Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, Volume 1
INTRODUCTION (Environment)
Onk of the most important of th il aspects of the Malay
Peninsula (winch we may take as running fi »m Tavoy to Singapore)
i| its shape, which is that of a Kin.; nocked bottle 01 an Indian dub,
narrow towards the upper extremity, bulging at the centre, and tapering again at the lower extremity, The neck of the bottle or club at
LtS narrowest point in the north (the Isthmus of Kraw) measures but thirty live miles from sea to sea ; at its broadest (the belly of the bottle), it is still under two hundred miles across ; hence, in spite of its great length of roughly about a thousand miles from north to south, there is no spot, even in the far interior of the Peninsula, which is as much as a hundred miles from the sea. The result is that the Malay Peninsula, though distinctly forming a part of the Asiatic mainland, takes on the characteristics of an island rather than those of the continent to which it incidentally coheres, and in most respects should be properly regarded as forming an integral part of the Malay Archipelago. Regarded from another aspect, the Malay Peninsula is at once a causeway of colossal proportions, and a breakwater. In the former capacity it connects the land forms of the fauna and the flora (and even the geological strata) of the Asiatic mainland with forms occurring in the islands of the Malayan Archipelago, with several of which, including Rio and Lingga, Banka, Billiton, and Sumatra, it is known to have been once geologically connected. In the latter, it deflects what might be the normal course of the trade of the Far East, some hundreds of miles to the south-eastward, towards the equator and the cluster of great tropical islands of which the Malay Archipelago consists. The actual course of trade therefore follows the coast-line of the Malay Peninsula through the Straits by way of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore, the first and last of which certainly appear to be as convenient spots for vessels proceeding by this route as any that could have been chosen. At the same time the descriptions of the ancient glories of Malacca, even if we allow for considerable exaggeration on the part of the chroniclers, leave no doubt as to the reality of its former importance, and but for the silting up of its harbour there appears but little reason why the former Queen of those seas should now sit brooding over her ancient fame. But apart from these three ports, which, after all, VOL. I B
INTRODUCTION
are to a great extent more of the nature of ports of call than termini, and apart, too, from the fast-growing commercial importance of the Federated Malay States, by far the greater portion of the Peninsula is still much cut off from the world, and knows as little of it as, to quote the homely Malay simile, the " frog under a coconut-shell." Hence, in spite of the recent great developments both of planting and mining, perhaps two-thirds of the entire country is still " unopened," and remains covered with the tropical growth of centuries, forced to its utmost development by the hot and humid climate resulting from its insular character and equatorial position.
With regard to the character of the country itself, a glance at the map will showr that the backbone of the Peninsula consists of a range, or rather system of ranges, the source of the innumerable small rivers and streams which drain and irrigate the country from end to end, and the chief of which give their names to the several States of Kedah, Perak, and Selangor on the west coast, to Patani, Kelantan, and Trengganu on the east, and to Johor at the southernmost extremity. The hills, which are steep and savage, being clad with jungle to the very sky-line, terminate in not a few places in rugged and precipitous peaks, several of the highest of which are upwards of 7000 to 8000 feet high. Their formation is chiefly of a granitic character, with quartz and quartzose veins, wrhich on decomposition yield the extensive stanniferous, and to a minor extent auriferous deposits that have been worked with such conspicuous success in the alluvial plains. It is chiefly on the foothills, where these are unoccupied, that the wild aborigines make their home. They are, however, also found in small scattered communities on the hills of the main ranges, up to a height of even 3000 feet and more. Though caves are fairly common, especially in isolated limestone masses in the northern part of the Peninsula, the aborigines do not as a rule frequent these, preferring the rock-shelters, which are not infrequently the haunt of the Semang. The alluvial land, which lies at the foot of the hills and in stretches along the coast, has every appearance of having been formerly covered by the sea, and indeed in this respect the observations of science are at one with aboriginal tradition, which asserts that the sea in former times washed right up to the base of the mountains. The alteration of the coast-line itself is continuous and extraordinarily rapid. On the eastern coast, which is subject to an annual bombardment from the rollers of the China Sea, hurled against it by the full sledge-hammer force of the north-easterly monsoon, the fierce tides that race up and down the coast are continually forming long, narrow bars of sand parallel to the coast, each end of which keeps growing till it reaches a point at which the coast-line curves to meet it, when a narrow mouth perhaps is all that is left. The result is an extraordinary phenomenon like the Inland Sea of Singora, which has
/ NV1R0N Ml
been formed exact]} in the mannei described, and measun i about sixty miles in length by about twenty in the broadesl pan ; the u] pari "i ii is fresh watei and the lowei part alt, and in motl parti ii is 10 shallow as to be difficult of navigation, except foi the nat canoes 01 boats specially constructed. The Cape ol Patani is another example ol oneoi these long landy peninsulas. It mi about four miles in length.
The western coast is protected from the full force ol the southwestern monsoon by the Island of Sumatra, whi< h forms a natural breakwater, and gives to the Straits ol Malacca the character ol i vast river or lake. With every tide the straits fill from the open sea, the tides rising to a height ol between twenty and thirty feet
Here and there, at intervals along the western (oast, <.-. for many miles along the CO&St of the Malacca I hstrict, as well as at the northern and southern extremities of the coast-line of Selangor, extend magnificent expanses Of sandy beach, fringed here and there by coconut palms, but more generally by what looks at first sight something like a row of larches, in reality the Casuarina% or "sheoak " tree of Australia. Here, more especially on the shore of Kuala Langat, their favourite haunt, wander from time to time rare scattered parties of the Sea-Jakun, the women fishing for the small fry in the hot and shallow waters, the men spearing razorshells, or digging out mussels with a quick twist of their jungle-knife from among the roots of the " api-api " trees, or collecting cockles and other bivalves whose tracks and haunts revealed themselves to the initiated eye alone in the bright and smoking sands.
In spite of these and other most welcome breaks in the monotony of the mangrove, however, there is less open coast on this side of the Peninsula than there is on the eastern, and almost anywhere the serried ranks of mangrove trees can be seen, working their way out from the river-mouths into the sea, their network of prong- like roots checking the dispersion of the soil continually eroded and carried down by the wash of the tidal rivers, and building it up with continual accretions and by sensible gradations into higher and firmer banks. One of the chief causes of this alteration of the coast-line, which although it is gaining on the sea in places, is in others losing ground writh equal rapidity, is undoubtedly the velocity of the tides and the continual alteration in the set of the marine currents. For the alteration of the geographical character of the interior, however, the chief factor is undoubtedly the climate, which has a temperature varying from about 68c to a little above 900 in the shade in the plains, and the torrential rainfall (varying from about 90 inches to 130 inches per annum) — a combination which naturally tends to turn the greater part of the country into a forcing-house calculated to promote the most rapid development conceivable of every form of vegetation.
INTRODUCTION
What is this vegetation like, and what is its effect upon the various forms of life that depend upon it ? This is a question which has been answered in many different ways, in accordance with the temperament of the questioner. To one the very name of the tropical jungle implies something horrible, haunting, monstrous, the oppressive darkness of a perpetual smothering gloom, teeming with pestiferous disease and death. To another it implies everything luxuriant, gorgeous, glowingly beautiful, a feast of form and colour ; to a third it brings the absorbing interest which attends every fresh self-revelation of nature, every new half-glimpse into the region of her awful mysteries. At all events the jungle is not, when taken as a whole, a sort of improved botanical or zoological garden. Its trees (even the largest) are not invariably curtained about and festooned with a fantastically twisted network of serpentine creepers and parasites, nor is it even invariably difficult to penetrate. Brilliant plumaged birds and butterflies of all the hues of the rainbow do not flit in myriads from tree to tree. No carpet of the choicest and gayest hot-house flowers is spread under foot. On the other hand, the country is not a mere collection of malarial swamps, exhaling mephitic and poisonous vapours ; there is not at least one tiger behind every tree, at least one snake in every clump of grass. Splendours such as we read of are certainly not wanting, and their beauty is not exaggerated, but their occurrence is occasional, sporadic, isolated, and irregular, and hence (but for the rare exception of a chance encounter with a wild beast) they come upon the traveller with the sense of a delightful surprise and relief which may occur at any moment, and which is never long absent. But the colour scheme of it is on the whole sombre, and even monotonous, with rare splashes of bright colour, usually from some gaily-marked treestem, or from light shining through an opening in the forest. It is on the topmost branches that the flowers, buds, fruits are generally displayed, and therefore the butterflies and the birds congregate ; it is but rarely that these can be seen from below, though in the underwood and brushwood the case is often different. The most densely matted, and as a rule the gayest, part of the jungle is always at the edge of a clearing or along the banks of the rivers. In such places and in the underwood it is often all but impenetrable, and if a mile a day be taken for the cutting of a jungle-trace, it may be put down as very good progress. But throughout by far the greater part of the Peninsula no great trouble will be experienced in penetrating the undergrowth, if the approved method be adopted of following the Malay forest-paths, which are often those of wild beasts, and of the races of which we write, who are scarcely less wild than they.
The tropical vegetation of the Peninsula is of many kinds, and each region (whatever its area) has its own often highly specialised character. Inland the deep primeval or virgin forest (" rimba "), the
/ VVIRONMENT 5
underwood w "sa ondary growth' ("bfclu rally th<
abandoned plantationi ol rice oi othei products, the bamboo inn
the " mahang M-tree swamp, the tamarisks and the iubtropi<
tion oi the highest mountain peak , the "dusun 01 half-wild fi
on hard of the abori rim a m ith its ton durian I
with their great green globes ol prickly fruit, that look fox .'ill the
world like Brobdingnagian chestnuts, and the less stately, but not ■
welcome fruit trees that cluster to eth< r about the durian'i foot,
mangostin, the "rambutan" with the blood-red hairy fruit-clusters
that give it its name, the smooth white < reamy "1 the "rambai,"
"duku," mango, jack, and many others), the low scrub or brushwood
("s£makM), the man-rove BWamp and the sandy stretches along the sea-coast that are fringed by the ( 'asuarinOy one and all have their own distinctive herbs and plants and to some extent their distinctive fauna The same remark may in fact be made of the relatively small area where the jungle lias been completely outrooted and killed, such as that in the neighbourhood of deserted tin-mines, to which the heaped-up overburden gives the air of a burial-place of giants, the Malacca hills, where tapioca once flourished, now clad with tall jungle-grass, the wide rice-plains of Kedah and Perak and Province YVellesley, and the pasture- lands kept for the ploughbuffaloes in and near the villages of the rice-cultivators themselves.
One and all of these regions reveal emphatically the working of the law of development in correspondence with environment. In the deep forest, for instance, where the vast tree-trunks, impelled by the universal struggle for light and life, rise to about four times the height of our ordinary English oaks, the eye is at once attracted by the fact that so many stems rise bare and branchless for a hundred feet (and upwards) from the soil. These are most frequently, perhaps, the hardwood timber-trees that depend upon the depth of their roots for safe anchorage against the tropical tempests. Others, whose roots strike less deeply, or which for some special reason require additional support, are buttressed about with huge " struts " (the bane of the woodcutter), that taper and converge upwards continuously till they merge in the mighty bole at a height of some twelve yards or more from the tree-foot. In either case the branches, flowers, and fruit are mostly developed as near the crown of the tree as may be, since it is there, and there only, that they can obtain the necessary amount of air and light and warmth, and even of rain, that they require for their self-nourishment. The rush of the trees towards the light, in fact, is a struggle for life, a contest a ontrance^ in which the defeated have scant chance of surviving, for beneath the thick branch-canopy of the big jungle there is dim twilight even at broad noontide. This life-and-death struggle, moreover, produces yet greater modifications in the structure of plants other than trees ; it is to this that we may ascribe the interminable array of parasites,
INTRODUCTION
orchids, ferns, fungi, mosses, lichens, and of plants that climb (guttas, rattans, peppers, ficuses, to mention a few that are obvious), some by utilising their stems (serpent-fashion) for twining round their sturdier neighbours, others by use of their leaf-stalks, by modification of the leaves themselves, by adventitious roots, tendrils, " suctionpads," suckers, curved hooks, and all other imaginable grappling devices and developments of which the botanical world is capable.
Next to this struggle for light, heat, and moisture, which is terrible in its almost passionate intensity, comes the need for self-protection, and to some extent, perhaps, as a corollary of this, the need for the efficient propagation of the species. To the first of these two causes we owe the huge number of prickly, thorny plants, shrubs, and trees that seem in places to turn the forest into a vast natural vegetable armoury (the rattans, a great number of palms, many creepers, and trees with prickly fruits, such as the durian, belong to these) ; the plants with bitter or poisonous sap, the glass-like spicules of the leaf- cases of the bamboo, and the stings of the giant tree-nettle, the terror of man and beast, under the branches of one of which I have myself ridden on elephant-back. To the second cause we owe such curiosities in the history of dispersion as the " fillcup "-fruit, whose " sail " gives it a rotatory motion that enables it to bore into the ground at the tree's foot, and the great pincushion-like (albeit barbed) heads of the spinifex grass on the east coast of the Peninsula, which goes bowling over the sand at the rate of an express train, till it catches against a fallen branch or log or similar obstruction, where it is most likely to find the depressions that collect the moisture.
In the animal kingdom of the Peninsula this specialising tendency is not less distinctly marked. For instance, the colour of the black leopard (or panther, as it is variously called), which is an exclusively nocturnal animal, furnishes it with a most effective means of concealment, and when we observe how cunningly its sable hue (which might otherwise become conspicuous, as a mass, from its very uniformity) is in one species at least mottled and diversified by greyish rosettes, which produce, with an almost startling fidelity to nature, the effect of moonlight shining through leaves, it becomes impossible to withhold our admiration of the design. The striped colouring of the tiger and civet, the mottled skin of the yellow, spotted panther and tiger-cat, are undoubtedly due to the same instinctive selection for stalking, or what may be called "strategic" purposes. So too in the colour of the crocodile, which has no enemies to fear in its own domain, we have an admirable example of " strategic " colouring, for it is the exact counterpart of the tidal mudbanks, and especially of the slime-covered logs that lie scattered about them, the "deception" being so complete that even the mousedeer, monkeys, and other small game which go down to the water
ENVIRONMENT
eithei to drink, or to feed on shell-fish, at ebb-tide in th oi
the day, are completely deceived, and not infrequently pay the
penalty foi then want oi care in adventuring I i theii lurl
enemy, by being iwepl into the water after the mannei
in the Besisi jungle songs, l>y one swoop oi the crocodiL ling
tail
On tin- other hand, the grey blue "slaty" coloui oi the elephant, buffalo, rhinoceros, adult tapir, and wild boar, which (with the possible exception of the elephant, though it too may at lea I be described as being to a large extent a water-animal) very closely matches the colour of the forest mud in winch they disport them
solves during the heat of the tropical noonday, is clearly intended to
afford them whatever protection may be possible when they are
immersed in their wallow, and lor the time being, therefore, entirely defenceless, and is therefore protective. Similarly the piebald colouring oH what is called the striped squirrel, and (as Ridley has pointed out) the striped and spotted skin of the young tapir, roe-deer, and wild hoar, with the prevalence of russets and chestnut browns, browns and greys, among many species of deer, squirrels, smaller monkeys, and wild dogs, are in various ways admirably adapted for the protection of the species, the browner shades in particular being very difficult to see in the dusk of the evening, which is the time when the majority of these animals seek their food. A still more interesting case is that of the white fauna of the immense limestone caves of the Peninsula, of which the Batu caves in Selangor, and the Biserat caves of Ulu Patani, are well-known examples. These caves are frequented by myriads of bats, which produce deep deposits of guano, and among the fauna which live either upon the bats or the guano, are a white snake, a white rat, and even a white cockroach ! Among the apes and monkeys (especially the larger ones) which, owing to their extreme agility and strength are in little need of any specially protective colouring, the correspondence of colour to environment is less marked ; it may, however, be worth pointing out that the spectacled monkey (Semnopithecus obscurus) is called " lotong " by the Malays, who have evidently observed the close correspondence of its colour to the bark of the immense forest-tree called " jelotong " (Dyera Maingayi, D. costulata), which abounds in the forest where it lives.
In the cases we have mentioned the protective or " strategic " colouring of the animal, when once modified, has been permanent ; but the Peninsula yields more than one example of an animal which can change its colouring from time to time for the purpose of still more effective concealment. Such are the " sumpah-sumpah " (Ca/ofes), wrhich, though not a true chamaeleon, has yet received that name from its sharing the chameleon's most remarkable characteristic, and in a lesser degree, certain tree-lizards and tree-
8 INTRODUCTION
frogs, which latter I have seen turn an almost milky white when exposed to full sunlight.
In all the foregoing cases, as indeed in all of which we have hitherto any record, the specialisation of the animal, whether of an aggressive or prophylactic character, takes the form of a modification of colouring in conformity with its most usual surroundings for the purpose of concealment, and the principle of the importance of colouring thus developed is, of course, very marked among the lower orders of creation, among the birds, snakes, and various forms of the insect world (more especially the well-known leaf and stick insects), with the all - important modification that among all these latter classes the influence of an additional purpose is observable, viz. that of colouring for sexual attraction — a feature of which no example whatever is known among the higher animals of the Peninsula. But colour-modification is, of course, by no means the only form of specialisation that occurs, for formmodification, combined with that of colour, is found in a host of Malay insects, of which the leaf-insect and stick-insect are the best known examples ; while the shield of the many varieties of tortoise, the scaly mail of the manis, and the lance-like quills or cJievatix de /rise of the porcupine, all afford notable examples of animals provided with special forms of armour because they are ground animals and have no other way of escape.
But we approach what is still far the most significant and characteristic section of the fauna of the Peninsula when we consider the immense proportion of the denizens of the jungle that have learnt to live in trees. Among these are the bear, the leopard, and panther, and all other representatives of the cat kind (with the sole exception of the tiger), the bear-cat and the civet, and an uncounted army of squirrels, apes, monkeys, snakes, and lizards. By far the most numerous part of the sylvan population of the Peninsula is, in fact, distinctively arboreal, and the most interesting section of these are those bizarre creatures — half-animal, half-bird — which in the Malayan jungles continually afford some fresh and delightful surprise. These are the flying-foxes and fruit-bats, flying squirrels, flying lemurs, flying lizards, flying frogs.
Some of these, of course, such as the flying-foxes, which owe their name to the vulpine character of their head, are true bats, and really fly, but many of them progress on the principle of the aeroplane, by taking off from the trunk of a tree at a considerable height from the ground, gliding downwards to the next, and then climbing up from the point at which they alight, and repeating the glide as before. The flying squirrels and flying lemurs, which travel by this method, make use of a fold of skin between the fore and hind leg on each side of the body, the membrane when tightly stretched performing the work of a parachute. Of the large flying lemur, or " kubong,"
V1R0NMI V7
which ii locally plentiful, there are at leasi two varieties, oro
win. i) ii.i . .1 soft, moil beautifully deli< ate sitoi being ol ■ reddish brown < olour. 'I hew
squirrel, which is very much small* r, if ■ body being little bigger than .i rather large mouse. The flying lizard, 01 1 which
brilliantly coloured, has the membranes with which it Hii ened
by slight processes, which enable it to use them to s hunted extent as wings, its flight producing an impression similar to the " buzzing " of the wings of some large insect ba flj ing it inflates the gorgeous golden pouch beneath its throat (l>y means, as it appeared to me, of a spine which it erected and depressed at pleasure), and in
full BUnlight produces the Strangest and at the same time HI
fascinating effect imaginable.
'The flying frog, which is said to glide through the air by means of an abnormal development of the webs of its feet, is well known from the description given by Wallace, but I think it is worth while adding that there are other tree fro^s in the Peninsula, which do not appear to be flying frogs, their feet being merely provided with suction pads, resembling those of the Malayan house-lizard.
In another department of animal life, that of the fishes, there are in the Malay Peninsula many good examples of specialisation that should not be passed over : these are (to take some of the most conspicuous) the frog-fish called " tembakul," which may be seen in great numbers skipping over the sloping banks of tidal rivers at the passing of a boat or steamer; the "aruan" or " snakehead " {Ophiocephalus), a kind of walking mud-fish resembling a perch, which may be seen progressing over dry land towards a pool by the opening and shutting of its gill-cases; and a small fish called Toxotes jaculator, which is able to shoot a fly off a leaf above the stream by means of a drop of water forcibly expelled from its mouth, a remarkable fact, which, as I have ventured to suggest in a later part of this book, is necessarily a matter of common knowledge to the aboriginal inhabitants of the Peninsula, to whom it may not inconceivably have suggested the blowrpipe.
We have seen how powerful has been the effect of the joint insular and climatic conditions upon the fauna and flora of the Peninsula, and how the peculiar character of the vegetation has affected the fauna. This latter idea leads us naturally to the question, in what way and to what extent have the indigenous races of the Peninsula been themselves affected by the climate and the character of the country ? Throughout the world this physical specialisation is far less marked in man than in the lower animals. This, however, is probably not due to the fact that he is incapable of such development, nor is it due to his being, comparatively speaking, a late arrival on the earth, but simply to the fact of his possessing mechanical ability to a degree that lifts him far above the
io INTRODUCTION
other members of the brute creation, above the orang-outang, for example, a comparison worth making because, according to native tradition, a variety of it, called the " mawas," once inhabited the Peninsula, as it still inhabits the neighbouring islands of Borneo and Sumatra, to the latter of which at least the Malay Peninsula was once (as already pointed out) geologically united. That it is not due to any incapacity for such development, is clear from the immense number and variety of ways, as in the blind, deaf and dumb (or in special trades for instance), in which one or other of his senses becomes quite abnormally developed through constant use, to say nothing of isolated phenomena, such as the cases of web-foot connected with East Anglia since the days of the Gyrvii. That it is not due to his late arrival will appear when we reflect that the most wonderful development does continually occur in the life-history even of a single individual. Probably we should be quite safe in saying that of all animals man is best able to accommodate himself to new or strange surroundings, even to those which appear most certain to threaten his very existence. But since he is able to obtain this end by the use of special implements and devices, we shall find that (as might almost be expected) it is these mechanical appliances that he improves rather than his own members. Hence even in the Malay Peninsula, which must certainly be one of the most densely wooded countries in the world, although the Sakai has been driven by the dangers that threaten him to build his huts in trees, he shows no tendency to develop into a really arboreal type ; and although he is quite capable of walking up the stem which forms the approach to his aerial abode, he still prefers to make use of some rude kind of ladder to go up and down by (just as, in Les Landes, the French fenlander has kept to his stilts). So too the Orang Laut, although he has lived in his boats from the cradle to the grave, as far back as history will carry us, has never developed, however expert in diving he may be, anything remotely approaching amphibious characteristics. It is therefore not so much in the sphere of physical development, great as in certain ways this undoubtedly is, that we must expect to find the full effect of the wild man's geographical surroundings, but in the use that he makes of those surroundings, and the development of his character.
In what relationship, then, does the wild man of the Peninsula stand to, and what use does he make of the flora and fauna that have been described ? It is certainly owing to the dangerous proximity of wild beasts, such as elephants and tigers, that he has taken to living in the high tree-huts just referred to. For the wild elephant of the Peninsula in particular is very rascally, and will pull even a tree-hut to pieces if he can reach it (as, in one case that I remember, an elephant in the Langat river demolished, for sheer mischiefs sake, a Malay dug-out canoe). But nevertheless
ENVIRONMES 1 n
both tigei and elephant arc hunted] killed, and eaten at time . and there ii hardly any animal, bird, 01 reptile in tl e jungle perhaps tin- toad, scorpion, and .1 few snakes and insects) that d not at some time or other, and in some district 01 other, form part of the aboriginal menu. Monkeys, wild pig, deei oi all Icii squirrels, porcupines, flying foxes and flying lemurs, argus pheasi
and peacocks, blue herons and hombills, tortoises, li/aids, rats, and
snakes, these provide some of their favourite dishes, and it one 01
two concessions are made tO the prejudices of civilisation, there would perhaps not be much to which we should he inclined to take exception. Hut the catholicity of their tastes necessitates at once a most thorough and accurate knowledge of the habits of the varied denizens of the jungle, and a considerable amount of ingenuity and mechanical skill in the contrivance of traps, pitfalls, springes, and nooses for securing their quarry, and this knowledge, skill, and ingenuity the wild races certainly possess in a very marked degree.
The Itesisi method of securing the argus pheasant, described in the text, is the outcome of close observation, as is their method of " splashing " with the tip of their rod in the water to catch the "sembilang" fish; their springes and traps for monkeys, wild pigs, and other small mammals and birds, are frequently most complicated devices. But, cleverly designed as these are, they will catch nothing unless the trappers have a sufficiently intimate knowledge of the haunts and habits of their intended victim to foresee the exact spot at which the latter will inevitably pass, and in passing release the catch that starts the mechanism : their knowledge of the presence and movements of game, even at a considerable distance away in the jungle, amounts to an instinct : their lungs (though this is a matter that has not yet been investigated) must be enormously developed and improved to enable them, at (comparatively) great distances, to exhibit such skill with the blowpipe, as they are known to possess : their sight, whether longer or not than that of the average European, is unquestionably so much better trained, that they can instantaneously distinguish quite small birds or squirrels even when partially screened by thick foliage, where a European would, for some time at all events, be totally unable to perceive anything at all : their sense of smell, by which they are able even to track snakes, is unquestionably keener, and certainly far better trained, than that of an European, or even than that of an ordinary town-bred (and therefore as a rule in every way degenerate) Malay, though it may not be materially better than that of the Malay who has been bred to the jungle.
With regard to the vegetation of the Peninsula, it may be safely said that the wild races make use of everything that can in any way be regarded as even remotely edible and capable of sustaining life, for they not only employ every edible fruit, seed, root, tuber, stem, bark,
12 INTRODUCTION
leaf, young shoot, bud (not to mention ferns and fungi) that comes their way, but even make use of plants that are highly poisonous, until they have been treated, such as the fruit of the " perah "-tree, which is poisonous unless cooked, and some of the wild yams, which they eat after washing out the poison. Of the number of edible fruits in the jungle, the lists of their names given in the text will give some faint idea, though even these lists must not be taken as in any sense complete, and if they should (to take a very rare contingency) be in any manner of doubt as to the edibility of any particular fruit, the birds and the monkeys will be their guide. Even the despised mangrove swamp, regarded by Europeans as the ne plus ultra of all impenetrable and unproductive forms of vegetation, contributes its quota of edible fruits, such, for instance, as the " pisang-pisang " and " berembang," of both of which I myself have eaten. Water is obtained by tapping the " kait-kait " and other wild creepers, and from the stems of certain large bamboos, which not infrequently hold water in their hollow internodes. But the most important plants and trees, from an ethnological point of view7, are undoubtedly (after mere food-producers), the upas tree, the upas creeper, the tuba or fish-poison creeper, and a species of bamboo called Bambusa Wrayi. Of these it will be sufficient to remark (since they have been treated very fully in the text) that the first three are the main ingredients of the famous dart-poison of the aborigines, which, like the wourali poison of the South American Indians, is in some of its compounds, at all events, almost immediately fatal, whether to man, bird, or beast. The fish-poison (so called because it was formerly much used for poisoning the small streams in the Peninsula and thereby stupefying the fish) is used in combination with both of the other two main ingredients of the dart-poison, whether tree or creeper. And the last of the category, Bambusa Wrayi ox longinodis, is an extremely rare bamboo, which has exceedingly slender internodes that grow to quite six feet in length, and which, though only known to growT on two or three mountains in the Peninsula, has been nevertheless singled out by the aborigines to serve in the production of their jointless blowrpipe.
In the foregoing pages we have glanced at that inexhaustible (and after all indescribable) profusion of nature by which the ancestors of these races found themselves surrounded in that dim and unrecorded past, when first their toilsome wanderings, prolonged through generations, brought them face to face within the narrow confines of the Malay Peninsula. At whatever period this was, and in whatever order they may have arrived, we can now recognise with sufficient clearness the Semang, Sakai, and Jakun as three distinct and separate races ; the Negritos or Semang, with their woolly hair and round bright eyes, the darkest, the best-developed, and at the same time the most markedly nomadic of all the races in the
ENVIROA :// A /
Peninsula ; the Sakai, who arc the lightest, with then often intert
features, reminiscent nut) be "i theii old Dravidian ancestry, though modified b) the effeci ol theii somewhat narrow-lidded h closed eyes, hair oi i distinctly wavy character, and their generally -Mimwli.it emaciated appearance; and the Jakun or aboriginal Malayans, with their smooth blue-black bail race bard to dii tinguish, because of its admixture with the other two main stocks, but who must nevertheless be accepted as a type, it the physical ei of skull and skull features, skin colour and bail < bara< tes are not to be utterly denied, [n each case the Gate of thru- scanty hands must have been very similar a never-ending Btruggle tor existent against the forces of nature, against hunger, disease, and a hundred forms of death, and later against the persecutions of man, thus faithfully mirroring the battle of the gigantic vegetation and dangerous 1 teasts among which they lived. The shadow, the hall-mark of the primeval forest — at once their protector, their sustainer, and their grave — is burned into them, and shows itself in the restless motion and hunted expression of their eyes, and even in their very gait, for the great height to which they raise the foot in walking (a habit acquired in circumventing the continual obstacles that meet them in the undergrowth), and the careful deliberation with which they plant it on the ground, remain even when they come out into open country, and expose them to much ridicule and cheap witticisms on the part of the Malays. It was the forest that supplied them with food, shelter, clothing, ornaments, implements of every description, with drugs and simples when they were sick, with materials and subjects for their dances, feasts, songs, instruments of music. Their strongest asseveration was to say, " May a tree fall on me,'' — an expression that fully brings out the extent to which this particular terror dominated their lives. It was the forest that received their dead into its kindly bosom ; indeed, to be laid to rest in the cool outstretched arms of the great forest-trees was the highest honour that could be paid to their departed chiefs, wrhose spirits they so pathetically prayed to ' pay heed only to their dead ancestors, for their living friends would find food/ Their simple idea of the delights of a future state was after all but a glorified " Avilion," an " Island of Fruits," from which all that was noxious and distressing to man (and therefore to man's soul) had been eliminated, and the very entrance to which lay over the natural bridge formed by the trunk of a fallen tree.
Yet, surrounded as they were by possibilities of harm, they quitted themselves like men, and as iron is welded into steel, the very hardships of their life only served to throw into relief their higher qualities — their ingenuity, dexterity, open-heartedness, sincerity, and well-developed common sense — qualities which, I must confess, I never yet met so generally diffused in any other tropical
i4 INTRODUCTION
race of which I have had experience, and had never expected to meet outside the fabled frontiers of Arcadia. Yet this is the universal testimony of all who have known them well, and I need only add to my own a single testimony, that of a Malay (who was of all men best qualified to speak), who himself once remarked to me in tones of deep disdain, " What stupid animals these Sakai are, they don't know how to tell a lie ! "
It is a fact that, as a natural consequence of their inherent honesty, unselfishness, and single-mindedness — the undoubted result of their natural and unluxurious mode of life — these despised, persecuted, and (in a worldly sense) ignorant savages, without the guiding star of even the most rudimentary form of letters, philosophy, or history, have yet given us a practical example of the ideal social state in which liberty, equality, and fraternity are not mere names but real and living forces, and in which, since a moderately communistic system of property prevails, there is no room — so simple is their form of life — for the disintegrating influences of theft, murder, fraud, greed, or any other of the grosser sins that plague the conscience of civilised humanity, influences which, whenever the experiment has been tried among Europeans of establishing a community on the same lines, have been (and are long likely to remain) the inevitable causes of its failure. The facts, viewed in this light, are striking, and perhaps mortifying, but probably all that they mean is that the stage of development reached by those races is a rudimentary one, the exact counterpart of that golden age of innocence to which all civilised and semicivilised races regretfully look back, and which ceases when once the golden apple of commerce is thrown into their midst. "Why rushed the discords in but that harmony should be prized ? " Yet surely, if for no other reason than for their possession of these high qualities, the needs of these rude, uncultured, but not all-unenlightened tribes now subject to our sway, should stir the real and ready sympathy of all who believe in our manhood, and in our imperial worth as champions of the weak.
