pottery is made in the shade of the banana plantation which usually surrounds the homestead in that part of the country, and comes right up to the ru-gi-li, or strong growing pi. xc stockade, by which the collection of huts that go to make up a Kikuyu homestead is encircled.

First, a small quantity of sand is placed on a large tray (ki-ta-ru-ru) which is held in the two hands. The tray is then PI. Isviii. gently jerked upwards, the movement being imparted by the wrists, and this is done in such a way that, when the contents Pi. ixix. are tossed (nen-gu-hu-ha) into the air, the fine sand falls back on to the tray, whilst the coarser particles (mu-san'-ga) are projected over its edge. The finished product (li-um'-ba) is a perfectly smooth, even, fine sand, which is stored for future use in a half calabash.

The dried clay too, in its turn, is carefully moistened, and worked up with the fingers to form plastic masses which are similarly stored. All being now ready, and the baby com- fortably adjusted for sleep in the small of the mother's back, on one of the trays used for refining the sand a couple of double handfuls of it are thrown : on this sand a lump of moist clay of about equal amount is placed. The sand is then thoroughly

100 POTTERY

incorporated with the clay by kneading with the ball of the thumbs and with the knuckles of the fingers. A mass of dough is thus made weighing about 6 lbs. This is finally shaped into a rough bar (mun'-du-a) about 9 in. long by 9 in. in circumference.

There are two distinct stages in the manufacture of every

PI. Ixx. Fig. c. pot. The first step is to make and to perfectly finish off the

PI. Ixxv. upper half. The second is to build upon that upper half, when

completed, the dome of clay which forms the lower portion

of the finished vessel.

A dozen or so of these bars of moist tempered clay being ready, the woman first sprinkles a little dry sand on the tray and proceeds to give a final kneading to one or more of them. She then rolls this material into a cylinder of the desired length and circumference, and finally squeezes and pats it with the palms of the hands into an oblong slab of say 10 in. by 4 in., and perhaps 2 in. thick. Spreading two or three leaves on the ground, she places the slab of clay on its edge on them, at the same time bringing its two ends together. These she carefully unites by working betwixt the fingers. Should it be that it is a large pot that she is making, the ring is formed of several slabs with their ends worked together.

A thick collar of clay is now standing on its edge on the leaf. This collar is to form half a pot, and that half the upper or mouth half. She now with her thumbs forces downwards successively from every part of the outer surface of the collar about a quarter inch of clay, to form a massive rough base or lip around its lower border, thus obtaining a secure base for her immediate work, and extra material where it will presently be required. The fingers of the left hand are then placed inside the collar to support the wall, whilst the inner border of the half -flexed right hand, or rather of the half -flexed little finger, is applied to the outside. She then proceeds to reduce

POTTERY 101

the substance of the mud wall, whilst at the same time she increases its height, by gradually scraping wpwards the Pi. Ixx. a material of its exterior surface. This is done with the border of the right hand, the movement of that hand being always from below upwards. All the while she keeps moving around the pot.

The part of the vessel she is forming is the upper half, being the mouth, neck, shoulder, and the upper portion of the belly. Proceeding thus, and always working her material upwards, she gradually models the wall so that it tends inwards, forming the shoulder, which in its turn merges into the neck, and finally, by increased pressure of the inside or left hand, the broad upper border of the mouth of the jar is everted. From time to time, should the size of the pot require it, addi- tional material is added to the upper ragged border of the wall, in the form of a roll of material shaped and sized like a heavy accountant's ruler. This is thoroughly blended with the upper border of the wall by kneading between the fingers before being further dealt with. The upper half of a jar is thus completed in the rough. It is then gone over again, but instead of the border of the little finger of the right hand, a piece of the neck of a gourd is similarly applied, being PI. ixx. b. dipped into water from time to time. A perfectly smooth exterior surface is thus attained, whilst the pot, as a whole, is almost as symmetrical as if turned on a lathe.

With the sharp edge of the piece of gourd she cuts half a dozen horizontal grooves about | in. apart around the neck. Two or more rounded lugs are attached to the side of the neck by mere pressure. The half pot is now finished. A few leaves PI. Ixx. c. are now placed around the base to prevent that part from drying, and it is left for three hours to harden sufficiently to handle.

The potter then picks up the vessel from the leaves on which it is standing mouth upwards, and replaces it on them

102 POTTERY

PI. Ixxiii. mouth downwards. The rough mass of clay forming the base now forms the upper border of the work. This border she now moistens, and works, and proceeds to mould as before, from time

PI. ixxiv. to time adding additional rolls of clay. All the time she keeps constricting her work ; first the opening will no longer admit

PI. Ixxv. the whole hand, then one by one the fingers are driven out, till finally a ragged edge of clay laps upwards around a single finger. The finger is withdrawn : the burr is smoothed down : the pot is completed.

The vessel is now left to harden for a few hours as it stands protected by a leaf or two, but the potters do not seem to fear the sun's rays or too rapid drying. It is then carried into

P. 70. the living hut and placed on the plank platform over the

hearth usually devoted to spare firewood. A smouldering fire is maintained on the hearth, which is only about five feet from the pottery. Here it remains till sufficient are ready for firing.

PI. Ixxvi. When a batch of about forty pots are ready, they are

taken out and stood side by side on the ground, closely together and mouth downwards. Between them small sticks, ends downwards, are packed. A quantity of light brushwood is then placed on the top of the pots, and the whole set fire to. They are then packed in light panniers to take to market. It is customary for the purchaser to again burn them within and without with an armful of dry grass before taking into use.

PL Ixvii. The only articles made of pottery by the Akikuyu are the

PI. Ixxvii. wide - mouthed pot, the narrow - mouthed pot, and the

PI. Iviii. nozzles for the smith's bellows. These last are of two sizes

but are identical in pattern ; those for iron smelting are about 3 feet long ; whilst those for use in ordinary smith's work are not more than 15 in. No article made of fired pottery, other

_, , , than those mentioned, has ever been observed by the writer ;

Pis. Ixxx. ana ' "^

Ixxxi. models in unburnt clay are referred to elsewhere.

PL. LXX

I ( '. .S'. A', phot.

PoTTKRY — First Stack : Makini; the Upper Half

{a) Figure to right shows around the base a crenated appearance, due to the original roll of clay having been forced downwards by the knuckles : the finger-tips of the right hand coarsely scraping the clay upwards, in order to reduce the substance of the wall : the left hand supporting the wall from the inside.

{h) Figure to left shows the next step. The previous work is gone over again with a piece of gourd shell (shown). Between this and the left hand inside the correct substance is obtained, the desired shape is given, and the work left with a fine finished surface.

(c) Figure in centre shows the upper half of a pot completely finished. A few leaves are thrown around the base to keep that part moist whilst the rest hardens somewhat.

Pl. lxxi

Pottery — First Stage

The put here iiKirked h is in the same state as the pot marked b in PI. Ixx. In this case, howev^er, the curved morsel of gourd is being applied to the inside of the pot, whilst the left palm affords the requisite external support.

Pl. lxxii

Pottery — First Stage Shows :

1. The act of cutting in the horizontal grooves that

surround the neck, and of smoothing off the lip.

2. That this is done before the lugs are put on.

3. At (I a narrow-mouthed jar. The upper half

is completely finished. The base will be added presently, as in the case of the other shapes.

4. The custom of w^omen shaving the head bare

except at one fixed spot. Also the mass of bead ear-hoops that are worn in the cartilage of the ears. C/. PI. ci. Fig. 5.

Pl. lxxiii

IV. S. R. phot. Pottery — Second Stacik : Step i

Tlie perfectl}' completed upper half, ornamented with incised rinj^s and with the handles added (PI. Ixx., c), is picked up and replaced mouth downwards. The spare clay that previously formed its ragged base is now brought into use.

102 d

Pi., lxxiv

U'.S. A\ phot.

PoTTFRY — Second SxAGii : Stkt 2

As the material that formed the ragged base becomes used up, additional clay is added from time to time in the form of one or more sausage-shaped rolls. The new material readily blends with that previously used when kneaded with the fingers, and the whole becomes quite homogeneous.

Fl. lxxv

PoTTKKY Si'COND StAGK : Al'I'ROACHING CoMI'LKTION

Shows the tool used — a portion of the neck and shoulder of a gourd (cf. PI. cxxvii. Fi<^. 2) — the manner of holding the tool, and the methotl of supporting the work with the fingers of the left hand phiced inside it.

1 02 t

LXXVI

IV. S. R. phot.

Potter V — Burning

The pots are arranged in concentric circles on the •ground in the open. Brushwood is placed betwixt and on the top of them and the mass set Hi^ht to.

Pl. lxxvii

[ I '. 5. R. phot.

Bringing Water to thk Hill-tot irom the Kiver AT THE Foot Shows : —

1. Method of can\in!4 a load.

2. Earthenware jar, narrow-necked pattern ; mouth

stopped with leaves.

3. Ouills in the cartlla<:;e and rinu; in the distended

lobe of ear.

4. Lower border of skirt tied round neck to keep it

clear of knees when walking. 102 h

METHODS OF CARRYING LOADS 103

METHODS OF CARRYING LOADS

All loads, be they light or heavy, are placed by the Akikuyu between their shoulders. It is not customary amongst them to rest anything on the top of the head in order to carry it. Whether the article be bag or basket, load of firewood, round European bath, or sheet of galvanised iron, it will certainly somehow be corded up in such a way as to enable it to be slung from the forehead, whilst resting on the upper part of the back.

The length of the sling is so adjusted that the load shall rest comfortably on the shoulders and loins when the head and body are well bent forward. This sling is usually a strong leather strap, and it passes from one extremity of the longest axis of the load, across the forehead to the other extremity of the load. The arms are kept raised, the elbows are bent, and the strap is grasped on either side about the level of the ears, whilst every half hour or so, when travelling over some good piece of path, a change is made by interlocking the fingers of the two hands over the nape of the neck. Pi i^xviii.

The sling across the forehead prevents the load slipping downwards, whilst the effect of the hands grasping and strain- ing on the sling, at the particular point indicated, is to keep the load well tilted forward and to ease the shocks associated with movement.

Sometimes, for a temporary change, the sling is removed from the forehead, shortened, and carried across the chest instead. Men do so more commonly than women.

This method of carrying a load points to the time when the whole of Kiktiyu was one dense forest, intersected by narrow winding tracks of severe gradient and bad surface, that were often so overhung as to partake of the character of a low tunnel. In some parts these conditions still survive. To

104 METHODS OF CARRYING LOADS

travel through such country, even along the best native paths, with a load on the head is out of all question. Hence, though for generations past the conditions have changed, and fields and hedgerows have now taken the place of the tropical forest as the result of the labours of these industrious agriculturalists, nevertheless their method of carrying an object is that of the days that were.

The traveller in Kikuyu with foreign porters will do well to remember that nothing is more distressing to men bearing heavy loads on their heads than to have to reduce their stature, and, at the same time, to move forwards and downwards, e.g., to pick their way down a steep hillside along a slippery overhung trail. As it is essential that they hold themselves erect, all they can do is to progress with bent knees whilst moving forward with extreme slowness, for fear of the load striking the unseen obstruction overhead.

A man on his own business considers about 40 lbs. a fair load if he has to transport it himself. Acting as a porter for others he will carry 65 lbs. A woman, fetching home firewood a distance of five to ten miles, of her own accord makes up her load to quite 100 lbs. A Kikuyu man is quite unequal to carrying a load that his women think nothing of. The writer has often tried to lift a woman's load of firewood from the ground, and found himself unable to do so, though he stands six feet, and is fairly powerful.^

^ When travelling and beaver hunting with the Mic-Macs in densely afforested country in Central Newfoundland many years ago, the writer had to carry a heavy load almost daily for four months in the Kikuyu way, which is the Mic- Mac fashion, so he can vouch from practical experience of its many merits. The Mic-Macs, however, employ a second strap, which passes around the front of the shoulders and across the chest. This has the advantage that the hands and lower arms are left free, but the tight band constricting the chest is a grave drawback.

Pi . Lxxviii

II'. S. R.phot.

Harvksting the Maize Ckof

Shows method of carr3ing loads, and of dealing with the long upper garment, when need be, by bringing its lower border upwards around the neck. The lowest ornament around the ankle is a thong, on \vhich are strung rings the size of a crown piece, made of stout wire. These jingle with each step.

104 a

Pl. lxxix

W. S. R. phot.

A Markkt Scene

104 b

MARKETS 105

MARKETS

Markets for the exchange of native produce form an im- portant part of native life, both from an economic and social standpoint. They are held at different places all over the countryside, and in more populous districts are frequently not more than some seven miles apart. The site chosen for a market is an open and convenient space on a hilltop. It is not selected as contiguous to any particular hamlets, but, in accordance with the general convenience of a scattered population, in some locality which forms a rallying point for several districts. A market is usually held on such a site every fourth day, and the dates are arranged so as not to clash with similar functions in the neighbourhood. An M'kikuyn therefore who is bent on commerce can, if he be so disposed, attend several markets in the course of a week.

The paths leading to a large market are filled, from about nine o'clock on the day it is held, with men, women, and children, all converging to the one point, and carrying with them the produce of their particular neighbourhood. A stream of women will approach from the western or wooded district, each laden with a bundle of firewood ; while from the opposite direction approaches another stream, bearing grain or other articles for exchange. In the evening the loads will have been reversed, the firewood will have been carried back to the homesteads in the food-growing districts, and the grain to the more newly settled country. Persons of every kind and trade may be found at this common meeting-place. The herdsman brings his stock for sale, the young man comes to buy accoutre- ments and adornments, the old man to buy a cup of native beer and gossip with his confreres. The market in the iron districts is a peculiarly interesting one. The iron ore is brought 14

106 MARKETS

by those who have " won " it, the tiny pigs by the smelters, while, from the woodland, loads of charcoal appear for sale wrapped up in the petioles of banana leaves.

Between eleven and one o'clock the fair is at its height, and the open space is a seething mass of black humanity, to the extent, in a large market, of some 4000 or 5000 souls. It is a special duty of the N'jama or native police to keep order on these occasions, except them no man may carry arms in or near a market. By four o'clock the crowd is beginning to disperse, and the market-place is soon a desert strewn with litter and rubbish, while the sellers and buyers, more or less satisfied with their day's work, wend their way to arrive at their own firesides before sunset.

In 1903 barter was the sole means of exchange, and beads the only medium in which payment was accepted. To-day the use of money is generally understood, although from some out-of-the-way markets our headman would return to report that he had been unable to buy food, as coin was refused, and only certain commodities would be accepted. The Govern- ment altered the coinage towards the end of our sojourn, exchanging pice, the lowest denomination, for the more convenient cent. The native understood the older coin, and would take back goods they had brought for sale rather than accept its substitute.

The following is a fairly comprehensive list of goods sold on February 16, 1908, at the Wa-wer'-u market, situated on the confines of the districts belonging to the chiefs Wom-bu'-gu and Mun-ge respectively, and one of the most important markets in Kikuyu : —

A rupee = Is. 4d. ; a pice = l farthing.

Firewood, two sticks sold for 1 pice

Salt for goats, one small gourd ... », 1 pice

Salt earth, 1 clod „ 5 pice

Platters for sifting corn (ki-ta-ru-ru) . . ,,5 pice each

MARKETS

107

Monkey skins sold for 2 R. each

Serval-Cat skins „ 2 R. each

Bird skins ..... Native beer (n'johi), one small gourd Bananas, fifteen .... String bags, large, work of three months Mealing stones .... String, balls of ... . Pots, earthenware, smaller . Do. do. larger

Bee boxes ..... Corn mortars, tree trunk Planks for huts .... Planks for beds .... Doors for huts, made of basket work Charcoal, 1 load .... Fat, a horn full .... Red earth, per block Spears .....

Knives .....

Headdress, ostrich feathers . Tobacco, per packet Honey, per jar of say 10 lbs. J Gourds ..... Wicker baskets ....

Sugar cane

All sorts of grain were also sold.

1 pice

1 pice

2 R. each i R. the pair

1 pice each 5 pice 8 to 10 pice 40 pice 10 pice

2 pice each 20 pice each 20 pice 5 pice 10 pice 2 pice 5 to 6 R. JR. 2R.

1 pice 2R. 5 pice

2 pice 1 pice for 2 stick?

ART

' Any attempt to portray persons or scenes by pictorial re- presentation is unknown amongst the Akikuyu. Perhaps the nearest approach to such is the record of travel on the gourd of the dancing boy, hereafter given. Those caves which we have come across have been searched in vain for any drawings, nor could we find that any such existed. The native is, however, much interested in pictures and photographs, and with a little practice recognises familiar persons and scenes, even when these are depicted on quite a small scale.

Attempts at modelling animal figures are sometimes made by the children in the pot-making districts, but these are unburnt and incapable of preservation.

Models of the human form have been met with by us, but only on rare occasions, in connection with ceremonial dances. PI. oxvii. The image, of which a picture is given, is said to be made in three different forms by three different experts : one has the arms apart, one the hands at the face, and one the hands as in prayer.

Though their artistic achievements are not high, it would be a mistake to suppose that these people have no sense of colour, design, or what we should call taste. This is princi- pally shown in their clothes and ornaments. Contrary to the usually accepted theory with regard to the black man, bright colours do not appeal to them, while the colouring of a man's garment when made from selected goatskins is very pleasing to the eye. There are also most definite ideas as to what is, or is not, beautiful in the form and colour of beads, but this is to some extent a matter of fashion. , Ordinary utensils and most weapons are not decorated,

but an elementary knowledge of design exists, as shown in the P. llo» el aeq. shields (n'dome) reproduced, which are those used by the boys

Pl. lxxx

IV. S. A', -bhvl.

" A HVEXA MOTHKR AND HER LlTTLE OnE "

Description given by bovs who had made the above out of sticks plastered with clav.

ro8a

Pl. lxxxi

^uml^w,

MoDEr.LiNG A Human Figtre

To be used in some w;iv in reference to asking for rain

''see p. 191

108 b

PICTURE RATTLES 109

when dancing prior to initiation. The designs, as will be seen, P. 156. vary considerably, but no explanation was forthcoming for the adoption of any particular pattern, other than that it was dictated by the fancy of the artist and perhaps also of the purchaser. Some of them are said to be of Masai origin.

The indentated line uniformly shown on the inside is that whose use' is said to have been commanded by God when He met the first M'kikuyu on Kenya, and is reproduced also on the bodies of the dancers.

The colours employed are black, made from charcoal ; red, or brown, which is an ochreous earth ; white from chalk ; and blue purchased to-day from the stores of the Hindoos.

Bee-boxes elaborately decorated are met with in some parts of Kikuyu, but not in that here described.

We have once seen a tree embellished with a floral design. No note as to the reason for this is forthcoming, but it is believed to be connected with its preservation as marking a boundary or for a similar reason.

Picture Rattles

Occasionally a boy is to be seen going about by himself, dancing, singing, and accompanying the song by shaking a gourd which he holds in his hand, and which has been Pi. Ixxxvi. formed into a rattle. This proceeding he continues for a month or six weeks, and it is termed ku-i'-nya ki-shan'-di.

The words of the song are traditional ; they are apparently gibberish, and convey nothing even to the performer. The gourd is scored by him with signs which constitute a record of his travel. Instruction in the art of this singing and writ- ing is given to the boy who wishes to learn it, by a "warrior " or young man. The fee to a well-qualified teacher, who knows all the signs for writing, is one goatskin.

110 PICTURE RATTLES

Pis. ixxxTii. The two gourds depicted were obtained from two of these

jxxxMi!. ijQyg Qj^ different occasions. The signs were translated by two Akikuyu in our camp, who had themselves as boys gone about singing in this manner. Attempts were made to understand more fully the method of writing, by asking for other specified scenes to be depicted in the same way, but all such endeavours ended in failure. The art, it was pleaded, had been forgotten. We were told where one of its professors resided, but the locality was at some distance, and circum- stances did not permit of a visit.

These gourds constitute, it is believed, the only form of drawing or picture writing. The shells which are affixed to the gourd form part of the story : those which are strung around it with chains of beads merely serve the purpose of decoration.

Dancing Shields

Pl. lxxxii

liiit. Mils, [/i'.]

I. 26 X 20 i I

:iii X 1471 in.

TIO b

3, 2^5 X \o\ in.

PL. LXXXIII

IXSIDE

/.';-//. Mits. [i?.]

4. 20I X 14 in. 5. 19I X 12.^ in.

HOC

Pl, lxxxiv

7

and

9

j^^^^"

6r;

■ja

ga

A'. A'. />/io/.

no d

DB

PLATE LXXXV.

DESIGNS OF KIKUYU DANCING SHIELDS.

From ,hlch" ky fi- «■

The Dtsigns (marked K) on ihe Duliide of Ihe Shields are said by the Alokuyu to be of purely Kikliyu migiii. Those designs marked M irt lUled by them to have been Jiriwd from the Masai. The Df3ign! on the inside of all the ShitUi depicted are believed to be pure ICikiiyu.

Pl. lxxxvi

Brit. ATits. [/?.]

Picture Rattle

no sr

II. 12. 13.

The words of the warrior who instructs the boy.

The words of the boy.

The arm of the boy.

The road of the boy.

The growing stockade round the homestead.

The home of the boy.

The track by which the boy leads out the goats to pasture.

The pasture.

The brand on the cattle to keep] them from being ill.

The stars.

The moon.

The shamba.

The mwe'-li growing in the shamba

The boy's mother going into th shamba.

The words of the boy.

The boy comes in for much rain.

The boy explains to someone tha he has had much rain.

NOTE.— This symbol added to 16 differentiates it from 36.

(Shell) — The blacksmith's wife (pregnant).

The blacksmith's family go foi

a walk and come back again.

The blacksmith's tongs.

The children coming to dance a the blacksmith's.

The boy's road.

Many people in a village drinkinj native beer.

7he words of the warrior who

inilrucis the boy. The words of ttie boy. Tht arm of the boy. Tlie road of llie boy. Ttie growing stockade round the

homestead. The home of the boy. The (rack by which the boy leads

out the goats to pasture.

The pasture.

The brand on the cattle to keep them from bieing ill.

The stars.

The moon.

The shamba.

Themwe'-li growing in the shamba.

The boy's mother going into the shamba.

The words of the boy.

The boy comes in for much rain.

The boy explains to someone that he has had much rain.

TOre^rtis symbol idded to 16 'mmnliites it from 36.

• (SWI)-The blacksmith's wife (pregnant).

The blacksmith's family go for

= walk and come back again.

Tl>e blacksmith's tongs.

^''^ boy's road.

PLATE LXXXVII.

R.ATTLE I.

Two old men with a woman between them who have gone away from the drinking party to have a talk.

The boy meets a warrior with a shield who talks of war.

A bird.

The instrument with which the boy scores this rattle.

The boy takes out the goats.

Sees much rain.

A rainbow.

Snakes' home.

Three snakes which come out of the home. The two outside ones are big snakes. The centre one a tree snake.

A small animal (n'jar-ga-'zi).

A shamba snake.

A valley with water.

A valley with no water.

A big mountain with many trees.

A leopard coming ou' of the mountain.

The head of the leopard.

A shamba with a crop of mwe'-li.

Uncultivated land.

(Shell) — A dead man lying in the uncultivated land.

Water.

A big lake.

The boy's hand.

(Shell) — A woman with one child.

a. The boy's home

The boy finds teaches him t rattle.

He dances befoi

He dances befc mother.

He dances befoi

He dances bef father.

He dances bef friends.

Hed

ances

befoi

He dances befor two children.

A road with mj

water.

The boy seesahj

The boy meets a

The claws of tb

(Shell)— A wo

The words of tH

The boy meet; understands his] them.

The words of and enter into

The boy has a fa

The words of the

us srs Dn

or lip

re en ds

JC-

,1s, ne dll lat of

•ty

eir

)ns

gst ice eet ilst ity len are ain

la. The boy's home, also iiis navel.

1, Tte boy fiods a warrior who

teaches him to dance with the rattle.

2. He dances before his mother.

), H; dwces before the warrior's molher.

. He dances before his father.

i. He dances before the warrior's lather.

6. He dances before the warrior's iriends.

I He dances before his own friends.

8. He dances before a woman with two children.

'■ A road with many people and no water.

'■ The boy sees a hyena and returns. '• The boy meets a leopard. ■■ The claws of the leopard.

PLATE LXXXVIII.

Rattle II.

(Shell)-A

woman (pregnant).

'*"= words of the boy.

^•"S has a fall. ^'"«<"d»oftheboy.

The boy.

A girl.

The girdle of the girl : see Pi . c.

(till) The transverse rows of beads. (bb) The vertical strip of leather.

The words of the boy.

The boy asks for tobacco.

(Shell)— A maiden.

The head of the maiden.

The legs of the maiden.

The string with which she ties her clothes.

The girdle of the maiden.

The bag of the boy.

A field of sugar cane from which he gathers.

to 37. A big road traversed by the boy.

A homestead where the boy sleeps.

The first day's journey on the road.

A homestead.

The second day's journey on the the road.

A homestead.

The third day's journey on the road.

A homestead.

[110 k]

MUSIC

The Akikuyu as a race are gifted with the musical ear. Their songs are almost always improvised solos with a chorus sung to a well-known air. Some hundreds of persons, strangers to one another; will join in a song with the dash and precision of a trained choir.

Each contingent of any large body of men, assembling for some fixed purpose at a given rendezvous, will thus strike up the same song as they arrive on the crest of the last hill before reaching the appointed spot. The effect is very fine, when perhaps half a dozen bands, each consisting of some hundreds of men, are thus converging on one point from different direc- tions amongst the sea of hills.

There is no recognised conductor, but certain individuals, of fluent tongue and ready wit, often take the lead. One man at the head of a travelling party in single file will extemporise against another in its rear, with the result that the main body are kept in a roar of laughter at the sallies of the two champions, whilst supporting them with a hearty chorus.

The rh3rthmical movements of their dances, too, show their marked sense of musical time.

By song and dance they give expression to their emotions with a spontaneity that is quite foreign to us. From amongst a casual party of women of all ages the senior, with her face wreathed in smiles, Mill separate herself and advance to greet the stranger with the most comical steps and posturings, whilst at the same time she expresses general sentiments of amity on behalf of all in a song of high pitch. Similarly, when men are taken on a journey far from their own district they are liable to become suddenly home-sick after singing certain songs, and may desert in a body in consequence.

Musical Instruments

The only instruments for the production of sound are : —

1. Horns. — (a) The straight, pointed one of the oryx, and the graceful spiral of the greater kudu. In the side of the horn, at its closed and pointed extremity, about 3 in. from the end, an opening, the size of the thumb-nail, is made, to which the lips are applied. From it one note only is obtained. This instrument is the war and dancing horn of the men. The women never use it.

(&) A cylinder of bamboo about 2 in. in diameter, entirely open at each extremity. The mouth is applied to one end.

PI. ciii. One note only is obtained. This instrument is used only

by the women. Certain women blowing on these precede the dancers at circumcision festivals.

PLcxv. f. 1. 2. Rattles. — (a) An oval sheet of iron, with the ends

brought to a blunt point — 6 in. long — is folded over until the edges are only \ in. apart — the form produced being something like that of the banana fruit. Within this cylinder several iron bullets are enclosed. It is worn strapped in a horizontal position above the knee joint.

(6) A piece of thin iron is folded to the shape and size of the seed of a broad bean. In the fold two holes are punched. Through these holes a string is passed. The free edges of the metal are brought sufficiently close together to retain four small iron pellets. These rolling about give the sound. Half a dozen of these bells are threaded on a cord, and form the lowermost ornament of the ankle. They are known as gin-gi-gi (g = Eng. gate).

PI. Ixxxvi. (c) A gourd is filled with small objects to form a

rattle, and its mouth secured with adhesive gum. These are used by boys, who go about singing and dancing, and who inscribe on the gourd the story of their journeyings.

PI. cxv. f. 2. 3. Goat and Coiu Bells. — These are made the shape of the

PI. cxv. f. 3. blossom of the Canterbury bell. They are made of two

112

MUSIC 113

pieces of flat iron united by a connecting bar, which forms the loop for suspension. Each piece is curved, so as to form half the bell. The sides of each piece are, however, not brought quite together. An iron clapper is fitted.

A similar bell is also carved from a hard wood. These have a wooden clapper. They are very uncommon.

Since writing the above, I have received the following Notes and Music from Dr. C. S. Myers, who has most kindly examined the wax records taken by us by means of the phonograph : —

" They (the cylinders) are full of interest. I enclose half a dozen of the airs written out. Unfortunately it is almost impossible to tackle some of the songs. The natives have sung so loudly that ' one cannot see the forest for the trees.' I have not attempted to determine the exact pitch of the notes, as that cannot be done in the originals. . . .

" The Dumo song is very interesting for its rhythm. You wiU see that successive bars have the following number of beats per bar : —

2, 4, 4, 3 : 3, 2, 3, 3, : 3, 3, 4, 3 : 3, 2, 3, 3

^ , ' ^ , ■>

24 24

We have here a grouping together of different measures to form larger periods, which are regularly repeated, — a striking characteristic of many primitive songs, and one of the best examples I have ever met with.

" If the fourth air is sung with the third, it should certainly be transposed a tone lower. . . .

" The tempo is very exactly kept, whether the measure is simple, as in No. 1 and No. 6, or complex, as in No. 2 and in No. 4, where two five-pulse bars are succeeded by a four-pulse bar.

" You will notice that the first four of the airs are each composed of four notes, the last two of three notes. Both major and minor thirds occur. The fourth occurs in four of 15

114 MUSIC

the six songs. Indeed, No. 5 is built up very largely from the use of fourths. The fifth is employed only twice, namely, in No. 5 and in No. 4, but as in the latter this interval is sung glissando (I have indicated this by the mark — ) there is some doubt about exactly fixing it. The minor sixth in No. 3 is of interest, because in some verses of this song the first note, F, of the chorus is sung simultaneously with the last note, A, of the solo, forming the consonant minor sixth. The major sixth occurs in No. 4.