The most important factor that remains to be mentioned in the development of these races, is the subject of the relations between them and the Peninsular Malays. Which of the three races was the first to arrive in the Peninsula, is a point that in the nature of things cannot be decided. As an equatorial race we may perhaps suppose that it was the Negritos. All that we can say for certain is, that in the mediaeval period, when all three races were already established there, the Peninsula appears to have been occupied in some force, first by some old Indo-Chinese race1 of
1 It is of interest to note the fact Prince Damrong, a keen and prothat when I was in Bangkok H.R.H. gressive ruler, drew my attention in
.' \ I fR( \ ,.'/ \ /
, omparativel) high i h ili lation, irho ic li on
the aboriginal dialects (but oi whose domination there i record in history), and latei by colonies ol Malay imn rom
Sumatra a people also ol Borne civilisation (ol fl Eiinduised type) whose immigration has continued i<> the presenl day, and influence on the abori turally much more marked i
conversion of these lattei Bettlei from theii more toleranl Hindu beliefs to the militant and missionary faith ol [slam (which took place less than ooo years ago), was b most critical event foi the aborigines, its ultimate effect being to drive these unfortunate tribesmen into the hills of the interior and redui e them to the condition
of hunted outlaws, to he enslaved, plundered, and murdered by the
Malay chiefs at their tyrannous will and pleasure.
This condition of things lasted some five 'cnturies, and naturally
enough branded itself, in unforgetable fashion, deep into the memory
oi' the victims. The Portuguese domination of Malacca (which commenced with the taking of that city in 151 1 and lasted for 130
years), and that of the Dutch, who became their successors on the capture of Malacca in 1641 and held it till 1795 (an(J who were able besides to establish trading factories in several parts of the Peninsula), did nothing to rescue the aborigines from their state of serfdom. It was not indeed until the establishment of the British Protectorate, which raised them to an equality with their oppressors, and thereby righted an historic wrong, that they regained the right and the power to live as men. Indeed, even in the earlier days of that protectorate itself, and so long as the power of the Malay pirate in these seas remained unbroken, their condition improved but slowly, and indeed for many years after they had acquired some measure of security for life and property, they were still most outrageously imposed on by the Malay, who traded upon their naive simplicity, and at the same time upon their unrivalled knowledge of the jungle, to acquire for his own purposes immense quantities of gutta, camphor, eagle-wood, rattan, damar, and other valuable jungle products, for which he paid the collectors the merest fraction of their real value. These methods and many other forms of oppression have since been almost completely suppressed by the strong arm, but we are now confronted by the yet graver question, whether our system of protection is to become more fatal to our proteges than even the Malay slave-raids that we so strenuously put down, the effect of which was, after all, though individual members might be lost to the community, to keep them a race apart, whereas
particular to the words of command were neither Siamese nor Malay. The
addressed by the mahouts, in the north answer to this suggestive inquiry of
of the Malay Peninsula, to the elephants Prince Damrong has been given at the
under their charge, and pointed out end of vol ii. , in the chapter devoted
that some of these words at all events to " Language."
16 INTRODUCTION
to-day (though there is as yet no marked decline in their numb' they are fast tending to become assimilated and absorbed, losing their language, their customs, their purity of blood and (worst loss of all) their natural truthfulness and honesty. Probably at the present stage it is too late to avert wholly the natural trend of events, and the only palliative appears to be (in the best interest of the aborigines themselves as well as of their former oppressors) to encourage and develop the systematic study by our own officials of native thought, law, and custom, and to encourage and develop the ideas of the natives themselves through the means (some of which I am glad to say have already been tried) of their own industries and culture (barbarisms and babuisms, of course, excluded). By thus giving them an assured status and the stimulus of a new and higher form of self-respect, we may at least develop and improve that most important class of the race (as distinct from his degenerate fellow-countryman of the towns), the genuine Malay peasant, inured to the hard vicissitudes of the jungle or the sea. Whatever can be achieved in this direction, be it little or much — and the writer is one of those whom experience has convinced that much can be done — will be in its ultimate result of immeasurably greater benefit to the unsophisticated alien races over whom the Malay genius for assimilation is so soon destined to prevail, than any system of forest reservation or even the most paternal vigilance over their affairs.
RACE,
PART I
VOL. I
RACIAL CHARACTERS.
The N vmes of the Tribes.
In discussing the affinities of the various races and tribes of wild men in the Malay Peninsula, it is important to get a clear idea of the exact meaning of the names which the Malays apply to them, and which are taken, for the most part, either from the natural (geographical) features of the country in which the particular race of " wild men" in question live, or from the stage of civilisation at which they happen to have arrived.
The commonest of these names, with their English equivalents, are as follows : —
Malay Name.
Translation.
Remarks.
Orang Utan .
Men of the Forest
Used of all the tribes.
,, Bukit . .
Men of the Hills . . .
Of Inland Tribes only.
Paya .
Men of the Swamps.
Darat . .
Men of the Dry Land .
Land Jakun.
,, Laut .
Men of the Sea .
Jakun of the coast, especially the Besisi of the Selangor coast, and the Johor and Singapore tribes, sometimes called " Sea-gypsies."
,, Dalam
Men of the Interior.
„ Ulu . .
Men of the Head-waters.
Tanjong .
Men of the Capes
I.e. Men of the " river-bends."
,, Liar .
"Wild "Men . . .
Of wholly nomadic tribes who are rarely met with.
RACIAL CHARACTERS
PART
Malay Name.
Translation.
Remarks.
Orang Jinak .
Lit. "Tame" Men . .
Of all tribes either settled or less absolutely nomadic.
JJ'la . .
" Kept " or " Domesti-
! especially of slaves and
cated " Men
dependants ( = " Bila " of some old writers, e.g. Logan).
Sabbat .
From Arabic "Sahabat" = " Friend."
, , Rayat .
Subjects or Serfs .
From Arabic " Ra'iyat. " Used especially of the sea tribes (Rayat Laut).
Of the foregoing names, the term " Orang Utan" (or " Hutan ") is perhaps the one which is most generally used in the Peninsula. The correct meaning of "orang" in Malay is "man" {homo), and "utan" means "jungle." Hence " Orang Utan " simply means "Man of the Jungle," i.e. "Wild Man," and the phrase has (in modern Peninsular Malay) no other meaning. The application of the name " orang-outang " in Europe to a kind of ape was probably due to the mistake, or the jest, of some early traveller. It goes back to 1 63 1, when it occurs in a passage in Bontius, quoted by Yule, s.v. " orang utan." The mistake was repeated, as has since been pointed out, in 1652, when Tulpius, in giving a representation of the ape (not the man) wrote underneath it "Homo Sylvestris, Orang utang."1 The term "orang utan," as has just been said, has practically come to mean nothing more than "Wild Man" (or " Men") in Malay, and hence it is even used of the sea tribes, as in the case of the Orang Utan S'letar (the "Jungle-men of the S'letar" river), who form a branch of the Orang Laut.2
1 V. B. G. A. xxiii. 831 ; and Nic. Tulpii Observ. Med. Amsterdam, 1652, p. 284. The original specimen of the Homo Sylvestris of Tulpius is now in
the British Museum. We must note that Malay "Orang utang" (net "utan") = " debtor " ; v. H Homme, iii. 43. 2 It seems, however, that in Sumatra
//// NAMES <>/■ /■///■ //://:/■
i
On the other hand, the following names are applied to definite local groups or hordes of wild men, with, in some cases, a vague amount oi racial connotation, this being especially the case with " Seman and "Sakai":
Mum oi ( rroup.
i.il ( !onno( <>y).
I. SfiMANG
Negi ito tribes oi tii<- Mai j
Al to called M< uik, Mi ni', "i
Peninsula generally (also
]< ndi' by tti'in | 1 \ < ( =
especially "i w est ( loast
Martin's " Mendi ").
Negritos)
Pangan
I'.i • ( loast Negritos {i.t\
V.-Si vcd li i " Panggang "
" l'.asi Semang '')
passitHf erroneously. '
1 i . Sakai .
Dr.i vido* A usi i .1 1 i.i n (?)
rionally used by mistake
tribes of the Malay Ten
for Semang. The "Blandas"
insula generally
ofV.-Sl.; "S.noi "of Martin.
Scnoi .
" Central Sakai " tribes
The term used by some pur sang Sakai of themseh It is said to mean " Man " in Sakai. -
III. Jakun
Aboriginal Malayan tribes
Formerlyspelt Jacoon( Raffles,
generally
Jokong), etc.
Hill Jakun or
Aboriginal Malayan Land
Including the Benua (Logan)
Orang Bukit
tribes
ssBenai (V. -Stevens).
Sea Jakun or
Aboriginal Malayan Sea
S'letar, Sabimba, Bed. Kallang,
Orang Laut
tiibes
Muka Kuning, Akik, etc.
Blandas . .
Certain mixed tribes of the
Wrongly used as synonymous
Interior of Selangor and
with Sakai by V. -Stevens.
S. Ujong
Called Landas by themselves.
i'.ksisi . . .-
Certain (Malayan ?) Sea
Also called Bersisi(V. -Stevens),
tribes of the Selangor
and 'Sisi (by themselves).
and Malacca Coast
Mantra . .
Certain (Malayan?) tribes
Also Mentera' and Mintira
of Interior of Malacca
(Logan).
Udai .
A certain mixed tribe (? Semi-Negrito) of Johor
Unidentified.
the expression is actually used to denote the anthropoid apes. In Borneo the word "Maias"is used to denote the "orang-outang," of which the " Mawas " of the Peninsula is probably a tradition. In a letter of November 3rd, 1 90 1, Mr. Hale informs me that the term " Orang alas" (an old Malay phrase for "jungle-men ") is used in the Kinta valley as the equivalent of " Mawas."
1 The word is properly spelt Pangan, and has nothing to do with Malay
"panggang," "to roast, "as V. -St. oddly imagined, the two words being pronounced quite differently. Mr. Charles Hose has suggested that it may be akin to a North Bornean word " pangan," which means "friendly" — a much more likely suggestion.
2 De Morgan (viii. 225) mentions a hill called "Gunong Senoi" ("Sonoi"), a place-name, but this probably means " Hill of the Senoi*' or " Wild-men's Hill." Cp. Luering's Vocabulary of the "Ulu Kampar" Dialect, s.v. " Man."
22 RACIAL CHARACTERS i-akt
The term " Semang" has never been satisfactorily explained. The term " Sakai," on the other hand, has been (unjustifiably, as I think) explained as meaning "dog"; a more possible derivation, as Griinwedel points out,1 being from the Sanskrit " Sakhi " = " Friend," in which case its use would be paralleled by the alternative Malay name " Sahbat" or "Sabat" (from Arab. " Sahabat " = " Friend " or " Friendly "), though even this is hardly a likely explanation.
The word " Sakai " is also used in Malay (as is " Semang ") in the sense of retainer or follower of a native chief. It is thus more or less analogous to Rayat or subject. This last term is commonly applied by the Malays to the Mantra and Besisi ; but these last two tribes prefer to speak of themselves as " Hill Men" (Orang Bukit), or " Men of the Interior" (Orang Dalam), and " Men of the Sea " (Orang Laut) respectively, or else simply as " Jakun."
Finally, the term " Sakai " has not unfrequently been used, like the expression " Orang Utan," as a generic term for all the wild men of the peninsula. It is also frequently used by the Malays in combination with many of the terms given above (e.g. Sakai Liar, Sakai Jinak, Sakai Bukit, Sakai Rawang, Sakai Laut, Sakai Ulu, Sakai Dalam, Sakai Bla), but not as a rule with the other words mentioned in the list. The word " Semang " is also occasionally used in a similar way. But the majority of the names applied to these tribes by the Malays are purely place-names, e.g. Orang Kinta (from the Kinta valley in Perak) ; Orang Klang and Orang Rawang (from places in the " Klang " and " Langat " districts of Selangor), and the numerous tribal names of the Orang Laut, such
1 V. B. G. A. xxiii. 830. " Sakei " is an alternative spelling.
THE NA Ml S OF THE TRIh
as the " S&bimba," "S'letar," u Muka Kuning," and many similar title
In the following work the name " Semang" will be used principally for .ill Negrito tribes, whether tho dwelling on the West Coast <>r those on the East, the latter <>f whom arc generally called (as has already been explained) M Pangan."
It will also be used (culturally) of the mixed
Semang-Sakai tribes amongst whom, cither on account
of their use of the bow or for other reasons, the Semang element has been assumed on the whole to preponderate.
The name c< Sakai " will be similarly ear-marked for the second ethnical group ( Dravido- Australian .J), whether pure or only preponderatingly Sakai.
The name " Jakun " will, in the same way, be applied to the southern tribes, composing the third ethnical group, for which the name " Benua" (Orang Benua = Men of the Country or " Aborigines," as opposed to the immigrant Malays) was used by European writers at least as far back as 1613, although it does not now appear to be used by the natives themselves.1
Finally, I may say that the names of the fabulous tribes, e.g. Orang Ekor or "Tailed" People, Orang Gergasi or Giants, Orang Mawas or "Orangoutang" People, referred to by Vaughan - Stevens,2 Orang Peri or Fairies, etc., etc., will be treated of in the chapter on Religion, to which they more properly belong.
Vaughan -Stevens asserts that the term " Udei "
1 At the same time it should be Goudinho de Eredia (JZa/aca,
observed that certain modern writers Brussels, 1882) mentions the Benua
(among whom is Logan) apply the in a work written in 161 3.
name "Benua'' to a particular Jakun 2 Vide Grunwedel in V. B. G. A.
tribe in Johor, who will be here called xxxiii. 830, and elsewhere. "Benua-Jakun.;'
( "Udai") is used by the Orang Pangan as an expression of contempt for the tribes dwelling near Belum in Perak, and that its meaning is equivalent to " bastard." He also alleges it to be applied by the Malays in the north to the Orang Jinak, i.e. the more settled (" Tame ") Semang. His explanation of the word, however, is certainly incorrect.1
RACIAL AFFINITIES— GENERAL.
The Older Views.
The descriptions of these tribes by the older writers were based on very inadequate knowledge, and were often extremely speculative and misleading. De Quatrefages, De Morgan, M.-Maclay, Vaughan- Stevens, and others held what may be called the Pan- Negrito theory, i.e. the belief that all the wild tribes were of Negrito origin, and attempted to account for the anthropological difficulties involved by premising the intermixture of these tribes with Malays and certain other races, selected apparently at random, such as Siamese, Papuans, and African negroes, to account for the presence of whom the " wrecked slave-dhow " theory was introduced, without the slightest regard to the obvious geographical objections, or to the remarkable racial discrepancies between the races compared. We have it, for instance, on the authority of Mr. H. N. Ridley, that Vaughan -Stevens at one time regarded the Semang as descendants of ''escaped negro slaves brought over by Alexander the Great " !
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. Heft. 3-4, p. 100.
in I \NG PROBLL Vt 2s
Even some ol those sounder authorities who re-
nised the fact that the identit) ol origin ol .ill th< tribes could not be maintained, spoilt their by
attempting t<> identif) the Semang with the African negro, an attempt which the marked diversity <>i type between the two races concerned would alone render little- short ol absurd.
An allied theory (that of the Papuan origin ol the Semang) has been completely confuted by a succession of modern anthropologists, among whom it will be sufficient to mention Wallace, Wait/, Hamy, and others, whose researches may be considered to have fairly established the following pro- positions : ] —
(i) That there were not less than two clearly distinguishable, if not contrasted, racial types among the wild aborigines of the Peninsula.
(2) That the characteristics of the Negrito type found among the Semang showed no more trace of derivation from the true negro than they did from that...^h ** of the Papuan. ) f&\ \
'■&$?+ **i
A.— The Semang Problem. iDiimim
As regards the former (Pan-Negrito) theory, it should be noticed that even Vaughan-Stevens and his followers unconsciously divide the Semang from the Sakai.
Thus Vaughan-Stevens, while strongly postulating
1 Wallace, for instance, clearly dis- Malays ' of Wallace) . . . relient For-
tinguishes between the Semang as mosa a Malacca."
Negritos, and the Jakun as "savage Waitz distinguishes two clearly sepa-
Malays." rate types — the Semang whom he de-
Hamy, after admitting the existence clines even to call Negritos — apparently
of Negritos in the Peninsula, goes on for fear of implying Negro affinities —
to say, " Les Indonesiens (the 'savage and the Benua or savage Malays.
26 RACIAL AFFINITIES i-akt
their common Negrito origin (according to the " Pan- Negrito " theory), divides the tribes into two wellmarked main groups — (i) The Sakai or "Blandas" (including the " Tembeh," the " Keni," the "Senoi," "Besisi," and "Kenaboi"); (2) the Orang Menik, whom he subdivides correctly into Pangan and Semang, the latter comprising the tribes of Kinta, Kensiu, Belum, and Bong Districts.
In the first of these two groups the names Tembeh, Keni, and Kenaboi are probably nothing but place-names ; 1 Tembeh, which Vaughan-Stevens spells Tumior or Tummeor, and which he would derive from Timor — the name of an island at the opposite end of the Malay archipelago ! — is certainly identical with the Tembe of Clifford, in spite of Vaughan-Stevens' description of them as being "dark of colour " and "tattooed,"2 two facts which would, if established, appear to indicate a proportion of Semang blood, though no doubt much mixed with Sakai.
In the second group the names of the subdivisions are mostly names of places, Kensiu being in the north of Kedah ; the Kinta, a tributary of the Perak river ; Belum in Ulu Perak ; and Bukit Bong, a hill in Ligeh. All the tribes in this second group belong to the Negrito stock, and Vaughan-Stevens, in spite of his preconceived theories, could not help noticing the difference between them and the Sakai tribes.
The third (Malayan) element Vaughan-Stevens
1 "Kenaboi" is the name of a stream beh " at Sepang, south of Klang,
in Jelebu. " Tembeh ": other spellings upon the same coast. I may add that
are "Tembir" and "Tembe," the form there is, in N. Selangor and Perak, a
employed by Clifford. For a parallel strong tendency to pronounce this
compare the word "gambier," which same word as "gambiok," or even
is (correctly) pronounced "gambir"at "gamiok," a form which accounts
Klang in the central part of the Se- for the form "Temiok," which is also
langor coast-line, " gambior " at Kwala found (Martin).
Selangor (north of Klang), and "gam- 2 V. B. G. A. xxiii. 831.
THE SI MA VG PROBLEM
apparently attributes exclusively to modem (civilised)
Malay admixture.
So, too, De la Croix,1 though professing his ad herence to the " Pan- Negrito " theory, nevertheless distinguishes to a great extent the Semang from the Sakai.
De Morgan distinguishes between the "Sakai1 peoples to the south of the river Plus, a large tributary of the Perak river, and the Semang who live to the north, and remarks that these two tribes are hostile to eaeh other ; but yet concludes that all the wild men of the Peninsula belong to a single race which he identifies with the " Negritos of New Guinea" !
It is not, I think, necessary to deal at length with the statements of all the writers who hold this view, though mention should certainly be made of the work of Miklucho-Maclay," who states that both the " Orang Sakai" and " Orang Semang" (two radically different types) are "pur sang Melanesians " ! 3
1 Rev. (FEthn. vol. i. No. 4, 1882.
2 /. R. A. S., S. B., No. 2, p. 208.
3 On the other hand, it is only fair to point out that both Miklucho-Maclay and Meyer (following M.-Maclay) regarded both Negritos and Papuans as one stock, and were apparently unable to see the difference of type between them, in which connection Keane writes, " It will be enough to insist, with Wallace and Flower, on the fundamental differences (between the Papuan and the Negrito type) . . . the two have in fact little in common except their dark colour and frizzly or woolly hair, features which they share also with the African Negro " (Keane in J. A. J. ix. p. 285).
The only kind of ultimate connection between these races that appears, anthropologically speaking, at all possible, would be that outlined in a suggestion put forward by the late Sir William Flower, who thought
that the Negrito might represent the undeveloped type of an aboriginal race, of which both Negro and Papuan might be the highly specialised derivatives.
For an opposite opinion, see A. B. Meyer's Negritos, p. 83. It may, however, be still taken as true that no satisfactory proof of the connection of the two races has yet been formulated, and that Sir William Flower's brilliant hypothesis still remains an hypothesis.
It should be noted that the existence of the Negritos was definitely known early in the nineteenth century (Crawfurd, Raffles, Anderson, circa 1810- 1825), and at the same time it was distinctly understood that they were distinct from the Orang Benua of the South. These early writers had no opportunity of seeing the central (Sakai) tribes, because, until the year 1875, the Northern States were practically a terra incognita.
Relationship of tJic Semang to other Races.
In the Appendix will be found a table which is, perhaps, the most compendious way of enabling some comparison to be made between the various branches of the undoubtedly pure and allied Negrito races now known to us, though the number of measurements in most cases is far too small to be at all conclusive, and the intention is not to prove the connection, but merely to show the nature of the unsolved problem.
The net result is to show that the African pygmies (Bambute, etc.) observed by Sir H. Johnston may be rather shorter than either the Andamanese or the Negritos of the Philippines and of the Malay Peninsula, whereas these last three races are practically of the same height. All four are brachycephalic,1 and have actually woolly hair, and their skin-colour varies from a dark copper or chocolate to a glossy black.
A curious point about this group is that it still remains a moot question — as our most recent authorities declare — whether any Negritos occur in Borneo, which would naturally be the connecting link between the Malay Peninsula and the Philippines.
B. — The Sakai Problem.
According to the older writers, all traces of non- Negrito blood among the wild tribes of the Peninsula were due to admixture between these tribes and civilised Malays. The types of those two races (Semang and Sakai) are, however, fortunately so
1 The Semang are said to vary brachy- or mesaticephalic, their head-
from brachy- to dolichocephalism, length increasing in Perak and
but the writer believes it will elsewhere through admixture with
ultimately be found that the purer their dolichocephalic Sakai neigh -
Semang {e.g. in Kedah) are mainly bours.
I 1 1 1 \h,riln I » K ( ) II I
Man.
"l GR1 TO '\ l'l Andam \i se.
/ 'ol. I. p. 28.
Negrito Type — Semang of Perak.
(See al-o Appendix.)
II? ay.
i III. S \K.\I PROBLEM.
Mat tin.
Aboriginal Dravidian Type — Veddas of Ceylon.
Suggested Aboriginal Dravidian Type — Sakai of Perak.
(See also p. 55, Appendix, etc.)
Cerruti.
/'('/. /. />. 20.
///. I h M
1 1 ■« mgly ( ontrasted thai their separal ion i > not very difficult matter. The existence ol a separate
kai type had long been suspected, and tin to this effect had been more than once promulgated (first, I believe, by Clifford)* but the honour proving the fact by scientific demonstration and measurements has fallen to Germany in the person of Professor Rudolf Martin, oi Zurich, who has made .1 careful study of the Senoi tribe, and in his recent pamphlet on the relationship of these tribes has pointed out the need for isolating the second dement in this complex racial problem.1 With this fact well established, the Sakai problem has entered upon a new phase, the most burning question connected with it at present being that of the probable relationship of the Sakai to certain races in the same region who are to some extent of a similar habitus.
Briefly, it may be said that two alternative theories now hold the field. One of these theories, which has recently been advanced by P. W. Schmidt in his brilliant paper in the Bijdragen, seeks to identify the Sakai with certain tribes of Mon - Annam origin. L His argument is based partly upon the admitted linguistic affinity between the Sakai dialects and those of the Mon -Annam family, and partly upon an old description by Thorel 3 — (i) of the Annamese ;4 (2) of the Cambojans or Khmers;5 and (3) of the wild tribes of the interior of Camboja (Stieng, Bahnar, Sedang, etc.). Linguistic evidence, how-
1 The scientific proof of the state- - Bi;'drageni etc., 1901. No. '2
merits made in the pamphlet has ap- (6 Volgr. deel 8), pp. 399-5S3. peared in Professor Martin's larger work, 3 Voyage a Exploration en Indo-
which was published by Gustav Fischer Chine: Gamier, Paris, 1S73, vol. ii.
at Jena in the course of the current year p. 2S9 seqq. (1905), and which is entitled Die Inland- 4 L.c. p. 290 se?q.
stdmme der malayischcn Halbinsel. ~° L.c. p. 294 seqq.
3o RACIAL AFFINITIES part
ever, when taken by itself, is notoriously an unsafe guide, and though of the three races described by Thorel the third group mentioned certainly approach the nearest to the Sakai type, the points of divergence between the two are nevertheless much too great to allow of an unhesitating assent to this identification. The tribes-folk (of Thorel's third group), for instance, are described as being " above the middle height," whereas the Sakai, as proved by the measurements to hand, do not in the least correspond to Thorel's description. The second difference is in their skin-colour, which is described by Thorel as darker than that of the Malays, whereas the colour of the Sakai, though very variable, is in fact, as a rule, except when mixed with Semang blood, a good deal lighter.1
Again, the eyes of the Stieng, Bahnar, Sedang, etc., are described as being very rarely a trifle oblique, whereas the eyes of the Sakai are certainly horizontal.
None of these difficulties taken separately would, perhaps, appear insuperable, but when taken together they must be sufficient to cause us at least to suspend our judgment, and to regard the Sakai problem as still awaiting solution.
The alternative theory comes to us on the high authority of Virchow, who puts it forward, however, in a somewhat tentative manner.2 It consists in regarding the Sakai as an outlying branch of a racial group formed by the Vedda, Tamil, Korumba, and Australian 3 races, to show the nature of the connexion between which a table (for which see Appendix) of
1 It is unfortunate that Schmidt omits 3 Assuming the Australian Blacks mentioning these first two important to be a non-homogeneous group, it is points in quoting Thorel. the type which approaches the Dra-
2 Virchow in V.B.G.A. xxviii. 152 vidian that is, of course, alluded to seqq., and elsewhere. here.
I III. \I \I..\YA\ PROBLEM.
- £^> $ I
1 4 Wray
Aboriginal Malayan or Jakun Type— "Savage Malays" of Pekan,
in Pahang i Heathen).
Xos. i and 4 are the best types.
■r ■ r • 1 . •
Lent by Hale.
Civilised Malay Type— Chiefs of Negri Sembilan (Mohammedan).
, //// /./a i \ PROBLEM
comparative measurements has been drawn up by the
v\ rit<T.
Relationship <>/ the Sakai to <>///</■ Roa
The possibility oi there being some ultimate re lationship (such as has just been referred to) between the Veddas, Tamils, Australians, and Sakai was foreshadowed l>y Virchow in [896, ' the main points ol comparison being the height, skull character, skin
colour, and hair-character. ( )f these, to go by the comparative table, the height is variable, but in all tour of the races compared it is certainly greater than tli.it of the Negrito races. The skin-colour, again, it is true, varies to a remarkable degree, but the general hair- character appears to be uniformly long, black, and wavy, and the skull -index, on the other hand, appears to indicate consistently a dolichocephalic or long-shaped head.
C. — The Jakun Problem.
The third of the three great problems which confront us in dealing with the wild tribes of the Peninsula is that of the relationship between the Malays and the Benua or mixed tribes in the southern portion of the Malay Peninsula.
By the Pan- Negrito theorists the Jakun were regarded as tribes of Negrito origin, more or less modified by admixture with the civilised (Mohammedan) Malays. Both Crawfurd, however, and, more particularly, Favre long ago pointed out the reasons which oblige us to regard the Jakun as aboriginal tribes, and as having been settled in the Peninsula since
1 V. B. G. A. xxviii. 152 seqq., and elsewhere.
a period long anterior to the conversion of the Peninsular Malays to Mohammedanism. " In course of time the early Arab trading vessels brought over priests from Arabia, who made a number of converts to Islam ; those of the Benua (i.e. Jakun) who declined to abjure the customs of their forefathers, in consequence of the persecutions to which they were exposed, fled to the fastnesses of the interior, where they have since continued in a savage state."1 In other words, part of them remained wild, and part adopted the civilisation of the immigrant Malays. So, moreover, Logan, following Newbold, goes a step further, and comes to the conclusion that the physiognomy of the Jakun of Johor (with some exceptions) points to a " Tartar" extraction— an expression for which I think we are justified in reading Mongol or Mongoloid.2 In this sense it has certainly been accepted by later writers, such as, for example, Waitz and A. R. Wallace, the former of whom describes the Benua (i.e. Jakun) as "primitive Malays," while the latter explicitly describes the Jakun as "savage Malays"; moreover, many writers (e.g. Miklucho-Maclay, in writing of the Mantra, etc.) describe their remarkably close resemblance to the Malays, whilst attributing it solely to (civilised) Malay admixture. The view taken by the present writer is to a great extent in accordance with these writers, with the proviso that the isolation of the " savage Malay " element is not the key to the whole of the mystery with which we are here confronted. The Jakun, in fact, as will appear in this work, form a composite group, consisting of tribes which, though largely Jakun or aboriginal Malayan,
1 Favre in J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 240. 2 Besides this, Logan talks of their " strong family likeness to the Malays."
rill JAKUN PROBL EM
are also in some cases partly Semang and partly Sakai, the crossing between these various elements making it impossible .it present to adopt an) prop \t
classification beyond specifying both Land and Sea fakun as for the most part aboriginal heathen Malays.1
Relationship of the fakun to other Races, Our statistics unfortunately at present are far too incomplete even to admit of such a comparison being made between the two types specially concerned, as was possible in dealing with the Semang and Sakai. The difficulty is, moreover, largely increased by the fact that the influence of the civilised Malays has in this part of the world been very widely spread, and hence it has hitherto been the custom to label as Malay many non- Malayan crania. It must not be forgotten that the true Malay should always bear some relationship to the Mongolian or " Tartar" type, and that it is only on measurements obtained from countries where the Malay stock is relatively pure (e.g. in the centre of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula) that a table of statistics of any practical value can be founded. Meanwhile the most important evidence of aboriginal Malayan influence in the Peninsula consists in the aboriginal Malayan dialects still spoken by the Jakun, though even in the case of the Jakun the matter has been complicated by the uncritical practice of attributing their Malayan vocabulary, as well as their physical characteristics, to admixture with civilised Peninsular Malays. Whereas, as a matter of fact, both the dialects and the general characteristics of the Jakun may perhaps rather be
1 Cf. Hamy, p. 2$n.3ante. Though no Jakun tribe exists which does not contain
single Jakun tribe may now consist solely some such individuals, and I believe that
of aboriginal Malayans, I doubt if any in many cases they amount to over 50 %. VOL. I D
compared to those of the Malay Archipelago than to those of the civilised Peninsular Malay. The table in the Appendix, incomplete as it is, will, however, perhaps be of some use here as showing the kind of information which is required to clear up this part of the still unsolved Malayan problem.