" The songs show a considerable development of musical form. The alternation of chorus with solo, the alternation of one phrase with another, the rise and fall of the melody, are evidence of this.

"It is interesting to note that if F be considered the tonic of songs No. 2 and No. 3, the notes in each case form the scale

F, G, A, C, and if No. 4 be lowered a tone, so that F is its tonic, its four notes run

F, A, C, D. No. 6 transferred so that its key-note is F (instead of C, as written out) runs

F, G. A. Thus these songs may be said to be based on a scale of a major second, major third, fifth, and major sixth (Scale I.). The other two songs if likewise transposed run No. 1. F, G, A^. Et>. No. 5. F, B^ O). The real tonic of these two songs probably lies a fifth lower, the apparent tonic being actually the dominant. If this be so, these songs, transposed to the scale of F, give the notes No. 1. F, Bt?, C, D, Et?. No. 5. F, B^ C, which gives a scale (Scale II.) of a fourth, fifth, major sixth, and_^minor seventh, of which the middle pair occur in Scale I."

MUSIC

EXAMPLES OF KIKT^YU MUSIC.

115

No. 1. Ku-lan-gi-ri — A Girl's Song. Solo.

Chorus.

^fci

=^ * j-

No. 2. Du-mo — A Girl's Song.

Solo. Chorus.

i^^g^^^

:S=:«=t-*=

:5t=:::]*L=^

i^§

Solo.

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No. 4. First Vocal Accompaniment to the Mu-goi-i-o Dance.

No. 5. Vocal Accompaniment to the Ku-lu-mi-si-a Dance.

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PART II

Social and Political Life

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PART II

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE

" It " {Archaic Laio) " is fidl in all its provinces of the clearest indications that Society in 'primitive times was not, what it is assumed to be at present, a collection of individuals. In fact, and in view of the men who composed it, it was an aggregation of families." — Maine's Ancient Law.

FAMILY LIFE HOMESTEADS

The unit of all life in Kikuyu is the family and the family homestead. Villages, strictly speaking, there are none, though here and there several homesteads may assemble in proximity to the dwelling of a chief. These clusters of mushroom-like huts are sown all over the country, in some parts with extra- ordinary thickness, in others separated by stretches of land lying barren and waiting its turn to be recultivated. They are almost always built on the hillsides, experience having taught that such positions are warmer in cold weather, or as the chill of evening comes on, than the damp, low-lying valleys.

Each homestead has its own little enclosure, and in old days each was invariably surrounded by a high green hedge or stockade, which was entered by an arch of greenery usually so low as to necessitate stooping ; this served as an enclosure for the cattle, for defence, and for purposes of concealment. In the homesteads of very wealthy men, such as the chiefs, there are generally two compounds, an outer and an inner one.

The size of the homestead varies in proportion to the wealth of its owner. The poor man will have a single hut only for himself and his one wife ; the rich man's will consist of eight or ten huts ; the chief's of even more. Each wife is

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118 HOMESTEADS

entitled to her own house ; and where there are several the owner has in addition one for his own accommodation. There is frequently also the " thin-gi'-ra," or hut for the young men, which acts as the guest-house. The " thingira " sometimes stands a little apart, and is the joint sleeping place or bachelor lodgings of the boy friends from several homesteads, who return to their respective families for food. A young man marrying generally builds his hut just outside, but in close proximity to the parental homestead ; but such may some- times be seen within the same enclosure. In either case it is easy to see that where the head of the establishment dies and the grown-up son becomes guardian of his father's wives, the arrangement works easily and naturally. The homestead also contains little barns or huge baskets for storing food which, ex- cept for the fact that they stand on legs, almost give the effect of an additional hut. As each wife possesses her own, the number of these forms a guide to the inmates of the establishment.^

The interior of the huts is quite dark, and visitors should take a candle. In the centre is the fireplace. ^ The wall space is partitioned off by sticks into small compartments which form the bedsteads. The bed consists of one plank, or, if this is unattainable, of small sticks closely apphed. The head is higher than the foot. One partition usually serves as a cupboard and contains utensils. Small belongings are kept in a jar or sometimes in a bee box. Wooden stools are used.

I ^ have never been in a hut, and rarely in a homestead, which was not clean and orderly, the presence of the goats, which are taken into the huts at night, necessitating regular sweeping. The same usually applies to the bare ground of the homesteads inside the enclosure, which is as a rule swept up and kept neat in a way which shames the camping-ground of most Europeans.

Each homestead has also its own little estate, consisting

1 PI. xci. 2 p. 70.

^K. R. — And so throughout " Family Life."

HOMESTEADS 119

of the shambas, or plots of cultivated ground, belonging to the various wives, and usually also of banana groves. These are generally in close proximity to the dwellings, but may, if ground is not procurable, be at a little distance.

Owing to the very simple needs of the Akikiiyu, a large population can support itself by agriculture in comparatively limited space, the result being to combine, from the point of view of the black man, all the advantages associated in the mind of the white man with both town and country life. The greater part of Kikuyu may thus be said to be one vast garden city of the most approved type.

Particulars from my notebook of a few typical homesteads, and the occupants of the various huts which they contain,

may be of interest.

Homestead A. Tioo huts

1. A mother and daughter.

2. Father and small boy.

Homestead B. Three huts

1. Parents and small boy. Another son stated to be at Nairobi.

2. Widow, said to be " a relation."

3. (At a short distance.) Married son, wife, and first grandchild.

Homestead C. Two huts

1. Husband and wife.

2. Another wife and two children.

Homestead D. Five huts — home of a Medicine-man

1. Principal wife, three children seen.

2. Wife and one young child.

3. Wife and two children.

4. Latest wife, married six months.

5. Medicine-man.

Homestead E. Two neighbouring enclosures First enclosure — two huts.

1. Young man.

2. His wife ; " had not yet bought another."

Second enclosure — that of deceased father of young man — Four huts.

1. Widow and daughter just " bought," and going to her husband's

home.

2. Widow — children ?

3. Widow— do. ?

4. Thingira — other sons of family.

Homestead F. One hut Father, mother, and children.

Homestead O. One hui Widow living alone — daughter had married. Son living with friends in thmgira. One other child dead.

WOMEN

Position of Women

The stranger passing through the land who sees the women working with bent backs in the fields, or toiling along the road with huge loads of firewood, obtains little idea of the home life of a Kikuyu woman, and that little is erroneous. The position of such a Avoman in girlhood, wifehood, motherhood, and old age is in many ways preferable to that of her white sister. What it loses in breadth of interest, it gains in the increased certainty of the natural joys of home life, and with rare exceptions in the absence of wearing anxiety as to ways and means.

My first introduction to a Kikuyu home was by means of an old lady who came to our camp to sell bags. I went back with her to her hut to pay a return call. The winding path led along the hillside, with wide views over the smiling, undulating landscape, sinking away in the distance to the great Athi plains. We skirted the edge of the sacred grove, passed between patches of cultivated ground, to where, near the homestead, the young men of the party were sleeping in the sun, then down through springing corn to the little huts standing among a grove of bananas. My friend was a widow, and lived in one of them with her remaining child ; another hut close at hand was the home of her elder and married daughter, who came with her baby to help to receive the visitor. We sat under the shade of the hut, and discussed the weather, the crops, and the grandchild, and felt that human and feminine interests were of more importance than the colour of skin.

A woman has no legal status. Theoretically her husband may treat her as he likes, without being amenable to tribal

120

POSITION OF WOMEN 121

justice ; in practice she is protected by her initial value and by tradition. Custom prescribes the line between a man's work and a woman's, and this begins in earliest years,— ^the little girls make string bags, the little boys herd the goats. It will be noticed in one of the folk-lore stories that although the hero has been provided with one hundred wives, it is expressly stated that "as no children were yet born he was herding the goats himself." ^

" We work in the fields, we cook the food, we bring the firewood, that is all," was the brief epitome given to me by the wife of an old chief, and though it does not entirely cover the ground, substantially it is true. The woman is essentially the home maker ; the man fights to protect that home. As he may be away on war raids, the paramount duty of the care of the food-supply falls on the woman. There is, however, no hard-and-fast line with regard to the work in the fields, a man may not unfrequently be seen aiding his feminine belongings, while certain parts of the work fall on him alone. The old saying with regard to the "magic of property " turn- ing "sand into gold," is true amongst the Kikuyu. Cultiva- tion establishes ownership. The plot of ground, or shamba, which the woman tends, is looked upon as hers ; she can take a pride in its success or failure. She prefers to be the owner of a large shamba, which can be the envy of her neighbours, regardless of the extra work it may entail. Each wife has her own little granary in which to store her corn ; she does not share it even with other members of the same homestead.

The carrying of heavy loads of firewood and other produce is work to which, it is hardly necessary to say, the women are inured from their earliest childhood. Quite tiny girls may be seen trotting along by their elders carrying their own proportionate burden. A girl of about thirteen came into the camp one day at eleven o'clock, bearing a load of bananas

1 p. 318. i6

122 POSITION OF WOMEN

weighing 30 lb., which she had carried some 14 miles since daybreak. Sometimes the women go as much as 15 miles for firewood. Starting at dawn for the forest, running and laughing, and in high spirits, they do the distance in, say, three hours, arriving on the ground at 9 a.m. They then chop up the dead, dry, sweet-smelling pencil-cedarwood trees into lengths of about 5 ft., and each makes up for herself a load of some half-dozen pieces, weighing in all perhaps 100 lb. The load is then carefully secured, and slung with the strong leather strap, 2 in. wide and some 15 to 20 ft. long, which every woman possesses, or should possess, for the purpose. By the time the loads are all ready it is approaching noon. The women, therefore, rest till about 2 p.m. Then they pick up their loads and start homewards, where they will arrive about 7 p.m. : an hour after dark. It is not customary to sleep out and to spend two days on a trip, and it is only of late, since wide tracks have been cut and security established under British rule, that they have taken to going so far from home. This description applies to the old settled country from which the forest is now far distant. People still farther removed from it have to come and buy their wood at the home market of the wood-cutters ; the purchasers, then, in their turn, carry the loads another 5, 10, or 15 miles. Their muscles become in this way so used to the strain, that when their male belongings state " this is a very heavy load, it is fit to be carried by a woman, not by a man," they are pro- bably only stating a fact. PI. ixxvii. The women also fetch the water. As the Akikuyn gener- T^es^pp 299^ ^^^^ build their houses on the steep hill slopes and tops, the liOl, etc. water for cooking and drinking has to be carried up from the valley bottom. The bigger children, boys and girls, and the women do this. The men never assist.

There are other duties, such as sewing skins, assisting to build huts, and so forth, which fall to the share of the

EARLY YEARS 123

women ; but it must be remembered in any attempt to com- pare the life of the primitive woman with that of her more civilised sister, that she is spared many arduous duties which are the portion of the latter. No spring cleaning has to be faced, no washing day appals, no children have to be got ready for school. There are many seasons when little work is required in the fields ; firewood has only to be brought home occasionally. Frequently, when the homesteads are visited, the women may be found practically at leisure ; their lot is incomparably easier than that of the ordinary working man's wife at home. The Kikuyu woman, as far as an outsider can gather, takes her position for granted. Things may be good, bad, or indifferent ; they are all in the day's work. The old lady previously referred to declined to express any preference with regard to the various duties. I do not think that she had one. "When we are not working in the fields we carry firewood," was all that I could extract. Once, and once only, I got a gHmpse of a woman looking at her lot from the outside. There was full moon, and we were travelling by night as the most pleasant method. Our caravan was joined by some native women Avho were journeying along the road. They chattered vivaciously to our men behind, and I presently asked what was the topic of conversation. " She says," I Mas told, " that it must be nice to be a white woman, and ride a horse and not carry a heavy load."

Early Years

From the moment of her birth a girl baby is even more welcome than a boy ; her work at home is valuable, and when she is marriageable she will fetch thirty goats. The Kikuyu baby makes its first acquaintance with the world from the point of view of its mother's back, where, secure in her cape in the form of a hood, it becomes inured to sun and flies, and takes part,

124 BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE

generally head downwards, in the work of the day. The elder children, as all the world over, act as nursemaids to their little brothers and sisters, and endeavour in quaint fashion to carry them after the manner of their elders. The children of both sexes are singularly quiet and well behaved ; they are never to be seen playing games, and they seem to need no occupation. I have counted as many as twenty-two children together at one time, under the age of some fourteen years, all sitting quietly, and none of them engaged in any way, with the exception of some of the little girls who were making bags. This quiet apathy of childhood is in singular contrast with the energy put forth in movement and dances in later years. When a girl is from ten or twelve to fifteen years, comes the great day of her initiation into the tribe. No man would marry a girl who has not gone through these rites ; but they do not marry very young, not apparently before sixteen or seventeen years, and possibly later.

These young years are very cheerful ones to the Kikuyn maiden. She of course assists her mother in the household and fields, but she has an amount of gaiety which many an English girl would envy. Almost every moonlight night she can go to a dance, where she chooses her own partner. The young men come in properly adorned and turned out, for if they did not, as they inform us, " none of the girls would dance with them."

Betrothal and Marriage

A girl's betrothal is entirely her own affair. The leading wife of the chief Munge was asked, "What I should tell the white women on my return to England about the women of Kikuyu?" "Tell them," she said, "two things. One is, that we never marry any one we do not want to ; and the other is, that we like our husbands to have as many wives as possible."

A girl may occasionally bo bespoken as a child by some

Pl. xcii

1 1 '. .S". A', phot.

124 a

PLATE XCIII

A Chisel, an Axe, and a Digging-knife

Fig. I. The small end of the iron (i-than'-da) here shown is set into the butt of a pole some 7 feet long, in the line of the pole's longitudinal axis, and a ferrule of green rhino- ceros-hide shrunk on to it. The lower border is rubbed to a keen cutting edge. A section of tree-trunk is first made somewhat concave with the axe ; it is then reduced to a hollow cylinder by a succession of stabs with this tool. Thus are mortars and bee-boxes made. This chisel and the axe-blade are identical articles ; it is simply a matter as to how they are set into the handle.

Length, 7! in. Width, max., li in. Weight, i2| oz.

Fig. 2. The Kikuyu axe (i-than'-da). The handle is always made of the shape shown. To form the collar a piece of rhinoceros-hide is cut i in. more than half the circum- ference of the axe-head, and of the depth desired. The substance of the skin is then split, which its great thick- ness readily permits. A collar is thus forined, of which the front and the back are each half the substance of the natural skin, whilst the sides, or point where they unite, is the full substance of the hide. This collar is then driven over the axe-handle, and so into position. Afterwards the axe-blade is driven, through a cleft made in the face of the green hide collar, well home into the \vood. The skin is of immense strength, and contracts considerably as it dries. The result is the axe-blade is fixed immovably. This tool is strong, light, and exceedingly efficient. Every woman has one.

Length of handle, 22 in.

Maximum circumference over collar, 9J in.

Fig, 3. The agricultural digging-knife (ka'-hi-vu), the only iron implement used in cultivating the soil. Length of blade, 13^ in.; another is 14I in. Weight, 13! o/. ; another is 15I oz.

124 h

Fl. xciii

124c

Pl. xciv

A'. A', phot.

A Family Grolp Sho\viin> method of carrvinc infant

t24 d

Pl. xcv

A'. R. phot.

Acting Xlrskmaid

124 e

PLATE XCVI

Three Kikuyu Girls Shows :

Brow-band indicating maidenhood. See PI. cii.

Method of wearing upper garment.

Ornaments. Bead necklaces, ring in lobe of ear. Straps of cowrie shells across the chest, bracelets and anklets of copper wire.

124 f

Pl. xcvi

IV. S. R. phot.

124 g

BETROTHAL 125

older and wealthy man, but she would not be obliged to marry him on coming to years of discretion unless she so desired. Young warriors questioned on the subject, scoffed at the idea of buying child wives. A girl is also at liberty to break off her engagement even after the goats have been paid to the father, but due restitution must, of course, be made. I have been present at two cases for breach of promise. One was a small court held on the green just outside the homestead of Munge, consisting of one " elder," the young men who knew about the case, and an official (n'jama), and sat to arrange the return of the goats by the father of a girl who had changed her mind. The father went off straight away to get the goats. The other case was more complicated. It was brought for decision to the chief Karuri. Here, again, the lady had changed her mind, but there was no father living, and the goats could not be returned, for they had been eaten, and could not be replaced. The suitor pleaded that the girl should, under these circum- stances, be held to her bargain, and judgment was given in his favour. This was, perhaps, not an unfair arrangement, seeing that the lady had certainly been a consenting party in the first instance, and had, no doubt, enjoyed her share of the booty. Karuri turned to me, after giving the decision, and asked pathetically what we did in England when people had debts to pay and no money to pay them with !

If the suitor is rich the goats are all paid up immediately ; if not, they may be paid in two instalments, the first on his proposal being accepted, the second being delayed three or four months. Thirty goats and five or six sheep is the customary value of a girl ; but the actual marriage will probably take place after twenty goats have been received, the remainder sometimes not being paid over till the eldest child is eight or ten years of age.

When in South Africa, immediately after the war, one of the native commissioners informed me that, owing to the

126 BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE

destruction of live stock, native girls in his district were being given in marriage without payment, but with the understand- ing that the first-born daughter of the marriage should be the property of the wife's parents.

The first betrothal present, corresponding to our engage- Pi. xviii. ment ring, is a collarette made of whipped copper wire, with long pendant iron chain (mu-hu-ni-o). Both the fiances may continue to attend dances, but after the marriage has been arranged it is no longer correct for them to dance with each other. That is "very bad," but "he can visit her, and they can talk."

As a very rare occurrence, an unmarried girl may occasion- ally be seen with three patches the size of a crown piece, one on either cheek, and one on the forehead. These patches are composed of honey, or some adhesive matter, and a small aromatic seed. This sign indicates that, unknown to her parent, she is off to a clandestine appointment, and safeguards her from all interference.

An unmarried girl about to become a mother meets with the gravest disapproval from her parents. It would be too much to say that this is entirely a matter of morals, the practical aspect of the case naturally also presents itself. " The mother would make a great fuss. ' Why do you go far ? I like you to stay here, and if some one likes you they can buy you.' " The girl's companions would also disapprove. The man in such circumstances can either buy the girl, and take the child, or pay ten goats and one sheep, in which latter case the girl and child remain at home. The sister of a leading man was severely beaten by him, but would not betray the name of the father of her child. For any second child born under similar circum- stances, only a small compensation is required, say five goats. It was very definitely stated that the marriage value of a girl with such a history would be diminished ; but, on the other hand, a prospective husband might appear who did not know

BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE 127

of the past, or who did not object, and the parents would naturally make the best bargain possible. The husband takes also the child. A rather curious history which came to our notice was that of an unmarried girl who bore a female child. The father paid up the regulation ten goats. Later, the girl, being still unbought, thought that she would like a husband, and the same man was willing to take her to the extent of paying six extra sheep ; but as the consideration was so small, the child in this case remained the property of the woman's father.

The account of a marriage is best given in the words of one of our Kikuyu servants, who was in the happy position of having recently completed the payment for his bride. It is, I think, of sufficient interest to warrant transcribing at length. It was given most fluently, the various dramatis personce being represented by coins, matches, beads, etc., to make quite sure that I was following the story correctly.

" The young man says to the girl, ' I have many goods at my father's, and you do your work very beautifully, I should like to buy you,' and she says, ' Yes.' So he goes to her father, and the father asks the girl, ' Do you like the man very much ? ' and she says, ' Yes.' The mother says, ' You don't like any one else ? ' and she says, ' No.' The young man has made two gourds of native beer (n'johi), a big one and a little one, which have been brought by two friends, and the girl takes the n'johi and pours it into the horn of an ox, and the father says, ' If you do not like this man I will not drink,' and then he drinks ; then the beer is poured out again, and the mother drinks, and the friends who have been called drink. This is in the morning. The young man goes back and tells his father that he wants to buy the girl, and the father asks, ' How many goats her father wants ? ' and he says, ' Twenty.' The father says it is all right, and they go and tell the young man's mother. In the evening, when the goats come home, the

128 BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE

father picks out twenty, and the young man's friends take them to the girl's home, and the man himself follows behind and delivers the goats, and he returns to his own home. His father asks if it is all right, and the young man says, ' Yes,' and goes to his mother's house to get food and to the boy's hut (thingira) to sleep. He may, however, take only ten that day ; if so, the next day he does not go to the girl's, because he has not paid up ail the goats. But in the evening, when the goats come in, he gets the other ten, and his two friends,^ one behind and one before, and himself last, take them to the girl's home. The girl stays in the house, and the father looks at the goats and says they are all right ; and the young man goes home, and says that he will want a sheep to-morrow.

" The next day he and his friends, one before and one behind, take the sheep to the girl's home ; and he goes back, and goes to the shamba and cuts sugar-cane, and makes more native beer.

" The day following, all the bridegroom's party, his own friends, his father and his friends, his mother and her friends, all go to the bride's home. The mother carries a little gourd of beer, and one of her friends a big gourd, and two other friends carry one cluster of bananas each. The bride's father and mother have collected friends, but the girl works in the " shamba " (her mother's plot of ground), and does not appear.

" Two friends of the mother of the girl take the two gourds, and two others the bananas, and all women go into the house. The girl's mother produces two gourds of gruel, and gives one to the young man's father and friends, and one to the young man and his friends, and the two mothers and their friends dance the ' Ge-ti-ro.'

" Then the father of the girl goes inside the house and

^ These friends form convenient witnesses if an action has subsequently to be brought for breach of promise of marriage, necessitating the return of the goats paid.

BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE 129

brings out the big gourd of beer, and says to the young man and his friends, and to the young man's father and his friends,

• Have you finished drinking gruel ? ' and they say, ' Yes.' And the young man and his friends say, ' We do not drink beer,' so they go away. The girl's father brings out two haK gourds, his friends drink out of one, and the father of the young man and his friends drink out of the other. The two fathers retire and talk, and the girl's father says, ' Your son likes my daughter very much, and has brought the goats, and I have raised no objection.' Then they join the circle, and kill and eat the sheep, and finish drinking.

" The father of the young man and his friends go back to the father's house, and the friends of the girl's father all go ^way except one.

" The girl's mother brings out the little gourd, and the young man's mother and her friends come out at a little distance from the girl's father and friends, and have an empty gourd, and drink beer : the girl's mother and friends drink inside the hut. Then the young man's mother comes inside the hut and asks for her gourds, and the girl's mother gets grass, and puts two pieces inside each gourd (this is a very old custom), and stays in her hut, and two of her friends give them to two of the friends of the young man's mother, and the mother and her friends retire home.

" The girl's mother divides one cluster of bananas between her friends and keeps one for herself, and the fatlier takes his one friend to look at the goats, and the party is finished."

It will be seen in this account, which reminds one of some of the adventures of the renowned Alice, that it is the bride who is absent from the feast, and the mothers who have the dance. This last being a legitimate outlet for satisfaction which might commend itself elsewhere. It must lessen the cares of the hostess, when the visitors provide the victuals. 17

130 BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE

Sometimes three, or, if the family is wealthy, as many as four sheep are brought for the feast. Indeed, the bridegroom's family are all through in their very proper places as the obliged parties. The young men's teetotal principles are altogether admirable, while it will be noticed that, according to etiquette, the women retire into the hut, so that they may not see the men eat meat. When the scene closes after the departure of the guests, the father taking his particular friend to see the live stock, and the mother and her friends having a little extra refreshment, we feel ourselves entirely at home.

The story continues : " The third day the young man comes to the girl's home and says that he is going to dig a big shamba for her, and he gets his friends, and they all go and dig a big plot. He need not ask any one where it is to be except his own father. The girl goes and sees the shamba, but does not go anywhere near the hut of her future mother- in-law. She sees the shamba that it is a beautifully big one, and she comes back and tells her mother, ' He has got ready a beautifully big shamba.' He says to his mother, ' Did you see the girl,' and she says, ' No.' He says to the girl, ' AVhy did you not come to see the shamba ? ' and she says, ' I did come.' Then the girl and her two friends go and cultivate the shamba, and when all is ready the young man and his two friends take some beer, and go and ask the father's leave- to take the girl, and he says, ' Yes.' The girl is in the house. When they have finished drinking, the young man and his friends go and cut sticks for the house and build it, and his mother puts grass on the top. When all is ready the girl is out walking, or working in the shamba, and the two friends of the bridegroom seize her and carry her off to the new hut, and she makes much noise. The bridegroom does not come near her, but sleeps in his father's house, and the girl's friends bring her food. She weeps four days. The mother-in-law

MARRIAGE 131

Tarings her fat, and she puts it on her head, and two girl friends of the bridegroom accompany her, and she goes to her mother's house and stays three hours, and makes a noise in the house of her mother. Then the two friends go back with her and leave her, and the bridegroom comes and sleeps in the hut. Afterwards he gives the remaining ten goats to her father, and one more."

The size of the ground prepared for the bride is one and a half to three acres, and her father has to inspect and pass it as satisfactory. Productivity is the criterion, not size. If there are already one or more wives in the homestead which the bride is entering, the whole of the shambas are readjusted, so that each wife may have a share in the new ground. The father's wedding present is two hundred roots of the arum lily plant. He also gives her the iron collar worn Pis. xcvii. by women. If he is wealthy this is made by hand by the native smithy ; if not, trade wire has to suffice. The value of s. large hand-wrought neck iron is two goats. There is evidently from the foregoing narrative a certain amount of customary modesty connected with a girl's first visit to her future domain, and it was subsequently stated, " even if she had been to see the shamba, she would tell the young man she had not." The only further contribution to the new establish- ment on the part of the bride's family are the hearth-stones. These it is the especial duty of her mother to provide. She and the girl go down together to the riverside to select them. If the mother is dead, the duty falls to the daughter herself.

The absolute seizure of the bride by the bridegroom's friends, is, no doubt, an interesting survival of marriage by capture. Her state of mind must be somewhat nervous when she knows that all preliminaries are accomplished and any moment her captors may appear to bear her off, " like a porter's

132 MARRIAGE

load," as one woman described it. Her struggles and cries; are, of course, as conventional as the tears of the early Vic- torian bride. 1

I was fortunate enough to see the first visit ol a bride to her old home. The leading lady of the district, Wan'-gu, who acts as chief under the present regime, had been to the camp in the morning for a chat, and had mentioned that this local event might be expected during the day. About three o'clock a great noise was to be heard, and people seen running over a hillside a short distance away. Following the sounds as quickly as I could, I found myself at a little homestead under the hill in time to have a good view of the returning bride, who had just arrived. She was a well-grown girl of about sixteen years or possibly more, very smartly turned out, her dress and hair freshly o.dorned with fat and red ochre. She had sobbed herself into an absolutely hysterical condition, and v/as being held very tenderly by her mother and one of the other mothers of the homestead. A bunch of leaves did its usual duty as a pocket-handkerchief. There was no large concourse of neighbours, but a bevy of other girls, in ordinary Avork-a-day attire, looked on unsympathetically.

Presently the girl, still sobbing noisily, went into the hut with her mother and some friends, and was followed by twa girls whom I had not before noticed ; these last were turned out in gala fashion, somewhat after the manner of the bride, and were, I presume, the relations of the bridegroom, who, according to subsequent information, each hold one of the hands of the bride on her return journey. As it seemed better not to intrude on the family party, I sat down on a log under the eaves of another hut with one of the mothers of the establishment, and conversed on the event of the day. The heroine had, I was told, been carried off four days before, and

^ It need hardly be said that the tears of a Kiki'iyu girl can also on occasion be very genuine, and that she can clearly explain they are such.

POLYGAMY 133

had, in proper manner, cried on the bed ever since. She had now come back, attended by girl friends, for a few hours with her mother ; the fat used for her adornment had been a present on the third day from her husband's mother, who would con- - tinue similar gifts for about two months. The bride was much pleased with her new house. She was the first wife, there were many goats, and the bridegroom was charming ; altogether, it was a most satisfactory marriage. The con- ventional howling continued inside the hut, despite of these rosy prospects, up till the time I left.

The two families continue social intercourse after the mar- riage. I have seen about twenty men drinking native beer outside a hut, and been told that the son-in-law had brought the drink to the house of his mother-in-law, and that the women were also enjoying it inside the hut. The daughter had married about a year before, and lived at a little distance, but she and the child had not come over to the festivity.

On another occasion some camp arrangement had to be given up, for all the younger men of the district had gone away to eat sheep. The party, in this instance, was being held at the nev/ home of a girl who had married to another district, and was connected with the birth of her child. The child might, we were told, be any age, but such an entertainment would not be given unless one had been born.

Polygamy

Polygamy is of course an integral part of the tribal system. It is not merely a question of domestic arrangement, but of social organisation. The poverty stricken condition of the " rich " white man in respect of wives aroused unfailing interest. My husband's attempted explanation, " that a white woman preferred to have her husband to herself," fell ex- tremely flat. " Exactly an opposite view," Munge assured us,

134 POLYGAMY

as we sat round the camp fire, " obtained among the best people in Kiktiyu. The first wife would soon say, ' Why have I to do all the work ; why do you not buy another wife ? ' " The opinions of his spouse on the same lines have been already quoted. " If," she said, " there is much food or drink to get ready, it is very hard work for one, it is very easy for many." The first wife also retains her pre-eminence, and her child is in any case regarded as the eldest, if it even should have been actually born after that of a later wife. She is usually about the same age as her husband ; the man's later wives are con- siderably younger than he is, and the older he grows the more difference there is in age between himself and his latest acquisi- tion. Sentiment and prestige are thus on the side of being an early comer in the matrimonial establishment ; on the other hand, some girls of a practical turn of mind prefer to marry older and richer men.

It is quite usual to come across a man with only one wife ; many such exist, but this is by force of circumstance, and is a sign of poverty. Two or three wives is a fairly ordinary allow- ance, while the rich man has six or seven. The chief Karuri is said to have as many as sixty, who perform a useful office in looking after his interests in various parts of the country.

It is impossible to suppose that there are no heartburnings and jealousies in a homestead, but I have never heard of such, and the fact that each wife has her own hut, shamba, and independent establishment, places the whole on the footing of a village under one head man.

There is no doubt that the endeavour to establish mono- gamy is, and will be, the greatest difficulty in the way of the spread of the Christian religion. " The missionaries," according to one M'kikuyu in our employ, a person of con- siderable influence, " tell us that a man should have only one wife ; if they teach such nonsense they may as well go away."

On the other hand, it is difficult to see how polygamy can

CHILDREN 135

permanently exist under the new conditions caused by the British conquest. Tribal war has been suppressed, and such investigations as it has been possible to make confirm the natural anticipation that the births in each sex are fairly equal.

Children

The Akikuyu are a prolific race. Children are much valued amongst them, and neither of us have ever seen a woman or child ill-treated. The childless woman, as amongst all primitive people, is much to be pitied ; not only does she suffer in her natural affection, but loses in the favour of her husband. Recourse is had to the Medicine-man, and the usual killing of a goat and drinking of native beer form part of a prescription which is said to be efficacious. The medicine known as gon'-du,^ said to be a cure for sterility, is one of those given to the Medicine- Man on his initiation. It is difficult to arrive at figures, even approximately correct, with regard to the size of the famihes. The natural method of conversing with the mothers as to the number of their children is soon found to be, to say the least, a tactless proceeding. It is considered most unlucky to give such figures, a sentiment similar, no doubt, to the aversion felt in Old Testament days to the numbering of the people. The inquiry is poUtely waived, with a request to "come and see." This naturally by no means fulfils the purpose, as the children are rarely, if ever, assembled at one time. The girls may be working in the fields, and the little boys away herding the goats. My next plan of campaign was hardly more success- ful. I visited the huts, and made full inquiries as to their occupants, usually entering them myself to count the beds in use. This district visiting was of the greatest value in coming into touch with the lives of the people, but not from the point of view of statistics. The young and growing family was of

1 See p. 253.

136 CHILDREN

little use for my purpose ; while of the older and completed ones, the girls were married and had homes of their own, and the boys were not unfrequently reported as at work at Nairobi. I visited some forty-six huts in this manner, but for one reason or another have only felt the returns from three sufficiently reliable to be included in the following figures. The method finally hit upon had the advantage of giving the greatest result for the least labour. The objection to giving family statistics was discovered not to be in force amongst other members than the parents ; at any rate, it did not seem to affect those Kikuyu boys who were continually in touch with us. These answered readily any questions as to the number of their father's wives, their grandfather's wives, and their respective children, and seemed to have a good acquaintance with their relations. The obvious drawback is that the state- ments are probably incomplete. Those with v/hom they were not well acquainted would most likely escape their memory, and this would certainly be the case with children who had died in early infancy. The figures, therefore, are given for such interest as they may possess, and in no way pretend to scientific accuracy. On the other hand, they may, I think, be relied on, for the reasons given, as erring on the side of under, and not of over, statement. A family means in every case the children borne by one wife only.

Forty-nine families were reported as having in all : 75 boys, 75 girls, 6 sex unstated; total, 156.

Fourteen of these families were presumably still incomplete, i.e. comprised a first child or very young children only, and two were those of mothers avIio had died young. These com- prised : 9 boys, 15 girls ; total, 24.

If these figures are subtracted, the 35 remaining families give a total of 132 children, or a fraction under 4 children per family.

Only 13 children v/ere reported as having died young,

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Pl. xcviii

A Mn)i)i.u-A(,Ku Woman 136 b

1 1'. S. h'. phot.

OLD WOMEN 137

a return which would give a death-rate of only about 84 per thousand, as against 138 per thousand in England, and which is obviously of no value. The returns for Munge's family, which I believe to be the most accurate, show for ten wives, several recently married, 21 children, of whom 4 had died in infancy.

The size of the families was, on the whole, very uniform : 3 to 5 children each, but the average is raised by two cases. One that of the chief N'duini, who stated that his mother had borne 14 children, 5 of whom were boys, 3 girls, and the remaining 6, sex unstated. The other was that of the family of one of our retainers, the only sur- vivor of 9, the remaining 8 having died of starvation during a great famine. He, as the sharp boy of the family, had been in service with a white man, and alone weathered the storm ; his emotion as he spoke of it was very pathetic. Only two instances were given of childless marriage.

Old Women

"A woman of fifty," says Sutro in one of his plays, "is like a policeman in Piccadilly, she can tell you the way to almost anywhere." Unfortunately in a progressive civihsa- tion, the ways from Piccadilly are, metaphorically at any rate, liable to alter in the course of a lifetime. There are no such disadvantages in a stationary existence, and the amount of wisdom, or the reputation for it, which can be accumulated in half a century is prodigious. It must be admitted that part of the deference paid to advancing years, whether in man or woman, is due to fear. Old age has something uncanny about it, and old persons could probably " make medicine " and work havoc were they so inclined.

When her first-born is initiated into the tribe a woman i8

138 OLD WOMEN

shaves her head entirely and permanently, becomes entitled to the dignified appellation of " Mu-te-mi-a," and puts on copper earrings, termed " ki-chan'-ga." The only reluctance I have seen to increasing age came not from a woman, but from a man ; the chief Munge would not allow his senior wife to wear these particular copper earrings, "because he did not like to feel so old." There are not precisely "votes for women," as they do not take part in the judicial councils ; but in one instance the head chief, Karuri, has appointed a woman to be his lieutenant in a certain district, where she reigns with much capacity, and diplomatically adds prestige to her position by dressing exceedingly well. It is said, probably with truth, that she has bought her husband another wife.

Under certain circumstances, such as when the chief Wombugu married a new wife, the choice of a site for the new hut is relegated to a committee of elders, five men and five women. Wombugu's brother, who gave an animated account of this function, which he had just witnessed, was asked what would happen if the respective parts of the committee disagreed. " The old ladies," he replied, " Avould have their way, because," he added emphatically, "it is a great work to have borne a child." A young warrior is taught to get out of the road for an old woman. The women do not take part in the sacrifices to God, though one who is alluded to hereafter described herself as the " wife of God," and seems to have established a sort of cult. She appears to have been a per- sonage of considerable character. The mothers in Kikuyu also take their full share in ritual observances connected with initiation. A man anoints the candidates for initiation (male and female) with " ira," an old woman follows and anoints with oil. The self-reliance and dignity of the older women is remarkable. Such an one will come to pay a formal call at the camp, braving without a qualm the scores of porters,

DRESS OF WOMEN 139

Swahili servants, and sentry on guard to converse through an interpreter with a foreigner, a proceeding which would surely strike fear into the bosom of many a middle-aged female at home. It is perhaps fair to say that these were women of social position. The best, as Browning tells us, is reserved for the last. When a woman is very old, " so old that she has no teeth," she is then " filled with intelligence," and on her death receives the high honour of burial, instead of being put out for the hyenas to devour. Can respect go further ?

A tribute is due to the chivalry shown by Kikiiyu chiefs to a white woman. On two occasions, in different districts, when I have been alone in camp, the neighbouring potentate has taken me under his care, and come up once or twice daily to see that things were going well and I was in need of nothing, such as milk or firewood, which he could supply. One of these chiefs besought me to pitch my camp nearer to his homestead, as "he would not like a white woman who was visiting him to be eaten by a lion," a sentiment, needless to say, endorsed by the visitor.

Dress of Women

The little boy runs about as nature made him, but the smallest little girl is never seen without a leather apron (mwan'- go). In addition to this indispensable garment there is worn a petticoat (mu-zu-ru) 24 in. by 21 in., oblong in form and somewhat pointed at the end of the lower corners ; it is fastened by strings round the waist. The upper part of the body is protected by a cloak (n'gu-o) 47 in. in its greatest length. The top edge of this garment is straight, 41 in. in width, and then gradually diminishes in breadth, the lower half being oval in form. This is also tied, and is worn

140 DRESS OF WOMEN

either over one shoulder and under the arm, or over both, or indeed in any way which suits the fancy of the wearer. When PL XXXV. at work it is sometimes abandoned altogether. It appears to be worn for warmth and not with any idea of concealing the figure. Sewing is done by means of a straight awl and pointed thread. A bead is frequently strung before the thread is passed through the hole. The thread is of fibre or sinew.

Elaborate hairdressing is left to the men. A woman shaves her head entirely, save for one small tuft at the back. With advancing years, custom ordains that even this shall disappear. It has been difficult to understand the rapt gaze of visitors to the camp, till it was found that it was directed to the unshaven head of the white woman. A head such as is occasionally seen covered with hair, is in a woman a sign of ill-health, under which condition it is considered beneficial to allow it to attain its natural length.

All girls at their initiation wear the becoming brow band of beads and shell disks. This ornament indicates maidenhood, and is very generally, although not universally, worn up till the time of marriage. The ornaments, with more or less definite association with particular epochs in life, have been already alluded to. These are the necklace, usually the first betrothal present ; the collar of iron, commonly the wedding present of the father ; and the spiral copper ear-rings, the sign of a woman with an initiated child.

The girdle made of beads and worn by all women, and method of wearing, is shown in illustration.

The armlets, anklets, and most of the ear ornaments are similar to those worn by the men ; but a form of ear-ring PI. ci. Fig. 5. peculiar to women are large circles of beads fastened in the upper part of the ear. These are bought in the markets for 1 pice (= 1 farthing) each, and the ambition of the women is to have 32 in each ear.

Fl. xcviii

Brit. Mus. [AM

Razor (Ku-en'-ji;

Nat. size

Employed in shaving the head of both sexes. This \vork appertains to women exclusively. It is also the instrument emploved in performing the rite of circumcision on women.

Formed of a thin sheet of hammered iron. The upper end is folded over as shown. The lower border is curved, ^vith well-rounded corners, and rubbed to a keen edge. Weight, I oz. exactly. Length, 3^ in. ; maximum width, ill in.

In use the first, second, and third fingers are placed behind the tool, whilst the thumb is opposed to them in front. The little finger rests on the work to steady the hand.

(Fevvkes, Aborigines of Porto Rico, Washington, ic,07. Plate XXX illustrates, apparentl)', this tool made in stone as a prehistoric Porto Rican object.)

140 a

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140 b

PL. C

One of the Wives

oi- Wanang'a,

OUR Faithful Kikuyu

Headman

Shows : —

The girdle (mu-ni-or'-o wa i-ti'-na) and the way in which it is worn.

I he apron, do. do. Cf. Fl. ci. Fig. 4.

1 he skirt, do. do. Cf. PI. xcix. F~ig. 2,

To the lower border of another girdle, shown on a large scale, a little bag to contain a few beads, the equivalent of money, is attached. On its lowest central row are threaded odd component parts from other articles of ornament.

Length of girdle = 28^ in. Another specimen = 30 in.

II'. .v. A'. /-/;,-/

B/i/. Mus. [/?.]

PLATE CI

Dress and Ornament of Women

I, 2, 3. Examples of the ri'-ra, an ornament worn by initiated women, and by girls when dancing prior to the initiatory ceremony (see PI. cxi. p. 160 b). Two are worn, one in front and one behind, by means of a strap round the waist. They are usually kept hung up in the mother's house as an ornament.

The terminals of the fringe of i and 2 are ma-hun'-gu ■ — the claws of the ant-bear. They are very light, being thin and hollow, and jingle together like sleigh-bells.

I. Size, 7^ X 85 in. ; fringe, including claws, 3 to 4 in. -• ,, 6 X 5! in. ; ,, ,, ,, 3 in.

3.   ,,      8      X   4^  in.  ;        ,,         1^  in.
   

4. \ery thin sheepskin leather apron (mwan'-go), such as is invariably worn by every female.

Size, 9 X loi in.

Length of leather tape, 24 in.

See PI. c. p. 140 c.

5. Ear-rings (lu-hang-i) worn in the cartilage of the ear by women. Made of very small beads threaded on fine wire. Each end of the wire is turned back to form a hook. The spring of the wire keeps each hook straining against its fellow. About thirty may be worn in one ear, but fifteen is the more usual number.

The diameter of each hoop is 3I in. Thirtv hoops weigh exactl}' 4 oz.

For these ear-rin^is in wear see PI. xcvii.

i4od

PL. CI

Brit. Mus. [/?.]

140 e

PLATE CI I

Headband (Mu-ni-or'-o \va mu-tu'-ij

Worn by girls at the ceremony of their initiation, and afterwards until they are married.

The following description is taken from four specimens. Each consists of a strip of thick leather (c-c), i^, ig, if, 2 in, long, pierced with holes, through which pass the threads (made of bark) on which the rows of beads are strung. The ends of the threads are then brought together and whipped id).

The whole area marked a a a a, in all specimens, is composed of white beads exclusively. Three specimens consist of nine rows of beads, one specimen of eleven rows.

The top row, aha, in each specimen, consists of white beads ; the next, and every alternate row, of blue beads.

The nine rows are retained in position as a flat band by means of a lacing that is indicated, as a fine black line, at point h, point a, and elsewhere.

The fringe in all specimens is about 3 in. deep ; it is of equal length throughout. The numbers of separate cords constituting the fringe are respectively fiftv-nine, forty-four, fifty-two, fifty.

Every alternate cord is of chain, and terminated by a concavo-convex disc of bone, which varies from the size of a sixpence to that of a shilling.

The intermediate cords are of milk-white beads, with no terminal.

The length of each headband is 18 in. Each row of beads of headband is very slightly shorter than the one below it. Accuracy of fit is essential for use, and this is obtained by straining on cords (d) through leather piece

(c-c).

For use see PI. xcvi. p. I24g.

1^0 f

PL. CII

'iPZ-'.- w;#»lLJ^T|^V^,-<_Sl,.£,"Bit''t-»i-.w,'» ^' •"'

Brit. A/us. [i?.]

140 g

Fl. cm

IV S. h\ phot.

Dancinc Drkss

A woman specially decorated with banana leaves for the initiation festival, and bearing in her left hand a length of bamboo, which she uses as a horn immediately before posturing in a peculiar manner. From time to time she rushes about the ground brandishing her husband's club, which she is privileged to have for the day on this one occasion only.

140 h

DRESS OF WOMEN 141

Ordinary dancing does not demand any variation in the clothing of the women. On the occasion, however, of a big dance, a woman may add to her becoming and decorous dress an exceedingly short skirt made of banana leaf, much like that of an Italian ballerina. It is not unusual to see a woman with her abdomen adorned by a pattern formed of small raised scars. These are made by small cuts, which are artificially irritated. No female wears any sort of head or foot gear.

The following terms are employed in speaking of women : —

Ka-re'-go A small girl.

Ki-R]6-GU A big girl not yet initiated.

Moi-re'-tu .... „ after initiation.

Mu-Hi'-Ki A woman, betrothed or married, not

yet a mother. Wa-bai A mother of young children : she

is addressed and referred to as

MVa-na-mii-ke. Mu-Ti-Mi'-A .... The mother of one or more

initiated children. I-he'-ti A toothless old woman.

INHERITANCE

Wealth is held in immense respect amongst the Akikuyu, in a manner which is, it must be confessed, somewhat depress- ing, when the ideal simple life appears at last to have been reached. The prestige of the European goes up enormously with each tent added to his possessions, and the value of the various mounts of the white men in the district are most carefully compared. Amongst themselves the man who can add goat to goat and wife to wife, is deemed fortunate and happy ; the poor man is looked upon with that pity which is akin to contempt. It is even thought, as will be seen, that after death a wealthy man will be somehow better o£E than his more indigent brother.

The object of such accumulation on the part of the native is not very patent to the European. No M'kikuyu wants riches to alter his manner of life, for purposes of travel, or to indulge expensive tastes. With one or two exceptions, in the cases of those who have come under white man's influence, the richest chief lives in precisely similar quarters to the poorest man. One would imagine the endless acquisition of wives would pall, and while a number of goats are no doubt enjoyed for food, and useful to defray the costs of illness, there is obviously a limit to what one man can use. The solution may perhaps be found in the fact of the influence which is brought by wealth, in savage not less than in civilised society. However this may be, the death of a rich relation is in Eakuyu, as possibly at times elsewhere, by no means an unmitigated source of sorrow, and quite the usual interest attends the testament.

The difficulties of will-making are proverbial, even when the testator has only one family to take into account. They become serious to contemplate when there are to be con-

142

INHERITANCE 143

sidered the claims of three, six, or ten prospective widows, and the same number of famiUes, comprising children of every age. Property, on the other hand, is a simple matter. Trans- late " real " and " personal " by shambas and goats, and we have a comprehensive catalogue of possessions ; to this, wives should perhaps be added, though they occupy a position apart.

An old man on his deathbed calls for his family and the old men, and in their presence makes the final division of the goods. He has theoretically absolute power of appointment ; in practice, his bequests are largely dictated by custom.

It is well to bear in mind the fact that in an uncivilised community, rights of property can only exist where they can be enforced by the strong arm. Possession must therefore pass to an adult. At the same time, the claims of minors and women may be, and are, safeguarded by custom, and it is unwise to assume that because property is said to have been inherited by such and such an individual, he is necessarily absolute owner ; his rights may very possibly be only those of immediate benefit with responsibilities attached, and his ultimate position that of trustee. Meum and tuum are naturally less clearly defined in primitive than in civilised society.

The whole of the estate — women, shambas, and goats — passes by custom to the custody of the heir-at-law. If the eldest son is an adult he takes possession of the property. He in- herits all his father's widows, but only takes as his wives any in excess of three, and these only if they have not borne more than one child. It is customary for a man who has married three wives not to add to their number till his eldest born has been received into the tribe ; the younger wives, therefore, are about the same age as the heir. There is no odium attached to a widow preferring to live Avith another man, but any children born are reckoned as of the family to which she

144 INHERITANCE

legitimately belongs, and the father could not claim the marli for any daughter by such a connection.

The position of the eldest son does not, however, convey primogeniture in our present sense of the word. The bulk of the property is held by him on behalf of the family, and its division is largely dictated by the will of his father, the younger son receiving in the end the same share as the eldest. " He " (the testator) "would give ten goats to the younger sons, and tell them when they want meat or fat or dowries for wives, to ask the elder brother ; but any one not behaving them- selves, to take ten goats and go."

As a general rule each widow retains possession of her former shamba and cultivates it on behalf of her family. She has the aid of her daughters till they marry ; but as her sons grow up and bring wives, she surrenders part to her daughters- in-law. Thus if a woman has three sons, the shamba may be divided into four divisions, for the three daughters-in-law and the mother respectively. This diminution of the size of a woman's plot coincides with the decrease of the claims upon her and of her power to work. Any son buying a second wife would procure an outside shamba. On the mother's death her share falls into hotch-pot. In the same way it is usual for a widow to be given the goats which live in her hut, in trust for her children if they are minors. But with regard to both shambas and goats there is a definite power of appointment on the part of a testator, in which personal preference plays a part. A less favoured wife would not be disinherited, but might be given a smaller share. According to one hypothetical example, " If a man dies leaving four wives, he may say to the principal wife, take fifteen goats ; to two others, ten ; and to the youngest, eight. He does not like the last, for she makes a noise." If the children are grown-up, the wife receives a small share of Uve stock, say five. In addition to this a portion of the personal property can be " settled," that is to say, that

INHERITANCE 145

the testator expressly forbids, on pain of his dying curse, that such or such a female animal shall be killed. It then remains during its life as tied-up capital, and only its descendants can be used. The price for a girl whose father is not living, goes to her brother by the same mother ; for the eldest son to appropriate it, if by another wife, would be looked upon as a robbery. There is a curious passage in one of the folk tales (" The Girl who cut the Hair of the N'jenge "),^ when it would appear as if the mother, or the girl herself, had the option of deciding to which of her own brothers the marli should go.

If, on the other hand, a man dies leaving only infant children, his wives and property pass to his brother or brothers, but only to those who are younger than himself ; the will of the deceased decides whether they shall all go to one, or to several younger brothers respectively. The idea is presumably that a younger man is better qualified to undertake such serious responsibility than are his seniors. This custom secures that no woman shall be left without a legitimate protector. No man would refuse the obligation, and in the majority of instances the woman apparently falls in with the arrangement. There is, however, no compulsion to take up such matrimonial life, if it is disliked. The widow may return home or live with another man ; but, as in the former case, if a child is born it is the property of the late husband's family. According to one statement, where a widow resides independently, the elder brother of her late husband would offer sacrifice for her in case of illness, and share with the younger brother the marh for any girl child who might be born to her. The younger brother, where the children are minors, also take possession, with the wives, of the shambas which they cultivate, and of the goats, but owns it no doubt only in the same conditional manner as is the case when the heir is an adult son. The property is definitely claimed by the family of the deceased as they come

1 p. 321. ^9

146 INHERITANCE

to maturity, the mothers meanwhile keeping a watchful eye over the heritage of their offspring. It is not surprising to hear that there are often protracted lawsuits over the number of goats to be surrendered when the children come of age.

Theoretically, women are said to have no rights of pro- perty, unless possibly in the case of extremely old ladies ; practically, as has been shown, these are acknowledged. In the case of a man having no children and no relations, his mother and wives could claim the shambas.

An interesting light is thrown on Kikuyu ideas of ownership in the case of an action for trespass, quoted hereafter.^ The shamba was termed indifferently that of the boy or his mother, and it would no doubt have been equally correct to speak of it as belonging to the mother's legitimate protector.

1 p. 212.

SOCIAL CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIES

CUSTOMS AT BIRTH

The customs connected with childbirth are those rather of use than ritual. It is said that six days prior to the con- finement the mother feeds on flour and milk only, avoiding meat and vegetables. The child on its birth is washed and oiled all over by the attendants.^ The father is not present, and does not see the child for a day or two. The hut is placed in seclusion for four days after the birth of a girl, and five days after that of a boy ; no one is allowed to enter except the immediate women friends or attendants. The mother, however, may be seen sitting or taking short strolls outside. On the fourth or fifth day respectively, purification takes place and the woman is shaved ; but childbirth does not amount to " tha-hu " or ceremonial uncleanness, and no Medicine-man is called in. The women eat together in the evening. The next day the father kills a sheep, and there is a feast, after which the daily round is resumed. The mother's first visit to the shamba, placed varyingly on the day of the purifica- tion or the day of the feast, seems to be somewhat of a function, custom ordaining that she shall gather arum lily roots first and then sweet potatoes. The shaving of the father on the sixth day has been reported, but this is generally denied. The statement may be connected with the regulation shaving after the birth of the second child, which is the sign of his exaltation to the official rank of Mo-ran'-ja.^

^ The placenta is carried out into uncultivated land, and some grain (u-gim'-bi) strewn on the ground ; grass is cut and placed over this, and on the top the placenta is laid — the whole is then covered ^vith more grass and grain strewn around.

2 p. 197.

147

148 CUSTOMS AT BIRTH

One Friday, when visiting as usual among the huts, one of them was seen to be closed, and I was told that a birth had just taken place. Returning to the same spot on the following Sunday, I found the woman out walking near the hut, but, for the only time in my experience, permission to enter the house was firmly refused. The baby, however, was brought out for my inspection, a small, pale-brown personage, the shade, not of its parents as a whole, but of that of the palms of their hands and soles of their feet. It was unlucky to admire the infant, so I took refuge in inquiries regarding its name ; it was a boy, and named M'ganda. On Tuesday, following information received, I again visited the hut about two o'clock in the afternoon, and found two midwives busy outside the hut. They brought water in a gourd, and washed themselves all over with leaves and hands, " as their work was finished." I had some conversation with the elder mid- wife, and learnt that the fee for a successful birth is one goat. If she resides near, it is given without the skin ; if at a distance, that is added. Like many older members of a profession, she viewed with suspicion the effort of its younger recruits. I sat outside and waited while the attendants went in, also a young girl to wait on them, carry water, etc. The function of washing the mother and child was, I Avas told, in progress. The next performance was a great cleansing of the hut, bunches of leaves tied together, having been taken in for the purpose. An enormous accumulation of refuse was swept out, including many banana skins. The mother finally came out, wetted her head, and had it shaved after the usual manner, leaving the little tuft at the back. Some women have the head entirely shaved after the birth of a first child, leaving the centre piece subsequently to grow again. This depends apparently on custom or family fashion. On the birth of a third child, this tuft is worn smaller. This ended the little drama. I was informed that the midwives would come back

CUSTOMS AT BIRTH 149

and have food late that evening, and that the husband would go next day and get the sheep for the feast. I endeavoured to arrange to be told when the festival was taking place, but no messenger arrived, and circumstances prevented another visit.

If the child will not take its mother's milk satisfactorily, a sheep is killed at once to bring about the result, instead of waiting for the feast after purification. Dr. Crawford informs me that he was sent for once to a confinement where the woman was dangerously ill, and found that she had been brought outside the hut and placed on a skin on the ground, so strong, apparently, is the feeling against a stranger entering the hut at such a time.

The child is named immediately on birth according to • custom. The names given to the successive children of a family are, firstly, those of the father's parents, and then those of the mother's parents according to sex. Subsequent children are named after friends and relations. As this applies to the children of each wife in turn, there are various boys in the homestead all bearing the name of the paternal grandfather, as is seen in the folk story, where we have two sons, each called " M'wam-bi-a." ^ Distinction is made by prefixes such as "big " and " little," and by nicknames.

It is curious and disappointing to find amongst a people where children are valued and loved that infanticide exists to a certain degree. Twins, as among various other races, are considered unlucky. If they are the first-born children they are both killed, or possibly sometimes only the last one. The idea is that they prevent a woman bearing again ; if they come later in the family the prejudice does not exist. Triplets are also unlucky, without regard to their position in a family, and one or all are killed. The same apphes to an infant born feet iirst. A child which cuts its upper teeth

1 p. 315.

150 CUSTOMS AT BIRTH

first may be killed, or the father may make an offering in its stead, cutting two small pieces of flesh from young sheep, and throwing them away. If a child touches the ground at birth, the father kills a sheep at once, and the midwife comes out and takes the contents of the stomach in her two hands, and while the infant is on the ground anoints its stomach and chest ; then takes it up, washes it, and puts the same on its forehead and lips, allows it to remain there, and gives it to its mother. An ill-omened child is either suffocated by the mother or is put out in the fallow land, and grass placed in its mouth and nostrils.

A ceremony is reported to take place when a child is very small, which is connected with the acknowledgment of its nationality, and also with the resumption of matrimonial life by the parents. The father kills a sheep one day, and the next puts wristlets on the child, " which becomes an M'kikuyu." The same day, two children, about six years old, are procured, either from the same homestead or another ; they do not come into the house, but are given two gourds to go and get water, which they bring to the house. The gourd must be held upright with especial care. The father rewards each child with a leg of the sheep, and they remain that day in the village, for if they walked abroad, and pricked a foot and blood came, it would bring bad luck. All the relations bring food, and eat together inside and outside the hut. In some cases the mother gives the child a necklace on the occasion, but this is optional.

The first marked stage in a boy's life is when he is old enough to mind the goats, which is reached when he is perhaps five years old. He then receives, it is said, a present from his father of a sheep, of which he gives to his mother the belly, one leg, and the skin, to his father the head, and the boy and his friends eat the rest.

THE CEREMONY OF THE SECOND BIRTH

To BE Born Again (ko-chi-a-ri5-o ke-ri) or To be Born of a Goat

(K0-CHI-A-BE-I-Rt5-0 m'b6r-I)

The symbolical second birth is perhaps the most mysterious of Kikuyu rites. It is one of the oldest customs, and universal amongst them, prevailing in all their clans. Until an M'kikuyu is born again he is not capable of assisting in the disposal of his father's body after death, nor of carrying him out into the wilds immediately before decease. The age varies with the ability of the father to provide the necessary goat, but is apparently generally about ten years or younger.^

The greatest reluctance was shown in almost every case to talk about the ceremony, and the knowledge of its existence is owed to natives who have freed themselves from tradition and come under the influence of Christianity. No amount of bribery or use of personal influence prevailed to permit either of us to witness it.

My husband suggested being allowed to go through the cere- mony himself, but this, it was deemed, would bring immediate death to the individual administering the rite. An apparently genuine attempt was made by one of our native retainers to arrange for its celebration, and to enable me, as a woman, to be present, but this was also a failure. Word was brought back, " It was not the custom for strangers to take part." It is

1 Since writing the above Mr. McGregor has, in answer to questions, kindly supplied the following information on the subject : —

Girls go through the rite of second birth as well as boys. It is sometimes administered to infants. At one time the new birth was combined with circum- cision, and so the ceremony admitted to the privileges and religious rites of the tribe. Afterwards trouble took place on account of mere boys wishing to take their place alongside of the young men and maintaining they were justified in doing so. The old men then settled the matter by separating the two. Unless the new birth has been administered the individual is not in a position to be admitted to circumcision, which is the outward sign of admittance to the nation. Any who have not gone through the rite cannot inherit property, nor take any part in the religious rites of the country.

152 THE SECOND BIRTH

not possible, therefore, to do more than copy the notes derived from two different sources. It will be observed that the shaving of the mother, the sweeping out of the hut, and a formal visit to the shamba all form part of the ceremonies as at a real birth.