At present all that can be said is that we might expect the civilised Malays to be at least as tall as, if not taller than, the Jakun, their uncivilised cousins. This condition of things does not appear to be borne out by the table, but we must wait for fuller information before this point can be decided. The skull-index of both races is as nearly as possible identical (brachycephalic). The hair-character, moreover, is absolutely identical, but the skin of the Jakun, doubtless through exposure to the weather, is a shade darker, as a rule, than that of the Malays.
General Results.
The synoptical table to be found in the Appendix will, it is hoped, provide certain standards by which to test and classify the three main ethnical groups of the Peninsula. It need perhaps scarcely be added that although many individuals are to be found in the Peninsula who conform pretty closely to one or other of the three types indicated, the least degree of intermixture (either as between themselves or as between them and their civilised neighbours) will tend immediately to produce some divergence from these standards.
Generally speaking, however, and bearing in mind these necessary qualifications, the three types may be roughly described as follows : —
A. Semang Type. — Height of men about 1491 mm. ; of women, 1408 mm. ; skull- index brachy-
£
/
—
:
—
/
<« —
Q
■J.
a
i.
*,
2 - . as
- r. "
■/.
Z
^
f.
"*
V
**
V.
£ -
a
z
<
~JL f-
f.
, THE THREl MAW T\ r
cephalic (or bullet headed) to me iati< ephalic ; skin ol .1 dark copper or rather chocolate-brown colour p into a " shiny black " ; x hair (which is generally shaved off) woolly, like that of the Negro and the Papuan; forehead low and rounded; nose remarkably broad and flat or "spreading"; cheeks full, but with the cheek-bones not very prominent ; eyes round, wide
open, and Straight (f.*. not "oblique" like those of
Mongolian races); chin feebly developed {i,e. rounded off, and frequently almost unmarked); mouth variable,
but rather large as a rule, the lips, which are also variable, being generally well formed, but sometimes
turned outwards or "everted"; beard, none to speak of, as a rule, but when found, thin and straggling, or, occasionally, woolly, like the hair itself.
B. Sakai Type. — In height the Sakai are, I think, without doubt, a slightly taller race than the Semang or Negritos. The shape of their head, on the other hand, is in marked contrast to that of the Negritos, as they belong in type to the dolichocephalic, or long-headed, races. Their skin-colour varies more remarkably than that of any of these tribes, being in some extremely dark brown, in others a remarkably light yellowish-brown, much lighter than that of the Malays. Their hair, too, is long, black, and wavy in character, sometimes with a slight reddish tinge in reflected light. Their forehead is flat, and projects remarkably over the root of the nose, which latter is, as a rule, somewhat fine and small, and often slightly tilted at the tip. The cheek-bones are very broad, especially when considered in relation to the rest of the features. Their eyes are a very dark brown, small, horizontal, and often half-closed, as different as
1 Seey. /. A. vol. iv. p. 428.
36 RACIAL AFFINITIES i-art
can be from those of the Semang. Their chin is lonor and somewhat sharp and pointed. Their mouth is of small size, with lower lip full, loose, and often conspicuously projecting. Their beard is, as a rule, almost non-existent, but a few individuals occur who are fairly well covered with hair.
C. fakun Type. — In height the Jakun appear to be, if anything, a little taller than the Sakai (in which case they would be the tallest of the three aboriginal races). Their head is brachycephalic, or " bullet "- shaped. Their skin is generally of a dark coppery colour, not unlike that of the Malays, but with a tendency to darker shades, which are, doubtless, due partly to exposure and partly to their manner of living. Their hair is long and straight, or "smooth," and of a dark bluish-black tint, such as is invariably found in the hair of Mongolian races. Their forehead is usually well developed. Their nose is, as a rule, thick, flattish, and short, with wide-open nostrils, though it must be noted here that a more developed type occurs. Their cheek-bones are very high and well marked, like those of the Mongolian type. The face, as a rule, is inclined to be flattish. Their eyes are dark brown, of moderate size, and rarely with some slight tendency to obliquity. They have, as a rule, a strong chin and somewhat square jaws. Their mouth, as a rule, is large and broad, though frequently moderate and with well-formed lips. Their beard is of the scantiest.
The establishment of these types may, I think, be considered to justify the classification based on haircharacter which Martin proposes. The Semang he describes as Ulotrichi, or woolly-haired tribes, who are to be clearly distinguished from the Sakai, who are wavy-haired (Cymotrichi). In the third (composite)
\ t 1//.7 A'. .
\7
group, for which I propose to retain the generall) used native name oi [akun, I have merely to si the
recognition (for our present purposes) o( the J akun (or aboriginal Malayan) type as Lissotrichi, or smooth
haired individuals, in the place O) Martins mixed tril
that cannot be classed. Willi this slight modification, I may say that the present work is based entirely on Martin's plan of classification, which in this modified form may now be given as follow
t iroup.
1 l.iii -th. ii.
Name <>f 1 1 ibe.
Know, n i.'.
present wort
I.
Ulotrichi, or Woolly-
Si man •. M< nik, or
S< mang.
haired tribes.
Pangan.
II.
Cymotrichi, or Wavyhaired tribes.
Senoi or SakaL
Sak.ii.
III.
Lissotrichi, or Smooth-
(a) Land Jakun
Jakun.
haired tribes.
or (). Bukit
(b) Sea Jakun or
Orang Laut.
O. Laut.
This list is, as I have just said, merely a classification of racial types or standards, and does not include mixed tribes such as the Kenaboi, Blandas, Besisi, and Mantra, which will be included culturally under the general title of Jakun, the Malayan aborigines, who form a sub-group of the Jakun, being divided into the Hill or Land Jakun (Orang Bukit) and Sea Jakun (Orang Laut) respectively.
Numbers.
It is extremely difficult to form any idea of what the real numbers of the aboriginal population of the Peninsula may be. What Favre remarks of the Jakun applies equally to all the wild races of the Peninsula, whose number, as he says, is very difficult to ascertain, because part of them are a nomadic
RACIAL AFFINITIES
PART
people, so that the same family, and in fact the same individuals, appear to-day in one place and next week some two or three miles further on ; next month they will remove again, to roam the forest or to come hack to their first habitation, so that those who perceive them here and there imagine that they are fresh persons, and in their calculation they count the same individuals two or three times over. Their number, as reported to him, was always much more considerable than the number he found upon visiting the places themselves.1
The most recent (1901) census report of the Federated Malay States, though containing at least one clerical error,2 and often doubtless falling far short of the truth, is yet our sole guide to the real numbers of the aborigines : —
Aborigines of Perak.
Larut Matang K. Kangsar . Upper Perak Kinta . Lower Perak Batang Padang Krian Selama . New Territory
Total
173*
Aborigines of Selangor.
Kuala Lumpur . . . 219
Ulu Selangor . . . 470
Klang 172
K. Langat .... 899
K. Selangor .... I
Ulu Langat . . . . 114
Total. . . . 1875
Aborigines of Negri Sembilan.
Aborigines of Pahang Ulu Pahang -J
Seremban Coast . Jelebu . Kuala Pilah Tampin
Total . Grand Total
Temerloh Pekan .
Kuan tan
K. Lipis .
Raub and Bentong 669
• 1593
• 2391 . 215
Total
18,574
1 See Favre in J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 253-255. Against this statement must, however, be set the inveterate tendency of these tribes to hide themselves in the
forest upon the approach of a European.
- In one of the Perak districts immigrants from India are included as aborigines.
MIXTURE OF RACl
Allowing 25,000 as a probable minimum for I "F.M.S.," the Straits Settlements, Kedah, I ast States, and fohor should swell the total to at
least ;>5,ooo or 40,000.'
Mixture 01 Races.
According to Vaughan-Stevens, the Sakai (" Senoi ' or "Blandas," as he calls them, giving a quite unwarranted extension to the term Blandas)3 are a Negrito tribe with a very large admixture of civilised Malay blood, which he supposes to have obscured the original characteristics of the tribe. This view (the Pan-Negrito theory) is, however, as has already been said, quite untenable, since it is obvious that whatever else may happen anthropologically, the fusion of two brachycephalic tribes, or even two mesaticephalic tribes, could not possibly produce a mixed tribe which was mainly dolichocephalic.
Vaughan-Stevens leaves out of sight, moreover, the extremely potent cultural and religious barrier which divides the civilised Mohammedan Malays from the rude heathen tribes of the jungle. In the case of a Malay mating with one of these heathen women, the children as a rule follow the religion of the father,3 and become merged in his race, the only important exception being the case of Malay traders living with Sakai women in the Sakai country, and then deserting them and their children, in which case the children remain with the tribe. Hence it is the civilised Malay, and not the uncivilised aboriginal race, that is most
1 For fuller details, showing dis- neighbourhood.
tribution of the sexes, see Appendix. 3 Among the jungle tribes themselves
2 Blandas or Belandas. It is probably it seems that the tribal name follows the a mere coincidence that Ptolemy speaks male line ; sons-in-law join their fatherof ariverPalandas (apparently the river in-law'ssettlement. — Vaughan-Stevens, Muar) and a town Palanda in the same ii. 90, 94.
4Q RACIAL AFFINITIES part
affected when the two live in close proximity (as indeed has been observed in Kedah by Logan, and elsewhere). On the other hand, unions between Malay women and heathen tribesmen, although they are certainly known to occur,1 are nevertheless of the rarest description ; and whereas in former days a woman who so disgraced her family as to mate with one who was regarded as little better than the brutes that perish, would have paid the penalty with her life, she still has to undergo an extreme form of social ostracism, which must inevitably act as a strong deterrent. Hence the most appreciable admixture of blood is only as between one wild tribe and another.
This, which I believe to be the normal state of things, has one very important exception, for in various parts of what is known as the Negri Sembilan, but especially in Johol, a number of small groups of Sumatran Malays (principally of Menangkabau origin) have amalgamated with the local groups of aboriginal tribes on what were (nominally at least) honourable and equal terms, under which the Batins or chiefs of the Jakun even retained, for a time at least, their full share of authority in the mixed government thus established.2
The late Martin Lister, in writing of the Rembau
1 Mr. C. O. Blagden informed me had previously been the mistress of
of a case at Malacca which was re- more than one white man, she died
ported to him by the woman's family. suddenly soon after. And such ca^es
Mr. Hale supports the view expressed have not been uncommon. The fact
in the text by writing, that in his that there is the same objection to an
many years' experience he has never alliance between a Malay woman and
met with a case of the kind {i.e. of a a Chinese or a Tamil, clearly shows
Malay woman marrying a Sakai man). that this prejudice is based on religious
He explains this by saying that the scruples.
Mohammedan naturally does not like 2 Thus Mr. Hale writes me that the
his women, who are virtually his slaves, " Waris " tribe in Rembau was divided
to get out of his control, and that into two sections, called "Beduanda
when the daughter of a well-known Jawa" and "Beduanda Jakun !; respec-
S. Ujong chief went to live with a tively ; and that the paramount chief of
Chinaman at Malacca, although she Rembau (called " Penghulu " or " Un-
- <
— DQ
s - ■J3 i:
"3 =
A H - —
r. £
z
□
—
^
—
"
~
<
ttf
ryi
\
U
rt
v3
Machado.
Young Sakai Girl in Centre (mixed Type showing strong Negrito Strain).
Caught when young in Ulu Lipis, and now in the To' Raja of Jelai's household. The other two are Malay children.
MIXTURE OF RACES 41
Malays,1 gives reasons for this remarkable divergent e, pointing out that whereas the rest of the Peninsular Malays at the time of the Menangkabau immigration
were, speaking generally, mere piratical freebooters
bent on conquest and rapine, the Menangkabau people,
on the other hand, were peaceful agriculturalists who had been forced to emigrate through the pressure of population in their own country. Hence all that the
latter desired was land for cultivation, and this they were quite satisfied to obtain by peaceful means. And hence in the case of these Menangkabau colonies there has been a true amalgamation between them and the J akun of Rembau, which has not been the case elsewhere.
It must not be forgotten, as I have already said, that large masses of the soi-disant Malay population in many parts of the Malay States from Kedah to Singapore are undoubtedly the descendants of savage tribesmen who, by intermarriage with the civilised Malays and by the adoption of the higher level of culture which in these parts accompanies conversion to the Mohammedan religion, have in the course of a few generations become barely distinguishable from the ordinary Malay inhabitants, of the western and southern portions of the Peninsula.
Traces of such absorption, in which the metamorphosis is not quite complete, are certainly to be found, for instance, in the State of Kedah, in which, some years back, it was noticed by Logan that the Malayan population approximated in their general appearance to the wild Negrito tribes of the interior.
dang ") was chosen from each of these Negri Sembilan, aboriginal descent is
sections alternately. " Originally the claimed, in order to prove the owner-
Batins {i.e. the Jakun chiefs) had a say ship of land."
in the matter, but now they are squeezed l In J. R. A. S.t S. B., Xo. 32,
out of it." And yet "all over the p. 300.
The descendants of aboriginal slaves would, of course, form a large factor in the problem.
This process of absorption is, moreover, still proceeding with quite as much rapidity as in the past, and where it appears that the numbers of the aborigines are dwindling, we may rest convinced that, in the majority of cases at all events, their gradual disappearance is rather due to conversion and absorption than to the proximity of civilisation, which in the case of these tribes does not appear to have produced such deleterious effects as it is said to have done in other parts of the world.1
In spite of this important exception, however, the amount of admixture of Malay blood, even in the Jakun group (to say nothing of the Sakai or Semang groups, where the mixture is admittedly less), has been undoubtedly very much exaggerated, especially by writers who failed to recognise the " savage Malay" element, and regarded every approach to the Malay type of features as evidence of civilised Malay admixture.
In conclusion we may say that, except in the northern and some of the central states, where the circumstances were different, the "civilised Malay" element has not appreciably affected the racial purity of the wild tribes of the Peninsula, the main admixture (which in many places is obvious enough) having been among themselves. Hence the chief forms of admixture that are worth considering are as follows :■ —
1 See p. 30, par. 35, of the recent 18,574 persons. (190 1) Federated Malay States Census Mr. Hale writes me that the point
Report, where we are told that the of religion often means nothing but the
returns show that there is little tend- ceremony of circumcision, and that
ency on the part of the aborigines to converted slaves of this kind often
decrease, and that they now number reverted to the jungle (on emancipa-
(in the Federated Malay States alone) tion).
JAKUN WITH MARKED SAKAI STRAIN, SELANGOR.
Gre°vr.
Takun of Mixed Type, Bukit. Prual, Selangok
I rol. I. p. 43-
i RAt 'A CHARACTERS < >/■ A /■ 1 7RJ 1 < 43
(i) Semang + Sakai, or "Semang Sakai,"
(2) Semang 1 -Jakun, or "Semang Jakun,"
(3) Sakai + Jakun, or " Sakai- Jakun,"
and further crosses arising From the various mixed races thus produced.1
I. — Race-Characters of Semang.
The Semang country runs (roughly speaking) from Chaiya'2 and Ulu Patani (Singora and Patalung) to Kedah in the north of the Peninsula, and thence to mid-Perak and Northern Pahang.
Wallace3 states that the height of the Semang varies between 1266 mm. and 14 16 mm. This latter figure is, however, certainly too low.
Martin lays stress on the fact that the sexual difference in height is actually greater in tribes of small stature (i.e. Semang and Senoi) than it is amongst taller tribes of the wild races, especially, e.g., among the Blandas. His rough estimate of the average height of a male Semang is about the same as that of a Sakai (1500 mm.). De Morgan says the Semang are the taller, but the fact is doubtful.4
The following account of the physical characters of the Peninsular Negritos includes measurements' taken by Mr. Laidlaw and myself in the Ulu Lebih district of Kelantan, and by myself at Jarum : —
1 That the foregoing statement of that any stranger who, while staying
the case is the true one, appears even in a Jakun house, was able to talk the
from the remarks of Vaughan-Stevens husband off to sleep, acquired thereby
himself, when he says that " Half- an acknowledged right to usurp his
bloods, with Malay or Chinese fathers, marital privileges for the time being, are quite unknown among the wild - W. Smyth's Five Years in Siam,
tribes, but that such admixture is per- ii. 76.
mitted, although not liked, by those :; Quoted by Lane- Fox, y. A. I. vii.
clans who live in close contact with 437 ; cp. J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 7. the Malays" ( V. B. G. A. xxiii. 833). 4 For measurements, see U Homme,
Mr. Hale, on the other hand, in- ii. 552 ; and Wray, Per. Mus. N. iii.
forms me that among the Malays in pp. 33-35. N. Sembilan it was an accepted belief 5 Given in extenso in Appendix.
44 RACIAL AFFINITIES tart
The average height of five adult males that we measured was 1491 mm. (about 4 feet 9 inches), that of three women 1408 mm., or some 3! inches less.
The face was round, the forehead low, rounded, narrow, and projecting, or, as it were, " swollen." The nose was short and flattened, the nostrils much distended, and the breadth of the nose was remarkably great, five adult males having an average of 10 1.2, and three adult females an average of 97.4. The cheekbones were broad, and the lips were sometimes full and turned outwards, or "everted," but not as a rule thick.
The jaws often protruded slightly, but I did not see any case of marked prognathism. The ears were small. The six front teeth in the upper jaw were often filed so as to present a concave surface anteriorly, in imitation of the common Malay practice. The teeth as a rule were white and good, except in advanced age. In one or two cases only they were dis- coloured with betel -juice, and in one case caries was present. The milk-teeth of a child when examined were perfectly normal and regular. The shoulders were comparatively broad. The forearms, with two exceptions, appeared not to be so long relatively as they are in the Andamanese. The exceptions were two Pangan at Jarum, whose arms were so long as to present a pithekoid character. But the number of persons observed is too small to separate them from the Pangan of Kelantan. The person was usually well developed.
The head measurements taken by ourselves give a mesaticephalic index as an average ; for five men the average was 78.9, for three women 81. 1. This feature, however, is clearly variable, as one of the men (Pandak) had an index of 73.8, and a Pangan at Jarum one of 74.4, as against an index of 85 in the skull
Machado. Sakai Girl (showing Negrito Strain- i.
Living at Batu Pahat Johor but originally from Ulu Lipis Pahang. Carrying a bamboo
cylinder fur water.
RACl CHARAi TERS OJ VE( R/T(
collected by Grubauer, which means an index of about 87 in the living person*1
Martin again states tli.it -ill the Mendi' ( Semar measured by him were mesaticephalic, with a str< tendency to dolichocephaly.
The following notes on a male skeleton found by myself in Kedah, and averages oi measurements taken from living Semang (Pangan) in Kelantanand Patani, may be of interest I am indebted for them to Dr. \Y. L. 11. Duckworth, of Jesus Col!- 1 imbridge, who has also described .1 Semang skull recently collected by Dr. Grubauer.8
The skull viewed in norma \ crticalis i.-, ellipsoid and mesaticephalic. The
glabellar prominences are fery moderate in amount. Muscular ridges are feebly developed, and the zygomatic arch is slender. The nasal profile is comparatively
flat, Imt the nasal spine is large. Prognathism of the subnasal and dental typeis well marked. The nasal hones are large and rather flat, the aperture pyri- formis is cordate in outline. The palate is hypsiloid, the teeth large and blackened. The anterior surfaces of the upper incisors and canines have been filed. Chin-prominence slight, ascending ramus of mandible short. The skull should be described as mesaticephalic, metriocephalic, mesognathous, chamieprosopic, microsemic, platyrhine, mesoprosopic, and mesocephalic, and on the whole probably represents an intermediate form between the dolichocephalic and brachycephalic types.
The vertebral column shows no particular marks of inferiority. The scapulae are small and relatively very broad, the coracoid is large, and the upper border very straight. The clavicles show signs of disease, but have a very remarkable form which can hardly be altogether pathological. The peculiarity consists in the exaggeration of the normal curve (with concavity directed forward) of the outer part of the bone ; the two portions of the bone meet at about a quarter of its length from the outer end, at an angle which in the right clavicle is nearly 900.
The pelvis affords the best indication of the sex of the skeleton. The crests of the ilia are not so much incurved anteriorly as in the European pelvis. The femurs are rather straight in the shaft, with distinct accessory adductor tubercles.
Generally speaking, the characters of the skull are not such as to enable us to refer it to any well -recognised type without hesitation. Certain marks of inferiority, which may be regarded not as racial peculiarities, but as constituting retentions of conditions normal in infancy, should be noticed. These, which often occur in lower or primitive races, and are spoken of, with others, as "infantile" features, are the rotund contour of norma occipitalis, and the shortness of the ascending ramus of the mandible. The conditions of the cranial suture leave no doubt as to the skull having reached maturity.
The conformation of the skeleton of the nose, and the type of prognathism, constitute resemblances to skulls met with not unfrequently amongst the negro races, especially the races of Central Africa, rather than amongst Oceanic negroes.
1 In mesaticephalic subjects the possibility of Sakai admixture should, I think, be discounted. a See Appendix.
46 RACIAL AFFINITIES i-art
The lack of characters usually determining sex in '.he skull is also in favour of this view. On tin- other hand, no definite resemblance in respect of the cranium can
be traced to the Bush natives of South Africa, whereas the facial features resemble certain crania from Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and one from the Andamans. Again, the size and proportions of the scapula are not unlike those of the Bushman of Africa ; an accessory adductor tubercle appears on the femurs in both, and in both the lower ends of the femurs are slender. Differences, however, obtain in the sacra, and on the whole the Semang's bones are the larger. The great length of the forearm said to characterise the Andamanese is absent in the Semang.1
Sir William Turner describes a skeleton from Pahang," which differs notably from the above. It is microcephalic and brachycephalic. There is, however, no precise evidence as to whether this skeleton belonged to an undoubted Semang, and as brachycephaly is a mark of certain tribes belonging to the third group of Martin's classification, it might perhaps equally be referred to one of these. Another skeleton described by Virchow (quoted by Turner, loc. cit.) shows also differences in other directions.3
Hair.
The hair of the Semang that we observed was in most cases characteristically Negrito — crisp, short, and very curly, in fact, actually woolly in the purer types of the tribe. In colour it was of a brownishblack, not a bluish -black like that of Malays (and other Mongoloid races). In section it varied from an oval or ellipse at the thicker or basal end, to almost a circle near the tip. In other words, it possessed a Negrito character in respect of section ; 4 and the measurement of the spirals was about 15 mm. The chin-hairs were few and straggling, and in only two
1 For a fuller description of this end of Part I. and also the Appendix
skeleton see W. L. H. Duckworth in of this book.
J. A. I. vol. xxxii. (1902), p. 142^^. ; 2 Trans. R. S. Edin. vol. xl. part
and for his description of a brachy- i. No. 6. cephalic Semang skull purchased by 3 See Appendix,
the Royal College of Surgeons, see Ap- 4 For a detailed description of this
pendix ; and for other Semang measure- hair kindly supplied by Dr. W. L. H.
ments, see note by Dr. Duckworth at Duckworth, see Appendix.
i RACE CHARACTERS <>/■ VEGR/Ti i,
( ises did we see a Semang with even the sli beard,1 which in <>n<' <>i the two c.i'.c, w.i i - ,«-ly curled and x\ < >< > 1 1 - , in the <>i her I bin and »l raj lii
In anollui |>;i Ayr Yaii<;haii St« i hat 'In- half
breed Semangi are the only membei i "i thi le tribei \i><> could I
imparativel] well provided with hair, and thai even in theii case il"- haii standi in almost direel relation i>» the mixture ol blood I I (Pangan) when ol pure blood hai v" little beard "i whisken thai h< foi in-, little icrubby beard to be Been( and therefore plucli il out, Ye\ h< to retain the moustache, 10 thai il may "di tingui li him from i woman" [sic).
Elsewhere we are told thai " The haii ol the Semang (Menik) i le im lined to turn grey in <>ld age than that <>i the Malays, gn \ hall k> in as quite exceptional." ■'
Skin-colour.
The skin was of a dark chocolate-brown in the Semang that we measured in K el an tan, approximating
in the case of some of the Kedah Negritos to the glossy black mentioned by Anderson.4 In the old people it was much scarred and sometimes diseased, the disease most prevalent being that called " kurap " by the Malays, but of a mild type. The colour of No. 3 of Topinard's scale corresponded very closely with the colour of most of the Eastern Semang measured by myself. In the younger individuals the skin was smooth and clean and the body physically well de-
I For a fuller account see J. A. J. tendency towards it that the source canxxxii. 151. For hair-sections see not be mistaken, although the hair of Montano, PI. xxxi. In another place the rest of the family may more nearly Yaughan-Stevens remarks as follows : — approach the Sakai (Blandas) type.
II The peculiar spirally tufted (' pep- The pure types of either kind are very per-corn ') hair of the E. Semang (Pan- seldom seen there ; but rather they overgan) has kept its influence up to the lap and produce intermediate groups, present day in that district in Pahang which show in some cases more and in where the half-breed descendants of the others less of a tendency to possess the E. Semang (Pangan), Tembeh (Temia), curly hair referred to."
and Sakai (Blandas) were settled as 2 In other words, the hairiness is
prisoners of the Rawa Malays ever due to the presence of the Sakai ele-
since their pure-blooded forefathers ment.
were first sold to the Malays of Pahang. 3 Z.f. E. xxix. 178.
In a family of this mixed type it often 4 J. Anderson, quoted by Col. James
happens that one or several of the Low, states that the Semang of Treng-
children show in this respect either a ganu were not of such a ' ' jet-black and
complete reversion to the E. Semang glossy appearance " as those of Kedah
(Pangan) type, or at least so decided a {J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 428).
48 RACIAL AFFINITIES pari
vcloped, but in older individuals it was often much scarred, and in two or three cases slightly diseased.
With regard to the skin-colour of the Negritos, Vaughan-Stevens remarks that amonij the wilder Semang, or " Menik " (the men of which tribe wear nothing but a cord or girdle and the women a waist-fringe that lets the light through), the colour of the skin is very uniform. The W. Semang (? Semang-Sakai tribes), however, offer nearly as great a variety as the Malays. The Semang (Menik) did not regard the lighter - coloured Sakai (Blandas) as superiors (!). Their god Pie was dark like themselves. Although the Semang is of darker colour than the Sakai (Blandas), and appears to be less influenced by heat, he (V. -St.) was still of opinion that this capacity for bearing heat arises rather from his constitution, than from the darker colour of his skin {vide remarks on this subject as affecting the Sakai, infra).
The pronounced nomadic character of all these tribes makes it impossible to arrive at any conclusions as to the effect produced by altitude, soil, shade, dust, or clothes upon the texture and colour of the skin. The family or tribe lives perhaps for a month upon a hill at an elevation of some thousands of feet above the sea, next month at the foot of the same hill ; at one time in the thick, dark jungle, and at another in the hot, open plains.
According to the Malays, the Negritos never wash themselves, and therefore possess as a rule a powerful odour, and the statement is certainly a true one. When, for instance, for the sake of the experiment, he (V.-St.) had induced the E. Semang (Pangan) to wash themselves with soap, they did not appear to retain any particular smell afterwards. But when, immediately afterwards, he accompanied them on a rapid march, and after going some distance from them had again returned to their company, the odour was distinctly noticeable.1
Sight. The eyes of the Semang that we examined, which were round, wide-open, and horizontal, were uniformly of a very rich deep brown in colour ; in one case only, that of an old man, they were of a greyish-brown tint. The Semang as a race were far from being unpleasantlooking people, the most striking peculiarity in their appearance being a certain wild look about the region of the eyes, probably due, in part, to the great width between them, and to the curious depression of the upper part of the nose, as well as to a natural restlessness of the eyes themselves, which these tribes possess in common with wild animals. Their eyesight appeared to be good of its kind, and in the few cases that we tested the colour-vision was normal.2
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 174-176. are given by Wray, Per. Mits. N.
2 A few sight-statistics of Semang iii. p. 38.
RACE CHARACTERS 0/ NEGRITi
1 1„ tyi "i th< i 1 1 '. ul,r" ,l" i"'"' l,!
i ii<- i onjum ii. > -I i da i1 yellow i oloui i wh tm tin
iiu- E, Semang (Pangan) how no traces ol ihorl ighl and the
top of thi call ' in quickm i oi observation) thii quality, however, itandin Invei ■<• ratio to the progn mack by thi ii trik> In civil!
Hearing, The cars of the Semang that we observed were
distinctly small, and their hearing appeared ordinarily acute. In one case, however, that of a youngish man,
slight deafness was noticeable.
The sense of hearing among t > * < - v. Semang (Pangan), though not so acute .1. among the fakun, is nevertheless .sharper than among the more civil \v. Semang, Sakai (Blandas), or Tembeh (Temia).
Ow the other hand, exceptional sharpness of hearing occurred more frequently among the W. Semang than among any of the other tribes mentioned.3
Hands and Feet.
There is no doubt that these wild nomadic tribes frequently meet with accidents. Out of the few men that we measured, one suffered from a deformed finger, and another had lost the little toe of his left foot.
It is very difficult to answer the question concerning the usual position of the palm of the hand, i.e. whether it is directed forwards, or backwards, or sideways. The hands are so constantly occupied in the case of both sexes that they are very seldom at rest. So far, however, as he (V.-St.) had been able to observe it, the palm was held sideways by the Negritos, i.e. directed towards the leg or a little towards the front, whereas by the Sakai (Blandas) and Jakun it was directed backwards.
The aborigines were at first much perplexed by being asked whether when their fist was closed they could still stretch out one finger of the hand without unclosing the others. Both the Semang and Sakai (Blandas) could, however, do this very easily when it was explained to them.
In measuring the width of the span between the thumb and the little or middle finger, he (V.-St.) was struck by their inability to open their fingers freely.4
The most noticeable point about the feet of the Semang is the remarkable inward curve of the hallux,
1 Z.f.E. xxix. 176. 3 lb. p. 182.
2 lb. p. 181. 4 lb. pp. 190, 191, 194.
VOL I E
5o RACIAL AFFINITIES part
as shown in the tracings of Pangan feet which we took in Ulu Kelantan.
The following passage from Vaughan-Stevens about the walk of the aborigines in general (" Orang Utan ") applies perfectly to the Semang : —
11 I have tried to obtain some data on the walk of the Orang Utan, but I find that this is scarcely possible, from reasons related to the great variability of their environment. In the first place, it is very rare to find a man who is free from cuts, cracks, or thorn-pricks ; for according to their custom they go barefoot in spite of the roughness of the land and of the obstacles and dangers with which the thick vegetation threatens them. This influences their walk in one respect. In the second place, they are appreciably influenced by the character of the jungle through which they have been wandering for some weeks previously. From habit they adapt their walk to the peculiarities of the way by which they have to travel. A path (for instance) where thorns that have fallen from the trees and creeping plants surround him causes the man to walk carefully and slowly, and at each step to delay a moment before he trusts the whole weight of the body to the foot ; and this method of walking is retained some days from mere habit, even when the thorny jungle is left and the path is once more smooth and level.
" After observing a man for a whole day, I found that he employed no fewer than eight different ways of walking, which varied with the nature of the ground to be traversed. And the ground to be traversed suffers such constant changes throughout the life of the Orang Utan that I really do not know which of these ways of walking I should describe as his most usual method. Contrary to the European in general, he has few or no level paths to go by, and hence the gait which he adopts on such a path would not be his usual way of walking, but would be precisely the method which he employs most rarely.
" The footsteps of the Negritos, I am prepared to maintain, are almost straight in the majority of cases, whereas all those of the Orang Utan (?) turn outwards. In all races, however, there is so great a difference in the [usual] angles that it is impossible to say which angle is the real standard."1
Locomotion.'1
With regard to strength and endurance in walking, the wild E. Semang (Pangan) stand in the front rank. Then come the Jakun and the civilised (W. ) Semang ; and, last of all, the various tribes of Sakai (Blandas and Tembeh).
The Semang are bad runners, but they are as quick as an eel or a snake in getting through marshy swamps or forest, their small bodies being very pliant and supple. In getting fast through bushes or mangrove jungle they are better than the Sakai (Blandas), although the latter have the better sense of direction in unknown forest.
Cfanbing.
The following remarks, from the dialectal forms, evidently refer to the Semang : —
1 Z.f.E.xxix. 191, 192. 2 Id. pp. 193, 194.
RAi / CHARACTERS OJ VI GRITi 51
Climbing! irhi( h In general I • « ailed " i- I by
three different nun. , i ling to the method employed i
i. "( iihiu.ni " (" < Ihidward "), hi which the fool ily a. m
the position "i the SakaJ (Blandas) in the photograph I lenl jrou.
- ■• Tinbon" (" Tinhorn M), In a hi< ii th< • I p the tree iHth the innei
.hi. . .1 the ■■' 'I*'-
■• 1 1 Nangan ' I " ree Nun u n "), in wln< h .1 i"]-- 1 1 used (pi in Ceylon), >" In winch the item I embraced by the arm and l< I 1 time (European fashion)* The grasp "' 1 1 » « - hand ■ 1 • 1 ailed " Ma-4 neb."
A specimen of rope sent to Berlin by Vaughan-
Stevens was labelled as follows : —
'*Nangan ('Nungarn'), the rope used in climbing, for fastening the ankles together, whilst tin- inside oi c.uh fool is pressed against the tret-."
In the same passage Vaughan-Stevens speaks very contemptuously of the Semang as climbers —
"The Semang arc bad climbers; an ordinary school -girl would excel the best of them. For climbing a straight, high stem, the Sakai (Blandas) is the better. The Semang is nervous when high up in the air, especially if the wind blows a little. The winds are for him the messengers of diseases ; he does not like to be unprotected in their domain at the top of a high tree." *
This description, however, is most unfair to the Semang, many of whom, at least, can climb almost like monkeys. I myself once saw two of the Kedah Semang run several yards up trees by putting the flat of their feet against the trunk and their arms round it.
Swimming.2
The Semang are very bad swimmers, but the majority of them know how to swim, which is called "Kijuaij" (" Keejooije "), and in water which only reaches up to the breast they splash merrily about. They swim exactly in the same way as the Northern Malays, swimming on the breast and paddling with the hands like dogs, and drawing the legs vertically upwards from the knees, and then straightening them vigorously, thus making a great splashing. Of deep or rushing turbid water they have superstitious fears ; they are afraid, as a child is afraid of the dark, as they "do not know what their god Kari (' Kee,' sic) may send to draw them down into the depths."
Throwing. 3
In throwing the [" tame "] Semang is as clumsy as a European woman. The action is the same, i.e. with the shoulder instead of with the wrist and elbow.
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 199. 2 lb. p. 198. 3 lb. p. 200.
Sensitiveness to Pain. The Semang appear to be less sensitive to pain than the Sakai (Blandas).1
Physiognomy.
The open mouth is sometimes covered l>y the hand, or the latter is carried up to some part of the head.
When a man is indignant or defiant he frowns. He does not, however, at the same time clench his fists.
In "simple" people the corners of the mouth are very slightly depressed, and the adjacent extremities of the eyebrows raised, by the muscle that the French call the " grief muscle."
In the more intelligent the eyes sparkle, the skin round and under them being wrinkled, and the mouth slightly drawn back at the corners.
When one man sneers or jeers at another it rarely happens that the corners of the upper lip over the canine or eye teeth are raised on the side facing the man whom he addresses.
A dogged or obstinate expression can be very easily recognised among the Semang.
It is uncertain whether any gesture of contempt exists.
Disgust is expressed by a sudden expiration of the breath, something like incipient vomiting.
In the case of extreme fear the Semang children remain quite quiet. The met sit down quietly and frequently utter a sharp hissing noise. Both men and women open their mouths and eyes.
To show that he cannot prevent something being done, or cannot himself do something, he slightly raises his eyebrows, and keeps his mouth somewhat open.
The children pout markedly when they are sulky, and run away quietly.
To express affirmation the head is thrust forwards, whereas to express negation the eyes are cast down.2
Physical Endurance.
Vaughan-Stevens remarks that he did not observe any difference between these races in the power of enduring heat, e.g. when they had been exposed through the whole day to the sun on a journey, except as regards their general [sic, ? individual] power of enduring fatigue. Elsewhere he remarks that in the sensitiveness of the head to the sun's heat very little difference (between the three races) at first probably existed. [This point, however, is a difficult one to establish, since] the Semang (Menik) wear nothing as a rule but a head-band, and hence scarcely feel any special increase of the sun's heat.
There is never any appreciable degree of cold in the plains of the Peninsula, and even such falls of temperature as occur are never of long duration. The cold wet winds of the mountains are, however, felt more by the E. Semang (Pangan) and Tembeh (Temia)3 than the Sakai. The wild E. Semang (Pangan), however, can bear such low temperatures as occasionally occur without the least sign of discomfort, when the more civilised tribes are reduced to cowering over a fire with chattering teeth.
1 Z.f.E. xxix. 203. omitted. Even the answers given by
2 Answers to questions drawn up by Vaughan-Stevens with regard to the Darwin, collected by V.-St., and pub- Semang are sometimes inconsistent, lished in V. B. G. A. xxviii. 270-272. 3 Vaughan-Stevens ascribes this The answers referring to' the Sakai greater sensitiveness of the Tembeh to and Jakun are valueless, the two races the fact of their constitution having being confused by V.-St., and are hence been enfeebled by disease !
. SUMMARY "/■ v/ GRITO CI LTURE S3
I lie i< ■••! ilo lln in f-1 vi lh.it lli< S( mm;; ( • liild
■ rally iuflf< i tnon when In want ol food than to (Blandt ) and [akan
children. '
Summary oj Si hang ( i u\ ure, The Semang arc the most nomadii ol ill tin
tribes, the wilder ones never Staying, it is alleged, more than throe days ill one place. But lew ol them have taken to agriculture, and they obtain their livelihood 1))' hunting, fishing, and trapping, by digging up
wild roots and tubers, and by gathering the various jungle fruits as they come into season.
They are fond of tobacco, but very seldom indulge in betel-chewing, of which, in fact, I never saw an instance among the Semang of Kedah and Ulu Patani. They wear to some extent the loin-cloth of tree-bark (the bark selected being in some cases that of the upas or poison-tree), but their distinctive costume appears to be a mere girdle of leaves, or, as especially on festal occasions, a peculiar girdle manufactured from the long black shiny strings (really the rhizomorph) of a toad-stool !
The wildest of the Semang do not appear as a race to tattoo, or scarify, either the face or the body, though in some cases they may have learnt the custom (of scarification) from the Sakai. They (the men especially) often shave the head, and not unfrequently about half a dozen of their front teeth will be seen to have been filed, though this is not necessarily a Semang custom. The women wear in their hair a magic comb which is believed to avert disease and danger. The Semang do not circumcise. Their distinctive weapon is the bow with poisoned arrows,
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 202, 203. 2 For Col. Temple's comparison of Semang with Andamanese v. Appendix.
54 RACIAL AFFINITIES pari
though many of them have now adopted the blowpipe of the Sakai and Jakun.
Their habitations are of the most primitive description, generally consisting of natural shelters under overhanging rocks, or of the simplest form of leafshelters, erected either on the ground or between the branches of trees. The most advanced type of these leaf-shelters was a shelter made long enough to accommodate the entire tribe and furnished with their re- markable bamboo bed-places. They have no boats, but occasionally use rough bamboo rafts for drifting down stream. Their musical instruments are all of bamboo, and consist of simple kinds of " stamping " instruments (intended for beating time rather than for making music), the nose-flute and the Jew's-harp. They have no drums.
They barter jungle produce with the Malays, but do not work for the latter to so great an extent as the Jakun. Their religious ideas are of great interest. They have a kind of deities called Kari and Pie, but these appear, like some of the " high gods " of the Australian " Blackfellows," to be rather of the nature of mythological personages or otiose gods than real divinities, as, although they have many divine attributes, there is practically no trace of an actual cult. The Semang marriage rite is of the slightest, but they are strict monogamists, and both sexes are faithful to the marriage tie. It is said by Malays that they formerly devoured their dead, burying the head only ; this assertion may rest on some old Semang practice of disinterring the corpse, but they now invariably bury the deceased entire. They have no great fear of the ghosts of the deceased, such as is shown so strongly by the Sakai and the Jakun.
^
Sakai of s. Perak.
Vol. /./>. 55.
RACE CHARACTERS OF SAA AJ
1 1. — Racb-( iiai- < i i i oi Sakai.
The Sakai appear to have their racial focui in the mountain ranges of S.E. Perak and N.W. Pa hang. Their district marches on the north (in Perak) with that of the Semang, th<- dividing line being
stated l>y some observers to be the Perak river, and by Others (De Morgan, Hale, and others) to be the Plus river already referred to. Then' can be no doubt, however, that there has been a considerable admixture ; witness the photographs of some so-called "Semang" tribes of Perak and elsewhere, which frequently include types that are distinctly Sakai ; certainly no really distinct geographical boundary can be drawn between the two races, and on the whole it would seem that the much-talked-of line of demarcation between the Semang and Sakai is (as far as race and culture go) no line at all, but a belt of mixed tribes which run, e.g., through mid-Perak and N. Pahang.1
On the east coast the Sakai do not appear to extend far into either Kelantan or Trengganu, though they are found in Pahang, their admixture with Pangans commencing somewhere near Clifford's line, e.g., in the district of Ulu Jelai. Westward of the central chain, on the other hand, they appear to extend through the interior of Selangor, and thence, in the form of a narrowing wedge (and with a rapidly increasing admixture of Jakun blood), through the inland districts of Negri Sembilan, at least as far south as Malacca, and almost certainly as far south as Johor.
1 For further notes on their distribu- fortunately no clear proof that the
tion, see, for instance, De la Croix's writer is always able to distinguish
article in Rev. d"* Ethnogr. vol. i. No. between Semang and Sakai. 4 (1882), p. 320; though there is un-
As, however, the exact racial limits of the Sakai have not yet been defined (if, indeed, they will ever be definable), it has been thought best to draw the line between the Sakai and the Jakun at the point where the influence of the latter commences to be fairly certain and appreciable, i.e. at Southern Selangor and mid-Pahang.
Passing to the general physical characters of this second group, the Senoi ' (or Cymotrichi of Martin), I am indebted to Professor Martin for much of my information concerning them. Owing to the fact that their headquarters are in S.E. Perak and N.W. Pahang, no member of our exploring party came across any individuals. Consequently the following account is drawn chiefly from published notes and other material kindly supplied by Martin.2
In height the Sakai does not appreciably differ from the Semang.
The average height of the men is 1504 mm., 85 per cent of the individuals measured ranging from 1460 to 1580 mm. Some few individuals were as low as 1380 mm.
The average height of the women is 1437 mm., 53 per cent ranging from 1390 to 1450 mm., and 17 per cent below 1390 mm. The smallest individuals, two adult married women, possessed a height of 1320 mm. only.
The head is chiefly dolichocephalic, whereas the Semang measured by Martin are described as mesaticephalic, with, however, a strong tendency to the dolichocephalic condition.
1 Senoi = Orang Halas of Newbold. pines' quills therein.
Cp.y. /. A. vol. iv. p. 429, where the 2 To this should be added the
O. Alas of Ulu Kantu (? Kinta) are measurements of Wray {Per. Mus.
described by Col. Low as a tribe of Notes, iii. pp. 33, 34). Those in Fasc.
Perak Sakai, who pierce the cartilage Mai. are taken account of at p. 96
of the nose and ears and insert porcu- sea., infra.
RACt i n IRAi TER OJ
The fa< e is fairl) long and broad, but pointed towards the chin, The forehead is, in the male, flat, often far overshadowing the < and « the root
o! the nos'- to rcircit far back. ()i the men 93 per cent, and J3 per cent ol the women, are mesopro lopu . rhe lips are thick ; the under lip often hangs down and maybe described as "swollen." The Sakai are distinctly lighter in complexion than the Semanj The hair is black, but never deep black ; in most cases it shows a brownish shimmer, especially in the young, and differs widely from that of the Semang and the Malax.
From the remarks of other travellers who ha met with Sakai, as well as from photographs, we m picture the Sakai as a slenderly built race, and as often presenting an emaciated appearance, which is increased by their long, unkempt wavy hair hanging down to the shoulders, and by their large restless eyes.
In evidence of their striking resemblance to the \ eddas, it is perhaps worth remarking that one of the brothers Sarasin, who had lived among the Veddas and knew them well, when shown a photograph of a typical Sakai, at first supposed it to be a photograph of a Vedda.1
Without wishing to definitely commit myself as to the affinities of this race, I think that it is fairly clear even from the existing evidence that they are at any rate quite distinct from the Semang or Ulotrichi of Martin, as they are also from the Jakun (Lissotrichi) type found among the southern tribes.
A number of other measurements concerning this type are taken from the writings of Rudolf Virchow,
1 This information was given me by quite as emphatically remarked to me Professor Martin, who himself showed upon the resemblance of my Sakai the photograph. Mr. Shrubsall once photographs to Tamils.
who, in discussing the height of individuals measured by Vaughan- Stevens, gives the figures which are quoted in the Appendix.
In another volume of the VerJiandlungen x Virchow refers to the skull of a Sakai (Senoi) woman, which he describes as orthodolichocephalic, and the full description of which will be found in the Appendix.
The most interesting point about this skull, apart from its dolichocephalic character and certain structural anomalies, is the formation of the nose, which is depressed to such an extent that Virchow was tempted to regard it as pithekoid. Another no less important point in Virchow's paper is the description he gives of the Sakai hair-character, concerning which he says : —
" On the other hand, I must also point to a very pronounced Sakai (Blandas) characteristic. In a recent consignment sent by H. Vaughan-Stevens was found the lock of hair of a Sakai {Senoi) man from the north of the Peninsula. The memorandum sent with it was to the effect that ' the clan to which the man belongs does not cut the hair.' At the meeting of 21st November 1891 ( Verh. p. 844), I treated the Sakai (Blandas) hair in detail from a large number of specimens of hair sent by Vaughan-Stevens. As compared with those specimens, I may briefly state that the lock of hair now before us exactly corresponds to them. Its wavy structure distinguishes it completely from the spirally curled structure of the E. Sernang {Pangan) hair (Verh. 1892, p. 443). Its length amounts to rather more than 20 cm., but we cannot decide exactly how long the hair was when entire, as it is not stated at what distance from the scalp the lock was cut off. It is of a blackish appearance, and in reflected light of a slightly brownish and glossy colour ; seen under the microscope in thin sections it is light brown, with a dark and often interrupted medulla. The ends, as is the case with the uncut hair, are pointed, broken at the sides, and frequently split into two or more fragments.
' ' The contrast between the two races cannot be more sharply expressed. Unfortunately Vaughan-Stevens has neglected to take advantage of his opportunities, and to send us a larger number of specimens of hair from his Semang friends, of which measurements would also be highly desirable. We hope the opportunity will be given him to fill up these gaps." 2
Elsewhere Vaughan-Stevens, writing apparently of the body-hair of the Sakai (Blandas) tribes, says : —
" The natural growth of the hair is thin and scattered, and in both sexes the direction of growth of the hair (of the body), as well as that at the back of the head and under the arms, is slightly upwards."
1 V. B. G. A. xxviii. 154 (cp. /. c, 2 lb. xxvi. 359. See also Montano,
1894, for further particulars). PI. xxxi.
Old Sakai Man, ' The Father of all the Sakais," Ulu Berang, Eight Milks from Tanjong Malim, South Perak.
Vol I. /. 59.
/ ( HARACTER i Oh akai
Tin- bail ..i iiir , in !., | in old if ..!<. In lined to
tli. in that ol thC Mini. i > . .ni.| < ..mplrtr baldness I. .kIii. illy - lial it i.
,-,! u|m,ii ;i . .1 i. -in aikahle < -m eption whil li "ill) ii. illy.1
The more detailed account of the Sakai (Blandas)
hair referred to above as collected by V.iii'.di.m-
Stevens is as follows, the description oi the specimen - being in Vaughan-Stevens' own words:
''No. 39. Specimen >>t hail ehoeen i"i nc by an old Batin, a> a typical example of Sakai (Blandas) hair ; tradition declared it to be the original form. The Sakai themaelvei nnanimooaly declare that the straight) sir lometimei found
among them comei from cross-breeding vritfa the Malays, and themselves call it
COane [* kasar'). The Supposed original type, of which they arc very proud,
died Watei hail (' Rambut Ayer'Jj it is still to be leen occasionally and
has a distinct reddish tinge. Moreover, it does not as a rule turn white, as the COarsei hair does. The present specimen is from a Sakai woman 35 year-, old, and has been cut offaS close to the scalp as possible."
No. 40. From a 75-year-old Sakai man, wizened and bent with age. No. 41. From a 37-year-old Sakai man.
No. 43. From children. The shortest specimen is from a 4-months-old boy j the next longest from a 2-year-old girl ; the longest from a 6-year-old boy.-
To the foregoing may be added Virchow's description of a remarkable specimen of hair (No. 105) sent by
Vaughan-Stevens :-
It is an immense shock (Schopf) reaching 30 cm. in length, and consists of thick glossy black hairs, which display a somewhat reddish tinge towards the tips.
A fourth specimen of hair (No. 104) sent by Vaughan-Stevens consisted of a beautifully wavy lock of 36 cm. in length, which, taken as a whole, was of a splendid black, with a reddish shimmer in reflected light, especially towards the tips, though otherwise it is coarse but glossy. I find no noticeable difference from the Sakai hair which I have already fully described at the meeting of 21st November 189 1 {Verh. pp. 844-846).
Not only from these statements of Vaughan-Stevens, but still more from inspection of the hair-specimens sent by him, it is clear that the Sakai (Blandas) cannot be at all nearly related either to Negritos or Papuans. Moreover, the difference of this hair from that of the " Orang Sakai " described by Miklucho-Maclay is abundantly clear.3
With regard to the above-mentioned specimens of hair Virchow adds a few remarks of his own, concluding as follows : —
The net results of this investigation lead me to a conclusion similar to the one to which I came at the meeting of the 16th February 1889 ( Verh. p. 158),
1 Z.f.E. xxix. 178, 179.
2 Vaughan-Stevens, quoted by Virchow in V. B. G. A. xxiii. 844, 845.
3 V. B. G. A. xxviii. (Virchow) 149,150.
6o RACIAL AFFINITIES part
with respect to the more ancient races of the Southern and South- Eastern Islands of the Malay Sea. Just as in these islands I could point out a broad /one of wavy-haired people between the spiral -haired Melanesians and the straighthaired Malays, so, too, in Malacca the wavy -haired Sakai race (Blandas) appears to have established itself between the spiral-haired Negritos (Semang) of the North and the lank- {straff) haired [Jakuns and] Malays of the South and of most of the coast districts. For the islanders I have again adopted for this race the old and certainly much-misused name of Alfuros. It follows that the near relationship of the Sakai (Blandas) to the Alfuros might be inferred from this evidence.
Of the insular Alfuros I remarked that, in respect of their hair-character, they connect up with the Australians on the one hand and the Veddas of Ceylon on the other. Perhaps, therefore, the Sakai (" wild men ") of Malacca might be regarded as Dravidians. However, we are precluded from regarding them as entirely identical, owing to the fact that the Sakai (Blandas) are inclined to be brachycephalic, whereas these other races are dolichocephalic.1 This raises new questions, which can only be decided by further information.2
The Colour of the Skin.z
According to Vaughan- Stevens, the Sakai (Blandas) of the present time (like the western or domesticated (" tame " Semang) offer nearly as great a diversity of colour as the Malays.
The Sakai is lighter than the Semang, and seems to be more affected by heat than the latter (v., however, supra).
Among the Sakai (Blandas), whose colour varies, he (V.-St.) saw nothing that could support the theory that, among a number of individuals, those with darker skins stood exposure better on the march. On the other hand, in this thickly wooded country one cannot walk far without coming into the protection of the shade of the forest.
The Sakai (Blandas) prefer the lighter colour, and are proud of faircoloured children, in which they possibly follow the Malay view. But in olden times the light colour was not an attribute of their chiefs.4
He could not find that there was any relation between a coarse or fine skin texture and its colour, when the coarseness of the skin is not the result of special exposure, or of a disease.
He found among the Sakai (Blandas), when no skin disease was present, no other smell than that which is ever to be observed in cases wdiere the activity of the skin is suppressed, and no cleansing material, such as soap, etc., is employed ; for the splashing of water over the body rather answers the purpose of refreshing, than that of cleansing, the skin.
Sight.
The eyes of the Sakai (Blandas) are all alike, and Vaughan-Stevens observed no deviation from shades Nos. I or 2.5
1 There can, however, now be little in small numbers between brachy-
doubt arising from this particular cephalic Negritos as well as brachy-
difficulty, in view of the fact that cephalic Malayan tribes. in the purest strain of Sakai blood 2 V. B. G. A. xxiii. (Virchow) 847.
dolichocephaly has been shown to 3 Z.f.E. xxix. (V.-St.) 174-176.
obtain. The original dolichocephalic 4 This statement of Vaughan-Stevens
character of the Sakai appears to have is, I believe, without foundation, been modified owing to their isolation 6 Virchow in V. B. G. A. xxiii. 840.
A'
t V ; '*
- r
&
T
- '
M G
Mixed Sakai-Semang Type, Ulu Batu, Sei.an.gor.
Vol. I. /• 60.
w*
McGrezor.
Mixed Sakai-Semang Type, Ulu Batu, Selangob.
;w. /. /. 61.
RAi I CHARACTERS ■ /• Ai Al
in , oloui the - < • ••! all do not have the conjunctiva coloured deep jrellom u th< Negritos do.
ilu- eyi "i theii children are extremel) well formed, and with t) blai hes add much to the beauty of their ap|>carancc. There i no ti
,,i id, " \ 1 . •ii-.. - 1 1 . i n fold," in which the ikin "i the tnnei coraei ol tl ovei the eyi il ieli ; the edge o! the upp i i velid >• alwaj i well formed.'
Squinting is certainl) known to them, tince they arc much afraid of the endangering ol theii padi harvi il by -i demon (Hantu), whom they i " iquinting." Hie Sakai (Blandaa) believe that the visual field ol i i who squints Is widei than oi .i pei on whose tighl ^ normal.1
Among the Sakai (Blandas) he (V.*St.) only met with thi 4 ihort ^ight,
two oi which were men and one ■ woman. < >n the othei hand, however, the i.u sightedness oi the eye cannot In- well estimated in the jungle, thickly stmt in as it is by trees and 1< Much depends on practice and general acquaint
with the objects in the jungle, to which Vaughan-Steven ively
tpeaking, much less accustomed. But the jungle nun oi women would • show him the points oi an animal's horns anion;; the surrounding foliage, a thing which it is naturally very difficult to discover, whereas he, with normally sight (foi an European), had to search vainly for ■ long time before he observed them. Again, everything which was in motion they >aw at < nee, however inaignificant it might be in point of size.
The Sakai (Blandas) had, in general, decidedly weak i In their
earliest youth, if no accident attacked them, they had good sight for any object moving in the jungle. But, as might be expected in the case of a forest -people, their eyes soon tired in a strong light. On the few opportunities which Vaughan- Stevens had of finding himself with Sakai (Blandas) in a wide, open space, he observed that he could distinguish far-distant objects much better than they could.
He adds that among the Sakai (Blandas), who wore Malay clothing, and were acquainted with the use of needle and thread, he never met with an old Sakai (Blandas) woman who could not thread an ordinary needle without difficulty.3
On the subject of sight, Mr. L. Wray,4 during his travels in Perak, came to the following conclusions : —
" Seven Sakais from Cheroh came up to carry down baggage, so ... in the afternoon I measured them and tested their eyesight. I have now tested the sight of between thirty and forty of both sexes, and there seems to be no doubt that they have very good sight as a race. Of those tested in Batang Padang, the shortest distance that the Army test-spots could be seen was 32 feet, and the longest 91 feet. In testing recruits for the British Army 20 feet is considered an average distance for these spots to be read, and a man reading at over that distance is classed as long-sighted, and under as short-sighted. In measuring the women there was great difficulty, as they did not know Malay and could not count. ... I got over it by giving the subject a handful of matches, and explaining by signs that I wanted a match for each spot on the card held up."
Hearing^
The sense of hearing of the Sakai (Blandas) and Tembeh, though not so acute as that of the Takun, was about equal to that of the W. Semang.
1 Z.f.E. xxix. (V.-St.) 176, 177. ± J. R. A. S., S.B., No. 21, pp.
2 Grlinwedel in Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 148, 149. For fuller statistics and I52- details, v. Perak Mus. ATofes, iii. p. 36.
3 Z.f.E. xxix. (V.-St) 180, 181. 5 Z.f. E. xxix. 181.
62 RACIAL AFFINITIES
Hands and Feet. ]
The Sakai (Wandas), like the Semang, experienced no difficulty whatever in stretching out one finger when the rest of the fingers were closed.
The little toe of the Sakai (Blandas) is much less straight than that of the Jakun, although they never wear boots as we do to deform their feet, but the tip of the little toe is nevertheless bent like ours, and is either comparatively small in proportion or differs in direction from the other toes.
After remarking that the footsteps of the Orang Utan are usually turned outwards, Vaughan-Stevens adds : —
One thing, however, is worthy of remark among all Sakai (Blandas), the setting down of the foot is done with the middle of the foot. The heel does not touch the ground first. But in nine cases out of ten which came under observation the foot was injured by thorns, stones, etc., so that from time to time a more or less unnatural gait was caused.
It is, therefore, very difficult to give an exact description of the walk of the Sakai (Blandas). The body is held upright and very straight, while the whole movement proceeds from the ankles, knees, and hips. At the same time there is only a very slight, rhythmical swing of the arms.2
One hand usually carries the blow-gun (Sumpitan), the other being armed with the parang, i.e. jungle-knife or chopper, and is always in readiness to give a quick blow to a prickly rattan or other obstacle half hidden among the foliage through which the path of the Sakai leads. This custom has to such an extent become second nature that, even when he walks without a weapon in the open plains, the Sakai holds his arms in the accustomed position. It is difficult to say what is the usual carriage of the head.
In the matter of strength and physical endurance the Sakai (Blandas) and Tembeh (Temia) are at the bottom of the scale.
The Sakai (Blandas) are not so clever as the Semang in getting through bush or jungle, though the Sakai have the better sense of direction.3
Climbing.
In climbing a straight high stem the Sakai (Blandas) are better than the more civilised Semang. This, however, is not saying much, since the Western Semang are (according to Vaughan-Stevens) very bad climbers4 — an opinion already combated (p. 51).
When the Sakai (Blandas) want to climb a small tree only, they climb it like the Central Sakai (Senoi). The larger trees usually have climbing-plants and runners hanging down from their branches, or smaller trees in their immediate
1 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) 190. arms are not swung in walking.
2 On the very next page (193), how- 3 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) 192, 193. ever, Vaughan-Stevens remarks that the 4 lb. p. 199.
•**-
Cerruti.
Sakai Boy with Blowpipe, 1'i.r Sungkai, S. Perak.
Vol. /. A 62.
Cerruti.
Sakai Boy (probably of Ulu Slim).
I ~ol. I. p 6--
/ CHARACTERS OF SAKAI
neighbourhood] from the branches ol which the Sakai i I up into
the branches ol the target ones. The Sakai, hou cul nofc he* in the bark fbi the purpo e '>i climl I
.\ i tin present day they practise every method ol climbing which thi Irani from tneii neighbours.
\ en i" the high raised huti ol the Tembeh (l emia) i afforded by i trunk placed diagonally, similar to the ihortei tree-trunk utilised by tip- .v (Blandas) of Kuantan, who are much mixed with Tembeh (Temia) blood. They allege thai as their huti have do doors, the dogi and fowli which are wandering about everywhere might otherwise g<-t into the huts and do mischief there when
the men were away.
Among the Tembeh (Temia) the objed is solely to keep intruders out, especially the black panther and the python. For this reason ■ smooth and
slippery bamboo IS carefully freed from all projections at the nodes, with the exception of a few thin twigs, by which the feet may he supported in climbing, and set up in a sloping position. No special grip of the toes is used in climbing
them, and the toes of the Tembeh (Temia), especially the great toe, are not more strongly developed for gripping than the toes of other Sakai Very small children are often left for hours in those airy huts, on account of their safety, as they are here safe from the great cats and snakes, and prevented from falling down by the low parapet.1
Swimming,
The Sakai (Blandas) swim but little, in fact they only do so when they are obliged to cross a river, or when they are bathing. They then swim like dogs. They throw out their arms forwards in a swinging, circular stroke, while the body turns towards the side away from the stroke. Both the breast-stroke and side-stroke, as well as swimming on the back, are unknown to them.
Among the Sakai (Blandas) the Central tribes (Senoi) are always considered the best swimmers ; this is probably due to the fact that the big Pahang river has afforded them more practice.
The Tembeh (Temia) cannot swim at all.'2
Sleeping.*
The Sakai (Blandas) women do not, as a rule, sleep on the side, but on the back, and try to raise the head a little by some sort of pillow. They give as their reason for this that, if they lie on the side, the hip has to bear the weight of the body, in which case they would get " latah,"4 and suffer from cramp in their sleep !
The Sakai (Blandas) men often sleep on the back, at the same time drawing the legs up towards the body, so that the sole of the foot rests fiat upon the ground. But the side-long position is also not unfrequently adopted by the men when they first lie down, in fact sometimes one side and sometimes the other is chosen indifferently. Sakai (Blandas) men told Vaughan-Stevens that when they lay upon their side such vermin as ants, scorpions, and centipedes would crawl over the sleeping-mats and enter their eyes, nostrils, and mouth, whereas by lying on the back they could feel their approach. Others, however, declare that by sleeping on the back they can hear a noise or alarm-signal better.
Among the Sakai (Blandas), as among the Semang (Pangan), the bachelors inhabited the verandah (when there was one) or else the external portion of the
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 200. 2 lb. p. 198. 4 A strange hysterical affection
3 Z.f.E. xxix. 186-198. common among Malays.
huts. Among the Tembeh the only difference was that the bedroom of the married people was separated off by a low partition.1
Physical Endurance.*
Sakai tribes which have adopted Malay clothing generally experience discomfort in the absence of headgear to protect them from the sun. On the other hand, the Sakai (Blandas) appear to suffer more from the cold, wet winds of the mountains than the Jakun.
If this power of withstanding change of temperature depended upon the relatively greater abundance and regularity of their food, the Sakai should be less sensitive to such changes than any other tribe. But whether their sensitiveness to such changes was originally greater than that of other tribes or not, the fact that they are now accustomed to clothes and to the protection of betterbuilt houses has rendered them more susceptible to every change of temperature.