The account given by a servant of Dr. Crawford, an M'kikuyu from the Nairobi district, was as follows : —

" A day is appointed, any time of year, by father and mother. If the father is dead another elder is called in to act as proxy in his stead, or if the mother is not living another woman to act in her place. Any woman thus acting as re- presentative is looked upon in future by the boy as his own mother. A goat or sheep is killed in the afternoon by any one, usually not by the father, and the stomach and intestines reserved. The ceremony begins in the evening. A piece of skin is cut in a circle, and passed over one shoulder of the candidate and under the other arm. The stomach of the goat is similarly treated and passed over the other shoulder and under the other arm. All the boy's ornaments are removed, but not his clothes. No men are allowed inside the hut, but women are present. The mother sits on a hide on the floor with the boy between her knees. The sheep's gut is passed round the woman and brought in front of the boy. The woman groans as in labour, another woman cuts the gut, and the boy imitates the cry of a new-born infant. The women present all applaud, and afterwards the assistant and the mother wash the boy. That night the boy sleeps in the same hut as the mother. On the second day the boy stays with his mother in the homestead. On the third day food is brought, and the relatives and friends come to a feast in the evening, but no native beer is drunk. After all is over the hut is swept out. The boy again sleeps in the mother's hut, and that night the father sleeps in the hut also."

The other account was given us by an M'kikuyu from the district of Munge.

THE SECOND BIRTH 153

*' When a child is old enough to mind the goats, a goat is killed ; the child sits in front of the mother on the ground. An old woman ties the string of the goat behind the mother and cuts it in front of the child. It is folded up in grass and put outside the hut. The women go inside, but no man, not even the father. The mother wears clothes, but the child is stripped naked, even of its ornaments ; it is not dressed up in any way. After this is over both mother and boy are washed. Every one who is old enough to be of intelligence eats the goat.

" On the second day the skin of the goat is prepared, sugar-cane is cut and brought into the house.

" On the third day the mother shaves, but not the child. They both go into the garden and get arum roots, nothing else.

" On the fourth day native beer is drunk."

One small boy of about seven years told us that he had not yet been born again, but he would be so in about two years, describing the ceremony much as given above. His father, he said, had given him a bangle when he began to herd the goats ; before that he had only a necklace and beads from his mother.

20

THE CEREMONIES ON INITIATION INTO THE TRIBE

The festivals and rites associated with both marriage and death hold but a small place in Kikiiyu imagination compared to that greatest of all ceremonies whereby the boy becomes a man and the girl a woman. By the rite of circumcision, with its complicated ritual, each individual passes f^om the con- dition of simply being the property of Kikuyu parents to that of a member of the Kikuyu nation, with its accompanying rights, privileges, and obligations.

The age at which the young people go through the ceremony varies greatly. It may be delayed for two or three years by the father being unable to make the necessary payments for the presentation of a child, for admission means, directly and indirectly, considerable expense to the family, especially in the case of the eldest or two eldest children. Custom obliges the father to give presents to the official classes, one goat to Pp. 198, 199. the N'jama and two goats to the Kiama, on availing himself of his right to take his seat amongst Kiama, this he can only do as the father of a circumcised child. There are also various presents to be given to those who have taken part in the ceremony. On the other hand, until a girl is formally admitted her father cannot get those thirty sleek goats that he has seen in his mind's eye for many a year being handed over to him on his daughter's marriage.

In the case of one of our own retainers who came to say that he wanted to leave our service in order to begin the course of preliminary dancing that precedes the ceremony, it was impossible to persuade him to put it off, because, as he explained to us, he had already done so once or more, and the elders now told him that if he failed to appear on the approaching occasion,

154

DANCING PRIOR TO INITIATION 155

they would not permit him to come up for admission in that district at all.

The age at which a girl is to be initiated is settled at a formal interview between the father and mother and local elders. Very rarely indeed a girl of eighteen or more may be seen with her head covered with the hair of its natural length, instead of being shaved in the special way that is customary.

The explanation given for this is that her health is abnormal, and to permit the hair to grow is considered to have a bene- ficial effect. Under the circumstances she cannot come up for the rite, and therefore cannot be given in marriage. In the ordinary course boys are initiated when they are fifteen to eighteen, and girls when from ten or twelve to fifteen years of age.

The ceremony is held annually, and seniority amongst men is decided by the date of their initiation ; a name is given to each successive celebration, by which those who are admitted that year are differentiated from their predecessors. Cf. p. 12.

Dancing prior to Initiation

Three or four months before the day appointed for the ceremony the boy begins " to dance," i.e., he obtains certain essentialaccoutrements, dresses, and adorns himself in a peculiar manner, and spends the whole of his time in going about the countryside to the different homesteads, markets, and public assemblies, singing a particular song, rehearsing certain com- plex steps and figures, and in acquiring by practice the requisite strength to be able to last through the quite exhausting ordeal of the day of the festival.

At first the lads begin by practising certain stereotyped movements of legs, arms, and bodies in little groups of twos and threes, but as they become more expert they gradually band themselves together into larger bodies.

156 DANCING PRIOR TO INITIATION

In 1903 as many as seventy young fellows might be met, turned out with punctilious correctness, travelling the country- side together. Since that date the number of candidates " dancing " seems to be less, and both boys and girls seem to be put forward much younger than formerly. Should such be the case, the probable explanation of the superior number and age of the candidates observed at the time quoted is due to the fact that few had been presented at the great annual festival of the preceding years, the country being then in a state of war, and occupied in resisting the advance of the British. The festival is not held if the crops fail very considerably, as such is considered an obvious indication of Divine displeasure. In order to dance, a boy should be painted in a particular manner, wear a particular dress, and carry certain articles.

The pattern in which he is painted varies considerably, but one characteristic in it will be found to be never wanting, that is, the ornamentation of the limbs and abdomen with an indentated pattern in a white pigment.

Tradition says that this pattern is employed in accordance with Divine command to the great M'kikuyu when he stood in the presence of God on Kenya.

The costume also is not absolutely uniform, but the neo- phyte generally wears a cape of Colobus monkey, and knee and anklets of the same. A Serval-cat skin is attached to the back of the waist, from which it hangs down to the knee. He is adorned with a strap of cowrie shells across the chest and round the hip, and wears a dancing bell at the knee. He also may wear the dancing belt made of dried grass, to the pendant points of which banana seeds have been attached by lumps of dried gum.

His head is shaved, with the exception of one tuft on the centre of the crown, and painted like the body. He carries a Cf. p. 109. staff and small wooden shield, adorned on the inside and out- side with various devices.

Pl. civ

A'. R. fhof.

Boys in Full and Correct Costume for Dancing prior

TO BEING initiated AS AIeN

Shows J

3

4

The shaven head.

expanded ear-lobes, dancing shields (Pis. Ixxxil. et seq.). cowrie-shell strap across the chest, monkey tail dependent from elbow, serval-cat skin garment (PI. cxiv. Fig. 2). ceremonial wooden sword (PI. cv. Fig. 2). dancing rattle on thigh (PI. cxv. Fig. i). knee and ankle ornaments of monkey fur. zigzag ornamentation of the body, long dancing staves. 156 a

PLATE CV

Ceremoniai, Weapons

These two articles are carried bv candidates for admission to circumcision during the period in which they go about the country dancing prior to the great ceremony. Cf. Pis. cvii. and cviii. They have not been observed in use by the writer on any other occasion.

1. A peculiar form of hard-wood bludgeon. Length, 30J in. Max. circumf. of head, 5I- in.

Carved from the solid.

2. A sharpened hard-wood bludgeon, or sword, of special interest. Cut out of the solid.

At 5 in. from the small extremity the circumference is 2^ in. ; at 10 in., 2| in. ; at 15 in., 3^ in.

At that point the rounded handle gradually assumes a flattened form, and attains by degrees a maximum circum- ference of 5! in., with a transverse diameter of i| in.

At point b the rounded handle has developed into a blunt comb.

Between b and c this comb becomes more and more sharp. From c to d the border may be described as a comparatively sharp cutting edge. From d to c this edge gradually becomes more and more blunt, and so merges again into the rounded handle.

The balance and feel of the weapon, when grasped in the neighbourhood of a, is very similar to that of the fighting sword in everyday use. When picked up this wooden sword automatically falls into position, with the cutting edge (</) directed downwards. It is a cleverly designed and efhcient weapon.

These two articles are made by an expert who lives between Karuri's and Mun'ge's. They have a highly finished surface, which is given by a leaf that forms a

natural glass-paper.

156 b

Pl. cv

Brit Mus. [/?.]

156 c

Pl. cvi

Biit. A/us. [A'.]

A FoR.M or Fringe

Worn round the waist ; part of the ceremonial dress worn prior to circumcision.

It is made of the stems of grass tipped with the seeds of the wdld banana. This particular form of girdle is said by the Akikuyu to have been that worn by their now extinct predecessors, known as the A-gum'-ba. Excavations made in the reputed sites of A-gum'-ba dwellings result in the finding of these seeds, together with pottery and hand- wrought pieces of obsidian.

rt = cord passing around waist: to it is attached 5 = upper row of grass stems : to these are attached c = lower row of grass stems : to lower ends of these J — seeds of wild banana.

is6(l

Pl. cviA

1566

Pl. cvii

11''. S. k. phot.

IV S.R. phot.

Figures in tiik Pi;ci;liar Danck with Sonc; of the Neophytes PRIOR TO Initiation as Men

i56f

Pl. cviii

W. S R phot

ir. 5. R. phot.

FiGURlS IN THE PkCULIAR DaNCE WITH SoNG OF THE XeOPHYTES

PRIOR TO Initiation as Men

PL. CIX

m

■W

I

W'l

1^1 31

AxoTHtR Costume of a

Neophyte as he dances

PRIOR 10 Initiation to

Manhood

1. The shaved head.

2. The fillet of fur

around forehead.

3. The dancing shield.

4. The collar of fur

reaching below waist.

5. The monkey tail

dependent from elbow.

6. The painted decora-

tion of limbs and body.

7. The thigh rattle —

manner of wear.

8. The knee and ankle

ornaments of fur.

9. The long dancing

staff.

3. 5. 7, 8Bnf. .)//«. [A'. J

U". 5. A'. f/ioL 15611

PRELIMINARY DANCING 157

An important part of the preparation for initiation is the dilation of the lobe of the ear. Five months before the rite is to be performed the ear is pierced, and gradually dilated till at the time of the rite, when the period for dancing is completed, it will accommodate a cylinder, as shown on page 32.

The ceremony itself is held in April or May, that is after the grain has been sown, and before it is ready to be gathered, the era when least labour is required in the fields. During the few weeks at this time of year, similar functions are held in different districts all over the countryside. This arrange- ment brings the festival in the middle of the wet season, but the rains are very intermittent, and the three festivals which we have attended have been favoured with perfect weather.^

A short time before the actual date selected a gathering of friends is held at the father's house, and they are formally notified by him that in so many days, say four, his son will be admitted to the tribe.

Day before the Great Dance

On the day before the great dance takes place, with which the actual ceremonies begin, the mother devotes her energies to protecting her boy from any possible attacks from witch- craft. " Many people," she argues, " are coming to the great festival on the morrow." Her son will be the observed of many observers, and one may do him harm by putting " medicine " in his path, such, for instance as the bone of a dead man. She therefore has recourse to a beneficent practitioner to counter- act the charm in advance. From him she obtains the requisite antidote, and manufactures a potion, " ji-ma," in which it is placed. It is then given to the hero of the occasion to drink.

' May 18, 1907, May 21, 1907, April 4, 1908. Each function was on a difiEerent site, but all in the neighbourhood of Wombugu's.

158 THE GREAT DANCE

The Medicine-Man also makes an arch, with sugar cane at the top, in proximity to the dwelling, so that no one shall bring bad medicine to the homestead. The professional fee for these services is to the value of one rupee (Is. 4d.).

The Great Dance

The great dance (Mam-bu-ra) begins about noon on the appointed day. It is held on some convenient site, which must be in proximity to a sacred tree. The various paths which approach it are filled for some time before the ceremony begins with an expectant crowd, fathers, mothers, uncles, and cousins gathering up for the great event. Any one passing through the homesteads of the neighbourhood the day pre- viously, will have seen the ladies preparing their ball gowns by adorning them with a coat of grease and red ochre, which greatly adds to the comfort of Avearing the leather, and to the initiated eyes gives a well-groomed appearance. The chief of the neighbourhood attends in state with his bodyguard of askaris. The dances at which we have been present varied slightly in detail, but the main features were always the same.

A space is kept for the dance where the ground is favourable. When the management is good this arena, which may be some fifty yards by fifteen, is surrounded by an even and orderly black wall of spectators, perhaps to the number of a thousand. In one instance there were about forty or fifty candidates, some thirty or more boys, and six or ten girls. It is difiicult to account for the much larger proportion of boys than girls who always seem to be presented.

Inside the arena the candidates dance, and places of honour are also given to the mothers, who are attired in festival array and adorned with capes of green leaves. It is for them also a red-letter day of existence, more especially if their first- born is to be initiated. Their heads are then for the first

THE GREAT DANCE 159

time completely shaved, and they become acknowledged as *' mothers in Israel." Their manner of taking part in the performance is to assume a semi-squatting attitude by flexing the knees, and whilst remaining thus, alternately flexing and extending the trunk on the thighs, at the same time sounding forth notes of jubilation on the tubes of bamboo which they carry.

Girl relations or friends are also in evidence, adorned with wreaths. The candidates continue to perform for some time, dancing and singing down the length of the arena. Each sex keeps together.

As interest in the main entertainment begins to flag the company break up somewhat ; the men and girls forming a circle, dance together to pass the time, and other dances are held by the unmarried girls amongst themselves.

The centre of the ceremony then becomes a special tree. Over this the boys hurl long staves. At one dance they were observed to rush up singly out of the crowd, beat the trunk and be dragged away by an older man.

Three or four men climb the tree and break off boughs from which they gather the leaves. When the work is finished they descend and hand the bunches of leaves, and also bark ready for making string, to the feminine relations who are waiting at the foot. These complete the preparation of the string by mastication. Great importance is attached to the leaves and string as an integral part of the ceremony, but we were unable to find that they serve any practical purpose. They are held by the sponsor during the actual rite, and are said to be subsequently placed on the bed. The whole of this part of the performance is a somewhat lengthy process, which only partially arrests the interest of the crowd. As soon, how- ever, as it is ended the candidates form up in a semicircle at the foot of the tree. The older men have been meanwhile holding staves of some 6 feet long, with a tuft of Colobus fur at the

160 CEREMONIES OF THE TREE

top, and head-dresses of eagle feathers. These are given to the boys, who assume the head-dresses. They are-also presented with two sticks about 4 feet long, and the girls with one of the same kind. Each neophyte is given one of the bunches of leaves and pieces of string which have been prepared.

On one occasion the candidates formed in column before the tree, two and two, boys first, and processed singing.

The company now leaves the original site and streams av/ay in two or three different directions, to secure points of vantage at the next theatres of operation, namely, the various homesteads where the children are to reside after the initiation. These may be at distances varying from five to fifteen minutes' walk from the scene of the dancing. Arrived at one of these, an old man and old woman stand with their backs to one of the huts inside the enclosure. The candidates form a semi- circle in front. The old man places chalk in the palm of his hand, and with his right thumb marks each boy in turn between the eyes and down the ridge of the nose. He also touches the suprasternal notch and navel, the two big toes, and makes a circle in the palm of the hand by two sweeps with his thumb to the right and to the left. The girls are touched on the cheek by the ear. The old woman follows, and anoints each candidate on the forehead and on crown of head and throat.

The old man then proceeds down the line blowing n'johi (native beer) over each, and the old Avoman does the same. The " mother " on one occasion also anointed the forehead and neck of the young man who was subsequently to take charge of the boys. This may have been a small spontaneous donation, and not part of the celebration. The details of the rite seem to vary shghtly, but the anointing in some form of the candidates with "ira " or chalk by the man, and with oil by the woman, took place on each occasion.

During this performance the neophytes sing a ditty, of

PL. CX

A', h'. phot.

The Ceremony of Leaf-gathering

At the festival of initiation to manhood.

1 60 a

Pl. CXI

A'. K. phot.

160 b

PLATI-: CXI GiKL Candidates at Dance prior to Initiation

Carrying wands and wearing : —

1. Girls' headband. PI. cii. p. 140 g.

2. Bands of cowrie shells and ropes of beads.

3. Girdle (Figs. « and h]. PI. c.

4. Waist fringe (Figs, a and o. PI. xxix. p. 36 j.

5. Waist ornament (sira) (Fig. b). PI. ci. p. 140 e.

PLATE CXI I [see over] Distribution of Gifts at Festival of Initiation

Dress of Bov Candidates

Ostrich-feather headdress borrowed from Masai', and permitted by the old men to be used. It is worn at the dance at the beginning of the dav, exchanged for the eagle's feather headdress (shown in PI. cxiii. p. i8oa) for the ceremony before the tree, and resumed for the function at the hut.

The n'guo, or garment, worn in an unusual manner across the back of both shoulders.

Serval-cat skin, worn from waist. PI. cxiv.

Waist fringe. Pis. xxix., cvi.

Anklets of fur of colobus monkev.

160 c

u

O

i6otl

FESTIVAL OF INITIATION 161

which the burden is tlie heroic determination, "when we are cut to-morrow, we will not cry." The boys then take off their head-dresses, and put them on the staves. One ^ of the boys then ascends to the roof of the hut, having resumed the ostrich feather head-dress worn at the beginning of the day. The performer sings and dances, flexing and extending the instep and knee-joint. The arms are held half-raised, and ex- tended laterally with the palms of the hands towards the people below. The fingers are apart, and the wrists flexed in harmony with the song. At intervals the boy dives among the thatch of the roof, and disinters therefrom various objects previously hidden amongst it, which he either retains, or more generally distributes among the crowd. These articles were not precisely the same on any two occasions, indeed there seems to be a certain seeking after novelty in their selection, but, generally speaking, they either refer to the evolution of the boy into the young man, or else take the form of gifts for friends. In this way the sword and club of manhood are successively found and brought out, one of the boys saying, as he brandished a club, " I will beat others now, for I am no longer a friend of the children, but of the warriors." In the same manner there may be a distribution of small coins to the young men, " for I shall be a young man to-morrow." To the women and friends generally are thrown gifts of food, such as salt, bananas, and sugar-cane, the ladies meanwhile applauding the quality of the performance, "He does not dance badly; he dances well." In one instance a male doll, roughly modelled in clay, was brought out and exhibited, but no particular sanctity seemed to attach to it. The most curious of these productions witnessed was seen at a dance many miles from the dwelling of any European, at which our presence was accidental. It consisted of a sealed newspaper packet, which, when torn

^ On one occasion as many as three took part in this way, all being on the roof together.

162 CEREMONY OF THE HUT

open by the performer, proved to contain an old number of the Bystander. The effect of a savage in a feathered head- dress and paint, dancing on the roof of a hut in the middle of nowhere, and displaying this product of modern civilisation, while another, similarly attired, held its wrapper, was, to say the least of it, quaint. The paper had presumably fallen or been abstracted from some mailbag, and been retained for many months. It excited no particular interest, and was soon destroyed.

At the conclusion the staves and eagle crowns are handed up and piled on the summit of the roof, being carefully ar- ranged. The performer then makes a sudden leap down, and the small boys amongst the onlookers scatter in a paroxysm of terror. He seizes, however, one luckless youngster, and goes through the form of beating him. It was reported that in old days this victim used to be killed. This completes the day's performance, and with the near approach of sun- down the assembled multitude scatter to their respective homes.

Day of Initiation

As darkness falls after the great dance, the spectators retire to peace and sleep. It is far otherwise with the boys, who have been Avorked up to a state of almost hysterical excitement. The girls go to rest in the house of the mother, but the boys continue dancing, and may be heard in the open howling nearly all night long.

The next morning, while it is " still dark," according to the description of one of themselves, " the boys come to the homestead, dancing again, and the girls come out and join them. The father says, ' Wait till the birds sing, then I will cut you. Go into the mother's hut and have food.' "

The boys who have danced together in the "Mambura,"

DAY OF INITIATION 163

divide into two or possibly more parties for the rite of circum- cision, which is performed in proximity to the homesteads where they are subsequently to reside. The circumcisor is a specialist — there may be only one man so qualified in a com- paratively large district — and he proceeds from one group to the other. It will be remembered that the members of at any rate one clan are not allowed to act in this manner.

While still dark the boys go to bathe, as the ceremony must be completed before sunrise. They go up to their knees in the brook, dipping themselves to the waist, holding up their arms, shaking the wrist with the fingers extended, and keeping up meanwhile the circumcision song.

The warriors superintend to see that the bathing is correct, while the mothers are present attired as the day previously, and bowing and posturing as before. The spectators are kept back from approaching too near to the bank by officials with batons of the stalk of banana. The time in the water is half an hour. The boys are stripped entirely, being even without ornaments, and are completely shaven.

A procession is then re-formed to the site selected, which on the occasion seen was a steep hillside facing east. The candidates seat themselves in a row, and are each supported behind by a sponsor, who holds the tied bunch of leaves of the ceremony of the previous day. Opposite are the officials and mothers, with a gangway kept clear for the operators. The general body of spectators stand around. The operation is performed by a knife in two steps. As soon as it is over the sponsor throws his cloak entirely over the boy, concealing at first even his features. They remain seated for some time before retiring to make room for the girls.

The girls bathe in a similar manner, and are also arranged in a row for the subsequent operation, but are held by two sponsors instead of one. The first is seated behind the girl, and places the outside of each of her ankles inside those of the

164 CIRCUMCISION

girl to prevent her moving. She is in her turn supported from behind by a second woman. The operation is performed by an old woman, the tool being a razor such as is generally used for shaving the head.^ Silence is maintained, and neither boys nor girls allow themselves to make any audible sign of emotion.

Immediately after the ordeal is over the children retire to their respective villages where they are to spend the days of their convalescence. For this time various house parties have been made up. A boy who is going through the rite has arranged with so many of his friends to come to his homestead,and at this juncture they may be seen sitting about somewhat dolefully. The young men erect for their accommodation a temporary hut termed the " ki-kan'-da." Two young men subsequently take charge of the invalids. The girls forgather in the same way in the hut of one of the respective mothers, and are cared for by the women. The boys state that neither boys nor girls have internal pain nor headache, and that the boys, at any rate, are not prevented from sleeping. No one, they say, ever dies.

Concluding Ceremonies

We were unfortunately unable to remain in the neighbour- hood in order to witness the remaining proceedings. The following account is taken from the independent narratives of four of our Kikuyu followers, which agreed in their main features though they varied slightly as to the respective days of the ceremonials. It is probable these may depend on circumstances.

The next day there is a general inspection of the patients to see that they are all doing well. They are encouraged by being told that they will soon be free from pain, the boys in two or three days, the girls in four or five.

^ The nymphae and clitoris are removed.

INITIATIOT^ CEREMONIAL 165

This day, or the day after, sees the further ceremony which ushers in man and womanhood and which is termed Ku-to-ni-a. It will be remembered that prior to initiation the lobe of the ear has been gradually distended in accordance with the custom of the tribe. This process is now formally endorsed and completed by the tying in the lobe of certain plants.

The function takes place outside the mother's hut in the homestead. Three old men and three old women in all are the celebrants ; they are not professionals, but chosen by the children. In each case one of the old men, who must not be the father of the boys, takes the stem of the plant " mu-chu-gu- chti-gu," and ties it loosely in a knot in the lobe of the ear. The stem of a second plant, " mo-i-ri-ki," is then peeled, and its bark put in the lobe of the same ear by one of the old women, the knot being tied in the same way by the old man. The youth is then admonished. " You have now finished being a boy, and are become a man."

Only one ear is done. The process is the same for the girls. The leaves which remain over are put above the door of the hut of the mother of the village.

The day following, that is, the third day after circumcision, the patients remain quiet, sleeping and eating in their home- stead.

The fourth day is devoted to shaving of heads ("Ku-en'-ja "). Each boy is thus treated. The work is said to be begun by a little girl, who does a small piece of it, and is to be finished by one of the older women, who must be a relation but not his own mother. The boy is adorned with beads which are the present of some young girl. These are put over one shoulder and under the other arm. While the work is still in progress the boy shakes his head, at which the woman stops and puts on more beads. She continues again, and the same proceeding is repeated. The beads are slept in one night by the mother of the homestead and given back.

166 INITIATION CEREMONIAL

The lady barber is entitled to a handsome present, though the work can hardly be other than perfunctory, as the boys are completely shaved at the time they come up for the original rite.

The usual beer-drinking of all solemn functions naturally finds place during the ceremonies subsequent to circumcision. The women who care for the girls and the young men who look after the boys have a consultation, and when all the boys and girls are free from pain, they go to the father and say that n'johi will be needed ; and the next day sugar cane is cut and the drink made, and all the fathers and mothers come and partake. This festival is held about the fourth day.

While the children are in the care of their neighbours, food is brought to them by their mothers, and two sheep are killed, one at the beginning of the time and the other on the fifth day. Convalescence lasts from eight to ten days ; on the eighth day the boys can walk a little. At the end of the period the kikan'da is taken down and burnt, and the in- habitants go back to their homes. A goat is killed by the boy's family to welcome the returning child. There still remains the " tipping." In addition to the present given to the mother who has done the shaving, the head of the homestead where the boy has been received is given a present of the meat of the goat and some beer, and the two young men who have looked after him also receive a present.

Both boys and girls have a further holiday of three months before they return to work.

It is a well-known fact that the native races show in child- hood intelligence and adaptability which may be said to equal that of their white compeers, but that with earliest manhood and womanhood development seems to cease, or even retro- gression to set in. The function of initiation has in some quarters been held responsible for this change. It seems hardly necessary to say that if there is any truth in this, the

INITIATION CEREMONIAL 167

reasons must be sought for, not in any physical operation, but in the strain and excitement endured for many months, more especially by the boys, during a critical epoch in life. It is certain that from the white man's point of view, young Kikuyu servants who have been entirely satisfactory till the time that they ask for temporary leave to go through these ceremonies, return, if they return at all, entirely altered for the worse, and are frequently unable again to settle down to the routine of a European establishment.

DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD

The method of disposal of the dead is governed by two factors, physical convenience, and superstitious or religious sentiment.

In East Africa nature has provided a ready-made scavenger in the hyena. His gruesome office fills the European at first with horror, but he soon realises that it is absolutely speedy, efiicient, and wholesome.

It was our painful lot, on one journey to the railway, to find the road strewn with corpses of natives who had run away from work on the railway line, and had died of starvation before they could reach their homes. ^ We had to return a short time after over the same road, and knew no power would have induced the natives to handle the bodies. Nothing was to be seen of the tragedy except one or two untouched garments and a broken water bottle.

There are four different methods of dealing with the dead or dying. Firstly, a man may die in his hut, and be left there for hyenas to do their work. This only occurs appar- ently with the very poor and friendless, a man or woman living for instance by themselves, where it is no one's business to dispose of the corpse. If the deceased was a denizen of a homestead there is objection, both natural and religious, to

1 The matter was reported to the Government, and being satisfied in this case that energetic steps were being taken, it was left by us in their hands.

16S

DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD 169

visits from an animal which, as explained elsewhere, may Cf. p. 257, No.

defile the common dwelling ground. In such cases the ordinary entrance of the hut, it is said, may be closed, and a new small door made for the entrance of the hyena. One M'kikuyu, however, told us he had never known it done. The practice is therefore probably either restricted to certain localities or is unusual. The object may be to keep the path of the hyena away from other dwellings in the vicinity, or there may be some other and more abstruse explanation. ' ' The Hottentots , ' ' according to Dr. Tylor, " remove the dead from the hut by an opening broken out on purpose to prevent him from finding the way back." ^

Secondly, death may occur in the hut, and the body be subsequently taken out and left in uncultivated land. Those who have carried out a body kill a goat, wash their hands in the undigested food, shave their heads, and sleep one night in the woods. They are not allowed to feed with others till purified. The goat is eaten by the elders. So strong is the objection to carrying out a corpse, that as many as seven sheep have to be paid to any man, not a relation, who assists in this manner. A SwahiU stated that he had witnessed the gruesome sight of a corpse being dragged out by a string, in order that defilement by touch might be avoided. A woman does not assist in the disposal of the dead, either male or female, except in the case of her own child. A husband will not touch the dead body of his wife, nor a wife that of her husband.

As the handling of the dead is thus both sentimentally undesirable, and also from a practical point of view incurs

1 See Prim. Cult., vol. ii. p. 26, ed. 1903.

170 DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD

great expense, it is not to be wondered at that, as a third course of procedure, a person stricken with fatal illness may be taken out into the wilds before decease. This is said to be done with his full consent. If the weather is inclement a shelter is possibly built by friends and a fire made, and some one may remain near till death has actually taken place. If the sick man recovers he is restored to his home.

The traveller not unfrequently comes across a site where a dwelling has obviously once stood, and is told that its former possessor is dead. A hut in which the remains of the owner have been left is never used again, any one entering it would become unclean. It is less clear how living in a house is regarded from which a dead body has been removed, or from which the owner has been taken out to die. Statements are contradictory on this head. It seems probable that while there is objection to taking possession of the particular dwelling of a dead man or woman, where, on the other hand, the hut has been in joint occupation, it is not necessary for the other inhabitants to desert it. This last was definitely stated to be the case where death occurs in the thin-gi-ra, or joint abode of the men.

A hut which is not to be used again may, if it stands at a little distance from the others; be pulled down, and the sticks left ; but if it is amidst the others it is set on fire by some old man, who must not be a relation of the deceased, " for fear that the children or goats might go in and take the grass " which will have sprung up through the floor.