The Sakai children endure want of food better than the Semang children [v. supra).
The younger men of the Sakai have a game called " K'lupent," which is usually played when they are sitting round the fire in the evening while their womenfolk are plaiting mats and baskets. Each player who is a candidate for the favour of a girl, endeavours to heap disgrace on his opponent and raise himself in the esteem of the women. The game is played with short slivers of rattan, which can by a particular knack be made to draw blood at every stroke, a rapid backward motion of the arm and wrist causing the sharp edge of the rattan to strike the skin like a knife, and cutting it easily. When I asked for its application in earnest, the force of the blow from the knot made me writhe with pain. The instrument is also made from string. The ring (of rattan slivers) is twisted round the hand, the knot at the end of the strips being held between the thumb and forefinger. The arm is then lifted, and as it is brought down the knot is released and descends with a swingeing blow on the forearm of the opponent, whilst at the same moment the arm is drawn rapidly in to the body.
The men sit opposite one another with bare arms. A small stake is deposited by each. He who first acts as striker asks the other how many blows of the rattan he will bear on his forearm without crying out. If he receives the stipulated number without wavering, he puts his opponent's wager into his pocket, and then in turn takes the rattan slivers and challenges the other to name the number of blows he will endure ; should any one who receives the blows call out for them to cease, he loses his bet and is loaded by his opponent and the spectators with scorn and jeers (which is the true purpose of the game when, as usual, it is inspired by malice).
The Sakai (Blandas) children are acquainted with a form of the tug-of-war in which one or more children on each side pull a rope in opposite directions. They have probably borrowed the idea from Malay children, who may be frequently seen playing at it.
Summary of Sakai Culture.
The Sakai, though still largely nomadic, and at first extremely shy, are perhaps the most sociable and talkative of the three races, when once their confidence is
1 Z. f. E. xxix. 190. - lb. pp. 201-203.
i SUMMARY OJ / \i CUL1 URL
gained. Like the Semang they not unfrequently live in tree-huts or other temporary forms ol shelter Their men weir the tree bark loin cloth, and their women a tree-bark wrapper, except, of course, where
they have borrowed Malay clothing. They tattoo
the face, the design commonly taking the form of four gradually converging lines drawn from the region of the ear to the root of the nose, with perhaps a sort of pitchfork design incised upon the chin. These designs are sometimes marked out in rows of black and white dots (in lieu of scarification) ; with these may be connected their black and white bead- necklaces. Both scarification and body-painting take, however, various forms, the latter having been developed into a regular system. They do not circumcise, and seldom file the teeth, but they not unfrequently wear a metal ring or a porcupine quill inserted through the septum of the nose.
Their distinctive weapon, like that of the Jakun, is the bamboo blowpipe, which they have brought to great perfection.
They have no form of boat, nor do they even as a rule use rafts.1
Their musical instruments are very fairly similar to those of the Semang, and, like the latter, they not unfrequently engage in the barter of jungle products. Their agriculture is of the most primitive description, their chief implement (for breaking-up the soil) being a pointed stick.
Of their religion very little is at present known — less even than of that of the Semang. There is, however, a kind of deity whom they call Tuhan, and who appears somewhat analogous to the Kari of the Semang. Their alleged totemism is quite unproved.
1 Hale, p. 286. VOL. I F
Like the Semang they are strict in their observance of the marriage tie, but unlike them they have the greatest possible fear of death, or rather, perhaps, of the ghost of the deceased, and will frequently burn down or desert an encampment in which a death has occurred.
III. — Race-Characters of Jakun.
There remains for consideration the third group of tribes which inhabit the southern portion of the Peninsula. These are the mixed tribes of Martin, and include the Jakun or "savage Malays" of Wallace. They fall into three main and two subordinate groups, the latter of which are without doubt closely allied.
i. Tribes mainly of Semang origin, e.g. the Kenaboi (?) and perhaps the Udai.
- Tribes mainly of Sakai origin, e.g. the Blandas and Berembuns (?).
- The Jakun or Malayan aborigines, comprising — (a) The Orang Bukit, or Land (lit. " Hill") Jakun. (6) The Orang Laut, or Sea Jakun.
Although it is not possible at present to make a proper classification of all the tribes of the Jakun group, it may yet be useful to attempt a rough and general identification of them so far as the very scanty information we possess will take us.
The Blandas properly so called, whose home is in Southern Selangor, have been described by Martin as dolichocephalic, and hence are most likely to prove largely of Sakai extraction.1 Their exact affinities,
1 For the "Blandas," see also Lenggeng, Singa Kuasa, and Pakat,
Newbold, ii. 393, where we are told and four Jinangs or chiefs of the
that they had (in 1839) four Batins second rank, viz. Pawang Padiching
or chiefs of the first rank, viz. Baning, (" Pawampa de Cheyng" !), Ampu
WV
at
&"»
o
^
Mixed Jakun I'v 1*1 . lu kit Pruai . Selang
5gw.
OR
i A-./. / < // \RACTERS Oh I /' f(7f ■ '/.// ./ r.v 67
however, have not hitherto been traced, and in ipitc ol their dolichocephalii skull-character, it would not h safe, id the absent e oi moi 1 1 act informal ion as to their hair character^ etc., to attempt to bo ident them as such. They have, therefore, been retained in the group oi mixed tribes to which the name ol fakun has been given in this book. It may be noted that although their district is conterminous with that ..i the Besisi, they present a marked contrast to the latter tribe, both in respect of their head-index, which is dolichocephalic as contrasted with the brachycephaly oi the Besisi, and also in their language and their customs.1 No exact measurements ol the Blandas have v<t been published, pending the appearance of
Martin's forthcoming work, and hence they will not
be referred to again in the present chapter.
The Kenaboi (or "Sakai" of S. Ujong) may perhaps prove to be a mixed tribe mainly of Semang
type (though with some Sakai admixture), as the few facts we possess would lead us to expect.2 The Berembun, or Birmun, and Pago tribes cannot yet be safely classified. The Udai appear to have a stronger Semang admixture than the tribes surrounding them.
The Besisi and Mantra of Selangor and Malacca are brachiocephalic (Martin), and are most probably a mixed branch of the Sea-Jakun — in spite of the fact that the Besisi dialect presents a close connection with
Manis, Patau (? IV Lcsai), and Ram* ] For further remarks re admixture,
bong("Rumbong"). Vaughan-Stevens v. conclusions, infra,
gives a quite unwarranted extension to - The Kenaboi is a stream injelebu.
the t<rm which lie generally uses as In a letter of 3rd November 1902,
the equivalent of Sakai. He also Mr. Hale writes that the " O. Kena-
st:iw:s (obviously as a pure guess) that boi " had so harmful a reputation that
the amount of Malay blood in them is it was believed that any one who ac-
" not less than 2 per cent, and prob- cidentally trod upon their expectora-
ahly more" (V. -St. ii. 94), but the tion would suffer severely from boils
entire passage wants correction. and blains, if he did not die of it.
68 RACIAL AFFINITIES
PART
the dialect of the Sakai. They have certainly some Semang, and probably a little Sakai admixture, but appear nevertheless to be largely Malayan.
The Beduanda of Naning and Rembau are, as is locally known, mixed with a strong Menangkabau Malay element. The term " Beduanda" is to be applied —
(i) To Mohammedan Malays descended, it is alleged, from Menangkabau men and aboriginal women.
(2) To aborigines (heathen). These latter probably have no right to be considered as descended from Menangkabau, although they do sometimes claim it.
" Beduanda" appears to be a title introduced from without (through Hinduised Malay influence) among these tribes. The Malay Beduanda1 are the premier " Suku " or clan in their own estimation, and are " sons of the soil," because of their (partial) aboriginal descent. They recognise the aboriginal Beduanda 2 as distant kinsmen who have been left behind in the march of civilisation. The Mantra are Beduanda, but the Jakun are not so recognised.
The Benua of Logan and other early writers, here called Benua -Jakun, cannot yet be classed, but the Jakun and the Orang Laut have a comparatively large Malayan element, though both have in some parts a strong infusion of Semang and Sakai blood.
Labu Tribes.
Reliable accounts of the tribes in the Labu district of Sungei Ujong are so rare that I make no excuse for the following quotation : —
1 " Beduanda J awa." 2 '; Beduanda Jakun."
i RAi i CHARACTERS OF SAVAGE mm ay
"The tribe settled here (i.*. on I'erhcntian I of twelve
men, seven women, ds oldei and fiv( mall children, ii l>< tribe <»r about two hundred loul ■■, which ii ettled In Batang Labu, Sungci
l 'j«»ii}'v, ii 11 « It i .i I '..ilm.
"The Batin, who might have been able to give information on the j >< >i 1 1 ' not here, and from the lomewhal indefinite itatementi of the oldei men I conclude thai thii tribe belongi to one ol the Com greet Sakai families, which (according to Martin Lister), coming from the mountains ol Skudei, have si ttled in the States ol Johol, Jelebu, Klang, and Sungei LJjong, and, indeed, la that ol s. Ujong, as from all that I could heai they have nothing in common with the Sakais (sic, [?] Besisi tribes) ol Klang,
"According to the observations made up to the present, the height of the men is on the average 1580 nun., of the women 1470 nun. The trunk is long, the legs slmrt and sturdy, the arms longi The ihoulderi an- broad, and th<- head
normal ; the face at the temples and lower jaw narrow, but broad in the middle. The colour Of the skin is usually 43/44 of Broca's scale j the colour of the
hair 41, Broca. Tin- quantity <>i hair on the head is considerable, in the I moderate, on the body scanty. The hair is certainly not generally crimped or curly, as many report ; for although among the women it is usually so, among the
men I found it very variable, i.r. both wavy and curly, and yet again straight, as amongSl the Malays.
" The colour of the iris is 2/5, according to Broca. The slits of the eyes are somewhat crooked. The nose is small and pointed ; the root broad, as are also the nostrils and the bridge. Seen from the side, the bridge of the nose is slightly convex, the root deep, the point slightly bent to the side.
"The lips are thick; the ear small and somewhat prominent; the helix is incurved ; the lobule adhesive to the head ; Darwin's tip very insignificant.
"The men are generally well formed ; the women are remarkably small and slender as a rule. In physical strength they appear to resemble the Malays, though they may perhaps be somewhat tougher ; in the handling of the chopper (parang) and adze (bliong) they are acknowledged to be the Malays' superior, though this may perhaps depend upon agility and practice rather than on actual strength. In the felling of trees they always strike the same point with the greatest precision with their heavy narrow axes. It is one of their special characteristics that they do not use the hoe in the same way as other people ; instead of making the stroke and bringing back the hoe in the same direction for the next blow, they bring it back to its original position by raising it in both hands over the left temple and over the head, so that every blow gains considerably in force.
" The carriage of the body is, in general, negligent ; the shoulders are drawn inwards, the knees and feet turned inwards ; in fact, even the strongest men afford an unedifying spectacle. In the jungle, however, they appear to greater advantage, as they are evidently more at home there. They do not strike about them with the chopping-knife (parang) so much as the Malays in clearing a way for themselves, but turn and wind about with much agility in all directions, and in this way move from one spot to another very noiselessly and quickly.
" In physiognomy they generally resemble the Malays so closely ( !) that one only recognises them by their look, which is invariably one of surprise and timidity ; they have besides a somewhat wilder expression than the Malays.
"Their power of sight was throughout very well developed ; but without having taken exact tests, nothing abnormal in this respect has struck me. The same remark applies to their sense of hearing.
" I have not been able to notice any artificial deformities among them ; but as natural abnormalities I might mention the unusually broad and inward-turned feet of most of the men, and the quite remarkable pigmentation of the breasts of the women. Of the seven multiparas which I had the opportunity of observing, two were already quite old and shapeless ; the other five, however, were all under twenty-three, and in each of them the extraordinarily light-coloured
areola (Broca, about 40) 'covered the nipple and the greater part of the mamma like a broad flat cover.' The diameter of the areola was never below 5 cm., and in some almost 10 cm." l
Kenaboi Tribes.
One of the tribes mentioned by Logan consists of the "Sakai," said to frequent the neighbourhood of Mount (Gunong) Kenaboi. These are doubtless identical with the Orang Kenaboi of Vaughan- Stevens.2 If it is possible to locate this " tribe," and at present there is hardly any information concerning them, the latter name, i.e. " Kenaboi," is obviously preferable to that loosely used by Logan.
Vaughan -Stevens considered them, as already stated, to be a subdivision of the parent-stock of the Sakai (Blandas). This classification, however, requires confirmation, the measurements taken showing a brachycephalic as well as a dolichocephalic element.
Further measurements taken by Vaughan-Stevens will be found in the Appendix.3
Berembun and Udai Tribes.
Logan4 further mentions certain tribes living to the north of the Benua-Jakun, whom he calls the Berembun (" Birmun ") tribes, because they have their headquarters about Gunong Berembun and the neighbouring mountains.5
The upper reaches of the rivers rising in the Berembun mountains are occupied by the tribe called Udai.
The Udai (who appear to be the same people who are known to the Benua-Jakun of Johor under
1 W. Rowland in Mitt. Geog. Ges. 4 Loc. at.
Wien. xli. 706, 707. 5 Gunong Bermun appears to be
2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 97. identical with Gunong Berembun,
3 Virchow in V. B. G. A. xxiii. 842- which is situated in Sungei Ujong, 844. 1020 2' E. by 2° 55' N.
RACE CHARACTERS OF SAVAGE MALA 71
the name of Orang Pago) are found on someol the tributaries oi the Muar. This tribe has less approximated to Malayan habits than the others.1
Newbold," on the other hand, makes the following
remarks about this tribe : —
The Udai tribe1 is little known. The Tuanku Putih of Rembau once informed me that the Uclai were a race of savages thinly scattered over the slates of Jelebu, Pahang, Trengganu, and Kedah, and that they resembled in features the darker variety of Jakun.3 Their size is represented as smaller, and their habits more savage.
Newbold regards them as distinct from the Benua, under which title he groups the following tribes : — Jakun, Orang Bukit, Rayat, Utan, Sakai, Alas,4 Blandas, Besisi, and Akik.
Vaughan-Stevens 5 has the following note on the Udai :—
"The term Udai is applied by the Pangan to —
" (1) The pygmy tribes of Belum in Perak.
"(2) By the Malays to the Orang Jinak or
- Tame ' Semang.
" (3) And also to a species of demon (Hantu), who was sometimes identified with the whole jungle race, whom many Patani Malays call ' Hantu Pari,' or 'Udai Pari.'"
Belum, as already noted, is in the extreme north of Perak, but the people referred to are Semang, as may also be the Udai of Newbold and Logan. The latter live on the Muar, which rises in the Negri
1 Logan, vol. i. /. c. Perak " (Newbold, ii. 383). It should
2 Newbold, ii. 381, 382 be noted that such names as "Orang
3 I.e. the Negrito element among Bukit," " Rayat," and " Orang Utan " the Jakuns. or " Alas," can hardly be considered as
4 The " Alas are said to be a tribal names, tattooed race, living in the interior of 6 P. 10 1.
Sembilan and in Sungei Ujong. Their alternative name Pago is taken from a tributary of the Muar in Johor which bears that name.
So little is definitely known of these Orang Pago or Udai, however, that it is very difficult to ascertain what is their exact relationship to the other wild people. On the whole, they are probably a race somewhat mixed with the Semang, dwelling in N.W. Johor, the Negri Sembilan, Sungei Ujong, and Jelebu ; or they may even perhaps be chiefly of Negrito origin, an outlier, as it were, of the main groups of that race whose principal home is farther to the north. For the present, and until more definite information is forthcoming, the question must remain open.
Besisi.
One of the most important of the tribes living on the southern extremity of the Peninsula are the Besisi. The name always used by themselves is " Sisi '' ; the Malay explanation (Besisi = Bersisik) 1 is certainly due entirely to Malay popular etymology.
According to Logan (/. c), the Mantra on the northwest " march with the Besisi, one of the most numerous tribes, who occupy all the streams flowing in that direction from Gunong Berembun. It is this tribe which occupies the Sungei Ujong and Linggi, and the lower part of the Langat, with their feeders."
Martin says of the Besisi that they are essentially brachycephalic, whilst the Blandas, like the Sakai (Senoi), are chiefly dolichocephalic. He adds that whilst the Sakai (Senoi) are amongst the shortest of the wild tribes, the Blandas and Besisi show a larger percentage of relatively taller individuals. With them,
1 I.e. the " scaly M people.
i RACE-CHARACTERS 01 SAVAG1 MALAYS 73
curiously enoughj the women also are 'all (1510 mm.), .md the sexual difference sink', with them to 2.4 cm.1
Mantra ok MlNTERA.
The Mantra (Mcntra or Mintera),1 the largest tribe, dwell about Gunong Berembun and the adjacent
mountains. They possess the higher part of both the western and eastern streams. On the south they frequent the upper part of the Langat, etc. The follow- ing notes on the physical characters of the " Mantra " are given by Logan,3 who gives figures : —
The remarks respecting the Benua physiognomy (v. infra) are, on the whole, applicable to the "Mantra." The face of the woman (figured), in particular, although grave, is not dull and sullen. In the case of the most intelligent of the party, the head preserves the general Benua characteristics. The forehead is fine, but as usual the cheek-bones swell out laterally beyond it. The faces of all the Mantra seem to be formed of two parts, separated by a line across the eyes. The upper (part) is the forehead, rising from a base considerably narrower than the line connecting the zygomatic projections. The great bulk of the lower part is horizontally oblong, the external lines having a slight inclination inwards from the zygomatic arches to the angles of the lower jaw opposite the mouth, after which they converge towards the chin, which forms an angle much more obtuse than in the Beduanda
1 For further measurements see App. 2 Often derived from Mai. "Mantra"
According to Newbold (ii. 393) the (a " charm "), I believe wrongly, the
chiefs of the Besisi included one Batin word being pronounced Mentcra' by
or chief of the first rank only, viz. Pa' the Mantra themselves. " Men-
Limpei, who succeeded his uncle Breh dera' " ( = a "man" in Semang) seems
(" Breyk ! "), a Jinang called Mumin, a a better derivation, though the " d " is
Jukrah named Sak£nal, and a Poyang certainly a difficulty, named Manan. 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 294.
Kallang.1 This form is given by the lower jaw not proceeding directly to the ear, but forming an angle below it. The vertical elongation of the upper part of the face is a striking feature. The nose in all is small and slightly turned up, and the mouth large. The hair falls over the shoulders ; and, in one of the men, showed a profusion of curls. The toes of the Mantra tribes, like those of all the tribes of the interior with which I have any acquaintance, are spreading, so that the foot is very broad anteriorly in proportion to its length. Other characteristics may be gathered from an inspection of the annexed table.2
Elsewhere3 the lips of the Mantra are said to be ''gross and loose," and the profile prognathous.
M. Borie 4 stated that the tribes from Selangor up to Mount Ophir are known as Mantra, and that " the number of Mantra " did not appear to him to exceed 2000, although it was one of the most numerous tribes. To many authors even this estimate appears too great. It is indeed doubtful if M. Borie was right in stating that the Mantra were the most numerous tribe. They distinguish themselves both from the Besisi and the Jakun. M. Borie speaks of the Mantra as extending from Selangor to Mount Ophir, in which case he has evidently included with them the Besisi.
The Catholic mission to the Mantra near Malacca was visited by Miklucho-Maclay, who gives the headindex of the Mantra (15) as between 74 and 89/
Further measurements will be found in the Appendix.
1 See under O. Laut. 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 301. The
2 See Appendix. The "profusion " loose " lips are a Sakai feature, of curls" may be due to Semang ad- 4 (Trans. Bourien), p. 72. mixture ; in other respects the features ° Virchow in V. B. G. A. xxiii. described are Sakai. 843.
/»v/r/.; ciiAKAcri'.KS or sai\>,/ ma/. a 7$
M-Maclay strongly supports the Malayan < hara tcr stipulated for the M.mti.i, although as he believed that element t<> be due to admixture with civili led Malays, he fails to sec the full force of his fa< 1 ,
He layi that the Ortng Mantra, new Mala - malt tribe bettei known
than the othei Orang Utan, from the bet that, so ion}.; ago ai the year 1848, Catholic missionaries settled down anion;; them.' He visited 1 numbei of them at the Ayci Salak Mission neai Milan a, and found them, in consequence oi the influence oi the school and their constant Intercourse with the missionaries, "the most uninteresting of all the Orang Utan tribes foi the purpose-, of Mis particulai studies." Their language had been forgotten and had been replaced by Malay, in which all their school-books and religious works were written. The mission' .iiu 1 had done nothing to collect the remains of the old language.
The Mantras whom he saw (most of them children and women) were almost without exception of a Malay type; if he had come to see them without knowing that they were Mantras, he would probably have taken them for a number of Malays, badly led, and brought up in a miserable condition, and he should have doubted the possibility of any mixture of Melanesian blood.-
According to Logan, the Mantra were chary of bathing, and their only plaything was a kind of top called "gasing kunde."3
Beduanda.
The Jakun of the Rembau and Negri Sembilan states are said to bear the closest resemblance, however, to the Malays of those states. " But we cannot infer from this that they descend from these Malays, as we know by history and tradition that they were in the Peninsula before them ; and that the Rembau Malays descend from the Jakun by their mother's side, as we have seen when speaking of the arrival of To' Peter (Tu Puttair), which explains sufficiently the resemblance wre perceive in the [Rembau] Malays to the Jakun."4
Favre states that the Jakun — of these states {i.e.
1 The founder of the mission, M. mission in 1878. Borie, has written a short paper upon 2 J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 2, pp.
them, since printed in Misc. Essays 218, 219. on Indo- China, series ii. vol. i. pp. 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 330*.
286-307. Herr F. Jagor visited the 4 Favre in^. /. A. vol. ii. p. 245.
of Rembau, Negri Sembilan, etc.) — were very short, their physiognomy was low, and seemed to announce great simplicity ; many of them were ugly and badly made — they had the inferior part of the nose much depressed — but though their lips projected a little they were generally well formed. To the foregoing Favre adds that he had already observed that this class of Jakun bore a great resemblance to the Malay ; or at least to many of the Malays.1
Johor Land-Tribes — Distribution.
The Jakun of Johor were spoken of by Logan as being a taller race than those of Malacca. He found several of them with hawked or aquiline noses2 — the men were healthy but generally thin; the women, on the contrary, were plump, and though healthy too, were not particularly " stout " (?).
Logan has given the fullest account of the wild folk that inhabit Johor. He divided them into several distinct tribes, the first of which he called the Orang Benua of Johor. These occupied all the interior of Johor properly so called. They also possessed the interior of the most southerly portion of Pahang. The most definite description of their territory, however, was that they occupied the upper branches of the most southern system of rivers in the Malay Peninsula.3 These rivers, from west to east, were the Batu Pahat, the Pontian, the Johor river, and the Endau. This latter communicates in its upper reaches with the Batu Pahat by a branch called the Sembrong, so that the
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. p. 246. may be due. It does not, moreover,
2 This, coupled with the greater appear to be so common as to be height, points to some sort of admixture, typical of the tribe, much less of the but it is impossible in the absence of race.
further details to say to what race it 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 246 seq.
i RACE-CHARACTERS OB SAVAGE MALAYS 77
communities living to the west could communicate
with those of the east, and vice versa*
All these rivers except the Pontian rise in a group of mountains known as Gunong Blumut
Two rivers in this neighbourhood do not app to be inhabited by the Jakun ; these are the Pulai in
the south-west of Johor, and the Setlili, lying just to the north of the Johor river. Logan found no Benua on the Johor river below the junction of the Sayong and Lenggiu (branches of the Johor river). On the north-west they did not extend beyond the Simpang Kiri — a branch of the Batu Pahat. Whether the Pahang tribes— to the north of the Endau — are similar to the Benua, he had no opportunity of ascertaining, but the Benua inhabiting the country indicated undoubtedly formed a separate tribe in themselves — they had no connection with any other tribe and scarcely any knowledge of such.1
Race-Characters of Johor Land-Tribes.
Speaking of the personal appearance of the Benua- Jakun (or " Benua of Johor," as he calls them), Logan says 2 that in personal appearance they bore a strong family resemblance to the Malays, and he remarked of many of them, as he had previously done of the Besisi, that the difference was scarcely appreciable so long as they remained at rest and silent. But the great majority were at first glance distinguishable from Malays. The most constant and obvious characteristic was the eye, which, as in the Berembun tribes (noticed below), was soft, mild, and with a liquid brilliancy, very different from the dark, cloudy aspect of that of the Malay. He
1 Logan, J. I. A. vol. i. p. 246 seq. 2 lb. p. 249 seq.
only noticed in two or three of the men that habitually wild expression which occurs more frequently amongst the Berembun tribes. The mouth varies greatly, but in all is open and entirely devoid of that degree of firmness which generally characterises that of the Malay, but which is sometimes wanting in them also. In a considerable number the lips are thick and projecting, and this is sometimes carried so far that they are as prominent as the nose. The lips do not form an acute angle but are often in a line. The forehead has a moderate slope, and in itself is well formed, though small. But it is disproportionate to the face, the middle part of which, between the posterior part of the lower jaw and the upper part of the cheek-bones, expands laterally much beyond the base of the forehead. The nose is always low, whereas in the Malay, although it is frequently of the same description, it is sometimes seen higher and more shapely. The general shape of the head and features of the Benua assimilates to the Malayan, although it is decidedly smaller ; but it is not clear whether more examples might not be obtained of approximation to Bugis faces than to Malayan. In many cases the Benua - Jakun face is fat and fleshy and all the features heavy, but in general it is not fat. The greatest breadth is commonly across the cheek-bones, but in several instances where the jaws were prominent the lower part of the face was broadest. Viewed in profile, the jaw-bones are seen to advance more than in the Malays in general, so that the chin, lips, and extremity of the nose are in one line, approaching to the vertical, which forms an obtuse angle with that on which the nose and forehead are placed. Physically they may be considered a link between the Negrito (" negro") and brown races
i RACh CHARACTERS OF SAVAGE MALA\
of the Archipelago. The general expression ol the
lace denotes good nature, mildness, inna en< e, i ontent, want of mental energy and reflectiveness, and a pre dominance of the senses over the intellei t. The complexion is generally similar to that of the Malays, but he noticed several who were much fairer than any
Malays. The hair is black and in general smooth and lank, and in all somewhat more dry and tangled than in the Malays, arising from the little oil which they use. The children were often dull and fat, and very timid, yet many were lively, bold, and engaging, and his Malay followers everywhere remarked that in appearance they could not be distinguished from Malayan children. The body is smaller and in general shorter than that of a Malay, but it is handsomer and less heavy ; the great length of the trunk in proportion to the limbs sometimes destroys the effect of the slighter and neater build. The chest is generally broad and full, and the shoulders narrower and less sloping than is the case with Malays. The pelvis is not so broad, and the limbs in particular are lighter, neater, and often well shaped. They are almost always in excellent condition, without being too fat, although the softer sex has often a tendency to obesity. The comparative shortness of stature, and the smooth, rounded surfaces which the person presents throughout, in a large majority of the Benua-Jakun, add to the Bugis aspect which is often observable among them.1
Most of the preceding remarks may be extended to the Berembun tribes.
Miklucho-Maclay, in a brief account of an excursion made long after Logan, in 1875, through Johor, comes to the conclusion that there can be no doubt of the
1 Logan in J. I. A. vol. i. p. 250.
existence in Johor of an aboriginal non- Malayan population, not only not of Malay origin, " but probably related to the Papuans " (!).
Here and there l he came across individuals whom he could not consider otherwise than as retrogrades to the main aboriginal type. In most of these cases the hair, though not absolutely identical with that of the pure Papuan type, resembled in texture and growth that of the Malayo-Papuan (mixed race) of the West Coast of New Guinea, who are by no means inconsiderable in number. In these individual cases the hair was quite different from the curled hair of the other Jakun ("Orang Utans ").2
The chief reasons for his decision on this point were deduced from the existence of these reversions from the present to the aboriginal type ; the fact that the Jakun ("Orang Utans") were not easily distinguishable from the Malays inhabiting the interior of Johor did not diminish this decision, because these Malays had "by intermarriage partly inherited the Jakun (' Orang Utan ') type."
This system of intermarriage had, in M.-Maclay s opinion, been "in practice for centuries," and was likely to have been occasioned " by the flight into the interior of those of the coast Malays who preferred retirement into the jungle to embracing the doctrines of Islam " at the time of the conversion of the country to Mohammedanism.
1 The italics are mine. The net consciously selected Negritos to figure result of M. -Maclay's remarks is to and observe, without paying any reestablish the presence of a small gard to the perhaps somewhat less Negrito element among some, at all striking characteristics of the Malayan events, of the Jakun tribes of Johor. type so general in the tribes through Unfortunately M.-Maclay could not get whom he passed. But this weakness, rid of his preconceived ideas, and as unfortunately, is a very general one. he was hunting for what he believed 2 M.-Maclay, Journ. East Asia, i. to be the Papuan (!) element, he un- 97.
i RACL CHARACTERS OF SAVAGE MALAYS I
Miklucho Macla) figures a woman of the river Leba, a tributary of t li < - Endau, age about [8 /ears, and mother of two children ; height 1420 mm.;1 head brachycephalic ; index 81. The hair was frizzled, and
for this reason Miklucko- Maclay selected her to figure. She cannot then be regarded as a typical example of
the Wild Tribes ("Orang Liar") of that neighbourhood— who are in all probability identical with Logan's Benua-Jakun, — as Maclay speaks of meeting with individuals with frizzled hair only " here and there."
A male Jakun (" Orang Utan") from Garib, on a tributary of the Endau, is also figured by the! same author. His height is 1500 mm. ;*J cephalic index 79 ; age about 18. "The face is remarkable owing to the small forehead, a broad, slightly projecting nose, thick lips, narrow under-jaw, and receding chin. The hair is of Malayan type."
The third person figured, a woman of the Jakun ("Orang Utan") Sletar, belongs to a branch of the Orang Laut.3
It is difficult to form any estimate of the numbers of the Benua-Jakun of Johor.
Maclay remarks that these tribes are gradually becoming extinct, and attributes it to the constant advance of the Malay and Chinese population, and to frequent intermarriage between the Malays and the Jakun (" Utan ") women ; the latter race is becoming intermixed into the former, and this mixed race is fast increasing.
But it would have been more consistent had he said
J In orig. 1.42 inches (sic). O. Sletar see Lapicque, Tour du
2 In orig. 1.50 inches (sic). M., N.S. ii. (1896), liere sem. pp.
3 For other illustrations of the 58, 59.
VOL. I G
that the " aboriginal non-Malayan population" was being swamped by intermixture with Malay blood, assuming his view to be correct, for the "aboriginal population," according to his own theory, already largely consists of individuals of mixed parentage.
Hervey, writing six or seven years after Miklucho- Maclay, states that the settlements of the tribe under discussion, whom he calls Jakun, on the Sayong and Lenggiu, on the Benut, Pontian, and Batu Pahat, as well as those on the Madek, a tributary of the Sembrong, and the upper Endau (Indau), may be described as Orang Ulu Jinak, or "tame tribes of the interior." He believes that there are within the limits of Johor a few representatives of the Orang Liar, or wild men, amongst the Segamat hills, near the source of the Endau.1
The " Madek tribe " was visited by Hervey, who says that their numbers are very limited, comprising no more than thirty souls. They are not uniform in type, even their limited community presenting several varieties, which is accounted for by the intermarriage with Malays ; the Chinese have, he believes, had little, if any, intercourse with them.
In the Appendix will be found Virchow's remarks on the Jakun material (measurements, etc.) collected by Vaughan-Stevens.
Under the same reference will be found Virchow's description of three Jakun skulls sent home by the same collector, the main points of interest in which are as follows : —
The first of these skulls was that of a young woman, and was very light, the second, that of an old man ; yet both, in fact, were characterised by
1/.R.A.S.,S.B., No. 8, p. ioo seg.
i RACE-CHARACTERS OF SAVAGE MALAl «3
Virchow as being, in point of size( it dwari skull (nannocephalic). The skull shown in Figi 3 belonged
in shape to the bullet - head type, 1>UL was high ill
proportion (hypsi-brachycephalic). The nose was
very broad, the bridge being deeply incurved and short, its position, together with that of the teeth
(which were thickly encrusted with betel), agreeing very well with the extreme prognathism of this specimen. The second skull (that of the old man) was a little broader in proportion than that of the* young woman (ortho-mesaticephalic). The features were large and heavy, the orbits very large, and the nose broad and flat (platyrhine).
The third (which was stated to be that of a male, but appeared to Virchow to be that of a female) was of yet broader and flatter appearance (eurycephalic). The cheek-bones, as a whole, were depressed, the orbits of moderate size, and the nose resembled that of No. 2. In this skull, again, as in No. 2, prognathism of a pronounced type was present. The pro- portions of the face in all three skulls were much more constant than those of the cerebral portion of the skull. Nevertheless, in spite of a certain amount of marked variation in the latter, "the racial unity of the tribe cannot be doubted, as the similarities are greater and more numerous than the differences." Virchowr proceeds to describe the limb-bones of a female skeleton sent home by the same collector, and in this connection remarks that, although they undoubtedly come from an adult individual, '" they are small and delicate like children's bones."
From this Professor Virchow drew the conclusion that "'in any case we can congratulate ourselves on seeing before us the most unmistakable dwarf
bones offered by ethnology." If, however, by this expression he intends to convey — which appears to be the only interpretation possible — that the Jakun are a dwarf race, one can only reply that any such conclusion, especially when based upon measurements taken from a single individual, even if it were otherwise well founded, would be altogether premature, and furnishes an example of one of the curious lapses to which even great intellects appear occasionally liable. We shall have to await, there is very little doubt, a considerable body of fresh evidence before any such conclusion can be either definitely established or refuted.
On the important subject of the hair-character of the Jakun, Virchow remarks that in his opinion the hair of all the Jakuns examined (by Vaughan-Stevens) belonged to the same type, and that the contrast with that of the Semang and Sakai was " as sharp as can be imagined." This was a matter of the more importance " as the relationship of the Jakun to the other tribes has always been a matter of dispute."
The Jakun hair, then, appears to have been, generally speaking, black ("glossy black" in the case of a specimen sent) and straight, and the percentage of Jakuns with wavy or curly hair seems to have been extremely small. There can at all events be no doubt whatever, in spite of the exceptions that admittedly occur, that the former is the real hair-type of the Jakun race.
The skin -colour in general was a yellowish or greyish tint of brown (No. 37 of the Parisian colourplate being the commonest shade).
The eyes of the Jakun were usually a dark shade of brown (Nos. 2-3), and the conjunctiva
RACE-CHARACTERS Oh SAVAGE MALAY. 85
frequently more or less bloodshot. The teeth were good, often slightly projecting, l>nt free from cart< the lips well formed and thin ; the ear lobes invariably
perforated and much distended.
1 1 car 1 tig. The sense of hearing was certainly sharper among the Jakun ' [tlian among
either the Semang or the Sakai].
Hands and 1 in the case of the Jakun, especially with the children, it is possible to
ascertain pretty exactly, by observing the feet, whether any kind of mixture with Malay or other blood, at least of recent date, has taken place. The little toe of the Jakun, especially in childhood, is very Straight in comparison with that
ol the Sakai (Blandas), and quite especially so in comparison with that of the Malays and Chinese. It has much less ol the talon-like crook which is so usual in our own feet. I have, in fact, seen little toes in Jakun children which were as straight and well-formed as any of the other toes of the foot.
When, moreover, the Jakun arrives at manhood, and especially by the time he is upwards of thirty years old, his feet become covered all over with knobs and knots, are stiff, ugly, scarred and diseased. The Jakun never wash, and although their hands and feet are often in water, it is usually dirty, marshy, and unhealthy water, which penetrates into the cracks of the skin, scratches and pricks caused by thorns, etc., and causes the limbs to swell and stiffens them, until they look like the work-worn hands of an old labourer in England who has had to be out in all sorts of weather.
This is one result of the hardships of their life ; for the infants and children have small, well-formed hands and feet. The contrast between those of the father and of the youngest child is very great. The hands of the women, however, are beautiful and soft.
The half-blooded Orang Laut are skilful at thieving, especially with the toes. I have been robbed of small objects which lay on the ground, while I have been talking with a man, face to face, and never noticed that he took them off. I have also seen from the corner of the eye how the toes of the foot slowly slid over the desired object and dragged it along with them, till the foot could be raised to the hand, when the thing could be grasped in the fingers and hidden.2
Climbing.
The oldest (!) method of climbing employed by the Jakun (or " Benua ") consists in binding the ankles with a head-rope {Kopf-seil) as the Sinhalese do.3
Swimming.
The Jakun (Benua) swim well, and are good divers. They use the Malay method. The Orang Laut is an excellent swimmer. He swims, like the Malay, on the breast, so that his body is in a somewhat sidelong position. He stretches the left and right arm alternately out of the water, and brings them back to the side of the body, like the spokes of a wheel from the hub. The hands are
1 Z.J\ E. xxix. 182. 2 lb. p. 190. 3 lb. p. 200.
thus directed backwards with open palms, and the legs are struck outwards at each motion of the body, like those of a frog. The children swim as well as adults, even before they can walk. The Orang Laut are also excellent divers.1
Among the Jakuns, two children at a time will take the end of a rattan-rope between the teeth and tug till one has conquered the other ; but they have not the Malay tug-of-war.
It amused me very much to see how a small Jakun boy one day diverted his comrades by sitting down in the well-known Indian fashion, with the soles of his feet placed flat on the floor, his legs bent at the knees, and drawn up close to the body, and his body depressed till it almost touched the ground. While he was in this position a short stick of bamboo was placed through his elbows behind his back. Thus handicapped, the fat, tubby little fellow had to bend forward till he touched the ground with his forehead, without letting the bamboo slip out of position. All made the attempt, but this little fellow was the most expert and agile of all.2
Sleeping.
The Jakun, whether lying on one side or the other, usually rolls himself together into a "ball" for sleeping. If the night is hot, he soon begins to unroll himself a bit, but in the early or colder hours of the morning one can be quite sure of finding both sexes with knees drawn up to the body. The children sleep from earliest childhood on a mat which is laid upon the ground. Their place is at their mother's breast, between her and the smouldering fire, and enclosed more or less in her arms.3
As soon as signs of approaching puberty appear in their children, the Jakuns arrange for them to sleep apart. On land, the boy slept in a separate part of the hut, or in the front part of the boat if he was on water. In the covered platforms on the coast the girls slept with the married people. In the temporary huts with covered platforms used in former times, which the Jakuns visited in their well-known places of assembly on the coast, the bachelors, when they passed the night there, always slept in huts which were separate from the married people.4
Physical Endurance.
In illustration of the fortitude of the Jakun, Yaughan- Stevens tells of one who had deep-seated ulcers. " I gave him sulphate of copper [Blaustein) and zincoid, showed him how to use it, and expressly warned him to be careful. But as I feared a misunderstanding, I followed him soon after he had left me, and came upon my patient just as he had made use of the Blaustein. That had been done very freely, as the earlier neglect of the ulcer prevented him from feeling it at once, although the whole surface of about four square inches was touched with it." The patient squatted on the ulcered leg, and Vaughan Stevens saw the muscles of the leg quiver and contract into knots in consequence of the pain which the patient felt after a few minutes ; but not a movement, not a sound, nor any other sign except a deep breathing was to be observed. "He began to speak in firmly measured tones, and when I remarked that that was called medicine ('ubat'), he calmly replied that the doctor (' bomor ') had told him so. He had shown endurance with a vengeance, but as there was no reason to put him to a further test, I gave him a morphia injection, for which he was very grateful."0
The question of the Jakun's sensitiveness to heat is difficult to answer, since
1 Z.f.E. xxix. 198. - lb. p. 201. a /*. 186.
- Id. p. 190. 5 Id. pp. 205, 206.
i MALA YAA SEA G YP ?/i I7
he v. 1 1 1 1 1 «-, nothing l>nl .1 h'-.nl li.iml t.> l.r. j, In. loflg bftil '" <<nliT,
hence n<( . •«> .11 < 11 .loiiicd Id tli'- mi . i.i). 1l1.it In- scarcely I- •< I . any |
incic r.r 111 lli<- .nil's licit.
Ill,- [ftkUfl ttppt'UI to illllci less It- .in the u<:, cnlcl wnuls <>f tin- mountain » ill. 111 my n| llic otlici liilics. The Jul. tm .i|>|><-.n . !•■ >w> In, p0WC1 "I I ffldtU
t>> thi reUtive robustness i>"tii "i hii ph) leal -i".i mentftl !"">'•• 1 , doe to his '.•K fttei tendency t<> iftvagery.
lie h. is, moreover, long carried on ft rude i>ut persistent form ol agriculture, cultivating rice and tubers, though h<- alio consumes much more bah than thr others.
The Jftkuo children endure vrant o( i<><><1 bettei thftn those ol the Semftng*'
Sea-Jakun or Orang Laut -Distribution.
Orang Laut is the name applied to wandering coast tribes whose permanent dwelling is usually in their boats. They are spoken of as Rayat Laut, or Sea-subjects — subjects, that is, of the kings of Johor or Malacca. According to Crawfurd,2 they are sometimes called Sika, Orang Akik ("Akkye"), or more frequently Bajau or pirates. Their headquarters are the narrow straits between the islands of the Johor archipelago.3 The same wrriter says that from this neighbourhood they have spread to the shores of Banca, Billiton, some of the islands of the coast of Borneo, and even as far as the Celebes and Buru, from whence they make voyages to the north coast of Australia. Prior to the introduction of steam-vessels by the English and Dutch Governments these " Seafolk " are said to have been formidable pirates.4
The Johor archipelago is thinly peopled by a number of " tribes " of Orang Laut, known collectively as the Orang Pe-suku-an,5 a name meaning the people divided into tribes. A list of some twelve of these tribes is also given, and we are told that besides these
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 202, 203. Singapore and Billiton (see J. I, A.
2 Descr. Diet., s.v. "Orang Laut." vol. i. p. 336*). 4 V. p. 570 infra.
3 The Johor archipelago consists of 5 Seef. I. A. vol. i. p. 336*, " Eththe innumerable islands lying between nology of the Johor Archipelago."
there are some wild tribes in the interior of the larger islands.
The Sabimba river has not yet been traced, but the Orang Sletar take their name from Sungei Sletar, a creek of the island of Singapore, only 8 miles distant from the modern town. According to Thomson,1 they numbered in all 200 people, or 40 boats, and were subject to a Batin or petty chief, under the sovereignty of the Sultan of Johor.
At the time of the first landing of Sir Stamford Raffles at Singapore about thirty families of Orang Laut lived a little way up the Singapore river, about half of them on shore and half in boats.2 This settlement had been in existence since 181 1 or thereabouts.3
At the present time there are still a few of the Orang Laut to be found in the island of Singapore.
Amongst other branches of the same race one or two may be mentioned as having been described by various writers. Such are the Beduanda Kallang 4 of the Pulai river in Johor. These folk formerly haunted the " Kallang " creek to the east of the town of Singapore, but when the island was ceded to the British they were removed by the Temenggong (or raja) of Johor to the Pulai river in that state, where they have since dwelt. From about 100 families they have been reduced by the ravages of small-pox to eight. They were, beyond a doubt, very closely allied to the Orang Sletar of Singapore, as well as to the Orang Laut who formerly inhabited the Singapore river, and the few survivors now living in the island.
The Orang M Muka Kuning," also described by
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 342* (1847). bimbangs, Muka Kunings, and Bidu-
2 J. R. A. S., S.B. No. 10, p. 285. andas," then settled near Cape Romania,
3 Crawfurd, Desc. Diet., s.v. "Singa- at the mouth of the Johor river, pore." Borie (1861) mentions the " Sa- 4 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 299 (Logan).
RACE CHARACTERS Oh MALAYAh SEA-GYP, u
the same writer, inhabit the foresti on the banks ol the Sa-raya and its tributary the Muka Kuning.
Pulau Tinggi, ofl the east coast of fohor, wra i .1 favourite lurking-place for the ( >rang Laut in the da when they practised pirac; .
We may conclude then that the almost innumerable creeks, inlets, and islands lying along the coast of Johor and to the south of it, as far as Billiton at any rate, are — or perhaps it is necessary to say were — peopled by wild men of Malayan origin, who spent most of their time on the water, and that almost every community of these people was called by a different name, the name of the locality that it occupied for the time being.
And finally we are told by Anderson that in the upper coasts of the Malay Peninsula, from " Poongha " to Trang (in the neighbourhood of Junk Ceylon), including a coast of 16 or 18 leagues and a number of islands, there were no inhabitants except the Orang Laut who navigated from island to island.1
Race-Characters of the Orang Laut.
The physical characters of members of this race have been described by Logan 2 and Thomson.3
The former gives an account of three men of the Beduanda Kallang. The chief features of the face appear to be the great width of the forehead, which is at the same time unusually low, the absence of prognathism, and the thinness of the lips. The face is flat and the eye-brows horizontal. The general character of the face is between that of the Malay and Siamese,
1 App. to Anderson's Considerations, " Cellates '' or "Men of the Straits." p. liv. (1824). The O. Laut are first 2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 301 seq.
mentioned by De Barros, who calls them 3 lb. p. 347*.
9o RACIAL AFFINITIES part
but perhaps nearer the latter. The features of Saweng and Sango (two of the men described) had a pinched or compressed look. He had never seen any men who resembled them. The Orang Sletar are closely allied to the Beduanda Kallang(both indeed appear to be branches of one tribe, the aborigines of Singapore).
In the same paper the height of three individuals of the Beduanda Kallang is given as respectively 5 ft., 5 ft. 4^- in., 5 ft. 5 in.1 Other measurements of interest are — circumference of the head, average 21 in. ; height of forehead, 2 in. ; breadth of forehead, $\ in.2
Thomson," remarking on the physical characters of the Sletar tribe, says that they are closely allied to the Beduanda Kallang. This, coupled with the fact that the Sletar and Kallang are both creeks of the island of Singapore, the original locality of each, and that sampans (canoes) can approach the navigable part of either creek within two miles, there need not be any hesitation in proclaiming their identity of origin, although they now live as separate tribes. The most distinctive features of these tribes are the lowness of the brow, retreating backwards from the superciliary ridge ; a protrusion of the lower part of the face, not in the manner of prognathous tribes, but by the acuteness of the facial angle. When viewed from the front they are found to possess an obliquity of eyes and eyebrows, the eyelids being much closed and only showing half the pupil. The general contour of the face obtains a decided character by great breadth of forehead, expansion of zygoma, and rapid tapering to the chin, which is lengthy and narrow. The nose is depressed and mouth moderate. Such may be considered the
1 1.523 m., 1.638 m., 1.657 m. a 532 mm., 5 cm., 13 cm. 3 Loc. cit.
.1/-Y7;
Group of Jakun (Aboriginal Malayans) from Klang
ORANG I. \l"I" or SEA- J \KI.W.
A\ //. Yapp.
Orang Laut of Kalang, Singapore.
R. H. Va/>/>.
Orang Laut of Kalang, Singapore.
^
«•*-
'
^J
V
\vm
-v ■--■'
A'. //. J '«#.
Orang Laut of Kalang, Singapore.
A'. //. Yap !>{Skeat Expedition).
Orang Laut of Kalang, Singapore.
RACE CHARACTERS OF MAI. A VAN SEA <> YPSIBS gi
distinctive features of the race, though many wrerc
seen possessing the Malayan type Strongly marked.1
In a previous passage Thomson states that in his own opinion this tribe of Orang Laut may be
said, with little fear of contradiction, to be merely unconverted Malays in the; general acceptation of the term, though a distinct class from the Malays properly so called who poured their hordes over the Archipelago (sic})'1 prior to 1200 of the Christian era, from the great river Malayu ("Malayoo"), in Sumatra. While all the tribes of Malays on the coast of the Malayan Peninsula and adjoining islands have embraced the tenets of Mahomet, they have remained unaffected by the movement.
Taking into consideration Logan's view as to the "Tartar" characters of the Jakun quoted above in dealing with that race, and the close relationship existing between the Jakun and the Orang Laut,3 it seems safe to conclude that both are branches of a Mongoloid stock which probably inhabited the Peninsula before the irruption of the more civilised Malays, who in this case are to be regarded as a specialised branch of the same stock.
A distinguishing feature of the Orang Laut appears to be their height, which is about 5 ft. 3 in.4 on an average, to judge from the scanty measurements available. That of the Besisi and Blandas appears to be about 5 ft. 1 in.5 according to Dr. Martin's statement. But an extensive series of measurements is necessary before it is justifiable to make a definite statement on the subject. I venture, however, to suggest that the
1 Thomson, loc. cit. 5, p. 325 ; also Crawfurd, Descr. Did.
2 The interrogation is mine. under " Benua."
3 See Newbold, ii. 410, 411, 413, 4 1.6 m. 414; and Skeat,/. A\ A. S. , S. B. , No. 5 1. 548 m.
greater height of the Orang Laut may depend, at any rate, partly on the smaller amount of intermixture with Semang (and Sakai) tribes. The more inland Jakun of Johor and Selangor sometimes show considerable traces of a Negrito strain. Had this been noticeably present in the Orang Laut, I think Logan and Thomson and other good observers would have noticed it, especially if it had affected the hair.1
It is impossible to form an estimate of the number of Orang Laut existing at the present time. Certain it is that the number is much less than it was a century ago, largely owing, no doubt, to the ravages of smallpox as well as to their conversion to Islam and con- sequent absorption among the Malays.
Walking.
The children of the Orang Laut very soon become tired on land, and walk with legs bent outwards ; the half-breeds are straighter and stronger.
The adult Orang Laut soon becomes tired in walking, and the walk of the entire race is, in fact, very clumsy on the land, because they squat down so much together in their little boats ; they can, in fact, be recognised at once from this characteristic.2
Climbing.
The Orang Laut climb well, when obliged to do so. As the trees on the coast are usually of small circumference, they can clasp the round trunk more than half-way round with their arms, and use the inside of the foot in climbing up. They do not appear to be acquainted with the idea of climbing by help of a rope or noose. If, therefore, they wish to climb a larger tree, which they cannot climb up by the help of the arms and legs alone, they are obliged to make a ladder. For this purpose bamboo pegs are driven into the tree one above the other, at distances of about two feet. To the ends of these pegs a bamboo pole is lashed so that it stands out from the tree about six inches. By means of these pegs, which serve in place of the rungs of a ladder, the man climbs up, and as he climbs drives fresh pegs into the tree above those already driven ; when he has reached the end of the first pole, he fastens a second pole to the tree in continuation of the first, and so on till he reaches the branches. Bark-fibre is used for lashings, and the ladder thus constructed is left in its place till it falls to pieces.3
Throwing.
The Orang Laut are very sure and strong throwers, and far excel all the other tribes in this respect. They are, for instance, very clever at throwing the
1 There are, however, to be seen though there are straight-haired ones curly-haired Orang Laut boys in Singa- as well, pore. In fact they are fairly common, 2 Z.f. E. xxix. 194. 3 lb. p. 198.
i SUMMARY OF SAVAGE MALA\ CULTURE ■>;
ihelli <>i ii.it bivalvei (" Mum ihel "), mch u thai "i tin pearl oystei i hold it .u the edge between one fingi i end the thunb( •<> thai the ihell lii i back flat over the wrist, and jerk It at a crab or a bird upon the lands, t ln-ii target with the iharp edge, a lump oi hard coral with ■< natural bole, through which a line woven from willowi I • threaded, ami hound into the form o(
a ring, is thrown hy help of this line with great forCC and certainty fd tin
crabs on the ihore, and so forth.'
Summary ok Jakun CULTURE.1
The Jakun, no less than the Semang and Sakai, are largely nomadic tribes, and though the Land Jakun for the most part practise some form of agriculture, they also live to a great extent by hunting, trapping, and fishing, and keep both dogs and fowls.
Some of the Jakun of Johor cultivate rice, others plant yams, plantains, water-melons, sugar-cane, and sometimes also, on a very small scale, tobacco. In particular, however, they plant durian trees, on which they set a high value on account of the fruit.3 The Mantra and Besisi hold a marriage-carnival at harvesttime.4 They smoke tobacco and chew betel, or, as a substitute, cassia- leaves, together with gambir and lime, which they obtain by barter from the Malays of the coast.5 Their clothing is like that of the Malays but scantier, that of the men only a linen apron {e.g. among the Mantra and Udai), that of the women a sarong.6 They are accustomed to file their teeth to a point ; they do not practise circumcision, but a form of incision has been recorded.7 The universal weapon of the northern Jakun (Besisi, Mantra, and others) is the blowpipe with poisoned arrows. Bows and arrows are known to them, but
1 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) 200. 3 Logan in J. I. A. i. 254, 255 ;
2 This account is re-written from the Favre, ib. ii. 259. summary of Benua Culture by Waitz 4 Logan, loc. cit. p. 260.
(who uses Benua as the equivalent of 5 Logan, loc. cit.; Newbold, ii. 406.
11 Savage Malay," in which sense 6 Logan, loc. cit. p. 252.
Jakun is used here). ~ Ib. p. 271.
94 RACIAL AFFINITIES iakt
are not employed ; they do not engage in tribal fights.1 The blowpipe is often fitted with a spearpoint at the muzzle, as is frequently the case among the Dayaks. That of the Sabimba is said to have been introduced to them from Sambas in Borneo by the Malays of the sea-board, from whom they also obtain other objects, especially rice.2 The ten-foot blowpipe of the Benua, and the preparation of their arrow-poison, has been described by Newbold.3 The Jakun, who do not invariably poison their arrows, carry spears and long knives 4 in addition to the blowpipe ; the Mantra use the sword and kris of the Malays, as well as the blowpipe and spear.5 The huts of the Benua-Jakun vary in point of size and fittings ; they have usually only one room in the centre, are built on piles, and are reached by means of a ladder ; many of them are not altogether without such comforts as Chinese curtains for dividing the rooms, and perhaps a few Chinese dishes ; 6 for the most part, however, they are but poorly built and furnished, the sides being only constructed of leaves or tree -bark, and they are forsaken by the inhabitants when a death occurs.7 The Jakun of Malacca build their huts only two feet high, four feet broad, and six feet long, but raise them on piles and surround them with a bulwark of thorns for protection against tigers.8 For river voyages (with the exception of the Sabimba) they employ boats constructed out of a hollow treetrunk, but they do not venture on the open sea, which they are said to dread.9 Of musical instruments the
1 Logan, i. 272, 273, iii. 405, 406, 6 lb. p. 253, 254.
iv. 429. 7 Newbold, ii. 404 ; Borie in
2 Thomson in/. 1. A. i. 337*, 338*. Tijdschr. Deel x. 420 ; Netscher, ib.
3 n- 395, 396. Deel ii. 138 ; Moor, 242.
4 Favre in/. 7. A. ii. 262. 8 Favre, loc. cit. 257.
6 Logan, i. 330. ■ Logan in /. LA. i. 271, 284,
SI MMARY <>/■' S A VAGI MAI A Y CULTl
Maiuni emploj a bamboo flute and a kind ol guitar,
though others are recorded. From their position it
follows that all the trade oi the Jakun is in the hands ol the Malays, who give them cloth, pots, dishes, ironware, etc., iii exchange lor jungle produce, hut who .it the
same lime greatly oppress them hy means of the debt i into which they lead them, as well as by their treat hery and unjust dealing,' this treatment being in din contrast to that which they receive from the Chinese.
At their tribal leasts they chant songs and perform mimetic dances in imitation of the various denizens <>t the jungle, the performer, who is dressed in leaves, carrying a peculiar dance-wand, and the performances themselves being apparently a form of productive magic. They have a more advanced social organisation than the Sakai and Semang, and in some cases their Batin or chief has a peculiar and unknown object as part of his regalia.
They also practise peculiar marriage and burial rites (e.g. the mound-ceremony, a species of marriagecarnival at harvest-time, and the erection of a miniature hut for the soul of the deceased), and have many magic ceremonies and traditions which point to the prevalence of ancestor- worship and Shamanism as ingredients in their religion.
297> 332 > Thomson, ibid. 347* ; cp. men " for pirates, or in some similar
also Logan in /. /. A. vol. i. p. 388, motive. But these Benua may have
where he remarks that "like the been Land Jakun after all.
northern tribes, the Benua have a l Borie, he. cit. p. 424.
great dread of the sea," a characteristic 2 Logan, he. cit. pp. 261, 285.
which he attributes to "exaggerated 3 Waitz, pp. 176, 177. As Col.
ideas respecting waves, sea -sickness, R. C. Temple points out, what such
and pirates." On this it may be re- tribes get by barter may be of value to
marked that it is hard to believe that themselves ; what they give is of none,
any true Sea Jakun really dread the sea, But though the bargaining of the
and that formerly when fluty professed Chinese may perhaps thus be defended,
themselves afraid of it, the reason might that of the Malays, who go far beyond
perhaps be sought in a fear of their the Chinese, can not. — Temple in
being themselves taken by the "white /. A.I. vol. xxix. p. 101.
Note by W. L. H. Duckworth on " Fasciculi Malayenses," Vol. I.
Messrs. Annandale and Robinson,1 whose expedition to the Malay Peninsula followed that of Mr. Skeat (of whose party Mr. Annandale was a member), have provided abundant data which will yield much information when fully worked out. At present the chief results that have come to hand appear to me to be the following. Firstly, as regards the living inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula, we are presented with observations whence the average colour of skin and eyes, the hair -characters, the stature, and the cephalic index of Semang, Sakai, people of the Trang coast, and South Perak Malays are obtainable, founded on a much broader basis than has hitherto been accessible. As regards the South Perak Malays, the data are probably entirely new. The foregoing results have been tabulated in the Appendix'2 (i) for purposes of general comparison in the comparative table, and (2) separately for purposes of comparison inter se. In the second place, the craniological collection comprises some extraordinarily valuable specimens, though unfortunately the number is not very large. Special mention must be made of the collection of skulls of the Orang Laut formed by Mr. Annandale. The appended table 3 gives concisely the results of the
1 Authors of Fasciculi Malayenses. 2 For this table see Appendix. 3 lb.
part i NOTE ON i ASi ICUU MAI A I ENS1
craniometrical study oi the It will be noted thai the Orang Laut and Orang Bukit, although separated by Mi-. Annandale, are \ el < loeely associated physically. When the general results of the expedition are reviewed, it heroines evident, in the first place, that the Semang
and the Sakai types are connected by transitional forms so numerous that it is only Irom the examination
oi very large numbers of individuals that the two
extreme forms can be differentiated. It is particularly to be noted that the cephalic index fails con- spicuously to differentiate the two, whereas the stature is a more- reliable characteristic, and it is from this, with the skin-colour and hair-characters, that evidence upon which the distinction is based is to be obtained. In the second place, the Samsams of the Trang coast (as is also the case with the South Perak Malays) stand, as indeed might have been expected, quite apart from the Semang and Sakai. Thirdly, as regards the results of the Skeat expedition, the characters of the Pangans measured by Messrs. Skeat and Laidlaw fall within the range of variation established by the more numerous observations in the Fasciculi Malayenses. When we turn to the craniological side we find that the Pangan skull provided by Mr. Skeat possesses characters which bring it also into line with the Semang and Sakai group of Messrs. Annandale and Robinson in everything except cranial capacity, which in the former example is greater than in any case observed by the authors of Fasciculi Malayenses.
Then comes the extraordinary case of Grubauer's Semang skull.1 This, although microcephalic, provides the unusually high cephalic index-figure of 85, which carries it far beyond the range of indices otherwise
1 Cf. Man, No. 18, 1903. VOL. I H
98 NOTE BY W. L. H. DUCKWORTH part
available for comparison. This unusual index need not be regarded as ruling out the skull from the ranks of the Semang-Sakai group, as the total number of skulls known is but fifteen or so, and in the living the index may, as is seen from the table, reach the figure of 85.5 ( = 83.5 on the skull).
Three more remarks may be made on the results of the authors of the Fasciculi Malayenses.
In the first place, they have obtained extraordinarily high figures for the radio-humeral index in the living Semang : results which do not accord with those obtained from the data of the Skeat expedition (whether from living Pangan or Semang or skeletons of the same), nor with Messrs. Annandale and Robinson's own results in the case of the skeletons collected by them. This is evidently due to their method of measurement, for their results for the living Semang are consistent throughout inter se. But the final effect is to give an incorrect idea of the preponderance of forearm length, which, though present, is not nearly so marked as the figures suggest.
Secondly, and regarding the craniological results detailed in the Fasciculi Malayenses, the skulls represented in photographs afford but slight material for comparisons, partly owing to the fact that two of them are skulls of aged women. The Semang skull, Plate xvi. Figs. 4, 5, 6, has a much flatter nasal skeleton than that of the Pangan in the Cambridge Museum ; and also presents less subnasal prognathism than the latter skull.
Finally, Plate xviii. Figs. 4, 5, 6, gives photographs of the skull of an " Orang Laut Kapir" {i.e. "Kafir" or "unconverted" Orang Laut) of the Trang coast : were the provenance of this specimen
i <>x « FASCICUl i MALA I
not precisely known, its dimensions, as given in the cable, and its proportions and appearance would lead to its being regarded as a good example ol the < >< eanu negro type as met with in New Guinea, New Britain, and neighbouring islands. Caution must therefore be exercised in basing conclusions on skulls taken from
ancient cemeteries of the kind whence this skull was obtained.
Note on Diseases of the Aborigim.-.
Very little has been observed about the diseases to which the wild aboriginal tribes are subject, and on the whole it appears that they are not much troubled by sickness, the reason being doubtless that as they live in a state of nature only the hardiest of their children survive. All of them are, however, in mortal terror of one disease in particular, viz. small-pox, from which many of their tribes have greatly suffered from time to time.
I. — Semang.
Fever does not appear to trouble the Semang so much as a malignant sort of ulcers and various minor forms of cutaneous disease (Mai. "kurap") which are very prevalent locally. The wife of the Semang chief (Pelima) at Siong was afflicted with an ulcer which was one of the worst I have seen in the East, and which had eaten deeply into the left leg.
Both Semang and Sakai are generally well formed, and are not unfrequently described as showing a magnificent physique. Deformed people and dwarfs are extremely rare, probably for the reason already given. One of the Semang (Pa' Gelugor) whom I observed at Jarum may, however, have approximated to a dwarf type, all of his measurements proving to be under the average. On the other hand, his back was
IOO
PAfti i Nl GR1T0S or KEDAH ioj
slightly bowed, but as he had arrived at an advanced age, this is perhaps more likely to have been due to physical infirmity than to congenital deformity.