The fourth method of disposal of the dead, or burial, entails both labour and expense ; it is therefore reserved as a mark of honour for a man who is old and rich, and has in the

BURIAL 171

ordinary course at least two grown-up sons to perform the necessary rites. If a man is very rich he would be buried, even if he had no grown-up children, four old men performing the ceremony. A woman of very advanced age is also entitled to burial, because " she would have much intelligence." It is not " good form " for children to whose parents burial is due to evade the obligation. Information as to procedure was procured from many sources, and was in fair agreement. The succinct account which supplied most details was obtained from a Medicine-Man near Nyeri. The body is watched after death to see no animal approaches, and the old men choose the site of the grave, which is outside the door of the hut. The work of digging it, which is in itself defiling, falls to the sons. A father might possibly assist, but a husband would never do so. The grave is nearly square in shape, only slightly inclining to the oblong. The body is placed on its side, with the knees bent and drawn up. The head rests, if a man, on the palm of the right hand ; if a woman, on the palm of the left — or it may be placed on the two hands placed together, palms facing. I have heard a missionary (not from Kikiiyn) when speaking in England, seriously instance this recumbent position, "huddled-up attitude," as he termed it, to show the " degradation of the poor heathen." The whole is folded entirely, and tied up in the clothes usually worn, so that not even the head is visible ; the oxskin or other bedding of the deceased is either also used for this purpose, or put first in the grave. The ornaments are taken off and put in the grave separately. The head is placed to the \vest. If the head is to the east the children will die. The hut is pulled down and piled on the top of the grave.

172 BURIAL

On the day of the interment, the burial being over, the sons take a goat and go to the house of an old man, not necessarily an elder (Kiama), but one who is poor and has no shamba, and lays himself out for the purpose. They shave their heads, the goat is killed, which the old man eats, and they sleep in his hut. It is also said that the day after the death has occurred is an unlucky day. People will not travel, and goats and sheep will not bear, and all the inhabitants of the village shave their heads. The women will not go out for four days. On the next day the sons who have taken part in the burial do not work. On the third day they shave their heads again, and in the evening get two friends to go down to the stream and get water, in which they wash outside their homestead, P. 258 et seq. and the Medicine-Man performs the ceremony of purification. They then return to the village and kill another goat, which every one eats. The fourth day native beer is made. The fifth day a drinking festival is held. The sixth day a very big sheep is killed, and all receive a present of the fat. Five days then elapse, after which a male goat is killed as bak- sheesh for the departed father, " who has left many goods behind him," and fat is poured out as an offering to the dead. At the conclusion of the first month yet another male goat is slain, making five members of the flock in all, and the two sons and two Kjama eat a very little (two legs and a part of the stomach), and the rest is put as an offering on the grave. The day after, the two Kiama come into the village and drink beer, and pray for the protection of the village from illness, etc. This ends the funeral rite.

No one can touch the ornaments or cooking pots of a dead person. In the instance already alluded to, a valuable pro-

DEATH 173

perty, such as a good blanket, was left untouched for months by the highway, a significant evidence of death long after all traces of the deceased owner had disappeared. When we came across the corpses, my husband, in one case, borrowed a cane from one of our followers, and touched the eyelid with it, to see if life was really extinct. When he offered to return the stick it was refused with horror.

174 SOCIAL CUSTOMS

THE DRINKING OF WARM BLOOD

Occasionally, towards sundown, the picturesque scene may- be witnessed of the warriors (A-na-ke) drinking blood. A number of these and of the elders assemble outside the cattle ky-u-go, or strong palisaded enclosure into which the herd is driven every night for protection. The cattle are driven in from pasture to a convenient spot in the neighbourhood of the ky-u-go, but they are not put into it for some reason or other.

Meanwhile, in readiness, a few arrows have been prepared by winding a thong of thin sheepskin, secured by a whipping, round the greater part of the length of their lanceolate iron heads, leaving only the tip exposed. This extremity is | in. in length by \ in. in width, flat, and with a keen cutting border.

A beast is then singled out and seized : a turn of a hide thong is passed round its neck and dragged taut. This causes the flaccid external jugular vein to swell up, in consequence of the blood being no longer able to pass forward to the heart. The beast struggles, seeking to rejoin its herd ; everybody talks and shouts and gets in everybody else's way. Each man screams his views, to which no one listens, for every one has him- self more than enough to do in keeping his legs in the general scrimmage whilst he vociferates his own ideas. Now and then the group scatters, like a handful of chaff thrown upwards into the air, on the initiative of the beast. Eventually, however, he is secured : the crowd closes in. One of the warriors lays an arrow on his bow and, kneeling about 6 feet away, shoots it at the swollen vein. He seldom succeeds at first in piercing the vessel because of its toughness and resiliency. If, however, he is not pretty speedy, the animal recovers its wind, and, not relishing having half an inch of arrow point constantly

DRINKING OF WARM BLOOD 175

being stuck into him, again renews his struggles, and every- thing begins de novo. Eventually the arrow does pierce the vein, and the dark blood spurts out in a low jet in consequence of the compression. The difficulty now is to collect it. The animal having by this time probably recovered its breath, will not remain quiet. Amidst " shouts, alarums, and excur- sions," somehow or other, about a quart is at last collected in a half calabash. Then some one picks up a handful of dust and rubs it over the Avound. The cord is eased up and removed, and the frightened beast gallops off to join its friends, routing the crowd in its path. Meanwhile the warriors are all trying to drink the hot blood at the same time : a man only gets a gulp before the dish is dragged from him, v/hilst probably sloj3ping some of its contents over his face and chest. So it circulates until empty, though not infrequently the whole drinking party is scattered in every direction, and what remains in the bowl wasted, by the rush of another party struggling to catch the spurting jet from another struggling beast. Somehow everybody seems to get a mouthful ; at least everybody gets smeared with blood, whilst those who have been really lucky and have succeeded in swallowing a lot, often vomit it up. The splendid figures of the nude men beautifully greased, groomed, and ornamented, all smeared with blood : the weapons, the shouts, the movement, the hour, and the stage, make a tableau that is not easily forgotten.

The cattle are said never to be any the worse, notwithstand- ing the fact that the same beast is many times in its life thus treated. It is essential that the wound be made with an arrow exactly in the manner described. In reply to a suggestion that a knife could be used more effectively, the information was given that such an idea could not be contemplated. The whole proceeding conveys the impression that it is a surviving custom rather than an action of practical utility.

176 SOCIAL CUSTOMS

BLOOD BROTHERHOOD

During one of my visits to the homestead of the chief Mun-ge, he proposed that he and I ^ should enter into the bond of Blood Brotherhood. For various reasons it seemed wise to decline this offer. The following account of the ceremony was given me by him at the time.

A sheep is provided by the stranger, the friends of both parties are present, and custom requires that two elders should take part in the ceremony. The sheep is killed, and the heart taken out and roasted. A slit is made over the end of the sternum, and in the forehead at the root of the nose of each of the persons to be united. The blood from each slit is placed by him from whom it has been drawn, into the heart of the sheep. One of the elders cuts the heart in two portions, and each of the contracting parties eats one half. The elders receive one leg of the sheep as their fee, and other persons present eat the sheep.-

CEREMONIAL FOR THE RECEPTION OF AN M'KIKI^YU INTO A FRESH DISTRICT (KU- CHI-RA'-NA)

The next description of a ceremony was also given at Mun-ge's on the occasion of the same visit. The question asked was, What was the correct method of procedure for an M'kikuyu who wished to establish himself in a fresh locality ? A hypothetical case was stated.

A man who is dissatisfied with his people and would join another district, goes to the leading man there and tells him that he wants to become a member of his people. Each

iw. S. R.

2 For a description of the ceremony of Blood Brotherhood see An Ivory Trader in North Kenia (Arkell-Hardwick), p. 147 ; JRise of our East African Empire (Lugard), p. 330.

RECEPTION OF A STRANGER 177

party to the transaction brings a sheep, or, if they are well- off, an ox. The occasion is made a public one, and all those resident in the district which the new-comer is about to enter — men, women, and children — join in the ceremony.

The sheep or oxen are killed, and from the "belly" of each a strip is cut,^ and also a piece of skin from a leg of each animal.

Blood from each of the two animals is put into one leaf, and the contents of the two bellies into another leaf. The elders (ki-a-ma) slit the two pieces of skin from the leg and the two strips from the belly, and make four wristlets ; the two coming from the beast of one party are placed on the right arm of the other party, and vice versa. The elders then take the two leaves containing blood, and both parties to the trans- action extend their hands ; the elders pour a little blood into all the four palms, and this is passed from the palms of the one person to those of the other. All round are called to see that the blood is mingled, and hear the proclamation that the tw"0 are now of one blood.

The mother of the representative of the district then shaves the head of the man to be received, thus treating him as though he were her own child.

On the third day a drinldng festival is held.

1 This is probably a piece of skin similar to the oval slip left on the breast- bone of the sheep that I saw killed and flayed in sacrifice. Cf. p. 232.

DANCING 1

Dancing enters largely into the life of the Akikuyu. As has been seen, childhood is a time of quiescence ; with approaching maturity comes an epoch of restless activity. From that period till early manhood they prac- tise certain elementary movements, which are the basis on which all their dances are constructed. In the case of the men, these movements may be enumerated as follows : —

1 . Springing from one foot high into the air, whilst running at full speed, without losing stride.

2. Springing vertically upwards from one foot, from a position of rest ; so, too, from both feet.

3. Flexing sharply the head and neck, as a rigid whole, on the breast and back alternately.

4. Continuing to dance for hours with the leg half flexed on the thigh, and the thigh half flexed on the body.

5. Setting up and maintaining for a period of, say, half a minute at a time, a tremor in the muscles surround- ing the shoulder-joint. This tremor is required to impart a vibratory movement to special shields attached to the shoulder.

The subjoined table of dances is compiled from our own observations, with the help of certain enthusiasts amongst our retainers, who resolved themselves into a small informal com- mittee to check the information given by one another. It can only be considered tentative.

1 Tate, " Notes on the Kikuyu Tribe," Anthropological Journal, 1904, states :

— "The following are the names of the dance festivals." Ngakare (to celebrate

death of enemy) ; Ruhiyu wa ngonibe (to celebrate caj.iture of cattle) ; Trua

(festival before circumcision of boys) ; Usegu (festival before circumcision of

girls) ; Kichukia, Nguchu, Mugoya (no explanation given). "The dances of the

unmarried men and girls are not festivals, but love dances. Muthunguchi, the

dance of the Elders and married women, is also of an erotic nature." Nguru,

festival of warriors before war. (See also footnote p. 179.)

178

DIFFERENT DANCES

179

KiKUYU Dances^

Dances of Uncircuninsed Boys-

(1) Ke-boi-i-a

(2) N'goi-i-sa

(3) Mam-bii-ra .

Dances of Men only — (1) N'dor-6-si .

A dance by young boys with a special dress, and body as if tattooed.

A dance by big boys wearing maize- cob decorations.

The dance at the great ceremony oi" initiation.

. A festival of youths lately initiated (mu'-mo), and other young warriors.

(2) Ki-ba-ta .... A spectacular dance given by

warriors.

(3) A peculiar dance on the com- Special description given.

pletion of the maize harvest.

Dances of Men and Women together-

(1) Mui-goi-o

(2) Ke-chii-ki-a .

(3) Ke-o-na-no .

(4) Ku-i-ne-ne-ra

Dances of Women only- (1) Ge-ti-ro

(2) N'dii-mo

A social dance.

The principal social dance. This

dance is always started by the

warriors and young women at any

large gathering. No notes available about this

dance. A social dance. The men form the

outside ring ; the girls inside by

themselves in groups.

Dance of elder women at betrothal

of a daughter. No detailed notes on this dance.

Dances of Uncircumcised Boys

There are special dances for young boys, namely, the ke-bo-i-a and the n'goi-i-sa. The great circumcision dance known as the Mambura, with its preceding months of practice, has been already described.

^ The following are the dances enumerated under the heading "Dance" in Hinde's Vocabulary: "Muthun gimchi (elders), ngushu (children), kishukia (warriors), nduumo (young women), kitiiro (old women), reegu (uncircumcised boys)."

Dances of Men only

The young men have a special festival of their ov.n which is named N'do-ro-si, to which no one is admitted till after initiation. It takes place when the autumn crop of mwe-li is about a foot high. Rough huts are built in the un- cultivated land, and the festival lasts from six to twelve days. As many as two hundred boys may thus assemble. Contri- butions are brought according to the wealth of the neighbour- hood ; there may be a sheep between every two persons, or, in a poor district, only one between fifteen. A man of position would supply an ox. Some of the participants go home to sleep, others stay and guard the meat. Dancing takes place on the third and sixth days.

The first Kikuyu dance that I ^ had the honour of being invited to assist at (Wom-bti-gu's, 1903) was of the nature of a theatrical representation or spectacular review of the troops. The whole countryside assembled. The stage was a turf-clad saddle betwixt two hilltops, 80 yds. wide by 250 yds. long, surrounded in parts with a remnant of the primitive forest. The warriors about to perform mustered in the valley far below. The men and boys occupied the two ends of the dancing ground, the women the two sides.

When I first took up my position, five very old and influential men were sitting around a small fire in the centre of the green. By the side of it was a young tree, some 10 ft. high, artificially planted. On the ground was an armful of the foliage of some special bush ; with small quantities of this greenery the fire was from time to time replenished so as to maintain a con- tinuous smoke. Presently one of the old men rose from the fire, and coming to me invited me to join them. The circle opened sufficiently to receive me, sitting on my heels. The senior then spat into his right palm and extended it to me,

1 W. S. R.

<

Q

180 a

PLATE CXIV

Garments worn when dancing

I. A peculiar garment worn from the waist so as to fall over the buttocks. The warriors taking part in certain dances must wear it. (It is part of the fighting costume amongst the Masai.) The young men in Pl.cxiii., p. i8oa, are all wearing it, for which there is some special reason (unknownj.

2. Skin of serval-cat (nga'-li) as worn from the waist (PI. civ. p. 156a) by boys when dancing prior to initia- tion. The neck is folded back and cut to the same shape as Fig. I. The forelegs pass around the wearer's waist to cross in front. Cf. PI. cvi.a, p. 156 e.

PLATE CXV A Rattle and two Bells

1. Thigh Bell or Rattle worn in certain dances on the outer side of the thigh just above the knee. (Cf. PI. cix. p. 156 h.)

a. The rattle. h'on bullets roll up and down its

interior.

b. Leather shield to maintain it [a) in place, and to

protect the skin of the knee. The strap c passes through b, then through hole in a ; thence back through another hole in a, through another hole in b, and thence around the limb, in order that its two extremities may be fastened together.

c. Wide strap passing up outer side of thigh to carry

the w^eight of the rattle. </ is stitched to the top of c and encircles the upper

part of the thigh. c encircles the thigh just above the knee.

2. Goat Bell of iron, with iron clapper. Leather collar has been cut through to remove in haste from goats seized in war.

3. (i(iat Bell of wooi.1 wiih wooden clapper. Leather collar similarly cut through.

' 1 80 b

i8oc

o

i8od

A SPECTACULAR DANCE 181

saying, " Peace." I spat in mine and accepted the proffered hand, with the reply, " Very much Peace." He then spat into his again, and again extended it, with the words, " Very much Peace indeed." And so all round. I was then given a few sprays of the greenery and told to make smoke, and when I had done so, received and ate a morsel of banana drawn from the ashes, as did each of the others. After twenty minutes or so I was told I ought to leave, as the performance was about to begin. The making of smoke in this v/ay and from this plant, was, I afterwards gathered, in some way associated with the existence or the maintenance of peace, and my invitation by the elders as an equal, a most extraordinary compliment and mark of good- will.

The performance began at 2,30 p.m. At that hour a lad suddenly burst, shrieking, through the crowd, and tore down the length of ground, crying out that a Masai raiding party were on them, and were sweeping off the cattle, etc. He then disappeared for good. After due pause, to allow this appalling news to go home, a young warrior appeared in a lather of sweat and in an exhausted state, who reported to the audience what he had seen when scouting. As he finished speaking, far down in the valley below was faintly heard the war song, which rapidly gained in volume of sound as the warriors mounted the winding path. They soon appeared from amongst the trees as a long single file, faultlessly accoutred and moving in a conventionally stealthy way. Each man kept perfect distance and step, and made exactly the same complicated gestures as his fellow. The whole body first made its way towards Wombugu and myself, and the commander-in-chief at their head confidentially, as it were, informed my host that there was not the least real need for anxiety, as he well knew what the speaker and his men were worth as warriors. He then gradually moved along the wall of spectators and en- deavoured to allay their anxiety. In support of what he

182 WARRIORS' DANCES

said he directed endless marchings and counter-marchings, which were carried out with compHcated steps and gestures all over the field of action.

Finally the General Officer Commanding left the arena unobserved and took up a position behind the spectators at one end of the ground, in fact just behind us. Suddenly, at his shout, the wall of spectators broke and separated on his either hand, and down the slope he came like a whirlwind, a magnificent specimen of savage manhood, with his shield half raised and his spear poised, each of which he slightly raised still more as he sprang with a yell into the air at intervals of about 30 yards, by means of the peculiar trick previously mentioned of jumping vertically upwards from one apparently stiffened leg. Numbers of the warriors thus independently burst into the arena, and were received by the women with rounds of applause, which varied considerably in degree according to the popularity of the individual. Applause was given by the women throwing one leg forward and then in- clining from the waist, whilst at the same time they feigned as it were to throw their handkerchiefs, in the form of a bouquet of leaves, to the favoured individual. As this action is done rhythmically by all, whilst at the same time they utter a com- pliment, the effect, as one looks down the encompassing wall of spectators, is most pleasing. When a woman has made her complimentary remarks anent the individual, she joins her fellows in uttering the peculiar cry of lu-lu-lu-lu-lu-lu, rendered as a descending scale, which has a liquid sound like water gurgling from a calabash . It much resembles the note of one of the native birds that greets the traveller in all directions in the freshness of the dawn in this part of Africa. Thus the dance ended, having lasted about an hour and a half.

Very similar to the foregoing was a spectacular dance (ki-ba-ta) held at Mun-ge's (October 1907). On our arrival a few old men and boys were sitting on their heels in the

A SPECTACULAR DANCE 183

shade of isolated trees that had been left standing when the ground was cleared. Little parties of women, with their babies astride their loins, gradually appeared, walking down the course preceded by a vanguard of children, many of these similarly carrying brothers and sisters even smaller than themselves. Warriors, irreproachable in form, dress, and equipment, gravely strode by, to take up a position apart. Bevies of girls chattered and laughed as they made towards their women friends. All were in festival dress, which means that none, however poor, were unanointed. For this occasion everybody appeared to have managed to afford the luxury of a coat of sheep's-tail grease, or at least a rub down of castor- oil. Their brown-black skins thus groomed have the sheen of velvet. The dance was a formal one : none took part in it except those warriors who had undertaken to give the performance. They were all very similarly adorned with red and white paint, and wore a waistbelt from which depended a fringe of fine iron chain. They carried bows, clubs, and swords, while large iron rattles, attached above the knee, emphasised every movement.

The course was cleared, and the performance began by two of the performers running at full speed down its length, whilst at the same time they leaped high in the air every few yards. As they came by they were greeted by the crowd of women in the usual way. These were the messengers to announce the approach of the dancers, who now appeared at the bottom of the green to the number of about eighteen. Their trainer preceded them, walking backwards. He em- phasised the time, and generally gave directions, and alone was not specially decorated, but his status was indicated by his legs being whitened from the knee to the ankle. This small body of dancers went round the green, spinning their spears and swinging their clubs from the wrist in perfect time, to a sort of grunting accompaniment, as required by the

184 A SPECTACULAR DANCE

particular step. They then retired to form part of the grand procession which now appeared.

With the master of ceremonies walking backwards at their head, and to the inspiring booing of the war-horn, which con- stantly moved about them, the whole body of dancers, now about seventy-five in number, came forward in ranks of five abreast. From the flat of one foot they spring to the flat of the other, all the while remaining in a crouching attitude. Their bodies simultaneously sway forward : the next moment the elbows are thrown vigorously backwards : at the same time the head is violently jerked back, and the face thrown upwards. This has the effect of making the back hair stream behind horizontally, while the front hair stands on end. For the hair really consists of a series of weighted cords, as ex- plained above. The muscular exertion is excessive, and the dancers stream with sweat, hence constant adjournments have to be made to the dressing-room at the end of the green for renovations.

There was no vocal accompaniment or any instrumental music beyond the war-horn. The men and boys did not applaud — only the women. The dance consisted of various wheelings and evolutions of a drill-like character carried out in a conventional manner. There was nothing in it of the nature of a story portrayed in pantomime. The audience numbered about six or seven hundred persons, who behaved in the most orderly way, never encroaching on the course. When carried away by their feelings in applauding some special favourite, the ladies, indeed, were occasionally guilty of unduly pressing forward, but immediately yielded to the admonitions of an individual with a long white wand.

The proceedings, though to a European monotonous, seemed to keep their hold on the interest of the spectators, and when the evolution was occasionally slovenly performed, the chief left his place to explain and to demonstrate how it

DANCES OF MEN AND WOMEN 185

ought to have been done. There was no feasting or merry- making, and by 4 p.m. all were wending their way back to their home amongst the hills around.

Dances of Men and Women together

Mixed dances are constantly held, and are very popular.

The most picturesque of these entertainments are those which are held every night when the moon is full. Of these we attended several.

The following is an account of one to which we found our way one evening about nine o'clock. We wound along a hill- side in the deep shadow thrown by a sacred grove till we emerged at an open space where the African moon poured her flood of light, and the people, their day's work in the fields finished, were assembled to dance. Small fires had been lighted around the green for warmth by the ancients and children, while in the centre was a blazing bonfire. The director of the dance, torch in hand, marshalled the dancers. He was one of the leading warriors, his head elaborately decorated and adorned with a mass of vulture plumes, and at his side his sword in its scarlet goatskin scabbard. Four others assisted him. The dancers took up their places, forming a complete ring round the fire. The men stood with their backs to it ; the girls faced them, placing their hands on the men's shoulders. The man then put his arms round his partner's waist, and held behind her with both hands his long wooden dancing spear, the butt of it being driven firmly into the ground at her heels ; this was to prevent her moving backwards. There they stood in perfect silence, their well-oiled bodies gleaming in the firelight. One of the warriors then began by singing a verse to a well-known air about himself or another, or a subject of common interest. In the present case it was : "My name is Wa-ma-hu; once I was a boy and minded the goats, now I am a man and eat bananas." 24

186 DANCES OF MEN AND AVOMEN

Whereupon the circle of dancers replied, "Oh yes, oh yes! Once he was a boy and minded goats, now he is a man and eats bananas," at the same time emphasising this statement by clasping one another rhythmically, the great circle of dancers swaying from the waist in perfect time either backwards and forwards or from side to side. No talking was allowed. Any transgressing couple were immediately corrected by a clout over the head with a burning torch administered by one of the deputy masters of ceremony. The principal duty of these officials was, however, to support their chief in giving pantomimic ex- pression to the statement made by the singers of the moment. Thus they moved about within the ring with elaborate step and posture, their every movement displayed by the fierce fire- light. In the semi-darkness outside the ring some chaperons watched their daughters, with a few children as yet too young to take part.

After a while the form of the dance changed, — the men gradually moved aside till the ring was formed of men only in one part, and girls only in the other, everybody facing in- wards to the fire. The song continued as before, but the measure changed ; all in the ring assumed a semi-squatting attitude, and marked the time by throwing the head to and fro, jerking the bent arms violently backwards and forwards, and swaying the body from the waist. This movement so wrought upon the feelings of all that the chaperons and youngsters sprang up from their little fires, joined in the song, and assumed the same crouching attitude and movements. When everybody was thus wild with excitement the master of the dance and his assistants ceasing their posturing, gravely moved forward one by one, and taking certain favoured warriors by the hand, and lead them with stately step around the fire and out of the ring. Each individual as he moved by being greeted with the plaudits of all ; the women uttering their sweet treble lu-lu-lu in sequence, so that a wave of sound

WOMEN'S DANCES 187

rippled down their line and back again, whilst the men kept up a steady deep grunting that formed an effective bass to it. The dance then broke up, for it was past midnight. The dancers returned home in small parties in high good humour, singing as they went.

Some of the girls at one such dance wished to sit out, pleading that they had been working in the fields all day, and were too tired for further exertion. The master of ceremonies declined to accept the excuse, and good - humouredly but firmly they were clubbed into taking part.

Another form of mixed dance is for a circle to be made with the girls within and the men outside, facing one another. The men put their hands on the women's hips, and the women on the men's shoulders, they sway laterally, resting on alternate feet, jump three times vertically, then one jump laterally. The whole circle of, say, some fifty people, rotates accordingly.

In one dance seen, which took place at sunrise, the girls as they arrived took their places inside the circle, selecting as their partner the man with whom they wished to dance. The young people of a district arrange thus for constant meetings, different sites being selected for the dances in various parts of the country-side.

A man takes part in such entertainments as long as he has only one child, but a woman ceases altogether as soon as she marries. The idea that she should even want to do so seemed inconceivable. " If," we were told in answer to our inquiries " she made a fuss, her husband would be very angry, and tell her to go back to her own home. He would say, ' I have bought you, and you want to go to dances ! ' "

Women's Dances

The dances in which a woman can take part subsequent to her marriage are the women's dances, one such, as has been

188 THE MAIZE DANCE

seen, is performed by the mother and her friends on the marriage of a daughter.

If a large number of women have been engaged for the day in any common occupation such as bringing in reeds, they generally celebrate its completion by a song and dance. The leader of the ballet is invariably the oldest woman present, who with other ladies of mature years occupies the centre of a hollow square. (Cf. PI. cxvi.)

The dance consists alternately of posturing by the ancient premiere danseuse in the centre, who sings a solo meanwhile, and of rhythmic steps and chorus by the other women who form the side of the square.

Peculiar Dance on Completion of the Maize Harvest

On one occasion I was fortunate enough to witness this dance. It was soon after ray arrival in the country. How far it is a religious ceremony I cannot say, but the image was apparently neither held sacred itself nor considered to represent anything which was so held.

The following account is reprinted from Man (Jan. 1906), the journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute : —

In 1903 I was living in the country of the Akikujm, in the district of the petty chieftain Wombugu, Avhose village is situated on the River Gu-ra, midway between the points now indicated on the map as Fort Hall and Fort Nyeri, in the province of Kenya in British East Africa.

Coming one day suddenly over the sky-line of what proved to be a sort of huge natural amphitheatre, I saw" at the bottom a large number, perhaps 500, of people — say 300 men and the rest women and children. The women and children, dressed in the usual way, stood around as spectators, availing themselves of the natural rise of the ground the better to see, but they took no active part whatsoever in the ceremony.

cu

-^

ai

z

Q

i88a

Pl. cxvii

IV.S.R. phot.

A Male Image

Similar to the female one seen at the ceremony described and modelled by the same artist a few days afterwards.

i88b

Pl. cxviii

IV.S.R. phot.

The Same Image, Side View

Note the flat forehead, the long neck, the prominent umbilicus.

Pl. cxix

IV. S. R. phot.

Peculiar Dance before an Image

A group of dancers taken to sho\v^ the manner of their decoration ^vith the dried sheaths of the maize-cob.

The dancing-shield of the initiation rites [cj. PL cix. p. 156 h) is here represented by an arched cane attached to the upper arm. To this frame bunches of dried sheaths are attached. The monkey-fur ornaments of the calf and ankle (c/, PI. cix. p. 156 h) are replaced by similar orna- ments made of the whitish-yellow sheaths. The photo was taken somewhat late, by which time the shoulder frames had lost most of their decoration of dried sheaths.

188 d

THE MAIZE DANCE— DRESS 189

The men were specially dressed for the occasion, and formed up as a compact body in the arena.

The elements of the men's dress were the same as in every- day life, plus a special form of shoulder wing. The material of their dress was exclusively the dry, whitish-yelloAv, fibrous sheath that forms the outer covering of a cob of ripe maize, instead of being the fur of the Colobus monkey, as is customary.

The costume consisted of —

(1) A garland formed by a hoop, to which was attached about thirty maize sheaths, standing out from the head Uke the rays of a star.

(2) A shoulder wing or frame projecting upwards above the head about 9 in., and consisting of an armlet passing round the arm as high up as possible, from which sprang a light cane ovoid hoop with its circumference directed forwards and backwards, to the periphery of which was attached tufts of the dry maize sheaths.

(By constant informal practice an M'kikuyu can impart from the muscles of the shoulder a peculiar quivering movement to these shoulder dancing shields that much resembles the action of the wings of a young bird when anticipating food from the parent, and the effect of such, in the case of a large number of dancers, is most effective.)

(3) An armlet worn just above the elbow, from which depended a bunch of maize sheath — the equivalent of the white bushy tail of the Colobus monkey (gu-u) usually worn at the Mambura dance.

(4) A circlet placed just above the curve of the calf of the P'- ci^- p. leg, formed of cane, of which the ends, extending about sixinches backwards, allowed the maize sheaths to be arranged like the

long white back-hair of the Colobus. PL cix. p.

In their hands they carried, instead of the usual life-pre- server (n'jo-gu-na), a stick about two feet long, to the extremity of which a large tuft of maize sheath was attached.

190 ELEVATION OF THE IMAGE

A small group of elders stood facing the crowd, and one of their number addressed it. The assembled performers then v.ent through certain complicated Sir Roger de Coverley-like movements in a series of short jumping steps, and finally ranged up in front of the elders. (This particular jumping step is practised at odd times.)

One of the old men then very carefully unwrapped a sun- dried clay image from its covering of green banana leaves, and, supporting it on his extended palms, held at the level of his face, proceeded to dance it up and down.

Immediately on his so doing the crowd seemed to go wild with excitement, apparently applauding and at the same time going through the set steps in perfect time, but more vigorously than ever, and without moving from the spot where ^ each man stood.

The image was thus elevated for adoration three or four times, and then carefully wrapped up and put away.

The whole party then departed to go through the same cere- mony elsewhere, so they told me. The proceedings took about half an hour.

Some time previously, when talking with the Akikuyu, I had made very precise inquiries as to what constituted good looks in a man and a woman ; and it was then impressed upon me by them that perfect beauty required a low forehead, a long neck, and a pronounced umbilicus (slight umbilical hernia). I was much struck, therefore, by the way in which the figure conformed to the canons of beauty thus previously laid down.

The Akikuyn always referred to the figure as " the little one," and explained to me that whosoever saw it must needs dance — he danced involuntarily.