Some form ol acute rheumatism, or more probably
sciatica, appeals occasionally to attack them,
in the case of a woman belonging to the Kedah Semang, of whose temporary "cure" I myseli w
witness.1 From the woman's own account, the pain, which was extremely acute and caused her great suffering, was situated in the hones of the leg*. The pain caused her to break out openly into weeping and loud crying, but nevertheless she was able to make her way into the forest for some thirty yards till she reached the site of her former house, in which she was presently M doctored " by the chief of the tribe.
The teeth of the Semang, like those of most other savages on a similar plane of culture, were extremely good, and were seldom attacked by caries.
Delivery, as a rule, was attended by very little difficulty, the woman usually resuming her ordinary avocations after three or four days' seclusion.
It could not be determined what sickness was meant by a ''great death" or plague that was traditionary among the Semang, but the symptoms were described to Vauehan-Stevens as follows : those who were attacked by the disease about noon, died before sunset, by which time the body had turned black in colour. It was evidently also much swollen up, since it was described by the Semang as looking "like a leech, when it falls off."
That the Semang (" Menik ") had no name for the disease seems to show that it was formerly unknown to them, and that they had no other tradi-
1 Cp. vol. ii. p. 230.
io2 NOTE ON DISEASES OE THE ABORIGINES part
tion about it than that "it had only come twice." The only thing that could be found out about it, besides, was that nobody attacked by it escaped with his life. It was further stated that it had arisen in consequence of the neglect of Pie's command never to stay more than five days in one place. This command, however, only applied to the men.1
Vaughan-Stevens gives Semang names for many other diseases, but in almost every case fails to translate or identify them.
II. — Sakai.
The foregoing remarks appear to be as applicable, generally speaking, to the Sakai as to the Semang. At all events, the Sakai have the same dread of smallpox and the same liability to ulcers and skin diseases, of which latter Hale (p. 288) distinguishes three kinds (" Kurap," " Kurap ayam," and " Kudis "), the prevalence of which he ascribes to the fact that the Sakai "very seldom bathe."2 He also mentions3 headache and stomach-ache as being diseases which are prayed against by the Sakai. De Morgan (ii. 717) mentions fevers (which are cured by the use of crushed " langsat " stones), colic, diarrhoea (for which calcined bones are used), dysentery, " kurab," and "wounds," which latter are dressed with sugar-cane pulp, bound with a strip of bark-cloth.
III. — Jakun.
Blandas. — There are no very special remarks to be made with regard to the diseases of the Blandas tribe. Some individuals suffered greatly both from
1 Sic Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 102. ii. 717; Brau de Saint - Pol Lias,
2 The two latter are ringworm and and other writers, itch. Cp. De Morgan in E Homme, 3 Hale, p. 301.
■roj/i/i ii
•/.
SAVAGE MAI A YS OF SELANGOR ioj
cutaneous disorders and ulcers, but this was probably, as with the Semang and Sakai, the result of the food thai they lived on, more especially ol some of the
yams and roots. Fevers were also very prevalent at
Certain seasons, btit small-pox was the one disease that
they most greatly dreaded, and on the appearance of
which they would llee from the district.
Besisi. — Owing to their way of life, it was not uncommon to meet amongst them individuals who had been accidentally maimed or wounded, and on one occasion, whilst driving along the Langat road at Klang, I encountered a Jakun who had been badly lamed by the injury and contraction of the muscles of the knee. After considerable persuasion, I induced him to return to Klang and enter the hospital, which was then in charge of the late Mr. W. M. Little. Mr. Little kindly interested himself in the case, and succeeded in affording the man a good deal of relief; but when the man had been a few days in hospital he returned to the jungle, saying before he left that he could not live in a place which was so shut in and devoid of trees. I never knew a case of mental disease among any of these tribes.
Jakun of Negri Sembilan. — The chief diseases are more or less malignant kinds of skin-disease — in part inherited, in part brought on themselves, for the hillmen of Negri Sembilan never indulge in the luxury of a bath.
They do not appear to possess much stamina for resisting fever and other internal ailments. When they had been living in the house assigned to them by Rowland for a short time, they became dissatisfied, and all developed a dry, painful cough, and moved about very despondingly ; scarcely an hour passed without
104 NOTE ON DISEASES OF THE ABORIGINES part
one of them coming to Rowland and saying that he was about to die, until at last Rowland had huts built for them after their own manner, when they at once recovered. Rowland adds that he heard nothing of mental diseases among them, though there are many such among the Malays.1
Jakun of Johor. — The Jakun were not much subject to sickness ; though none the less, for want of proper care, few of them reach to an advanced age. The sickness of which they have the greatest dread, and from which they suffer most, is the small-pox. If any one is attacked by it, he is at once entirely abandoned ; parents, relations, friends, and neighbours all fly from him alike, and the poor sick man, left without any assistance, of course dies miserably. In the case of other diseases, the sick are not so entirely uncared for ; some sort of physic, which consists ordinarily of an infusion or decoction of wild plants, being given according to the rude prescription of a Pawang, though usually without any success. The Jakun die for the most part of fever caused by the dampness and insalubrity of the places they inhabit.2
Like the people of India, they are also generally very subject to ulcers. Many of them have very troublesome skin diseases, though as a rule these are not dangerous. If the missionaries succeed in gathering the Jakun into villages, as they intend to do, and to make their habitations more salubrious, ulcers will certainly be much more scarce amongst them ; and it may be hoped that the cure of their skin diseases will not present any great difficulty. A small provision of quinine or other remedies
1 Rowland, p. 707. 2 Favre \r\J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 265.
SAVAG1 MALA KS Ob J<>iH)i<
for Fever would also doubtless preserve the life ol
in. my.1
Benua-Jakun. Of the Benua «»! [ohor we are told that, like all these tribes, they have an ex< i fear ol the small-pox. The explanation they giverof thi isthat in former times their tribe was severely visited, and
greatly thinned, l>y it, and that a vow was then mad'' that they and their descendants in all time to < om<- should flee from its presence whenever and wherever it appeared. If it should again break out, they would necessarily abandon both the victim and the locality. "
The Henna of the Lenggiu and Sayong are said to close their rivers by felling trees across them whene\ r they hear that this disease prevails at Johor Lama (t,e. "Old Johor") or elsewhere in the country. Vaccination would prove a great boon:'
Orang Laut ok Sea-Jakun.
- Laut, Beduanda Kallang. — The Beduanda Kallang of Singapore formerly consisted of about a hundred families occupying as many boats, but the ravages of the small-pox have reduced the number to eight.4
- Laut, Sletar. — Several of the men and women of the Sletar tribe were subject to deformity in hands and limbs, a rather unusual circumstance for these parts, and the disease most prevalent among them was a cutaneous scaly eruption (Mai. u Kurap ") that covered the whole body. To this disease whole families were subject, from the mother to the infant at the breast, nearly every second person appearing to be afflicted with it. The feet of the old people were also
1 Favre in_/. /. A. vol. ii. p. 265. 3 lb.
2 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 284. 4 lb. p. 300.
io6 NOTE ON DISEASES OF THE ABORIGINES part i
attacked by a sort of disease resembling leprosy, and the features of the face in one or two cases were found to be contracted from some such cause,1 its victims being naturally rendered hideous to look upon.2
1 From the description this might be suffered from a disease of the skin of
attributed to some disease of syphilitic the feet and hands, named " Kedal,"
origin, which is not impossible, seeing which had, however, no affinity with
the propinquity of the Sletar to Singa- leprosy properly so called,
pore. On the other hand, it may be 2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 345*. remarked that the Malays themselves
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
PART II
CHAPTER I.
I r00D — Sti M 1 1 1 .A NTS N ARCOTICS.
Although food is always (naturally) a burning question among the wild tribes that are still nomadic, it apparently becomes, strange as it may seem, of even greater importance among those that are just entering the path of civilisation, who are frequently rendered, to a pitiable extent, dependent upon the Malays for their verv existence, a circumstance which the latter are not slow to turn to their own advantage. The wildest tribes, who are thoroughgoing nomads, seldom stay more than three or four days in one place, but as soon as they have exhausted the sources of food in one neighbourhood, move on to the next, and hence are as a rule fairly, though not liberally, supplied.
The staple food of these tribes does not consist so much of the flesh of animals as of such wild vegetable food as may happen to fall from time to time in season. When this fails, the men engage in hunting, trapping, and fishing excursions in order to eke out their dwindling stock of vegetable supplies, which consist mainly of wild yams,1 roots, and fruits of the jungle.
The less wild tribes who have learnt the use of
1 According to H. N. Ridley the of the wild tribes is Dioscorea pentayam most sought after by all branches phylla.
no FOOD PART II
rice are forced to obtain their supplies of it by the barter of jungle produce at ruinous rates, as they seldom succeed in obtaining a crop of their own which will last for more than a small portion of the year.
As will readily be expected, not only the knife and fork of civilisation, but even such objects as chopsticks, are completely unknown, the flesh of the animal which has been killed being broken up into pieces of convenient size, which are picked up from the dish (which often consists of nothing more elaborate than a large banana-leaf obtained from the neighbouring forest) and conveyed to the mouth by hand. In the case of a leg or wing of a small mammal or bird the bone is held in the hand in primitive fashion, and the flesh gnawed off it sans cdrdmonie and sans gene. For drinking purposes bamboo vessels, gourds, and coconut-shells are used, though a mere leaf, or the hand itself, are used at convenience.
In eating, the women and girls of all three wild races wait until the men have finished.
For drinking purposes the " tamer " tribes generally keep in their huts earthenware water-pots, for which a half coconut-shell is, as among the Malays, the most generally accepted " bailer." In drinking from running water, however, the water is thrown into the mouth by hand, unless a big leaf happens to be available.
In this connexion it may be of interest to note a statement to the effect that the Orang Laut, when they wished to drink, threw the water up into the mouth with the hand with unerring aim, and instead of splashing the entire face (as a European would), they were able to throw water into the mouth at about the distance of a foot from the palm of the hand without wetting their faces to speak of. Even
chap, i GENERAL REMAR in
the children employed this method. On the other
hand, when a mot her wished to give her infant BOme
water tO drink, she let it drip from her hand into the child's open mouth.1
With regard to rice, the wildest tribes of the Peninsula (Pangan, etc.) do not cat it, although it is the Staple food of the Malays and all the later immigrants to the country.
The first step towards the adoption of a grain diet would seem to be taken when the wild people take to cultivating and eating a species of millet ("sekoi ")."
For this, at a later period, a more or less scanty diet of rice (obtained from the Malays by barter) is gradually substituted by the less nomadic tribes (generally by tribes who have learned to grow a few light u catch " crops, in which rice is not included), and eventually we find the first beginnings of rice culture among tribes who cultivate for themselves not only bananas, maize, tapioca (and in a few cases even tobacco), but also a scanty stock of half-wild rice.
The wilder tribes of Semang and Sakai, and even perhaps a few of the Jakuns, practise methods of obtaining fire by friction. The Malayising tribes appear, however, for a long time past to have known the use of flint and steel, which is perhaps the method still most generally in vogue. A few of the more advanced have, however, learnt the use of "trade" matches, which they call by their Malay names ("tarek api " = pull-fire, or "gesek api " = scratch-fire). The tinder used consists of the downy substance or fluff which collects round the leaf-bases of certain palms.3
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 184. 3 It is chiefly obtained from Caryota
2 De la Croix, p. 340. It is Panic tint mitis, Lour. — Ridley. italicum. — Ridley.
I 12 FOOD PART II
This fluff is also used as a kind of wad to prevent windage in shooting with the blowpipe.
A simple form of torch, consisting of lumps of 11 dammar " (Mai. " damar ") wrapped round with palmleaves and tied with vegetable fibres, is also pretty generally employed.
Among the Semang, cooking is the duty of the women, and among the more nomadic tribes usually consists in slightly roasting the flesh of the small mammals and birds killed by the men, though it is certain that, in some cases at all events, the definition of man as a " cooking animal " breaks down, for the meat is eaten absolutely raw. Flesh-meat is inserted in a cleft stick, which is made to lean at an angle over the fire. Rice, if obtainable, is fire-dried in green bamboos, which are carried about and broken open as circumstances may require. Yams and roots are grated and wrapped up in strips of banana-leaf for baking. Fish are usually baked in the same way as the flesh of birds and animals.
The methods of the Sakai are very similar, and both they and the Semang have several ingenious methods of treating poisonous yams, etc., in order to make them fit for consumption.
Among the Jakun of the coast, and to some extent among the inland Sakai and Semang, iron cooking utensils (Malay rice-pots, etc.) have been introduced, and with these the difficulties of cooking largely disappear.
I. — Semang.
Food and its Preparation.
Kedah Semang. — The food of the Western Semang, when I visited them in Kedah, consisted of rice eked
chap i NEGRITOS Of KEDAH \ \
out with a little sugar cane, both of which were < ultivated l>y themselves, together with a little tapioca and the
wild roots .tiul fruits of the jungle, Their flesh food consisted of small birds and animals, but more often of
fish and turtle, etc., which they caught or harpooned
in the river at the loot of the hill. A few of th<
Negrito tribes still hum with the how, but the blowpipe has also made some Converts, especially towards the south. They are unlettered by religious restrictions in their search for food,1 and are averse to nothing which can be converted into a means of sustenance. We often encountered the holes made by them in digging for roots in the deepest recesses of the forest.
Pangan. — The food of the Eastern Semang (Pangan) does not differ from that of their western kindred. In a small rock -shelter which I visited in the hills of Patalung near Singora, and which was deserted by the Pangan just before we got there, we found the remains of a fire, the ribs of a small tortoise on which they had been feeding, and a half-smoked (native) cigarette. In the deserted semicircular huts of the Pangans at Ulu Aring, in Kelantan, we found the remains of fires, short bamboo vessels which had been used for carrying dried rice (" nasi lemang"), and a half coconut-shell, which had, no doubt, been used for drinking. These Pangan when in the neighbourhood used to come down to the Malay hamlet at Kampong Buntal for rice and tobacco.
Kedah Semang- and Pang-an. — Fire - making by friction is the simplest method practised by both Eastern and Western Semang. It usually takes the form of rubbing together short blocks of wood,
1 For rules as to eating the " soul-bird " (an alleged exception), v. vol. ii. pp. 4-6. VOL. I I
I 14 FOOD PART II
bamboo, or cane. A common method consists in passing a rattan line round the portion of a dried branch (that of certain kinds of trees can alone be used), and holding the branch down by the foot, whilst the line is rapidly worked to and fro with the hands, until the friction ignites the dust which falls from the wood.
The Semang also not unfrequently supply themselves with fragments of flint and tool-iron, which they carry about with them.
They use as tinder the down-like substance or fluff which gathers about the leaf-bases of palms, and which they also, as has been said, use as a wad in shooting with the blowpipe.
This complete fire apparatus is generally carried on the person, not unfrequently in a small bamboo cylinder.
Perak Semang". — The same remarks apply to the Semang of Perak. De Morgan adds that the bamboo tube in which the fire apparatus is carried is often beautifully decorated (by incised lines). He also states that the Perak Semang obtain their tinder from the sugar-palm1 ("kabong").2
Semang* and Pang^n. — The Semang hearth consists of a few short logs or sticks, whose ends converge to a common centre. They are laid upon a clear spot of ground, and the fires are allowed to smoulder away gradually, being only "made up" when a bigger fire is required for cooking, though they are kept burning night and day until the encampment changes its ground.
Kedah Semang. — Of roots and fruits it is not only the innocuous kinds that are employed ; even poison-
1 Arenga saccharifera. — Ridley. 2 De Morgan, vii. 414.
. n\r. i NEGRITOS <>/■ a / DAH 1 1 |
ous yams unci roots .ire '.]«•< tally treated by the Semang to render them fit lor food, lor this purpose they arc rasped against .1 prickly stick (a son "I natural "nutmeg grater "J,1 the raspings being mixed
with a little, lime (slaked with water in .1 CO< Ollllt shell]
and worked up with a small spatula ol "txrtam"' palm. Finally they are kneaded 1))' hand into a SOll of dough, which is wrapped up in a Strip of fresh banana -leal, slipped into a cleft stick, and slowly roasted over the fire. The yams thus treated .ire called "kleb" by the Semang, and "ubi kapor " by the Malays. The Semang informed me they were highly poisonous, unless treated as here described.3
I noticed a number of these yams (4< ubi kapor ") in the Semang shelter at Siong in Kedah, where they were inserted between the slats of the roof. Other kinds of yams employed by the tribe in question were the "ubi takob," which is baked; the "ubi tanjong," which is boiled; and "kense" or tapiocaroot, which was no doubt obtained by barter from the Malays, as none was grown in the clearing at Siong.
Perak Semang. — The Perak Semang render the roots of the wild yam edible by means of prolonged fermentation (in the earth ?) and by culinary treatment extending over six days.
But the roots of the amorphophallus cannot, it appears, be made edible by any sort of treatment, this latter plant being regarded as furnishing, wThen mixed with Ipoh, the most deadly kind of poison known to
1 The prickly stem of a kind of (or "gadong"), ^that requires to be -rattan {Calamus). 2 Eugeissona tristis. prepared in this way. The other 3 It is only Dioscorea dcemona, Roxb. species are harmless. — Ridley.
u6 FOOD part ii
the tribe*, whilst even the contact of the sap with the skin produces considerable irritation.1
Meals.
Kedah Semangr. — Among the Semang of Kedah the women and girls, after cooking the food, were not allowed to eat any of it until the men and boys of the tribe had finished their repast. At Siong on one occasion I photographed a number of Semang in the middle of a meal. Their food, which they eagerly devoured and obviously enjoyed, consisted of a quantity of rice and some small fowls that I had brought with me, — a sufficient reply to the assertion which has often been made that these tribes are afraid to eat the flesh of any domestic creature. These materials, after cooking, were deposited in separate heaps upon large banana- leaves, and were partaken of first by all the males of the tribe sitting together.
The women could be seen inside the hut waiting quite patiently when their work was done until their lords and masters should have finished their repast.
[Stimulants and Narcotics.
Kedah Semang*. — Betel -chewing appeared to be very sparingly indulged in by all the Semang tribes that I came across. Occasional instances certainly occur, but the custom is certainly very much more rarely found among the Semang than among the more southern tribes, and their teeth were, as a rule, entirely
1 De la Croix (quoting Sir H. Low), same as that of the Semang of Kedah, p. 334. From Mr. L. Wray I learn that with the addition of gourds, pumpkins, in other respects their diet is much the chillies, maize, and sweet potatoes.
Skcat. A. Semang of Kedah rasping yams with prickly />'. Pouring lime upon the raspings pr» \
stem of young rattan. mixii g '►.in.;.
Semangs preparing Poisonous Vams for Food.
Semang or Kedah having a Meal.
Vol. I. /. 116.
■
u
<MM- i NEGRITOS "/■ KEDAH 1.7
free from the discolo ration which nr< rv„inl\ .,
panics 1 1 1 < ~ custom referred to.'
Semang and Pangnn Perak Semang". — On the Other hand, both Semang and Pangan (East Semang) are
(like all the wild tribes of the Peninsula) inordinately foml of tobacco. They carry it in a small hut beautifully decorated bamboo tube, a Specimen of which I
obtained in IMu Kelantan. Someofthe more civilised tribes are said to grow their own tobacco. Almost invariably, however, they obtain it by barter from the Malays, as do also the Semang of Perak.2
1 1. — Sakai.
Food and its Prepai'ation.
Perak Sakai. — The wilder Sakai tribes (Sakai Bukit), like the Semang, live upon wild tubers, roots, and fruits, together with the flesh of animals and birds that fall victims to the darts shot from their blowpipe. They do not as a rule search for game until everything else fails.3 They will, however, eat almost any sort of animal food, and the land tortoise is as acceptable to them as to the Karens of Martaban.4
To both these classes of food must be added, among the more settled tribes, the produce of their gardens, which includes maize, sugar-cane, tapioca, sweet potatoes, yams, rice, and many plants which can be cultivated as catch crops. A curious fact recorded of them is that they do not make use of salt.5 This
1 Mr. L. Wray tells me that in 3 Hale, p. 295 ; see also De la Croix, Upper Perak he saw some Semang- p. 340.
Sakai (from the Plus) burning fresh- 4 J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 430.
water shells to make lime for their betel. 5 lb. vol. iv. p. 429. To this list
2 J. /. A. vol. iv. pp. 425, 426. of plants millet must be added.
n8 FOOD
PART II
has been contradicted by other writers,1 though it is quite possible that salt, owing to the difficulty of obtaining it, may not be used by some of the wilder tribes, who fear the risks attendant upon barter. The young growing shoots of the giant bamboo ("buluh betong ") are eaten both cooked and raw.2
According to M. Lias, the food of the Perak Sakai consists mainly of tapioca-root, yams, sweet potatoes, maize, bananas, poultry, eggs, fish, and game killed by the blowpipe.
"They also," he continues, "eat rats, snakes, monkeys . . .," a Malay said to me, laughing.
But To' Lela denies it.
" It is not we, the Sakai of Kerbu, who eat that, it is the Ulu Burong people."8
De Morgan says that they eat the shoots of ferns, palms, bamboos, p'rah-fruit, certain fungi that grow on rotten trees, and yams of every description, together with tapioca (which has been imported in recent times, but the use of which has spread everywhere), sugarcane, maize, gourds, and water-melons, turmeric, millet, and (half- wild) bananas which have big seeds in them. Kulim leaves are used as seasoning.4
Both these accounts, curiously enough, omit to mention the wild fruits which grow in great profusion at certain seasons of the year in the forests of the Peninsula. It would be interesting to know whether the Sakai are less markedly frugivorous than the Semang
1 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, p. 39. 2 J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 21, p. 154.
Mr. Wray tells me that the food of 3 Brau de S. P. Lias, pp. 279, 280.
the Batang Padang Sakai (and those of 4 De Morgan, viii. 1 57 ; cf.
the Hills between Kinta and Pahang) L* Homme, ii. 713. The Sakai are
agrees with that of the Perak Semang, also said to eat the tuberous roots
except that millet is substituted for of Smilax megacarpa, De C. Its
rice. Frogs and snakes are also eaten, Malay names are " Akar banau,"
as well as some insects, e.g., the " Rabanu," " Rabana," " K'luna," and
"Buprestes" beetles, which are roasted. " Lampau Bukit." — Ridley.
c .i m i SAKAI OF PERAK no
or [akun. But there is no reason to think bo, and mi probably, like the others, thej will eal anything that i 1 not actually poisonous. Thus Mr. L. Wray writes thai once, in an evil moment, he was induced by assuram
and example of some of the Sakai to eat Some pretty
apple like fruit with which .1 tree growing I>y the af 1< •
of the river was laden. The fruit, though pleasant at
first, left a very disagreeable after -taste, and he
suffered for the remainder of the day with sore month and lips. It was a species' of the genus ( iannua, of
which the " gfilugor " fruit ' is a well-known and closely
allied example.
Mr. Wray first saw, on Gunong Chunam Prah, at a height of 3350 feet (1021 m.), a blackberry which grows amongst the nnderwood (" blukar ") on the old Sakai clearings (" ladang "). The berry was red and long, and had something of the flavour of its English ally. The leaf and method of growth were also very similar. Raspberries 3 were common in the same situations, but the fruit was small and nearly tasteless.4
The methods employed by the Sakai for obtaining fire are similar to those used by the Negritos. To procure fire the hill Sakai (Orang Bukit) rub two dry pieces of bamboo together.5
In Kinta, according to Hale, every Sakai carries a tinder-box, which, however, he does not use more than he is obliged to do, as the fire of each family is always kept smouldering to prevent its extinction.6
Hale's description of the Sakai hearth deserves full quotation. Each family (he writes) and wife . . . had a separate hearth. These hearths are very
1 Probably Garcinia Castafa, Hensl. 6 De la Croix, p. 340.
2 Mai. " gelugor," i.e. Garcinia 6 Hale, p. 294. The Batang Padang atroviridis. 3 Rubus rosafolius. Sakai are said to use the fire-drill. —
4 /. R. A. S. , S.B., No. 21, p. 155. Fasc. Mai. 41.
120 FOOD I'AKI II
simple constructions ; a mat of leaves is spread on the floor, and over this is spread about three inches of earth, and a fire lighted, which once lighted is not allowed to got out. For although every Sakai carries a tinder-box, it is much easier to blow up a smouldering log into a blaze than to rekindle it. Three or four long logs of suitable wood, each about nine inches in diameter, are arranged so that their ends approach the middle of the hearth. A small fire of sticks is lighted in the centre, and the logs keep the fire up for weeks, and as they burn away are drawn gradually into the fire. The burning ends serve to support the saucepans, and the accumulated ashes below to roast tapioca and sweet potatoes in. As there are always several other logs lying about the floor drying so as to be ready for use, it is not very easy to get about without knocking one's shins.1
The Sakai generally use earthen cooking vessels, but prefer iron ones when they can get them. Like the Negritos, they have many ingenious methods for the preparation of their food. The wild yam and the "kapayang" fruit2 ("piyung") are cut into small pieces, cooked, and laid in running water for twenty-four hours to draw the poison out of them.3
A similar process is employed in the preparation of the bitter cassava 4 (Manihot utilissima).
A yet more curious process described by Hale is to bury such poisonous tubers for days together in one of the swamps in the jungle. After being steeped in this way till they are sodden, they are dug up again and rasped with a prickly shoot of rattan (already
1 Hale, p. 294. * Sic Vaughan - Stevens (/#.), but
2 Pangiumedule. The husk of the nut according to Mr. H. N. Ridley the is used as a receptacle. — VH. ii. 619. bitter cassava is not cultivated in the
3 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 112. Peninsula!
I KAF, i /A .// <>/ PERAK
described). The raspings are put into a matwork bag, and the foul- smelling, unwholesome moisture
squeezed out of them with .1 kind of primitive lever.
They arc then dried over the fire in a green lMinl.no, and put aside till required lor food.1
This preparation is said l>y Hale to be Called " koyi " (" koyee "), and will keep good for a month."
The seeds of some trees (such as the "p'rah")'5 are similarly treated ; they are put into a matwork bag and buried in swamps sometimes for months together before they are touched. Eventually, however, they are lifted out of the swamp by means of a cord attached to the bag, and are then pounded and squeezed into a bamboo, when they are ready for use. The result is a highly flavoured kind of preserve called by the Malays "serum p'rah," or " p'rah paste," which in spite of its strong odour is yet greatly prized.4
The Sakai use rude wooden spice-blocks ("sengkalan ") for grinding their spices. Not unfrequently part of a bamboo internode is used for the purpose when they are travelling in the jungle. In this way they grind up their salt, chillies, and the other seasonings5 which they eat with their rice, the latter of which is boiled in an internode of bamboo.6
Meals.
Perak Sakai. — Hale says of the Sakai that they have only two regular meals, an early morning breakfast and a midnight supper, but that they were con- tinually having slight snacks of some kind of vegetable
1 Hale, p. 298. 3 De M. figures a wooden plate
2 lb. p. 295. (probably used for this purpose) and a
3 Mezzettia leptopoda, Oliver (Ano- bamboo water-vessel. — VH. ii. 619. nacea?). 4 Hale, p. 298. 0 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, p. 39.
FOOD
PART II
food (sugar-cane, tapioca, or sweet potatoes) when they happened to be indoors during the daytime.1
Stimulants and Narcotics.
Perak Sakai. — Of tobacco and betel the Sakai are exceedingly fond, the leaf of a wild betel (" chambai ") 2 being freely taken when no other is obtainable. Both of these habits are probably acquired from the Malays, from whom a Sakai will also occasionally learn to smoke or eat opium.3
III. — Jakun.
Food,
Blandas. — There is nothing requiring special comment about the diet of the Blandas, except that it contains less animal food and a larger proportion of
1 Hale, p. 295.
Yaughan- Stevens states that he had often read that the aborigines (Orang Hutan) relieve themselves from flatulence in any way that they please, without the least notice being taken of it by any of those present, but that this habit is condemned and regarded as " vulgar." Vaughan - Stevens often heard one Sakai reprove another when such a breach of decorum was made, although men only were present. On one occasion an excuse was offered by one of those present on behalf of his comrade, the offender "looking ashamed as he went out." Whenever Vaughan - Stevens asked the Sakai what was their opinion in such a case, they always condemned it very strongly, but suggested that it might have occurred accidentally and unintentionally, by way of apology. The idea that this habit might be regarded (as among the Chinese) as a compliment
to the host cannot be entertained, as among the aborigines it would be an insult rather than a compliment. Accidents of the kind may happen from their greedy manner of eating, and if the men appear to take no notice, it is only because they do not wish to attract attention to the mistake which has been made (Z.f. E. xxix. 184).
2 Mr. Ridley writes me that several wild pepper leavesare used as substitutes for the betel-leaf. He has seen Selangor Sakai near Kuala Lumpor cut off long strips of bark from Piper argent 'earn, with the object of chewing them. A portion only of the bark was taken in each case, so that the plant might not be killed.
3 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, p. 39. Mr. Wray tells me further that the Batang Padang Sakai grow tobacco, drying and cutting but not fermenting the leaves, and wrapping the product in young " palas " leaves.
< hap. i SAVAGE MAI 1 KS OF Si I >A
rice than that of the Semang and Sakai, the Sclangor tribe being rather more advanced in matters ol cultivation. In Kuala Langat, I have myseli fre
quently seen the latter at their meals (vvhi< h I have
also occasionally shared), when their only i<><>d consisted
of boiled rice, seasoned with acid iruits ("asain k'lubi "
= Zalacca conferta) obtained from the jungle.
/unni and its Preparation*
Besisi. — A favourite kind of preserve not yet mentioned consists of a paste obtained from the pulp of the durian, which the Besisi bury in the ground for months together until long after it has fermented.
A curious but firmly held belief of the Besisi is that acid fruits must not be eaten with the game killed by their poisoned darts, as to do so will, they imagine, bring out the full symptoms of the poison in those who partake of it.
When cooking such game they generally cut out the part surrounding the puncture caused by the dart.
In some of the songs improvised by the Besisi the various processes employed in the preparation of their game for food are described in detail. The game (if an animal) first has its fur removed by singeing, when the skin is "poked" off, and the carcase quartered and cooked.
The seasonings used are " kulim " l leaves, turmeric, and (wild) ginger, leaves of the "kayu k'lat,"2
1 Sorodocarpus bortieensis (Olacinece), 2 A name applied to many species of
a large tree, every part of which smells Eugenia of the section "syzygium," strongly of onions. — Ridley. and other trees somewhat resembling
them (Myrtaceae). — Ridley.
124 FOOD PART II
"Spices" (the precise kind is not mentioned), and " kesom." l
Different kinds of seasoning are mentioned in other songs, especially various kinds of wild pepper, "pedas chanchang"2 and "pedas jintan."3 "Asam k'lubi"4 is excluded as a seasoning for animals killed with the blowpipe, for the reasons stated above.
The most usual method of making fire among all the branches of the Jakun race (including the Besisi) is by means of flint and steel. Logan, however, mentions a case in which some Jakun produced fire by circular friction, exactly as it is sometimes produced by civilised Malays.5 The steel consists of a fragment of tool-iron, and is generally wrapped up together with the flint in a piece of cloth and left in the hut during short absences of the owner, or carried on the person (in his " bujam " or matwork pouch) together with the usual palm-fluff tinder.