These images are sometimes male and sometimes female. The one I first saw and subsequently acquired was a female, the sex being indicated by the small triangular apron which custom amongst the Akikuyu requires even the youngest

o

o

25

o

SEX OF IMAGE 191

female child always to wear, but the breasts were quite un- indicated beyond being marked by a couple of blue beads. It seemed to me at the time that the figure was not intended specially to express the idea of femininity or motherhood, a view that was proved afterwards to be correct by similar male figures being brought to me.

Being well known to everybody present, either personally or by repute, I had no difficulty in being allowed to be present or even in taking photographs, but though I expressed the PI. cxx. p. greatest interest and devotion, and made handsome presents to the image, it was somehow so arranged that in the two whole years I was amongst them I never saw the ceremony again repeated.

My friends explained to me that there was nothing sacred in the image itself, but that no one would think of treating it with disrespect, and that it was kept buried in the store of pounded m'we-li flour to protect it from injury.

This festival takes place immediately after the in-gathering of the crops, i.e. biennially.

It is a rather remarkable fact that two Government punitive expeditions raided this district subsequently, but never found one of these images, for, had one been found, it would certainly have been brought in by the black troops, who quite know the value of curios.

192 GAMES

GAMES

The boys have a game amongst themselves that takes the form of a series of questions or statements, each of which has to be replied to or parried by a correlated question or state- ment. One lad begins by propounding a question : —

Question. What did you eat yesterday, little N'dorobo ?

Ansiver. Ou-thi (scraps of food) and went to sleep.

Q. Did you snatch up your food like a hawk ?

A. Like a hawk that has lost his tail.

Question and answer have to be given instantly, and each is learnt by heart previously, and is not due to unprompted wit. Two boys recite in this way as fast as they can jabber. The game probably depends on plays upon words, as it always excites interest and smiles.

The Akikuyu also possess their share of the riddles which are associated with savages or with our own child life. They are known as "Guso," or "Do you hear." Such are the following : —

Q. What hangs down ? A. Bananas. — Q. Why do I hear a noise ? A. The birds are in the shamba. — Q. What takes a winding course? A. An N'dorobo on the road. — Q. The young men go, the old men stay ? A. The ashes are poured out, the hearth-stones remain. — Q. What goes from hill to hill ? yl. The foot.

POLITICAL LIFE

25

POLITICAL ORGANISATION

The willing and intelligent M'kikuyu, endeavouring to make clear to an Englishman the working of his tribal rule, finds himself in much the same position as an agricultural labourer at home trying to explain to a foreigner the ways of Local Government. He has a very good working idea, but to put himself in the place of any one so entirely ignorant as his questioner, is beyond his conception of what is reasonable. Relevant matter is forgotten, irrelevant is introduced, names and terms become confused. It was ascertained also, only after much agonised striving to make versions fit, that though leading principles are the same throughout the tribe, the details, and to a certain extent the nomenclature, vary in different districts. Another difficulty, and perhaps the greatest of all, lies in the fact that though only some six years have elapsed since the English conquest, the new order has already laid its hand on the old. Young men are growing up unac- quainted with the old regime ; old men are apt unduly to glorify their own dignity in the past. The student looks sadly at the pages of his notebook, filled with information seriously given, about the power and position of the chief, when he realises that chieftainship itself in its present form is an English creation.

The reader of English history is taught that the strength of the Saxons lay in local government ; also, that they fell before the Normans because they lacked cohesion.

Kikuyu polity is local government run mad. The unit

195

196 MILITARY ORGANISATION

of all life is, as has already been explained, the homestead, the dwelling-place of the family.

For military purposes a number, varying it is stated from two to perhaps ten of these homesteads, would, prior to the British occupation, unite under a leader or headman. No man would serve under any other leader, and usually declined to obey his own. The traveller is still a victim to this form of organisation. A body of natives engaged turn up with their own appointed headman. If subsequent porters are needed, these also will have their own head, and decline to acknowledge the first. As these leaders will do no work, generally fail to keep order, and expect double pay and rations, the white man may have his own views on the subject of their indefinite multiplication.

Geographical boundaries in an undulating country, or possibly the local distribution of population consequent on the first settlement of new land, suggested even to the Akikuyu some further combination. Vague districts or larger groups of homesteads existed whose inhabitants would, it might be expected, be also united by a blood tie. As a matter of fact, however, the various clans do not seem to be associated with particular localities, and such bonds would always be Umited by the rules of the clans as to intermarriage. The number of headmen in each district of course varied. One district was quoted as having perhaps ten of such leaders ; others might have only five, or as many as twenty or thirty. These neighbouring headmen acted, on occasion at any rate, after some fashion in concert, and the influence of one of their number appears to have predominated. The great bond of union was, however, the advice of one Medicine-Man. A council would be held, a sheep killed, and lots cast to decide the propitious manner of attack. The Medicine-Man bestowed a charm to be worn by the headman, but himself judiciously stayed at home. Even these districts, or political areas,

CIVIL ORGANISATION 197

if they deserve so definite a name, were generally limited in the extreme ; one valley engaged in warfare with another, the people in the valley fought those on the hillside, a small stream separated friends from foes. Several districts might occasion- ally unite under one Medicine-Man against an enemy such as the Masai, but no great conqueror ever seems to have arisen to weld the tribe into one people. Even in the present days of comparative centralisation there are, according to a list compiled by Mr. McGregor, at least one hundred and two chiefs in the land.

For all civil purposes of government the head of the home- stead is ipso facto a ruler. There is no council of the nation, the regions concerned are too small for the question of repre- sentation to arise ; the government is patriarchal, or, as far as it arises to the dignity of a state, in the hands of the councils of old men. These meet, confer, and act in varying numbers according to the interest or exigencies of the case. The tendency for one man in such assemblies to attain to pre- eminence will be considered hereafter.

Official Ranks^

The degrees by which the official dignity of old age are reached, depend not on the years of the individual, of which it is obviously impossible that account should have been kept, but on the relation in which he stands to the rising generation.

The first official rank is reached when a man becomes the father of a second child. He then enters the class of the Mo-ran'-ja, and gives a goat to the members of the grade to celebrate the occasion ; in some districts this last ceremony is optional. He is supposed to shave his head, and keep it

^ The information regarding official ranks and administration is compiled from notes of interviews with some sixteen Akikuyu on about twenty-eight different occasions. The most valuable help as to the status and duties of these different classes was finally obtained from Munge, whose statements were very precise and definite.

198 OFFICIAL RANKS

shaved henceforth, the young warrior stage with its adorned lock being in theory a thing of the past ; but for this form of denial, personal vanity is at times too strong. It will be re- membered that this is also the juncture at which he must cease to attend dances. He is the respectable and established head of a family. In course of time it was stated the office will fall to the rising generation, Muirun'gu ; at present its members belong to the older generation, Mwan'gi — this last fact was checked in individual instance. The grade is not only of less importance, but also seems to be somewhat less definite than either of the two superior ranks. At the same time, according to the chiefs of two different districts, its adoption is compulsory, although in one district it might be deferred till after the birth of three or even four children . The name as well as the conditions vary in different localities. The equivalent office in Karuri's district is known as N'dun'-du ; in the Nairobi district its place is apparently taken by the Ke-thi-ga. The second official rank, Ki-d-ma, is attained when a man's first child is old enough for the formal admission into the tribe, and he then gives one goat to the N'ja-ma.^ After the child has gone through the rites, he gives two more goats for the other Kiama to eat, and is then a fully initiated member of the old men or governing class. If, however, he is a poor man, he is allowed to give in the first instance only one of these two last goats, and defer providing the second till his next child is initiated, holding meanwhile a somewhat inferior rank amongst his fellow Kiama. The Kiama has a wand of office, 2 and wears a particular type of ear-ring (ki-chan'-go). There is also sentiment attached in his case to the bunch of leaves which Akikuyu often carry on a journey, and which takes the place of a handkerchief. This with a Kiama is

1 See p. 199.

• This may be made from the wood of one of three trees, the Mu-ti'-gi, the Mun'-deren'-du, or the Mu-ta-zi.

Pl. cxxi

Capt. K. Meiiiertzlugeti phof. (by kind fei mission)

A KiKUYU Eldkr (Kiama) Bearinsr staff of office.

Ih-it. Mm. [A*.]

A Vutkran's Si'EAR (Ki-an'-di)

Fig. r. The blade (i-ti-niu) — length, 13^111.; maximum width, 3! in. ; weight, 13I oz. — is united by a wooden shaft (c/. PI. vii. p. 18 b) to

Fig. 2. The iron butt, or spike (mu-la), which gives balance, and bv which it is driven into the ground when not held in the hand. No spear is ever laid on the ground. Length, 16 in. ; maximum circumference, 3 in. ; weight,

The fighting-spear is shown in PI. xxv. p. 36 c, but it is heavy to carry ; hence this pattern is usually adopted by elderly men and by lads when herding the flocks. C/. PI. vii. p. 1 8 b.

OFFICIAL RANKS 199

formed of one particular herbage,^ and any unauthorised person seen using it comes under his curse. When no longer needed the bunch must not be thrown away, but placed on the top of one of the little barns in the homestead.

Besides the councils of the old men, there exists in each locality a body for which perhaps the best description is that of practical executive or glorified voluntary police, and which goes by the name of the N^jdma. This term is used when speaking of the headmen who used to take the lead in war, and it ma-y therefore be presumed that the members of the force are the representatives of the former military leaders, who were persons of power and position. " In old days we were told the N'jama were as chiefs." The body has a head. It consists of young men, and all are eligible, but new- comers can only be received by consent of the body, or in other words are co-opted. They pay their footing by means of the usual goat. Their powers are somewhat vague, and include judicial attributes ; but, generally speaking, it may be said that with them rests the keeping of order, more especially in regard to affairs or delinquencies outside the immediate homestead, or in which more than one district is concerned, " They go far," is the answer usually obtained to inquiries on this head, and one supreme effort to make clear their duties evolved the statement that they " go and tell people not to kill other people on the road." Their position is one of eminence. It can also be one of considerable tyranny. Theoretically, offences amongst this body are dealt with by the Kiama, but it is not surprising that the N'jama of a district have been known on occasion to become little better than a body of freebooters. In some districts {e.g. Nairobi and Ko-ru-ri's) members of the N'jama are obliged to resign on becoming qualified to enter the Kiama, in others {e.g. Munge's) they can continue in the body if they desire to do so.

1 The shrub is known as Ma-tu-ra N'gu-ru.

200 OFFICIAL DRINKING PARTY

In addition to these regular functionaries, there may be seen to-day in connection with the entourage of a chief a number of young men or hangers-on, who form a sort of body- guard, and who are always described by the Swahili word asikari. They act under orders from the N'jama and chief in the administration of justice. These come from a distance, stay a few months, and go home again. They receive presents but not pay, in fact take the same position as the armed re- tainer in the household of the mediaeval baron.

The first real insight obtained into Kikuyu official circles, was at a drinking-party given in honour of my husband by the chief Munge, where precedence and rank were strictly observed and the gathering was therefore of peculiar interest.

Munge's homestead is on the side of a hill, which com- mands glorious views over the adjacent country : the stranger enters first the outer enclosure through a small archway in a hedge some 12 ft. in height, and again through a similar archway into the inner dwelling ground. It contains, like all other compounds of the wealthier men, many huts, com- prising the chief's own residence, the dwellings of the respective wives, the bachelor quarters, and so forth. The party took place in the middle of the day, and in the shade given by different huts were formed six distinct circles. On the highest ground a little removed were fifteen women, some belonging to the homestead, and the rest visitors, who watched and applauded with their shrill little trilling cry. The prin- cipal women took a part, as will be seen, in the function.

A little lower, beneath the eaves of a hut, on the right was the circle of honour, comprising thirty-seven persons, in- cluding the chief. These were men mostly in younger middle life, the N'jama or executive force, and amongst them their headman or leader.

Under the shadow of another hut a little to the left was

OFFICIAL DRINKING PARTY

201

a group of twenty old men, the elders of the tribe, the judges or Kiama, who carry a wooden staff as a mark of office.

A little gathering by themselves, lower down, were six more old men qualified to enter the ranks of the Kiama, but who had not yet paid up the necessary goats, and consequently formed somewhat of a butt for good-natured jibes.

By a hut on low ground near the entrance, were twenty-

IIZ22BBlMEa5Z2I

A DRINKIXG PARTY SEATED ACCORDING TO OFFICIAL RANK.

two young married men, Moran'ja, to whom later would fall higher judicial position ; while a Uttle distance off was yet another group, comprised of Asikaris.

On the arrival of the guest of the occasion, the chief greeted him, and introduced him to the circle of the N'jama. He then took gourds of native beer (n'johi) and dis- tributed them to the gathering, two being given to each circle, except to the circle of young men, who did not drink. At what may be metaphorically termed the high table, Munge 26 '

202 OFFICIAL DRINKING PARTY

began by washing his own drinking cup and hands, and fiUing up the horn offered it first to the chief guest ; the cup was again filled up and Munge himself drank. The two gourds, with their accompanying horns, proceeded to travel round the circle, one to the right and the other to the left, and each man partook in turn, drinking about a pint and a half at a gulp. This procedure was the same in the other circles till all the gourds were empty. According to custom the guests spilt or spat out a little of the liquor as a religious offering, but this was not absolutely universal.

One of the old men, from the group of Kiama, brought my husband a horn full of liquor to drink, and the chief's brother in the same way brought a special draught to him and Munge. Munge's mother came up to the N'jama circle, but did not sit down ; had a drink and went away. Presents followed to the white strangers : Munge gave my husband a rupee, and I received one from the head wife, and one from the eldest son. Two young warriors each sang a solo, all joining in the chorus, and the ladies applauding. Munge made a speech, during which he offered prayer to God for rain and a plentiful harvest. A Medicine-Man followed with a discourse, whose pleasing platitudes were worthy of any after-dinner oratory ; he dwelt on the beauty of the situation, and lauded the popularity of the host, who, he said, was nearly qualified himself to be a Medicine-Man. Munge made another speech, insisting on the necessity of being careful of food, as there was a prospective scarcity, and the gathering then broke up : perfect quiet and dignified order prevailed throughout.

The following list of the rights of different parts of society in the important event of the killing of an ox, given by Munge, is not without interest. The N'jama take the breast, the Kiama the belly and saddle, the Moran'ja the back, the young men the head, neck, and ribs. The women are allowed the inside.

POLITICAL LIFE 203

ADMINISTRATION

It is difficult to draw hard-and-fast lines as to the division of administrative functions. All the three bodies enumerated, Moran'ja, Kiama, and N'jama, may generally be seen taking part in judicial councils. The best guide as to the department primarily concerned lies in the distribution of the court fees, namely, the goats paid into court by the suitors. The various grades bring also with them religious duties.

Moran'ja

Civil Duty. — They are present with the Kiama and N'jama on inquests for theft, but they listen, they do not take part. The goats paid by the plaintiff and defendant are divided as follows : Moran'ja take one leg, Kiama also have one leg, and the N'jama take the remainder.

Religious Duties. — It falls to them in case of emergency, such as drought, to call together the N'jama, and see that the sacrificial goat is offered.

Kia'ma

Civil Duties involve more particularly offences against the person, and include trying cases of —

Murder.

Seduction. It is their duty to see that the right number of goats is paid to the father of the girl who has been wronged. The N'jama take part in the discussion, but it is the Kiama who receive all the fees. Any share allowed to the N'jama is of grace, not right.

Wounding. In which they also affix the bracelet of skin worn as a charm in such cases.

Theft. This they judge, as has been said, conjointly with the N'jama, the Moran'ja being present.

204 ADMINISTRATION

Religious Duties. — They take part in the sacrifice to God, eating the sacrificial sheep. They perform various duties connected with ceremonial uncleanness other than those for Cf. p. 256. which a Medicine-Man must be called in.

N'ja'ma

Civil Duties include the following : To look after roads, bridges, and markets ; to decide in cases of dispute as to boundaries of land ; to intervene in cases of riot at native dances, etc. ; to see justice is done in cases of breach of promise of marriage ; to catch and judge thieves ; to catch murderers if necessary. If a cow is sold, to see that the seller receives the gift of a calf, to which he is entitled by custom if the cow prove productive. To these, since the English occupation, is added the somewhat prosiac duty of collecting porters. In some cases, such as seeing to the restitution of stolen property and deciding as to boundaries, the duties of the Kiama and N'jama are apparently interchangeable. The sufferer would appeal to which ever of the authorities was nearest and most convenient. If, however, stolen property had been removed to a distance, its recovery would naturally be the duty of the N'jama.

Religious Duties. — To kill God's goat.

Judicial Procedure

The following illustrations may help to make clearer the working of these primitive arrangements : —

One old man, a Kiama, gave three illustrations of cases in which he had been judicially engaged. A father from a neigh- bouring homestead had come to him, he said, to complain with regard to the seduction of his daughter. My friend went to interview the father of the man who was accused, and who lived about a mile away ; in this instance the young man had

JUDICIAL PROCEDURE 205

said that " he was very fond of the girl, and would like to marry her." His father therefore had paid up the marriage portion — thirty goats ; if he had declined to marry her, a fine of ten goats would have been exacted.

In the second instance, two girls, one the man's own daughter, w^ent to cut wood ; they quarrelled about the wood, and one cut the other with a knife. Here the judges were two Kiamas, the respective fathers, and a fine in sheep was paid up.

The third case was a quarrel between two young men as to the boundaries of respective shambas ; two Kiama were engaged again, of whom my authority was one, and the dispute was settled by them.

One of our boys, N'jarge, had been at work in Nairobi, and while there saved eighteen rupees, which he entrusted to a friend who was immediately returning to his homestead, which was in Kikuyu, though some little distance from that of N'jarge. When we were staying near the home of N'jarge the boy became anxious about his property, more especially as the friend had since died and his heirs taken possession of his belongings. He therefore got two N'jama from his own district and went with them to claim it. The liability was apparently not denied, but the law expenses were distinctly heavy. The neighbouring chief wished for three rupees, and the N'jama demanded a sheep worth five rupees, or nearly one-half of all of the debt for the cost of collection.

The above are simple, or in our phraseology undefended cases ; when guilt is denied or compUcations ensue, the Bantu genius for words is seen at its best. Lengthy debate on every possible occasion is second nature to the Akikuyu. A shauri or discussion is held on some open space. Those who are entitled to be heard, take part, the others look on. Order is kept by a simple device, which takes the place of " catching the Speaker's eye." The club of the first speaker is passed on from one to another of those who desire to express

206 JUDICIAL PROCEDURE

their views, and no man is allowed to address the assembly till he holds it in his hand. Two persons cannot thus speak at the same time. While theoretically all old men are eligible for judicial function, in practice, as might be expected, this falls into the hands of those most qualified to exercise it. Intelligence is much prized, and so is eloquence. A particular beetle ^ carries with it the power of conviction, and if an old man finds one of these he rejoices greatly. He takes a banana and makes a hole in it, puts the beetle in the banana and dries it in the sun. Then the day before he has to go to a shauri, where he is anxious that his words shall receive due attention, he eats the banana and the beetle, and tells no one. He finds himself gifted with many words, every one hangs on his utterance, his arguments are overwhelming, and no one knows that he has eaten the beetle. Independently, however, of such abnormal aids, it is obvious that in every assembly one man with force of char- acter will arrive at a position of eminence. According to the natives, " Such and such a man, or his father, was in old days a leader of shauris, because after hearing the evidence he had intelligence to say that a man was or was not a thief." Military talent also brought a man to the fore. The able man was the man who accumulated riches, and wealth is an even more potent factor in primitive than in civilised society. A rich man with many wives, sons-in-law, and hangers-on, must always be a powerful force. The hereditary tendency under such circumstances can hardly fail to be at work. The son may have no rights, but chances are in his favour. Munge claimed that his ancestors had been leading men for four generations ; but this did not involve primogeniture, as he himself has at the present time an elder brother relegated to private life on account of want of mental acumen. It is on this state of affairs that the English rule has laid its

^ Melaspis Qlabripennis (Kolbe).

JUDICIAL PROCEDURE 207

hand for purposes of administration, exalting these leaders into the position of petty chiefs, and making them responsible for the collection of hut tax. There is, therefore, now a tendency, probably increasing, for difficult cases to be referred from the old men to the chief, or taken to the chief's residence and judged by the chief and elders in conjunction. Disputes may even be brought to the chief in the first instance. In the illustration given above of the method of the collection of a debt from the heirs of the deceased, it was explained to me that in old days it would have been the business of the Kiama who lived in the debtor's district to see to the matter, now it was the chief who was responsible. The N'jama also probably tend to stand increasingly in a personal relation- ship to the chief, and act as a Council of State, But it was emphatically declared that the chief's power of appointment to the body could always be vetoed by the body itself, that it was primarily co-optive. Kikuyu justice as at present administered, shows, it may be said, two forces at work, the older and newer, or more democratic and monarchical. A chief is still not distinguished in theory from the rest of the people. His daughter fetches no higher marli. The money which would be paid in compensation for his death (his wergild in Anglo-Saxon phraseology), is no greater than that of the commonalty. He is entitled to no special funeral rites. The greatest astonishment was expressed on the question being asked if one of the principal chiefs would, if he were to die, receive the tribute of honour due to old men on being accorded burial. " He was only a young man," it was explained. " He would, of course, like the rest of the world, be put out for the hyenas."

The Chief Munge, as will be seen, took the lead in offering the sacrifice witnessed to N'gai (God). It did not transpire whether he would always be entitled to do so, and whether or no his priestly character was connected with his official position.

208 JUDICIAL PROCEDURE

The two following accounts of present procedure in the case of a serious law suit seem worth quoting here : —

The first is that given by an M'kikuyu. " Any man who has seen a theft, goes and tells the owner, and claims the bakshishi which is due to an informer. Then the owner and the witness, with the young men" (? N'jama), "go to the thief and demand the property. The thief then restores the stolen property, and if so, he also gives a sheep to the young men for their trouble, but if he will not do so there is a local shauri. If this is unsuccessful, owing to the judges not being able to agree, all concerned, the plaintiff, the defendant, and the old men, come to the big chief. The elders from the big chief join. Each side gives a present to the elders. Every one has their say, and the elders agree amongst them- selves."

The second version was given by a Swahili boy, who was well acquainted with the customs of the Akikuyn.

" The plaintiff comes with his friends, both old men and young men, from his district, and the defendant comes with his friends, both old men and young men, from his district, and they all assemble at the chief's quarters, and other old men gather up. The plaintiff and the defendant each has his say, and the old men say : ' The words of the plaintiff are many, and of the defendant few ' ; and they say to the defendant, ' Go and talk with your friends.' The defendant and his party retire, and he confesses his guilt to his friends, which he will not do in court, and the friends come back and say the defendant confesses that he is guilty. If the defendant will not acknowledge his guilt, the old men ask the plaintiff why he said that the defendant was guilty ; if the accused still will not confess, and his words are very few, the court declares him guilty ; but it is the custom of the Akikuyn every day to confess their guilt. Two sheep are given, one to the elders and the other to the chief."

I

N'JU-GU'-AFA YA Mor-a'-NI

An ornamental n'ju-ou'-ma, or " life- preserver," carried by a warrior or by an elder when paying a visit or attending a public meeting. Such a stick would be passed from speaker to speaker.

This specimen is very old-fashioned, and is considered by the Akikuyu to be very choice.

Pattern unusual, of wood, carved in one piece.

22iin.long; diameter of head, i y,. in.

MX.

Brif. ^rus. [/?.]

208 a

CO

3

■c/j

o

H D

(J

P

O !>

208 b

NOTES TAKEN AT KIKUYU TRIALS 209

NOTES TAKEN AT KIKT^YU TRIALS

The following are taken from my notes of trials at which I ^ was present. The actions of those concerned were noted, and as full information as possible obtained from those taking part or through retainers.

The accounts are accurate to the best of my belief, though they are not as full as I could wish, as I was, at the time the opportunity offered, recovering from a somewhat severe illness, and incapable of sitting for hours consecutively in a native assembly under a tropical sun.

At the Chief WombiJgtj's

Dec. 25, 1907. — Cattle stealing.

The circle contained elders (Kiama from village of theft and from Wombugu's), witnesses, plaintiff, and defendant ; young men were seated outside. The president of the court was at first an N'jama described as " clever of words and of much intelUgence," later Wombugu himself. One old man was accused of stealing a cow belonging to another ; after some discussion the president told the accused's party to go and confer. They all went off to a Uttle distance, and discussed matters by themselves. The accused confessed his guilt to his friends and afterwards to the court ; the compensa-

1 K. R.

27

210 NOTES TAKEN AT KIKIJyU TRIALS

tion was mutually arranged, and he was sentenced to pay fifteen goats in six days.

Dec. 28, 1907. — Goat stealing .

An old man was accused of stealing a young man's goats. One of the elders presiding. All talked together. It was decided to have been an affair of the market.

Jan. 3, ^09>.— Murder.

Some thirty Kiama present, about half from neighbour- hood of deceased. Murder had been committed about six months previously ; murderer had run away and now returned ; he was not present at the trial. The son of deceased made an impassioned address, saying if the guilty man did not pay up the blood-money he would kill him. Another son also spoke. Elders went away and conferred, perhaps a quarter of an hour. On the return of the judges to court, debate turned on subject of reward to be paid to informer ; son said he had paid up once (a cow), and would not do so again ; this statement was disputed. The symptoms of the victim prior to decease were also discussed. The elders again retired for private consultation, and after remaining long absent the court was adjourned. The whole sitting lasted about two hours. Later, I received information that the murderer had been sentenced to pay the due compensation.

Jan. 8, 1908. — Goat accidentally killed.

Wombugu presiding, no elders. Small goat-herd had gone to Nairobi, taken service, and struck the goat of his master so that it died, and then run away. The master pursued. Boy, master, and father of boy present. Father offered to give compensation, if Wombugu awarded it, saying, " I am not a thief." Master claimed three goats, saying that the one killed was a female with kid. Sentence — " One goat to be

NOTES TAKEN AT KIKUYU TRIALS 211

paid up." The father said he would bring a big one. Master refused to accept the first one brought, saying it had no teeth ; a second brought, also sent away — too small.

Jan. 8, 1908. — Claim to inherit.

Wombugu presiding. Present, Kiama of district concerned, plaintiff and defendant. Young men had gone to a distance, cultivated a shamba, and died. One of the elders of the district had annexed the shamba ; the brother of the deceased claimed it. The defendant said he had paid for the property. Finally, friends on both sides stated no payment had been made, and old man admitted the same in court. Judgment given by Wombugu that the brother was to take possession.

Jan. 8, 1908. — Purchase of Shamba.

Present, Wombugu and elders of district concerned, plaintiff and defendant, etc. Plaintiff claimed defendant had bought shamba and not paid price. Court spUt up into three circles ; plaintiff was surrounded by his relations, defendant by his, the judges meanwhile partook of refreshment.

The defendant confessed to friends, and subsequently to court, that he had not paid for the property. Judgment — Plaintiff was to resume possession in four days.

Jan. 8, 1908. — Detention of Goats.

Large circle. Present, Wombugu and Kaama from Wom- bugu's. Plaintiff from Wombugu's district sued defendant from district of Chief Hen'ge, whom he alleged had detained two goats, defendant's property : claimed ten goats in compensation. Defendant was present, and two others from Hen'ge's district — whether in an official character, or as friends only, did not transpire. It appeared that plaintiff had placed a goat in the keeping of the defendant, where it had borne three kids, making four goats in all. Plaintiff had resumed two goats and claimed

212 NOTES TAKEN AT KIKI^YU TRIALS

remainder. Discussion in court. Later, defendant confessed to friend privately, had two goats still in his possession ; friend returned to court, plaintiff remaining alone. Judgment — Defendant to pay up two goats.

Jan. 4, 1908. — Trespass.

Case tried before Wombugu. Dispute between a small boy and young man. The boy stated the young man had entered his shamba in quest of firewood. The man accused the boy of insulting him. Boy condemned to pay the goat.

(In answer to a question — " the boy's shamba, or his mother's shamba, are all the same thing.")

At Chief Munge's

Jan. 11, 1908. — Breach of Promise of Marriage.

Small court. Present, one N'jama, one elder, and young men cognisant of the affair, to ratify return of goats to young man by father of girl who had changed her mind, and declined to fulfil engagement of marriage.

Before Chief Ka-ri5^-ri

Breach of Promise of Marriage.

Case referred to Kartiri on circuit by elders of district con- cerned. A girl had refused to fulfil her contract of marriage, and the goats could not be returned, for they had been eaten ; her father is dead. Judgment — She must marry the suitor.

Trial by Ordeal (Mu-ma)

Trial by ordeal finds place among the Kikuyu. It is generally the affair of the Medicine-Man, but sometimes is

TRIAL BY ORDEAL 213

superintended by the elders. The following are some of the methods by which guilt or innocence are decided : —

Medicine is made and placed on the eyelids of both plaintiff and defendant ; if it remains and hurts the man he is guilty, if it falls down he is innocent.

The Medicine-Man makes a knife red hot in the fire and touches first the tongue and then the foot of both parties ; if it does not burn, the man is innocent ; it " cannot burn both."

The Medicine-Man puts hot ash into boiling water, which has to be removed by the suspected person. In the particular instance reported the flesh came off the arm, therefore the man was guilty.

The following account was given by a native eye-witness. A death had occurred where poison was suspected. The persons whose guilt was possible were ranged in a row ; the Medicine-Man went down anointing their nostrils with medi- cine ; then he took a small animal (not a rat) and held it to the nostrils of each in turn. Three were bitten, and these had to go through a second ordeal. They brought a sheep, which was killed and eaten ; if they were guilty, God would kill them in a month. In this case they did not die, but suspicion was apparently not removed, as it was generally said that one had committed the crime.

The elders arrange a forced trial by ordeal of mixing the urine of the two parties, which both drink. The guilty one will die in a month ; if neither die, " both have told lies."

The following instance of such a trial was witnessed by myself in April 1908, on the spare land adjoining the village of the Chief Wombugu. A preliminary trial took place, the plaintiff and defendant being present, and all sorts of persons, young and old, also the chief himself. A father accused an old man of having killed his son by witchcraft by means of putting sticks in his path, and also of having done to death other people in the same village. The accused demanded

214 TRIAL BY ORDEAL

why, if he was held to have done it, he had not been seized ? The plaintiff answered that he had been advised to do so, but had hesitated to comply. "If," he argued, "the accused has done no harm, why did he say some time ago, 'Your village will come to naught ' ? " Both plaintiff and de- fendant stood up to speak, the father armed with spear and sword and brandishing his club ; all were much in earnest. The line taken by the friends of the accused was academic and non-committal. " He had," they said, " not taken their sheep, but as to this affair they did not know the truth about it, and hoped that lies would not be told. If a goat dies it is nothing, if a man dies it is a great deal. They trusted that the case would go to the ordeal." The defendant and his friends, therefore, retired and consulted on this suggestion, the result, to accede to it, being apparently a foregone con- clusion. A native onlooker informed me that the guilt of the accused was known, because an accomplice, who went with him to buy the medicine, and had assisted in storing it in a tree, and also later in putting it in the path of the deceased, had subsequently confessed. The evil-doer would, he explained, in old days have been killed on the spot, now they were " afraid of the White Men."

The inquiry was held in the morning, the ordeal was deferred till about three o'clock in the afternoon. It took place on a piece of sloping ground which formed a natural amphitheatre. In the middle crouched the accused man. Round his neck he wore a rough collar of grass or sticks put there by the Medicine-Man, and across his shoulders was a small female sheep ; the legs were held at first with the left hand, the head with the right. Two sticks had been placed through the neck, the skin of which had apparently been cut so that the flesh protruded. This raw flesh he proceeded to bite off and devour, spitting out some on the grass and protesting his innocence in a loud voice between the mouth-

CODES OF JUSTICE 215

fuls. The onlookers interpolated remarks from time to time, such as : "If he has done no harm, why did people die when he came near the village ? " Half-way through the ordeal he turned the sheep on its other side, so that its tail was at his right hand. Through the root of this two sticks had in the same way been placed so that the intestines obtruded. This he again ate in the same manner. The father of the alleged victim took, so far as could be seen, no part in the affair. The whole proceeding lasted about twenty minutes or half an hour. The man then took off the sheep, broke the collar round his neck, which he threw away, ate two pieces of potato, and later, sugar cane. One of the spectators called out that " the accused must never again be called a poisoner, for he had partaken of ordeal very severe." Three men were told off to watch that he did not have recourse to a Medicine-Man for purification and thus defeat the ends of justice. As we were at the time on the way to the coast it is impossible to state whether or not he established his innocence by triumphantly surviving the effects of the " ordeal very severe."

CODES OF JUSTICE

For personal injury penalties are exacted as follows. The particulars were collected from three districts.

District 1.

District 2.

District 3.

Killing (a) Man

120 goats, 1 cow.

100

goats

and 9

100 goats and

milk goats.

9 sheep.

„ (b) Woman .

30 „

40

goats 6

sheep.

30 goats.

Loss of arm

40 to 60 goats.

40

„

50 „

„ leg

40 „ 60 „

50

,,

,,,

„ eye

40 „ 60 „

30

,,

10 goats.

,, knee

...

40

,,

•••

„ foot

...

40

}>

...

„ finger (whole)

30

„

30 goats.

„ „ (each joint) 10 goats.

10

t>

10 „

216 CODES OF JUSTICE

Except in case of murder, the penalty is the same whether the injury is to man or woman.

Where two forfeits are mentioned, the additional animals are the fee to be paid to the elders.

Theft.

District 1. — For 1 goat stolen, repayment 2 or 3 goats. For 2 goats „ ,, 3 goats.

If goat is not put with herd, but killed and eaten, fine 10 goats. District 2. — For 1 goat stolen, repayment 4 goats and 1 sheep for elders. For 10 goats „ „ 20 „ „ „

For stealing r ,, 3 ,, for man.

honey from < „ 1 „ „ woman,

bee box I „ 1 „ „ child.

District 3. — For each goat stolen, repayment 10 goats. District 4. — 1 goat stolen, repayment 10 goats. 1 ox ,, „ 4 oxen.

Honey „ „ 10 goats for man ; 3 goats for woman,

boy, or very old man.

Persistent Theft.

District 4. — If no possessions, first time if hungry is fined one sheep for the

elders to eat. Second offence, banished. If caught again,

burnt alive with grass round neck. District 2. — If a man proves an incorrigible thief, all he has is taken and he

is "killed at night like a sheep," or a man is given a sheep to

go behind and stab him with a spear.

District 1. — Information from N'jarge, son of Chief Munge.

„ 2 „ ,, Wamaheu, brother of Chief Wombugu.

,,3 ,, ,, Karanja, Court interpreter at Nyeri.

,, 4 „ ,, Chief Karuri.

The code with regard to seduction has been already dealt with.^

For abuse of a child, the culprit is said to be severely beaten with a club, fined twenty goats and sent out of the country ; besides, it was added, " the deed may be seen by the N'goma, and he will become sick and die." The procedure with regard to divorce depends on whether a woman has, or

1 See p. 126.

KIKCYU justice 217

has not borne a child. If she has become or is about to become a mother, the refund of the marriage price cannot be asked for under any circumstances ; punishment is bestowed for wrong- doing by a severe beating, and if she continues in her evil courses the husband may theoretically tell her " to go away " ; practically, owing to the value of women, it is doubtful if this last is ever done.

The liability of the co-respondent in this case was not clear. If, however, a wife who has proved unfaithful has not borne a child, the father collects the elders, as many possibly as five or six, and they go to the co-respondent, who gives them court fees in the shape of a sheep, which they eat and retire to their homes, while the accused prepares n'johi. The next day the elders again a-ppear, drink the n'johi, and the co-respondent pays up ten goats and one sheep, which are taken to the father. The procedure then varies according to whether the husband does or does not wish to keep the wife. If he desires to retain her, the father passes on to him five of the goats, and the Avife takes back a sheep as a trespass offering.

If the wife is to be returned as an unsatisfactory bargain, the father keeps all the goats paid by the co-respondent, pays back the marli to the husband, and she can be sold again.

A woman who does not like her husband can return to her father, and if she wishes to go her husband will not attempt to keep her. If there has been no child the marli will be re- turned, and she can become another man's wife. If there is a child the husband will keep it, and she cannot be married again. Wives are never sold by their husbands.

28

218 KIKIJYU justice

EFFICACY OF KIKI^YU JUSTICE

The question naturally occurs how far were, or are, the Kikuyn methods of government successful in the detection of crime and the preservation of order. Little crime probably goes unknown in a small and stationary community, and information is encouraged by a substantial present being due to the informer from the injured party. Public opinion, as expressed by the elders, most likely does not go far wrong when it fixes on the criminal, although it may scarcely be guided by strict rules of evidence. In addition to this there is a curious and childlike impulse to confess on the part of the guilty person, which appears strongly in the record of cases.

The following forces tend for order and the carrying out of the decision of the elders. Firstly, the power of public opinion behind them and of custom ; secondly, the responsi- bility of the family (dealt with more fully in considering the subject of clans) ; and in the last resort, what may be best described, though it deserves a better name, as lynch law. This is shown in the fate of persistent thieves and murderers at the hands of an aggrieved populace.

On the other hand, the court fees are no doubt a serious drawback in the case of the less wealthy suitors. It has been seen that half a debt may go in the costs of its recovery, and in a prolonged case the plaintiff and defendant have not only to pay up their original fees of one sheep each for the elders, but are called upon to repeat their donation at intervals while the trial lasts.

Cases must also have occurred where the criminal or criminals were too strong for the local powers of justice, or the powers were themselves implicated. One such instance was volunteered, and it can hardly have been unique. Munge's son related that when he was about six years old there was

KIKOYU justice 219

a conspiracy of old men to kill some rich neighbours, against whom they had no grievance, because they wanted their goods. The victims were killed with the spear and their goats taken. If his father had interfered he would have been told they were no relations of his. The story was, however, told in a way that showed it had made an impression on the child's mind as something out of the ordinary run.

Private justice and feud can never be wholly eliminated in uncivilised community, and it has been seen to be threatened in the foregoing murder trial ; but as far as a stranger can gather, the idea of revenge is, as a rule, foreign to the Kikuyu temperament. It would always be a great deal more import- ant to obtain the dead man's wergild than to reek corporal vengeance on his murderer. "What would happen," was asked, "if the relations of a murdered man wished to fight ? " "The old men would say," was the answer, "do not fight, make a shauri." " But if a son killed the slayer of his father ? " "Then the old men would say two men are dead, the affair is at an end."

The state of affairs was probably more or less accurately summed up by one native. " Some people," he said, " re- gretted the old days, he did not. Then, if you suffered wrong and were strong, you righted yourself ; if you were rich you paid for justice, but if you were weak and poor there was no redress."

Since the British occupation, justice for natives is of course also administered in the English courts, and here again, even more than in the growing power of the chief, lies the tendency to destroy local administration. The following little story shows the state of affairs. An M'kikuyu named Ka-ran-ja, who had previously been with my husband, went during his absence in England into service in Nairobi. There he made enough money to buy two sheep, one of which gave birth to a lamb. When his old master returned he came back to

220 KIKUYU JUSTICE

his service, entrusting the three sheep to a friend, and during the owner's absence they were stolen. It was explained by the natives that in the old days Karanja would, under these circumstances, have gone to the Kiama, and they would have conferred much and got back the sheep ; now he would come to the master and ask for a letter to the Government official at Fort Hall (the capital of the province). What did, as a matter of fact, happen, was that the boy went and told three Kiama ; but the great chief Karuri happening to come round at the time, the matter was laid before him, and the sheep, I believe, duly recovered.

The present and avowed object of the East African Judici- ary is to suppress native justice altogether as derogatory to the dignity of the British courts. Even allowing for all the imperfections of primitive methods, this shows a point of view at which it is hard to arrive.

It is of course desirable that a right of access and appeal should lie to the English courts, and that they should have the final word in grave cases ; but for a white magistrate to spend his time, except in the last resort, endeavouring to recover three Kikuyu sheep, seems both waste of energy and also most undesirable.

Not only has the native access to information impossible to his superiors, but it is also extremely doubtful whether amongst an uncivilised people the methods of a white man's court are always conducive to the ends of justice. The effect on the native mind of a culprit whose guilt is well known, let off because of some technical flaw in the evidence, is disastrous to a degree.

An English official is allowed to administer justice accord- ing to native custom when he deems it desirable, but it by no means follows that he is in a position to appreciate what that custom is. Nor are his ideas of " making the punishment lit the crime " necessarily more successful.

KIKUYU JUSTICE 221

Theoretically also it is an obvious absurdity to speak of raising the natives and at the same time deprive them of the best means of education, namely, self-government. This comes with a peculiarly bad grace from a people who are fond of pointing to their own primitive government as con- taining the germ of future greatness, at a time when its methods can have been little if at all less crude than those found amongst the Akiktiyu of to-day.

Since writing the above I am informed by a high official from Nigeria that the practice in that colony is for the EngUsh Government to depute a native to be present at native trials who has sufficient knowledge of English to make brief notes of the same for the benefit of the authorities. The British official also attends from time to time at the native courts in his district. This practice might be commended to East Africa.

PART III RELIGION

" Few who will give their minds to master the general principles of savage religion will ever again think it ridiculous or the knowledge of it superfltwus to- the rest of mankind." — Tyloe.

223

PART III

RELIGION

CONCEPTION OF THE DEITY

It is, it need hardly be said, a most difficult task to crystallise in writing any human conception of that mysterious Power or Personality which transcends natural forces. It is said that the majority of Englishmen would find it impossible intelhgently to define their religious belief, and the difficulties are, naturally, even greater for the uncivilised mind. Error, too, often creeps in through the mere act of formulating in words ideas, which are themselves, it may be, entirely undefined. The story of what the Akikiiyu believe and think with regard to supernatural powers in this life, and existence after death, has been told, when feasible, in their own words. Special care has been taken to disentangle as far as possible such concep- tions from any that may have been derived from the influence of Christianity, where it is at all possible that the two may have come in contact. Until the last few years their natural religion was quite uncontaminated.

We were riding home one evening with a particularly A-- nt**-

glorious sunset lighting up the summit of Mount Kenya, which V"^ f4- f rose above a belt of golden cloud, when our friend Wa-ma-heu ''^■^ 1^'^/-%^

(Mohammedans) and the missionaries say that he lives in the 'l/' il^

volunteered, "God (N'gai) lives on .Kenya. The Swahilis t;^ a^-j^i/' y (Mohammedans) and the missionaries say that he lives in the '^v/jl^ ^y^ sky, but they are wrong. He has no father nor mother, nor ^{^ A'- (y

" He has no messengers {' askaris ') ; he does all his own work." ' /{^ Another time he told us, " God does not eat. He is neither a ."'

29

wife nor children ; he is all alone." In answer to a question, i/^ ,^tA

226 THE DEITY

child nor an old man ; lie is the same to-day as he was yesterday." Asked, " Do the missionaries say all this ? " The answer was : " The Akikuyu knew it before. The missionaries say there is one God, but I think they are wrong. This one is the white God ; the God of the Masai is the black God. The God of the Swahili would be the black God." " And the God of the Akam'ba ? " " He would, I think, be the same as that of the Akikuyu, for the old men say that they are all one people."

The term usually employed in speaking of the Deity (N'gai) is of Masai origin. In solemn sacrifice he is addressed as Mwi-nin-ya-ga, or "Possessor of Whiteness," with which it is interesting to compare the Kikuyn name for Kenya Ki-ri-nya-ga, meaning " Place of Whiteness."

The Being thus described is not visible to the ordinary mortal eye. The reply received to a query as to whether the " ghosts of the dead (N'go-ma) could ever be seen," was, " No, they are like God " ; but the sun, the moon, lightning, and rain are all in a sense worshipped as manifestations of the great Power, a conception apparently not dissimilar to that of the poet when he sings of One

" Whose robe is the light, Whose canopy space."

The prayer of a Medicine-Man when he invokes Divine aid is addressed to God, the Sun, or Kenya, as "all the same thing." In the same manner God's dwelling is localised in different places, more especially on Kenya, but also on Kinangop, known to the Kikuyu as Ny-an-da-rou, and in sacred trees. The God is one and the same, but the M'kikuyn, who has no " temples made with hands," turns for worship to the nearest object of reverence, probably in much the same way as an ordinary Christian regards a sacred building as the " House of God."

This God hears and answers prayer. To a question carefully worded as to the attitude of the Deity to men, the

RELIGION 227

rather striking answer was received, " God loves every one, but if people are poor, or if a warrior loses his wife and child, then he says, God does not love him." This boy, to the best of my beUef, had had no intercourse with missionaries. Another M'kikuyu gave expression to the same idea before Christian missions had ever been heard of. " God," he said, " was a God of love, but those who disobeyed him, he punished by famine, disease, and death."

The Akiktiyu turn to God in time of drought or great [ distress, but the ordinary ills of life are usually ascribed to j the action of the spirits of the departed, and are to be dealt J with accordingly.

The Supreme Being is wooed rather than propitiated by sacrifice. No religious service could well convey a more awe-inspiring sense of the nearness of the Creator than the Kikuyu sacrifice, hereafter described, performed as it was in direct communion with nature. The best which man possessed was, in this case, neither building, nor music, nor art, but the beast of the flock, and it was most reverently offered for Divine acceptance. Presents to God estabHsh a claim in return, and prayers are of course for temporal blessings. A brief and delightfully typical one was as follows : "0 God my Father, give me goats, give me sheep, give me children, that I may be rich, 0 God my Father."

Kikuyu rehgion has two sides, both resting on the same foundation, the belief in N'gai. From one aspect it may be said to be State established, or rather that Church and State are identical. The right to officiate in the most solemn service, the sacrifice to N'gai, devolves on the Elders and acting officials, and is conferred by rank in the State. )

On the other side are a body of Medicine-Men who are considered to be endowed with powers beyond the ordinary, but such powers are held to be derived from N'gai, and exercised through his assistance.

228 RELIGION

The performance of certain rites, such as ceremonial purification and trial by ordeal, fall under some circumstances to the Elders, and in others to the Medicine-Man. The Medicine-Man takes no part in instruction other than pro- fessional, and has nothing to do with the teaching of morality, which falls on the parents and Elders.

Speculation is idle and words no doubt vain where there are, and can be, no sufficient data, j The impression, however, left on the mind of a beholder was, that if such a thing as priority can be said to exist at all, what has been called the State aspect of religion is probably a development of patri- archal religion, and as such the simpler and earlier. It is quite conceivable that even at the present stage a body of clever Medicine-Men might greatly extend their claims and powers at the expense of those of the Elders. I

On one occasion only a dance before an image was wit- nessed. This has been already described (see pp. 108, 188). It is difficult to say how far it was of a religious character and with what precise sentiments the figure was regarded. Another image is also made, which is connected in some way with praying for rain, PI. Ixxxi.

SACRIFICE TO GOD (N'GAl)

I^ HAD for some time discussed with my friend the chief Munge my desire to offer a sacrifice to N'gai in the orthodox Kikuyn fashion. In February 1908, I accordingly sent word beforehand to request that an excellent sheep should be found, and all be in readiness on a day when I proposed coming to his village. This I found on my arrival had been accomplished. It was a ram with a white face, and its ears had not been slit : all these points being essential in a sheep for sacrifice, as I previously was aAvare.

On the day appointed for the ceremony the site was first decided on. It was situated on a rounded hilltop, with views extending to Mount Kinangop and the Range of Aberdare on the one hand, and, on the other, to the snowclad mass of Kenya. To the south, a sea of hills gradually merged into the plains of the Kam'-ba country ; whilst to the north the downs of Lei-ki-pi-a, the land of the pastoral Masai, blended into the waterless country of the Ren-di-li.

A tree of the sacred kind was selected,^ though only a sapling, possibly because our tents had previously been pitched under the shade of the ancestral tree of sacrifice. It was subsequently explained that this young tree would always henceforth be sacred and never cut down. Those taking part in the ceremony in varying degree, in addition to Munge and myself, were the three official ranks, N'ja-ma, Ki-a-ma, and Mor-an'-ja, and certain old men who were designated as belonging to the generation M'wan'-gi, and who apparently 1 W. S. R.

^ Mu-gu-mu. A form of ficus, otherwise knovvai as muti mugu or sacred tree (see p. 38).

230 SACRIFICE

were present rather as representatives of the older generation than in an official capacity. The young warrior class neither took part nor was present.

The company then adjourned to Munge's homestead on the side of the hill, Munge pointing out to the N'jama on the way various shrubs, eight different kinds in all : two specimens of each were gathered.^ Many of the plants chosen exude a milky sap, such being particularly pleasing to N'gai. A decoction is sometimes made of these shrubs to be drunk in illness.

When we arrived at the homestead I was placed under the eaves of Munge's hut, and the sheep to be sacrificed placed vis-a-vis. Half a dozen notables were gathered closely around, Munge presiding, thus forming a curious and impressive group, with the animal in the centre. The women of the neighbouring huts pursued their usual occupations, paying little attention, and keeping at a respectful distance. A small calabash was brought, containing about a quart of n'johi (native beer). Munge poured about half a pint into a cup, drank, spat on the ground, and opening his blanket, spat also into his bosom ; all followed suit. Munge then filled his mouth with n'johi, and blew it over the sheep's head. The assistant in the ceremony did likewise, and a solemn prayer was offered in a low tone by Munge. Half a cup of n'johi was then formally poured over the sheep's head. This con- cluded the ceremony at the homestead.

A procession was then formed to the place of sacrifice. Of the articles required for its celebration the calabash con- taining the n'johi was carried first, the grass second, and the sheep brought up the rear, immediately preceded by the wood for the fire and the grid. This, it was explained, was the correct order. The ground was cleared around the sacred

• The names of the shrubs were : Mu-ku-yu, Mu-im-bai n'gu-ru, Mu-te- Mu-ta-li, Mu-gu-mu, Mu-ta-mai-u, Cho-cho, Mu-tha-qua.

PRELIMINARY PRAYER 231

tree by one of the N'jama, the remainder retiring into the shade at a short distance, and taking no part in the work.

All the N'jama and Munge then gathered together round the tree ; Munge stood with his face to the west, the assistant with his face to the east. Munge uttered a prayer, verse by verse, and at the end of each verse poured a small quantity of n'johi over the top of the tree and down its trunk. As he did so the others repeated the responses, and the assistant then went through the same procedure. During the prayer all stood with their hands held aloft.

The following is a translation of Munge's prayer : ^ —

" O God, accept this n'johi, for the white man has come to my homestead. If the white man becomes ill let him not be very ill nor his wife. The white man has come from his home through the waters ; he is a good man ; the people who work for him he treats well ; let them not argue with him. If the white man and his wife get ill, let them not be very ill, because I and the white man unite in a sacrifice to you. Let him not die, because to you we sacrifice an ex- cellent fat ram. The white man has come from afar to us, and has made an agreement with me to sacrifice to you. Wherever he may go let him not be very ill, because he is good and is exceedingly well-off, and I also am good and rich, and I and the white man are even as of one mother. God, a big sheep have I dedicated. The white man and his wife and I and my people go to sacrifice a sheep at the foot of a tree — a most valuable sheep. Let me not be very ill, for I have taught him how to sacrifice to you even as an M'kikuyu."

The branches previously gathered were then brought, and the sheep spread on its back and suffocated. The carcase

^ This was obtained by subsequently inducing the chief to repeat his prayer into a phonograph, and then having it translated.

232 SACRIFICE

was placed on a man's knee in a resting attitude, with its chest over the sacred branches, so that no blood should drop to the ground ; an incision was made down the neck as far as the breast bone. One of the operators next blew down the sheep's nostrils, and then the windpipe and great vessels were tied. Munge then drove his knife into its heart, and the blood was collected in a calabash.

The animal was now flayed, but the linear incision left an oval patch of skin attached to the breastbone. The carcase was carefully eviscerated and all the organs retained : undigested food was thrown away. A long strip of fat was carefully prepared to wrap round the tree, and a small quantity of fat enclosed in a leaf. The bulk of the fat and this piece in the leaf were put aside in the skin. Portions of the fat, the kidneys, and the heart were next cut up and mixed with the blood in the calabash, the clot being squeezed through the hands. A part of the contents of this calabash was then placed in the stomach, which was skewered and tied. The remainder was put in the ileum and secured in the same way, thus making a couple of haggis or black puddings. The rectum and its contents were tied, and carefully preserved. The eyes were removed from the orbit, great care being taken not to break them.

A big fire was made and allowed to burn down, and a large grid of the usual pattern erected over the embers. The meat was thus cooked, the head being roasted first and the lower jaw removed. At this stage my wife, who had so far been made welcome, was given a discreet hint to retire, as women are not permitted by custom to see men eat meat.

When the meat was ready it was carried to the precincts of the sacred tree, and. laid on the boughs. The company took their places in three groups. Adjoining the tree were Munge, myself, four N'jama, and two M'wan'gi ; all of these communicated by partaking of the meat, except one of the

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N'jama.^ Under another tree was a group of Kiama, of whom two partook of the sacred feast, the others did not. Beneath a third tree sat the Moran'ja ; they consumed n'johi, but no meat. Munge first wrapped the strip of fat, which had been preserved, round the root of the tree ; then, before begin- ning the feast, he took a joint, tore pieces from it with his teeth, spat them on the ground, spitting also into his left bosom. He subsequently placed a junk of meat at the foot of the tree, a,nd I did the same. Offering having thus been made to God, two joints were picked out and sent to the Kiama under the other tree, and all selected pieces for themselves. The morsels were held with the teeth, and cut with the sword or knife. All eating was done very slowly. Each man, as he ate, placed from time to time tit-bits on a pile in front of him beneath the tree ; these were the offerings made to God, and the remains of the joint were finally added to them. Finding the half-cooked meat somewhat unappetising and exceedingly tough, my own pile of dedicated morsels was considerably larger than that of my fellow- worshippers. The two black puddings contained in the stomach and ileum were dealt with last of all ; one was gnawed whole, the other divided into two pieces. The bulk of the fat meanwhile had been rendered down, and the solid portion of it was also added to the pile of consecrated rneat. One half of the second pudding was then placed on the south of the tree. The penis of the ram was laid to the north, the tip of the tail to the west, and the head to the east. The head was first placed to the west, but this being observed by Munge, he corrected it, and severely re- primanded those responsible. The shank bones were gnawed 'pro forma, and the thigh bones and other long bones split Avith a sword, and placed under the tree.

When the last remains of the sacrifice had been disposed

^ No man who has eaten sacred meat resumes marital relations the following •night.

30

234 CONCLUDING PRAYER

of, all rose to their feet, and held both hands aloft. Munge, facing west, took the liquid fat, and poured some in small quantities over and down the tree, between each outpouring offering a prayer. The assistant, who stood facing east, and myself, standing next to Munge, followed suit. Immediately the last of the fat was finished all lowered their arms and burst into song. Meanwhile the heavens, which early in the day were blue and clear, had been growing black with gather- ing clouds, and just as the ceremony concluded, these broke in lightning and thunder, bringing with them, as God's answer to our prayers, the much-needed rain. The participants once more formed in order, and recessed in the drenching storm, singing a hymn, and leaving their gifts at the altar. The ceremony concluded at 3.30, having lasted in all fiv& hours.

The following description of a sacrifice was given me on the occasion of my first visit to Kikuyu. It differs from that which I witnessed, but the account was given with great detail, and I think it will prove accurate when verified.

The ceremony was described as taking place at midnight. After the sheep is killed, the black pudding is, it was said, cooked first, and the principal old man takes it and proceeds with it to the foot of the sacred tree ; at the same time he takes with him a small calabash of gruel. He now places the meat offering on the ground, and pours out the gruel around, and then retires a short way into the darkness. N'gai, who has seen the fire being made in his grove, and watched the preparation of the sheep, now descends from heaven into his tree, and, when the old man places the offering on the ground and retires, then does God, like one of the semi-sacred monkeys, swing himself down the tree, eat up the food, and climb back again into its depths, where he may be heard moving amongst the branches.

The old man, after a discreet interval, returns to the tree

CEREMONIAL DRINKING FEAST 235

and makes his prayer to N'gai, and seeks direction as to future action. For this purpose he places his ear against the tree-trunk. N'gai having partaken of the offering, is pleased, and, from amongst the branches high up, replies in such a way that his words are conducted through the tree-trunk, as it were through a stethoscope, to the ear of his servant at the foot of the tree. The old man then returns to the fire and to his assistants, and reports that N'gai has duly partaken of the sacrifice, and has given certain instructions. The flesh on the gridiron is then eaten by the assembled party, and the pro- ceedings are at an end. For a woman or child, or any but the elect, even accidentally, to witness this ceremony, the penalty is death.

The Ceremonial Drinking op Native Beer (N'j6hi) AFTER Sacrifice to God (N'oaI)

The correct sequel to the solemn sacrifice to God is a gathering of those concerned two days later for the drinking of n'johi ; this also is a religious rite. The intervening day is occupied by the manufacture of the drink. When, in response to a summons, I ^ arrived at the homestead of Munge, I found the company already gathered inside one of the huts, and some of the women of the establishment assembled out- side under the eaves. Only the faintest glimmerings of light penetrated within the hut, and it was barely possible to dis- tinguish, even in outline, the circle of worshippers. Perfect silence and order reigned, while out of the darkness one voice after another arose in prayer. Amongst those who took part were Munge, the headman of the N'jama, and one of the Kiama. The company responded at intervals, " N'ga-na "

^ K. R. My husband was unfortunately obliged to be absent from the camp, and I was therefore the only white participant, being made in all respects welcome.

236 CEREMONIAL DRINKING FEAST

(Amen), and " Sa-i ! Sa-i ! " (Hear, hear !). The gathering in this way resembled precisely a dissenting prayer-meeting. The n'johi, contained in a metal cup, was passed around, given to me to drink, and to my Kikuyu attendant, and sent to the women without.

At this stage we all adjourned outside and sat under the shade of another hut in the compound ; there were then present six N'jama, two Kiama, one Moran'ja, the chieftain Munge, and myself. It was not apparently necessary that the persons participating in this service should be absolutely identical with those who had taken part in the sacrifice two days before. The leader of the N'jama poured out a drink offering, uttering a prayer, and letting a little of the liquor fall on the ground at the end of each sentence. More n'johi was drunk ; the wives were called up, and I was specially requested to perform the office of passing it to them. The vessel used for the liquor was first a horn and secondly a gourd.

The prayers were, I was told, all to the same effect. " That the clouds may give much rain, that our wives maybe fruitful, and no sickness may come near our children ; that our herds may wax fat and increase, and that our goods may be many." The same blessings were then courteously requested for the white man and his wife, and, with a perception of the situation which was almost pathetic, the petition added, " that the servants which they shall take unto them shall be filled with intelligence." God was reminded that He had been given a sheep two days ago, and asked to grant these requests.

SNAKE WORSHIP

In addition to what may be described as orthodox religion, there exist over many parts of German and British East Africa local societies of a semi-secret character. Little is known with regard to their rites and ceremonies, but it is certain that they have one point in common, namely, the worship of the snake. In Karuri's country there are two such societies. It has been estimated that about half of the population are adherents of this cult, which is known as Ai-twi-ka. Any outsider treating the subject with dis- respect is obhged to forfeit a sheep, in default of which he is severely beaten and his house burnt.

The worship of the snake has been twice celebrated by a great festival during the generation, which is now in middle life, and known as M'wan'-gi.^ The first festival was held in 1891. Preparation began for the second festival in September 1903. Houses of the ordinary description were built for the instruction of the neophytes, in all directions around the homestead of the chief tainess Wan'-go. The preparations took two years. Every hut was in charge of a senior, whose duty it was to instruct the neophytes in the mysteries. In each of these temples were two horns, which must be those of the animal N'don-go-ru. One of these horns was used daily during the two years' course of instruction, the other horn was reserved for the final festival. Some portion of every hut was sacred, and any one inadvertently touching it was fined. The part considered sacred was changed from time to time.

The snake, which is known as N'da-ma-thi-a, lives in the

1 See p. 9. i37

238 SNAKE WORSHIP

Ma-thi-oy-a River, and is described as " very big and long," It is in charge of a man named Mu-tha-ka. At the time of the festival oxen, sheep, and honey are brought to him, every little district providing its share. A portion of these are dedicated to the snake, the rest is reserved by the custodian for his own use. The honey is made into beer.

On the day of the sacrifice all of the generation younger than the M'wan'-gi, i.e. the Mu-i-run'-gu, stay in their houses. They must not look on their seniors. Should a Muirun'gu accidentally meet a M'wan''gi, he must instantly flee from him and hide. A procession is formed to the abode of the snake. The sacrifice, which consists of meat, bananas, beer, etc., is placed in a goat trough,^ and sent out on to the water. The horns are blown Avhen the snake is visible, and again when he has finished feeding. Those who blow the horns and feed him are held from behind to prevent their running away. As soon as the snake has become intoxicated, one man pulls out its hairs (sic) : these are used as charms. The ceremony concludes with singing. Secrecy is maintained, " because they say if we tell any man one word (about this affair) dying we will surely die."

The festival seems to be associated with the rainy season and appearance of the rainbow. It is considered to ensure plentiful rain, and to protect from various ills. The connection existing in the native mind between the rainbow and a snake is shown in various folk tales.-

Such is the information, for which we are primarily in- debted to Mr. McGregor, which we were able to obtain with regard to the worship of the snake. It would no doubt be possible by residing in the neighbourhood of the sacred snake itself, by becoming acquainted with those concerned, and by judicious inquiry, to discover much more. This was in our own case impossible.

1 PI. xl. p. 66a. 2 p^ 307.

CONCEPTION OF THE SOUL

The Akikuyu have a conception, vague but nevertheless existent, of spirit as distinct from body, and a personal sur- vival after death. Dr. Tylor ^ has felt it well to point out at some length that Europeans are apt to fall into error in too readily assuming that natives are without such ideas, while the fact may be that they have not grasped the object at which their interrogator is aiming. Our own experience was so much in point that it may be worth quoting. One of us had been talking as simply as possible to one of our retainers of what white men thought of a future existence, with the object, if possible, of eliciting his own views on the subject, but was met with bewildered astonishment on the part of our Kikuyu friend. " How could a man," he asked, " live with God if he was dead, and his body in the grave ? " The conclusion was jumped to that there was no answering chord to strike. The same boy afterwards gave consider- able information about the habits of N'go-ma, or the spirits of the dead. The right phraseology had not been hit upon.

To the Akikuyu the soul in life is the N'gor'o, or ego ; it is the expression of a man's individuahty, the breath of Ufe. It is also used as spirit, and in a metaphorical sense as heart. Hence it is also applied to the will ; if a man suddenly stabs another on the road, it is said that " it is his N'gor'o which goes bad." The N'gor'o ceases to exist with the demise of the body, but it does not, according to Kikuyu ideas, depart

1 See Prim. Cult., vol. i. p. 418, ed. 1903. 239

240 SPIRITS

during sleep nor trances, nor can it leave the body during sickness before the moment of death.

A man's spirit after death is termed N'goma. Mr. McGregor considered that on the disintegration of the body the N'goma is set free. According to our information it is not till a man's death that the N'goma comes into being. In reply to a question, " Where is my N'goma now ? " the answer was received, " It does not exist."

N'goma wander about, but especially affect the locality of a man's death, for instance, his hut, which is peculiarly unlucky to relatives. " You can hear the spirits," was one account ; " they come together from different places, and dance in the wilds and make a noise." According to another account, " Spirits make a whirring sound, they do not say words." A man's widow may be ill, and the Medicine-Man says it is because the spirit needs the sacrifice of a sheep. Again, " The spirit of a dead man comes and talks, to a man, say like me, and tells him that one wife has taken another wife's shamba." Asked, " Do you ever see the spirits ? " *' No, they are like God." Spirits cannot, in the Kikuyu mind, be beaten, shut up and let out of holes, though such ideas €xist at the coast. N'goma maybe bad or may be of neutral calibre, neither definitely good nor bad, but there is not neces- sarily any idea of future reward or punishment apportioned for conduct in this life. If a man has been bad during his life his N'goma wanders about after death, doing harm, pos- sessing living persons, and requiring offerings to keep it quiet. Men fight shy of a bad man's hut and fields after his death ; otherwise there is, it was said, no difference between the state of the good and bad. It seems to be thought that the rich will be better off than the poor after death, but it could not be explained how or why. There is no glorification of the warrior as among the Masai.

Almost every disease is caused by the action of a dis-

SPIRITS 241

satisfied or malignant spirit ; they act from without, but can also possess a man. The spirit of a father, it was ex- plained, who had died at Nairobi, might enter into a child at Nyeri, The Medicine-Man is called in, and interprets the spirit's desires — usually the need of an offering of fat. If the spirit of the departed is not satisfied, he will torment at night, with strange noises, him whose duty it is to make sacrifice, and will eventually drive him mad. The spirit of a murdered man needs particular consideration in these matters.

Drink-offerings are made to the N'goma as well as to N'gai. It is a little difficult at times to say for whom such sacrifices are intended. Possibly the distinction is not always clear to the worshippers. Just, however, as w^e say Grace before meals, a well-brought-up M'kikuyu spills a little of his drink before he takes any himself. It is interesting to compare this with the custom referred to by Omar Khayyam when he says :

" And not a drop that from our cup we tlirow For earth to drink of, but may steal below To quench the fire of anguish in some eye There hidden — far beneath, and long ago."

The N'goma is also at times invoked to work mischief. Thus the father of a boy who had become Christian, and who refused to conform to the rite of circumcision, declared his intention of going and sacrificing to the spirit, that his son might go and die immediately. There is also a modified belief in the transmigration of souls, for, in addition to the spirits which move about freely, there are some which have passed into particular forms of animal life. Amongst these is a certain caterpillar, " ta-tu," and if one appears in the house it is said that " an N'goma has come." A ta-tu caterpillar once crawled into the tent, a fat green object of about two inches long. There was such great energy shown on the part

242 SPIRITS

of the natives in immediately getting rid of it, that unfor- tunately we failed to secure the specimen.

Hyenas also contain N'goma. If one of them comes inside the homestead and drops excrement, three or four of the Kiama of the district are sent for. They kill a goat, mix its excrement with that of the hyena, and remove them both. The N'goma also reside in the hun-gu or kite, and in each and every one of these birds is a spirit. Asked what would happen if one of them was killed, confidence seemed to exist that there were plenty more into which the spirit could go. There are also superstitions connected with the mongoose. Accord- ing to some accounts this contains a spirit, according to others it does not, but means instead good luck, and that much food will come the way of the traveller who meets one. If a snake appears in fields it is unlucky, and if one of any size crosses a man's path on a journey, he will go back.

N'goma reside in the sacred Mu-gti-mu tree. Such is often situated at a ford, and before crossing the river a handful of grass should be placed in some crevice in its trunk, and a little food and drink should be thrown on the ground before crossing a bridge. When passing an elephant's skull a handful of leaves should be crammed into it.

N'goma of some description can also inhabit a house. Such a spirit dwells in the fire, his eye is all seeing, and he observes each good and bad act. If a man enters an empty hut in order to steal, the N'goma will spring out of the fire and sufEocate him by placing his hand over his mouth and nostrils, and the returning owner will find the would-be thief dead on the floor. Retribution can only be avoided by seizing a sheep, splitting its chest open, and pouring out its blood. A spirit or spirits are also said to administer justice with regard to another species of crime. The N'goma may see the deed, and the offender become sick and die.^

1 See p. 22G.

THE ABODE OF THE DEAD 243

Whether all these last forms of N'goma are definitely connected in the native mind with the ghosts of the dead, I am unable to say.

While some of the spirits of the departed move about freely, and others have passed into animals, or possibly else- where, there is also a dwelling-place of the dead, Mi-i-ri-niya Mi-kon-go-i. According to the description of one informant it resembles Hades in being the abode of the departed, irre- spective of moral or other considerations. It is more especially looked upon as the residence of the dead of bygone generations, and is a place from which spirits cannot emerge, and where it is dark, but nothing more could be extracted from this man about its locality or condition. The question, " When I die, shall I go to Mi-i-ri-niya Mi-kon-go-i ? " was answered in the affirmative, but no information could be gathered as to whether that would or would not be immediately after death. Further questions elicited the very pertinent reply, " How can I, a living man, tell you about the dead ? "

The following account was, however, given by one of our native friends during a late vigil round the camp-fire. It shows not only the belief in an under-world, but that by some, at any rate, the spirits who dwell there are considered to be of a character other than beneficent. The conversation dates from pre-missionary days, " There is," this young man said, " no God of evil, but there is a dwelling-place where live a vast number of bad spirits, men, women, and children. These possess many cattle, sheep, and goats. It is terribly cold there, and its inhabitants have no clothes except a scrap of skin the size of the palm of the hand, which they place over their faces when they sleep. To approach a fire is for them an absolute impossibihty," These assertions he supported by the following somewhat singular tale : —

" A friend of my brother's was once keeping guard at night over his crops of maize, which were then almost ripe. He was

244 THE UNDER WORLD

armed as usual with a spear and sword. At one o'clock in the morning he saw a porcupine doing terrible damage. He threw his spear from a distance and transfixed it. The porcu- pine retreated into the high grass and the man pursued it, for his spear remained in the animal. The porcupine went down a big burrow, and he followed. The burrow extended an immense length. Eventually it opened out, and the man found himself among the bad people, men, women, and children. They were in number like the grass. He also saw many cattle, goats, and sheep, but it was very cold. The bad people said to him, " Why have you come here ? " and they seized him, and bound his arms and kept him many years. One day, however, he saw a great hole at the foot of a big tree, so he made an excuse to retire, and went under the tree, and jumped into the hole and ran down it. The bad people followed him. The hole extended for an immense distance, going first up and then down, like a path across a mountainous country. The man ran and ran till he came to a fire, and then the bad people could not seize him. So he came back to the place where my brother lives. And all the people came together, and he told them all these things that had happened to him. I was then a small boy. I saw the man and heard his words. Three days from the time when he spoke he was dead."

It will be observed that in the first of the recorded folk tales the heroine also descends to the nether world. ^

1 See p. 287.

MORALS

While it has been seen that the Akikuyu do not always consider that existence after death can be affected by behaviour in this Ufe, it would be an entire error to suppose that they have no standard of conduct. They have, on the contrary, a very definite traditional code of morals inculcated by authority. This is shown by the following, received from three different Kikuyu sources. "God lives on Kenya. He says, ' Thou shalt not strike thy father, thou shalt not strike thy mother.' These words were not said by the Medicine- Man, they were said by God a long time ago, my father told me. I was taught by my father not to steal, and his father before had taught him ; but some people have not been taught by God, and for them it is not wrong to steal." The next testi- mony is to the same effect, " God said, ' Thou shalt not kill a man with a spear.' He said to children like this boy (a child of some twelve years), ' Don't disobey your mother.' He said, ' Don't steal ; don't say, I would like some one else's things, like this tent ; nor some one else's wife, like you ; that is very bad.' " Question, " Do the missionaries say all this 1 " Answer, " They say half, but their words are words of fool- ishness. These are the words my father taught me." The third code is short and to the point, though the authority given is somewhat different. " Do not kill, do not steal, do not take food out of other people's fields. These are not the words of God, they are the words of the old men." The pro- hibition to kill must be taken with reservations. The M'kikuyu just quoted gave it as his opinion that it would be wrong to

245

246 MORALS

murder a guest if he were of his own tribe, but not if he were a stranger. On the other hand, if any stranger is attacked in your house, then his quarrel becomes your quarrel.

The injunction not to steal is obeyed, and the Akikuyu are as a nation particularly honest. The duty of respect for seniors is also very fully regarded.

With regard to other virtues not in the accompanying list, Truth-telling is not necessarily looked upon as an obligation.

The virtue of Hospitality is practised as a duty, or by force of custom in the case of immediate relatives and clansmen ; anything beyond this is a matter of expediency only.

Europeans frequently comment on the generosity shown by the Akikuyu as compared with other African tribes, in the supplies of food voluntarily brought into the travellers' camp. This custom rises from mutual convenience, and the man who accepts such gifts to-day in a strange country would be ex- pected to acknowledge the obligation in kind when his host returned the visit.

The practice in Kikuyu, amongst friends, is that when a rich man who is on a journey puts up for the night at the homestead of another wealthy person, his host gives him a hut, a fat sheep to kill for himself, another for his retainers, and a quantity of gruel and vegetable foods. For a chief to fail to send a sheep as a present to a passing stranger of importance would be tantamount to an open expression of hostility. A portion of the meat of the sheep, that is killed for his own use, the visitor should return to the donor, for the latter's own even- ing meal. Its skin he must send to the mother of his host : the messenger, too, is somebody of importance, or he would not have been sent. He should have a small piece of meat given to him. This etiquette Europeans will do well to bear in mind.

The visitor when leaving is not expected to make any return for the entertainment afforded to him and his men,

HOSPITALITY 247

but when his host of to-day presently comes to his dwelling, custom requires, as has been said, that he shall not be less generous. A well-ordered head residence, or camp, of a Euro- pean ought always to have ready a guest hut, with a supply of firewood and cooking pots belonging to it, in order to be able to provide for the comfort of any native visitor of importance, in a dignified fashion, by merely giving a few words of direction. Natives notice these little things. Those who receive hospitality from natives, whether travellers or officials, and who are not likely to have an opportunity of returning it, should, of course, at once discharge the obligation in either money or goods, otherwise visits, and more especially the constant visits of officials, become very onerous.

When asking a favour of any kind, a present, however trifiing, is sent. So, too, when sending a message, it is con- sidered gracious to accompany it with some Httle gift.

The Akikuyu, however, acknowledge no moral or customary obligation to befriend the poor or the stranger, or to protect the life and property of the guest, except under circumstances to which allusion has been made. Xapcra<i is a word the sig- nification of which is unknown to the black, and too frequently also to the white in British East Africa. To the M'kikuyu the fact that the stranger has eaten his food and is sleeping in his hut is no sufiicient reason why he should not murder him, if for any reason such a course seems desirable. Conversely, the stranger who has sought and been accorded hospitality feels himself under no moral obligation to refrain from treacherously taking the life of his host.

Most callous instances may be witnessed of refusal of hospitality where it is not enforced by custom, and where there is nothing to be gained from its exercise. One of us came across a man, old, poor, and ill, sitting in the wilds by a little fire, which he had approached so near in the endeavour to keep himself warm that he had burned himself most terribly.

248 MORALS

His back was placed in a hollow tree to guard, if possible, from the attacks of the hyenas, a calabash of water was near him, but no food. The natives, when remonstrated with, replied, that " the man was a stranger, and that he could do nothing for them, either of good or harm," A similar case also occurred at Nyeri, where an old woman was allowed to starve to death because she was old, friendless, and a stranger. It must be borne in mind, as some measure of excuse, that there is a great horror of the defilement which occurs through death in a hut, and that the fear exists in such cases of being accused of poison.

Bravery is not esteemed in the same manner as amongst some other tribes.

Cases of Suicide occur, though not frequently, the Medicine- Man being the usual refuge in distress. It will be noticed in one of the folk tales that the hero kills himself when his supernatural benefactor is slain. ^ The causes are generally poverty, or desertion by friends ; the methods are hanging, drowning, and stabbing. The practice is, however, regarded as reprehensible, " very bad." If a man saw his friend hanging he would cut him down, but instances might occur where a man who had done wrong would be poisoned by his friends, acting without his consent, rather than he should be punished by others.

An instance is given in the Church Missionary Review for 1906 in which both parents endeavoured to commit suicide when their eldest son refused to conform to tribal practices. The father tried to stab himself and the mother twice attempted to kill herself by hanging.

1 See p. 320.

O

CN

o

I "^

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248 b

THE MEDICINE-MAN

The Mun'-du Mti-gu, or Man of God/ combining as he does in his own person the functions of magician, medical practitioner, prophet, and in some sense priest, is a personage who enters largely into Kikuyu life. By his peculiar knowledge he can ascertain the decrees of destiny, and advise how they may best be deflected. He has the gift of second sight, and is warned in dreams of events about to take place. He is com- petent to explain the causes of all misfortune, particularly in regard to matters whereby the anger of the spirits has been roused, and^he alone can prescribe the rites requisite to appease it. Nevertheless, the M'kiku3ru cannot be said to be priest-ridden, for he I seeks the aid of the Medicine- Man of his own accord.' To him he certainly turns in most troubles which beset him in this present life, but he does not regard him as an intermediary between God and man, whose ' agency is essential if happiness after death is to be attained^

A Medicine-Man is not a public officer, nor does he occupy an official position connected with his special gifts. At public deUberations and ceremonies he will, of course, generally be found ; but only on the ground that he is a duly qualified elder. When he appears at such in the capacity of a prophet, he does so either of his own initiative, or in compliance with a generally expressed sentiment that divine direction should be obtained in reference to the subject in hand.

Every valley or petty district has its Medicine-Man. At a guess we may say that these " doctors," to use the expression

^ Mr. McGregor tells me that the literal translation of Mun-dii Mu-gu is " a clever man."

Ogi, abstract noun = cuteness, cleverness.

Mundu Mugi or Mundu Mogi = a clever man, a skilfiil man, a wise man.

This, however, to my mind, scarcely represents the idea conveyed. The word .Mugu is used in connection with the tree that is held sacred— Muti Mugn.

32

V

250 THE MEDICINE-MAN

in the widest sense of the word, represent about five per thousand of the total population.

The reputation and prestige enjoyed by different Medicine- Men varies greatly, but the sum of their individual and collective powers in the land is very great. \ No man otherwise than intelligent would attempt to enter the profession, and if he did he would be refused.!

I The calling is not necessarily a hereditary one, nor does it seem to be associated with the accumulation of great wealth ;/ influence and a substantial competency appear to be its general reward. The expense to an M'kikuyu of medical treat- ment is great, but this results from the number of goats re- quired to be slain, as much as from the fee demanded b^^ the practitioner. In one case the Medicine-Man directed that three goats should be killed, but refused a fee, as " the patient would not recover."

The Medicine-Man is essentially a specialist, not however in a disease, but in a medicine for a disease. Certain men deal in certain medicines. Kikuyu custom is not to buy a practice, but to pay a professional brother a price for the privilege of acquiring his knowledge of the rites and materials requisite for the working of a particular charm. Certain medicines are sometimes, however, heirlooms, and where this is the case the family concerned may often be found to have risen to wealth and influence. Ra-zi-mi, the father of the chief named N'du-i-ni, himself one of the profession, stated that his clan possessed a medicine known only to him and to one other old man, a relation. This charm afforded protection from lions and from harm in war. The object of other medicines is scarcely so innocent ; these are dealt with under Witchcraft.

It is difficult for us to realise the mental attitude of these soothsayers, but my impression of them, derived from many talks, and from having been present at various ceremonies, is that they act in good faith, fully believing in the efficacy of their rites and medicines. The simple native mind does not

THE MEDICINE-MAN 251

trouble itself with theological reasoning. It is the ritual, and the act of worship, which appeal to it, the form of the prayer that to it seems essential. Beyond that it does not go.

THE INITIATION OF THE MEDICINE-MAN

The Akikuyu say, in reply to inquiries, for otherwise these matters are never alluded to, that the Man of God bfecomes such inVobedience to a direct " call.'! One Mun'-du Mu-gu informed us that when he was a young man he had been taken ill, and that the Medicine-Man, then called in to treat him, had said that he saw that something in his patient which indicated that he too was destined to become a Medicine-Man.

\ Usually, however, there is neither previous training nor prompting from withoutj We were told by laymen that he that is called finds that j God (N'gai) makes him dream, time after time, that he is a Mun'-du Mu-gu : he has visions of people coming to him leading a goat for sacrifice : he has revealed to him in sleep events that presently come to pass, such as the murder of a man or the drowning of an ox. As one old man said, in reply to the question as to whether the profession was hereditary or not, '1 A father may teach, but it is God who chooses the Medicine-Man. He talks to him in^ the night : it comes into his head.]'

Eventually he imparts these premonitions to his wife and friends, and all men see that God has marked him out. Should he resist the call, God becomes angry, and sends him mis- fortunes as a punishment for contumacy : the children and goats die, and the inhabitants of the village become ill. His friends and neighbours are therefore prepared to hear that he is taking steps to be received.

The first step of the candidate, who is probably a man in late middle life, is to spend a night alone in the woods, a thing no M'kikuyu does Avillingly. He then returns to his house and takes a he-goat (n'sen'-gi) and goes to the homestead of

252 THE MEDICINE-MAN

the old prophet in whose hands he has decided to place him- self. The occasion requires that the he-goat shall be either all black or all white : one single white hair or one single black hair, according to the case, would render the creature blem- ished : to pluck out any hairs that disqualify the animal would be impious. The goat, too, must not have been a member of the flock of the postulant. It must either have been given to him by friends or purchased by him of strangers. Such is the animal he brings to his sponsor for approval, who then says, " Go away, and return the day after to-morrow." When he has gone, the prophet goes into the fallow land, that is, into the "portion of the goats," and selects a special kind of bush. He cuts this down, and from it he takes a small piece : a bit of the root, or a bit of the trunk, and brings the morsel home. This mystic piece is eventually given to the neophyte in the course of his initiation, and will be found, when he is dead, on the site of his down-thrown hut.

On the day appointed the future Medicine-Man goes to the home of his Mentor. There are assembled all his friends and relations, the population generally, and in particular the whole body of Medicine-Men of the district. His wife has pre- pared a large supply of drink (n'johi), his closest friends bring presents of skins of sheep and goats, and all bring giftsof food of different sorts, and of the universal beverage called mu-thor'-a, a form of w atery gruel : for the admission of a man into the fold of the initiate is made the occasion of a popular festival.

His initiation into the mysteries associated with certain medicines, and into the art of divination by numbers, is a public ceremony.

Early in the proceedings he takes the flawless goat into his bosom, and wades into shallow water accompanied by a small boy. Then, resting on the goat, and with his head entirely under water, he grasps two handfuls of stones. These stones form the nucleus of a collection of counters (m'be-gu, literally " seeds ") that are kept in his lot-gourd (m'wa-no).

INITIATION 253

Emerging from the river, he makes his way back to the village. In so doing it is arranged that he shall pass a tree of the kind known as m'li-ge-ri. Going up to the foot of it, he takes the right leg of the goat in his hand and, with the hoof, scrapes the trunk of the tree. This is then cut down by the assembled doctors, and a small piece placed in the neophyte's m'wa-no.

Arrived at the homestead of his tutor, the future doctor is handed five gourds (m'boo-thu), straight and narrow like pi. cxxvii. p. a cucumber, every one about ten inches long. They each contain a different drug. They are stoppered with banana leaves for the present.

The first gourd contains ru-s'Cc-ku. This medicine is essential for ceremonial purification, after defilement due to being cursed by others. By partaking of it strangers are disposed in your favour. Your words are listened to. A little is placed on the tip of the tongue, and also inside the ear.

The second gourd contains gon'-du, a cure for sterility.

The third gourd contains u'-mu, an antidote for poison.

The fourth gourd contains u-then'-gi. (?)

The fifth gourd contains i'-ra, a white powder like pre- cipitated chalk. It is employed to mark different specific points on the body in many Kikuyu ceremonies.^

He is also given by his tutor the m'wa-no, or lot-gourd. Pi. cxxvii. p. This is about fifteen inches high, as thick round as the upper arm, with a graceful narrow neck in its upper five inches.

In the presence of all the Faculty he is formally instructed, and the populace and friends, at a respectful distance, watch the proceedings.

The he-goat is now killed. It is first suffocated, then its throat is cut and the blood collected into a calabash, whence presently it is poured into the stomach, which, with the rest

1 " It is a diatomaceous earth mixed with a large amount of the carbonatea of lime and magnesia. Pure diatomaceous earth consists of the skeletons of small organisms called diatoms." — Report by Mr. W. F. P. M'Lintock, Assistant Curator, Geological Museum, 9th June 1909, on specimen submitted to him.

254 THE MEDICINE-MAN

of the flesh, is partially cooked on a large grid of green sticks, which is arranged over a mass of glowing embers.^ The half- cooked meat is partaken of by the Medicine-Men. Collars made of the skin of the right leg of the goat are placed around the necks of the five medicine gourds, and around that of the lot-gourd.

I once went to the late home of a deceased Medicine-Man. The spot had been deserted and the hut intentionally thrown down, but there, placed beside it, were his medicine gourds, with their cowtail stoppers, and his lot-gourd with its leather cap, and varied contents, each with its mystic collar of goat skin around the neck.

The Medicine-Men present have brought their lot-gourds. Each empties his m'wa-no on a skin apart from his fellows. The neophyte then comes and grasps a handful from one pile. His wife follows him and does likewise. With the two hand- fuls of counters thus obtained lots are cast to foretell his professional career. Finally, the contents so grasped are added to those already in the neophyte's m'wa-no.

Custom requires that the medicine gourds and the lot- gourd of the newly received Medicine-Man shall at first be stoppered with banana leaves, but next day, or later, he replaces them v/ith tips of cows' tails (ge-chi-si). The long hair of these form brushes for the application of the medicines, when it is impossible to obtain the correct plants to form brushes with. A curse has to be brushed off.

The old practitioner — the guide, philosopher, and friend of our newly received Mun'-du Mu-gu — receives nine skins of goat or sheep, and one female sheep, for his services. Each other practitioner present has one skin given to him.

Irregular practitioners are poisoned.

The foregoing account was given to me ^ by a Medicine-Man in the neighbourhood of the chief Wombugu, on the Gour'-ra River in 1908, and was confirmed from other sources. I have,

^ A full description of the method of preparing a sacrifice is given on p. 51.

AVOCATIONS 255

however, never been present at the ceremony of the initiation of a Mun'-du Mu-gu.

AVOCATIONS OF THE MEDICINE-MAN

I^The status and functions of Medicine-Men vary/ A few aspire to a position which is transcendental and of pecuHar authority. A Medicine-Man of special pre-eminence may be at times translated bodily, returning subsequently to earth. f The information now given is reproduced in the form it was received. "If a man is a great Medicine-Man, God takes him up and he is not on earth, and sees God, and, after a few days, comes back. There was one such who lived near Munge's. He went away for two or three days and was with God, but no one asked him what God said to him ; they would be afraid." j

The following is from another source and district. " One man was on his bed. God came down like a wind " (illus- trating by gesture) " and took him up, and he saw God and heard his words. He died when I " (the speaker) " was a child. God gave him some corn in a gourd and told him to plant it ; he told the Akikuyu not to fight, and to live in peace." Whom were they not to fight : one another or the Masai ? " The Masai. He said that a plague of insects would come, and it did."

In the Fort Smith district before 1897, a native prophet named Ki-shu-ro went away with a friend to sleep in a native hut ; it was given out that he went up through a hole in the roof and came back in three days' time in a thunder-clap, with stripes on his back.

In the Me-tu-me district, a little prior to 1898, a woman, Nya-kai-ro, giving herself out to be the wife of God, was also said to have been translated.

Both of these persons founded cults which lasted for about ten years. They taught no distinctive doctrines.^

1 W. S. R.

• I am indebted to Mr. McGregor, C.M.S., for these two instances.

256 THE MEDICINE-MAN

Such men as these are, however, the exceptions. The usual avocations of a Medicine-Man may be — for want of a better classification — placed under three heads : —

(a) He is able to purify from ceremonial defilement.

(6) He has the power of divination through the casting of lots.

(c) He can influence events by the manufacture of charms, which either protect from evil or bring it about.

In addition to and combined with the above he practises as an ordinary medical man.

(a) Ceremonial Purification

The Akikuyu have little or no conception of sin in our sense of the word. They have a moral code, but impurity is incurred, not by its transgression, but through certain acts or accidents, some of them inevitable in the ordinary course of nature. The ideas connected with this ceremonial unclean- ness are familiar to all readers of Leviticus. Defilement may also be brought about by means of witchcraft, or by defiaflLce of a parent's dying instructions. Where such defile- ment has resulted, purification is necessary, either of the person or of the homestead, or of both. For this^ in the_££ayer instances, it is necessary to secure the services of the Medicine- Man, and it is in his character of a cleanser from sin that his priestly character in some sense appears. But even in this department some of the lesser and more ordinary cases needing purification can be properly dealt with, not only by the Medicine-Man, but by the elders.

Tha-hu, or ceremonial uncleanness,^ is incurred under the following circumstances : —

1. By stepping over a corpse.

2. By touching a corpse.

^ The word thfi-hu is used for ceremonial uncleanness and for illness resulting therefrom. It is not apparently employed in any other sense.

Pl. CXXVII

" Medicine " Gourds

1. A long narrow gourd with a stopper formed from a cow's tail. The "medicine" contained in it would be some form of dry powder.

2. A gourd of dif- ferent shape similarly stoppered. This is the Lot Gourd. It con- tains a variety of pebbles, seeds, and various small objects which are used as counters.

3. The leather bag in which the " medi- cine" gourds are gene- rally carried from place to place.

256 a

CEREMONIAL UNCLEANNESS 257

3. By stepping on the skull or bones of a relative.

4. By digging a grave.

5. By touching poison (u-ro-gi).

6. By stealing from a medicine-protected garden.