The commonest type of hearth is the Malay boxhearth, which consists of a shallow box filled with earth, upon which are usually laid, in a triangle, the Malayan firestones, between which a fire of sticks is kindled. Fire-logs, such as are used by the inland Sakai, are, however, often to be seen.
Meals.
Besisi. — As in the case of all the wild tribes, the Besisi men eat before the women. Morning and evening are their special meal-times, but they con-
1 Probably = " kasum," Polygonum 3 Cummin, also used by the Malays flaccidum, Meissn. (Polygonaceae), a in making curries. — Ridley.
common weed, also called " kalima 4 The fruit of Zalacca conferta,
paya "or " swamp " kalima. — Ridley. Griff.
2 Unidentified. 6 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 255.
, map. i SAVAGE MAL A I A' i
Btantly chew sugar cane, etc., throughout the day, and they do not hesitate to accept an extra meal whenei the opportunity offers. They gorge, in fact, lil pythons whenever they get the chance, and are only too willing to sleep it off afterwards. It is, however only fair to them to say that the) do not often get the opportunity of eating toex< ept in the fruit season
or at harvest-time. They eat monkej i, rats, sua!
and even crocodiles.
One of their more elaborate banquets, at which I was present, will be described in detail in a later chapter.
11 etc I- leaf and Tobacco.
Besisi. -The chewing of the betel-leaf is a favourite occupation of the Besisi, who especially affects the wild betel-leaf called " chambai " and the bark from the stem of a creeper called " kalong," ' which is, I was told, identical with the stem of the "chambai." I have tasted both, and found that both possessed equally the pungent aromatic flavour of the betel-leaf, and left behind them a sort of roughness of the palate for at least a few minutes after they had been chewed. The Besisi are also extremely fond of tobacco, which is generally smoked in the form of small cigarettes, rolled up in thin coverings of palm-leaf after the Malay fashion, but which is also occasionally chewed.2
Food and its Preparation.
Mantra. — Of the Mantra we are told that no kind of food comes amiss, so long as it does not " intoxicate " or poison them.3
1 Piper caninnm. 2 Skeat in Sel. Jonrn. vol. v. p. 381.
3 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 254.
FOOD
PART II
According to Logan, the Mantra never eat the flesh of the elephant.1 The same writer gives a list of no fewer than forty different jungle fruits, all of which the Mantra are in the habit of eating.2
Father Barbe has said that if the flesh of monkeys, to which the Mantra are very partial, were not prohibited by the Koran, there is no doubt that the generality of them would have been converted to Islam.3
Meals arid Tobacco}
The Mantra have three meals — morning, mid-day, and evening.
The Mantra women were much addicted to tobacco, but they did not smoke it.
1 Borie (tr. Bourien) says they "eat all that falls into their hands — bears, monkeys, squirrels, rats, deer, birds, and the roots and bulbs which the earth produces in abundance, such as the kaledek, or sweet potato ('kledek'); fruits such as the banana, and the sugarcane, which serves to satisfy their thirst as well as to nourish them. The maize and rice which they cultivate can only support them four months in the year. To cultivate rice on the mountains it is necessary to cut down the forest, to burn it, and then to sow, which demands more labour than is required for hunting in the forest, where perhaps, too, they may find roots or other vegetable food. The hunting of monkeys and squirrels pleases them more than anything else, and they give themselves up to it with ardour ; their labour and fatigue they count as nothing if they can but capture their prey, which they distribute part to their parents, part to their relations, and part to their friends who attend the feast. If they are joined by no one, they first of all burn off {i.e. singe) the hair, and then cut up the carcase, and throw the portions
into a frying-pan to cook them, when each person proceeds to devour his share silently in the shade" (Borie, pp. 76, 77). Later, M. Borie adds, the Mantra "do not give themselves the trouble of cutting out that part of the flesh which has been pierced by the arrow, and which has a slightly bluish appearance " (p. 78). This is contrary to the usual statements of the Besisi, who maintain that the flesh surrounding the wound ought always to be cut out.
2 " The fruits used are the tampui, takaro, lari, kandim, kimok, kledang, tampune, kleres, pulasan, rambutan, ramnian, lerang, prah, jireh, kingong, kadumpal, kumpal, binnong, tangkoi, redan, sikrang, ampadil, bangkong, puteh, lonah, kamalun, didalin, mangkapas, jangkang, bombong, luen, kamui, sop, chittong, sippam, lanjut, klissa, lalam, kimoh, sirlang, rumang." — -J. I. A. vol. i. p. 331*. For identifications, v. Ridley's Plant-List [l.c.)t and other parts of this book.
3 Barbe, J. I. A. vol. v. pp. 487, 488.
4y. /. A. vol. i. p. 254, 255.
. hap. i WAGE MALA YS 0/ JOHOR \r)
Food and i/s Preparation,
Benua-Jakun. Much oi their [the Benua .| food according to Logan, derived from fishing, snaring, and hunting, no sorts ol flesh being rejected. The ungka, kra, and probably some other spei ie oi
monkeys, an;, according to Logan, used by them
as food, hut he believes not frequently so, and
"although the Malays asserted that snakes were
eaten," he could find no corroboration of the statement while amongst the Henna.1
According to the same authority, the Benua-Jakun tribes of Johor also make use of a considerable number of fruits and seeds, which they obtain from the forest, and eat either in their raw state or after boiling or roasting them. He mentions the names of no less than sixty-nine of these trees.2
In dealing with the subject of fire-making among the Benua-Jakun, Logan remarked that the means of obtaining a light were so simple that there was no occasion to carry fire on their journeys. On his way
1 Logan, J. R. A. S. No. 7, p. 87. Cp. one with fleshless seeds ; the rambutan,
Newbold : " In eating, no dish adorns ther.gading, r.uban,r.kasumba, rambei,
their table, save occasionally the leaf of duku, two kindsof manggis (mangostin),
the 'sayak' tree, and that of the Biro bangke, bidara, tampui, marki, lunko-
(? Birah) furnishes their usual drinking- koyo,klueng, bokobaka,bahkon, katian,
cup. A vessel of clay called ' Tam- chaminoi, rampinoi, saun, kampong,
mumong ' is applied to the purposes of sundeh, taban, merpadi, kes, garop,
cooking, differing in shape from that chabet, rameng, palas, gippu, kadun-
used by Malays. The entrails of wild dong, kulem, saloi, hukam, tampanoi,
animals are taken out and the hair petai, kerdas, bluru, blatong, malai,
scraped or singed off before the flesh mindaleng, kapas, ridan, ramampas,
is boiled. Instead of betel-leaf, they ramun, jila, ujol, kerabu, pahet, kich-
cften chew the leaf of a tree called ipo, tikaet, kikai, pinjeng, jiring, kika,
' kassi,' together with the areca-nut and buntol, jilibom, mayong, machang,
gambier, but seldom mix them with kachang, kirpol, kawe, pakop, tayo,
lime. Tobacco, whenever it can be timambun, gungang, dumpa, merlilin,
had, is used to excess, even by women kansil, pilampi. — J. I. A. vol. i. pp.
and children." — Newbold, ii. 405, 258, 259. For identifications, see
406 ; cp. /. /. A. vol. i. p. 257. Ridley's Plant-List, and other parts of
2 Including several kinds of durian, this book.
128 FOOD PART II
from Pines to the Lenggiu his two guides asked him to allow them to go for a little while to a small deserted gutta-collector's ("taban") hut not far from the path. As their absence was prolonged, and a heavy rain was falling, he went to the hut, and there found them comfortably extended and smoking native cigarettes (" roko' "), and it was only with great difficulty that he could induce them to resume the journey. They had procured a light by making the end of a piece of drystick revolve rapidly in a small depression which they had made in another stick.1
There were usually two fireplaces among the Benua, and they were furnished with the ordinary pots and pans used by the Malays, and had also small supplies of the coarsest Chinese plates and saucers. Water was carried and kept in the shell of a peculiar species of large melon which they cultivate, and which forms a very neat and serviceable, though not durable, jar. The bamboo is converted to the same purpose, but not often. The stem of an " onak " 2 with the [tips of the] thorns broken off formed a strong and very effective grater. This was also used by the northern (?) tribes. Platters made of hard wood, cut into neat shapes and slightly curved, served, in conjunction with a half coconut - shell, to bruise chillies and other condiments. Malays have generally adopted for this purpose a pestle and shallow stone mortar. Most of the condiments were supplied by the Malays, such as
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 254, 255. up which it climbs in the jungle.
2 " Onak " is the whip-like structure There may be some doubt, however, (or " flagellum ") which forms the con- as to whether this "whip" is ever tinuation of the midrib of a rattan (or strong enough to be used for the calamus) leaf. It is armed, as a rule, purpose described, and as "onak" is with most formidable (recurved) thorns, often mistakenly used for the creeper and serves as a species of grapnel by itself, it is possible that the stem which this gigantic creeper hooks itself of the rattan is all that is here inon to the higher branches of the trees tended.
, kap. i WAGk '/ \LA V < '/■ /<>!/<>/<
onions and turmeric, etc. The roots ol i cultivated plant were variously prepared In the time between me. ils, or when a person came in hungry, they were roasted amongst the embers. For regular meals thej were grated down or simply boiled with the addition of hog's grease or vegetable oil.1
Meats.
Benua-Jakun. — The whole household ate together, the wife sitting near the fireplace, SO as to have the smoking pots and pans within reach. From these she replenished the plates from time to time. From the activity, relish, and high good-humour with which the viands were discussed, it was very apparent that the Benua is blessed with a strong appetite, and looks upon the satisfying of it as the main end of life. The children were in general overfed, and even those who were naturally vivacious seemed with difficulty to resist the lethargic influence consequent on their cramming themselves with potatoes boiled in hog's grease, a kind of food with which their natural nutriment is eked out from the third or fourth day of their existence.*2
Stimulants and Narcotics. Benua-Jakun. — The Benua use betel -leaf, but not to excess like the Malays. The gambier, betel-nut, and lime which are eaten with it they, like other aborigines, obtain from the Malays. Their favourite luxury was tobacco, in which both sexes freely indulged. The women were often to be seen seated together and weaving mats, each with a native cigarette (" roko' ") in her mouth. While they were speaking it was trans-
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 254. 2 lb. pp. 266, 267.
VOL. I K
130 FOOD I' ART II
ferred to the perforation in the ear. When they were met paddling their canoes, the " roko' ' was seldom wanting.1
Articles of Diet.
Berembun Tribes. — Snakes (as well as the ungka, kra, and some other species of monkeys)2 were used as food by the Berembun tribes, who employed dogs to discover them. Those principally sought were pythons (e.g. the ular sawa and u. sawa rendam, cobra (u. tedong), and others which are unidentified, e.g. u. ipong, u. naga, u. gasing, u. ripung, u. ulabat, u. ringkup, u. siu, u. manan, and u. kamong. The pythons (sawa) and ripung were the best flavoured. They all possessed "a fishy taste." Several kinds of snakes, even if the teeth are carefully removed, like those of the preceding species, cannot be used, the aborigines asserting that their flesh is poisonous.3
The Berembun tribes use wooden platters and coconut-shells (for grinding their condiments) like the Benua (and the Javanese). They also employ either large bamboos or the shell of a particular species of large melon for carrying water.4
Food and its Preparation.
Jakun of Johor. — The food of the Jakun differs in no way from that of the other semi -civilised tribes already referred to. I may mention, however, that they have grown so used to rice that they cannot do without it, and probably first began to cultivate it more than forty years ago.5
Tapioca-root appears, however, to be the staple
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 254, 255. 4 lb. p. 254.
2 Cp. p. 127 (of the Benua-Jakun). 6 See Hervey in/. R. A. S.t S. B.,
3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 257. No. 8, p. 122.
i hap, i WAGl MALA \ S 0/ JOHOR i n
diet <>i the fakun living near Batu Gajah in fohor, for, according to II. W. Lake, although they also eat fruits and fish, with a little rice which they obtain, together with salt and tobacco, from Malay trad< rs in
exchange lor rattan ("rotnn"), resin Or "(laminar," glltta ("gfttah"), and camphor wood, they n<-vnt li<i< mainly subsist on the rOOt of the tapioca He was
further informed by the Batin that during the greater
part of the year, when they disperse in search of jungle fruits, these people live entirely on tapioca-root ("ula kayti ") and fruit.1
On the other hand, bavre, writing of the food eaten by the Jakun in general, emphasised the fact that they had no regular diet. They liked good food, but when they were deprived of it they eat with satisfaction any other, even such food as would be an object of horror to civilised people. They lived upon the flesh of every kind of animal — snakes, monkeys, bears, tigers, birds, etc., whilst yams, plantains, wild fruits, the leaves of trees, and certain roots furnished the principal part of their ordinary food. Those of them who cultivated rice sold a part of it to the Malays, or exchanged it for cloth, and upon the remainder they lived for a few months in the year. They did not dislike the flesh of domestic animals, fowls, etc., but, on the contrary, they preferred it to that of wild animals. At several of their houses there was a good quantity of fowls. Sometimes they cooked the flesh before they ate it, but at other times they ate it raw ; some merely put the animal upon the fire till the hairs were singed, when they considered it " cooked." Favre saw some large monkeys which, after having been " cooked" in this very fashion, were
1 H. W. Lake in/. R. A. S., S. B., No. 25, p. 3.
132 FOOD PART II
dished up upon a kind of mat as a meal to some seven or eight persons, who speedily devoured the whole in a few minutes, leaving only the skeleton. In eating they used no dish; an iron frying-pan served for cooking, plantain leaves served as plates, and some coconut-shells formed their usual drinking-cups. Some Jakun tribes1 refused to eat the flesh of elephants, under the pretext that it would occasion sickness, but many others were " not so scrupulous." When an elephant was killed either by themselves or by the Malays, they called together their friends and relatives to partake of the large entertainment which was prepared ; and then built huts in which to lodge their guests until the animal which furnished the feast was entirely finished, when every one decamped and returned to his usual way of living. When the durian season was come, a good number of Jakun families left their houses, both men and women as well as children repairing to the places where the durian trees grew. They then cleared the ground in order to find the fruit more easily when it ripened and fell, and, dwelling in a small shelter built of leaves, "prepared themselves to enjoy the treat that nature presented to them." For six weeks or two months they ate nothing but durians. When the season was over the place was deserted till the proper season next year.2
Favre further observes that " one of their most prized dishes is a honeycomb," and "let it be said with due respect to the opinion of our European cooks, the time when the honey is in the comb is not (amongst these epicures of nature) considered the
1 Favre writes : " Plusieurs tribus de a J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 260, 261 ; cp.
Benuas" [A. P. F. xxii. 303); but also vol. i. pp. 254-260. totemism need not be hence inferred.
(map i SAVAGE MALA I - >FJOHOR 133
proper moment t<> take the 1 1 i < • ; but they wait until
the small bees .ire well formed in the Cells, and .1 few
days before they ate ready to fly away, the honeycomb is taken with great (arc, and, wrapped up in a plantain leal, IS put upon the tire lor a lew minul'
when wax and animals are devoured together, .and
considered as an uncommon treat!" '
Jakun (unspecified). — According to Vaughan- Stevens, the |akun were in the habit of using tor drinking purposes either "some sort of cup" or a leaf if nothing else were obtainable."
The same authority informs us that the Jakun on their wanderings always carried the smouldering end of a rope made of tree-bark fibre.3
The ceremonial method used by the Jakun for kindling fire will be described in detail in a latei chapter.
Stimulants and Narcotics.
Finally Favre states of the Jakun that they were in the habit of chewing betel-leaf together with its usual accompaniment of areca-nut and gambier, and that when they were unable to procure the betel-leaf they used the leaf of a tree called "kasi."4 Tobacco, when it was procurable, was much used, even by women and children, both for smoking and chewing.5
Udai. — Of the Udai our information is of the scantiest, all we are told being contained in a sentence by Newbold, to the effect that "they (the Udai) subsist on the flesh of the animals they catch, on wild roots, and on fruits of the forest."6
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 261. 5 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 261 ; see also
2 Z.f. E. xxix. 184. vol. i. p. 255.
3 lb. xxviii. 168. 6 Newbold, ii. 381, 382.
4 Gomphia Hookeri, Planch.
134 FOOD part ii
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Orang" Laut, Sletar. — The food of the Orang Laut or sea tribes appears to have differed very little from that of the land tribes (Orang Bukit), though doubtless it included much more fish than that of the latter. We are told of the O. Sletar that the satisfying of hunger was their only pursuit, of water they had abundance without having to search for it; with the "serkap" or fishspear, and the " parang " or chopper as their only imple- ments, they eked out their existence from the stores of the river and forest. To them the staple of life in the East, rice, was a luxury ; tobacco they procured by the barter of fish and a few marketable products collected from the forests and coral reefs. Of esculent roots they had the " prioh " and " kalana," 1 both bulbous and not unlike coarse yams ; of fruits they ate the "tampoi,"2 "kledang,"3 and " buroh," when they came in season ; and of animals they hunted the wild hog, but refrained from snakes, dogs, "iguanas," and monkeys. This formed their principal food, for many minor products of the forests and creeks must be left unmentioned.4
- Laut, Sabimba. — The Sabimba, when visited by Logan, planted no vegetables of any kind, but used such leaves, roots, and fruits as the forest afforded.5 They ate the flesh of every forest animal which they could
1 Dioscorea deflexa, Hook. The palm [Oncosperma Tigillarid], and the "akar kakap " {Dioscorea orbiculata) fruit of the " tampoi," " maneling," is also eaten. — Ridley. " pancho," "kabes," " ridan " [Ne-
2 Baccaurea Malay ana. phelium glabrum, Noronh.], " ka-
3 Artocarpus lanceizfolius. dumpa " [? " kadampang " = Sterculia
4 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 343*. parviflora, Roxb.], "ranjas," "mangos 6 E.g. the "akar kalana" [Diosc. utan " [Mangifera spp.], "kledang,"
deflexd], " simapo " [? Simpoh Dillenia " pasal " [Ardisia odontophylla\ " dur-
spp., of which the acid fruit is eaten], ian " [Durio zibet hinusy L.], "lakup,"
"ajas," " anpiro," "katapa" [? " ka- "pakala," "tore." — J. I. A. vol. i.
tapang " = Terminalia catappa, L.], p. 296. the cabbage ("umut") of the nibong
chap, > MALA YAh \ PS/1
kill, .Mid when brought in contact from time to time with more civilised people, showed no objection to any
kind of food, s.tvr the fowl, whirl) they '>< rupuloir.ly
avoided. The wild animals and birds eaten were the
wild i )!*<_;, ' mouse-deer or chrvrntain ' ('' plandok "), the
monkeys called "k'ra" and "lotong/M the civet cat ("musang"), the squirrel (" tupai "), "kubong,"1 monitor lizard7 ("bewak"), " malok," imperial pigeon ("pergam"), " kalongkang," "koko,M mynah bird ("tiong"), green
pigeon '' (" punai "), the oil of snakes, and many kinds of fish. The roe-deer ln (" kijang "), the samhhur deer (" rusa '), elephant, and bear are not found in Battam. Flesh of all kinds was cooked by the men, vegetables by the women.11
Another observer of the Sabimba (Thomson), who visited them shortly after Logan, tells us that their food consisted of rice as the staple article, but that they added to this the flesh of the hog, monkey, snake, and ape, and birds of all kinds excepting that of the fowl, for the reasons stated in Logan's paper. Their vegetables consisted of the wild fruits of the jungle. This tribe was much more helpless than the Orang Sletar, being entirely dependent on the Malays for their arms and for the greater part of their food. They were unacquainted with the brewing of inebriating liquors, though they informed Thomson that their tribe formerly possessed the art. In their habits they were, therefore, as temperate as the Malays.1'2
- Laut, Muka Kuning-. — Of the diet of the Orang
1 Sus indicus. 7 Hydrosaurus salvator.
2 Tragulus napu and Traguhts 8 Mainatus javantnsis. kanchil. 9 Osmatreron vtr)ians.
3 Macacus cynomolgus. 10 Cenmlus /mtntjac.
4 Semnopit heats. n J. I. A. vol. i. p. 296. 6 Paradoxurus and Viverra. 12 lb. p. 347.
• Galeopithtcus — the flying squirrel.
136 FOOD i'aki 11
Muka Kuning all that we know is contained in the following passage : "The articles of food which they derive from the forest are the same animals and vegetables that are used by the Orang Sabimba (see pp. 134, 135). As with the Sabimba, the fowl is forbidden food."1
- Laut (tribe unspecified). — Thomson found, at Pulau Tinggi (off the east coast of Johor), a number of O. Laut who had been attracted thither by a plentiful crop of durians. Six boats from Mora, an island of the Johor Archipelago (about 50 miles N. lat), he found on their way to P. Tinggi ; they had travelled by sea one hundred and eighty miles to partake of this fascinating fruit.2
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 337*. 2 Ibid. vol. v. p. 140.
CHAPTER II
I )ki.ss.
Although it has been more than once asserted ' that the wild people of the Peninsula are accustomed to go entirely nude, I have hitherto failed to get any satisfactory first-hand proof of this. On the other hand, the fact that any such custom is invariably denied by the wild people themselves, is by no means conclusive, and the matter must, at least, await further investigation. The Semang of Kedah, for instance, strenuously denied it, and it was not alleged of them even by the neighbouring Malays. There is no more proof of the practice obtaining in the case of the Sakai than there is in that of the Semang, and with regard to the Jakun of the south, the opposite view has been strongly set forth by Logan. The fact that the children, up to the age of puberty, are allowed to run about un-
1 Cp., e.g., Bradley, pp. 294, 295 : "The pitiable objects before us were completely naked, both men and women ." [Bradley, however, was a bad observer from a scientific point of view.] But see Logan's remark in J. 1. A. vol. i. pp. 252, 253: "With the exception of one house, where the mistress lay in a corner and appeared to be, like her husband, totally destitute of clothes, I found the women everywhere wearing a short 'sarong.'" It
does not appear from this statement that there was anything amounting to a custom among the Benua of going totally nude, and it is possible that the impression may have got about from a few similarly isolated instances, for which there was, doubtless, some special reason. See Favre in J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 258, where this view is advocated. Cp., on the other hand, Swettenham, p. 228 : " Their clothing, when they wear any, consists," etc.
133 DRESS part ii
dressed does not of course imply that the grown-up people do so.
Before entering upon a description of the dress worn by the various tribes, I should like to point out the remarkable fact that none of the wild tribes of the Peninsula, so far as has been observed, are in the habit of dressing themselves in the skins of animals, or of decorating themselves with the feathers of birds. In both respects they appear to obey what seems to have been an ancient and general prejudice (possibly of religious origin) on the part of the tribes of South-East Asia, and in this regard they present a strong contrast to the bulk of the inhabitants of the Malay Archipelago. This neglect is certainly not due to the lack of opportunity, since the Malay Peninsula is probably little, if at all, worse off from a zoological point of view than any of the islands of Netherlands India.
The Girdle.
In the matter of dress, the girdles worn by the three main races form one of the most interesting subjects of inquiry. It is not easy to determine for certain which of the various forms of girdle are of Sakai and which of Semang origin, but there certainly appears to be a strong affinity of type between the Semang fungus-string girdle 1 and some forms of girdle worn by the Andamanese. Moreover, this form of girdle appears only to be found among fairly pure Semang, and amonor such tribes as the N. Perak Sakai (who are neighbours to the Semang, and have a strong infusion
1 Professor M. Ward, who has kindly structure this so-called " Rock- vein examined my specimens under the Creeper " can only be the rhizomorph microscope, informed me that from its of a kind of fungus.
Negrito Dress and Articles of Apparel.
De Morgan.
i, 2, 3. '• Bouquets" worn in the hair hy Sakai (sic) woman (No. 1 is wrapped in a painted leaf). 4. Headcirclet or "diadem." 5, 6, 9, 10, 22, 24. Necklaces with pendants of shells, etc. (Xo. 6 of " buprestes "-legs threaded like beads : No. 10 with squirrels' tails, etc.; the shells so used are Hybocy, t usseaumei,
Cyclophorus Malay antes, C. semisulcatus, etc.). 7, 8. Bracelets of coiled wire. 14. 15. $0. Two rings of ■ oiled brass wire, and one [No. 30] of woven rattan. 16. Girdle. 11. Loin-cloth. 12. 13. Nose-quills (or "nose-pins"). iS, 19, 28, 29. Combs (Nos. 18, 28 used for pinning flowers, etc.. into the hair : Nos. 19, 29 of wood). 17,25,26,27. Bamboo hair-pins. 20,23. Knives. 21,31. Vessels of bone and of wild-goat's horn.
olleciion.
Semang Drk».
i, 2. Two Pangan leaf-ornaments (Ulu Aring, Kelantan).
- One Pangan ear-ornament of rolled strips of palm-leaf (Ulu Aring).
- Pangan woman's leaf-ornament worn as bandolier (Ulu Aring) — leaves and Stsi
palm leaf strung upon black fungus-strings.
J 'ol. /. /. 139.
CIIAI'. N
GENERAL REMAl
of Semang Mood), whereas il is not recorded amo pur-sang Sakai in other parts ol the country remote from Negrito influence. I lence there < an be no reasonable doubt that tins form of girdle should I"- a (signed to tli«' Semang tribes rather than to the Sakai.1
Another form oi' waist belt whieh seems possibly
derived from Negrito sources is that consisting ol a fringe1of leaves suspended from a string, such as is
said to be worn by the wilder Negritos {e.g* the
Pangan).1 It occurs, sporadically, among the Perak Sakai (of G. Bujang Malaka), and also among the
Mantra of Malacca, in both of which cases it might consequently be regarded as an interesting survival of
Negrito culture among the more southern tribes.
The original Sakai type of girdle has not yet been identified, and in the present state of our knowledge it is probably not identifiable with any certainty. There only remain, in fact, for us to choose between the girdle of coiled cane4 and the bark-cloth girdle. But both of these girdle-types reappear among the
1 Cp. Man's And., I.e. p. 181 : "Garenpeta, the ornamental waist-belt of Dtnialium octagon urn which is worn occasionally by both sexes " (cp. ib. Plate vii. Fig. 35).
2 Or fringes (v. infra) ; it would appear that a string with the leaves attached is considered sufficient in the case of men, but that several rows of these fringes are worn by the women.
3 Mail's And., I.e. 109 : "The males of this tribe (Jarawa) wear round their heads, waists, knees, and arms, fringes of string attached to a cord or cane." And cp. ib. p. no (note): "The Jarawa women have hitherto been seen with only armlets and cinctures of string, to which a few short fibres were attached, obviously only for ornamental purposes."
4 The late Mr. J. E. Peall, F.R.G.S., in the course of some notes on the Malayo-Polynesian theory {J. R. G. S. vol. iv. p. 241), says : " At page 293, note 100, of the Journal (vol. iv. ?), I see the waist-girdle, 'rua-rua,' mentioned. Coiled cane waist-girdles are common among most of our ultra- Indian races, for men and also for women. Baupa Nogas (sic ?) call them ru-pak, usually a long split cane [is used], coiled eight or ten times round the waist ; chiefs have very ornamental ones, with patterns in coloured seeds and trade beads ; an exceptionally rare kind has thin plates of brass on, and is called a ra rong ru-pak. A monograph of the cane-girdle as seen from the Himalayas to Eastern Polynesia would reveal some startling affinities."
140 DRESS part 11
Jakun, and indeed among other aboriginal tribes with Malayan affinities, e.g. among those of Sumatra and Borneo. This question, therefore, must also await further inquiry.
The girdle of bark-cloth is so well-known and so widely spread throughout S.E. Asia, the Malay Archipelago, and the Pacific Islands, that a very few words about it should here suffice. The finest and bestknown variety of this cloth is the " tapa " cloth of Polynesia. The cloth made by the tribes of the Malay Peninsula is, as a rule, more roughly manufactured, though some very good cloth, decorated with zigzag patterns, is made in Perak. An interesting point is that the grooving or toothing of the bark-cloth mallet used by some of the Jakun runs longitudinally instead of transversely as in specimens from Rotuma.1
Ligatures.
The bands or ligatures worn by the aborigines round the upper part of the arm, the wrist, and just below the knee, were doubtless originally employed, as in other parts of the world, for a practical object, viz. to strengthen the muscles and prevent strains, the risk of which must be constantly present to the mind of a jungle people. It would appear just possible that even the use of the girdle, more especially that of coiled cane, may perhaps, in some cases, have had an equally utilitarian origin. On the other hand, this explanation can hardly apply to the necklace, or to rings, so that one key will certainly not fit all the locks. The necklaces worn by these Peninsular tribes, and I think also the rings, are certainly worn for
1 Cp. p. 389, infra. I have to thank Mr. J. Stanley Gardiner for pointing this out.
okap. ii GENL RAl RE MAR i \
medical, or rather for magico-medical reasons, as the combs <>i the Semang and ol tin- Semang Sal women. I mysell \.ii> definitely told this on several occasions both by the Semangand [akun, and itagn with the observations ol other travellers in the same region.
Thus, for instance, the Sakai of Kampong Langkor (S. Kerbu) believed in the ubiquitous presence ol evil spirits (Ilantu), against whose evil intentions they protected themselves by means of charms worn, in the forms referred to, upon their persons. Their bracelets, rings, and copper ornaments were, in fact, nothing but talismans, as De la Croix discovered in the following way : — A young girl who had disposed of her seed necklace to him came back in a hurry to ask for it to be returned. He thought she was not satisfied with her bargain, and was about to give her some knick-knack or other in addition, when she informed him that all she wanted back was the set of small spirals of copper-wire attached to the necklace. In spite of the most extravagant offers of tobacco, which certainly ought to have persuaded her, she would not allow him to retain the spirals, and evidently attributed a far greater value to them than could be accounted for by the mere worth of the copper. De la Croix subsequently asked the chief of the tribe (Bah Itam) about it, and the latter told him, with evident conviction, that the girl would certainly fall ill if she ceased to wear these metal
rin^s.1
o
1 De la Croix, p. 338. See, too, use of necklaces and other ligatures the necklace described by Vaughan- may also apply to the girdle. Stevens, p. 153, infra. This magical
M2 DRESS I'art ii
I. — Semang.
The Girdle.
Kedah Semang'. — By far the most remarkable and becoming form of girdle worn by any of these tribes, and one which appears, as has been said, to be of typically Semang origin (though occasionally found among the Sakai and even the Malays of Perak), was the girdle made from the long black glossy strings of a fungus (called in Malay the "Rock-vein Creeper").1 These fungus girdles were of elaborate workmanship, the strings of the rhizomorph being most beautifully woven into a long narrow plait which was coiled round and round until it formed a girdle of the requisite shape and size, the loose ends forming a handsome fringe. This girdle was rarely worn by men, but more frequently by women, and it was from these latter that I obtained the specimens now in the Cambridge Museum.
A yet simpler form of personal attire worn by the men of these Semang tribes as well as by the Sakai consists of a simple waist-cord or string into which leaves are inserted to form a fringe. The leaves generally used are those of the " chalong " tree or the 11 kelawe."
Even when the Semang were wearing the Malay " sarong" they still frequently retained this string underneath it, either from the mere force of habit or for reasons connected with their belief in Magic. In such a case, however, the leaves were more conveniently omitted, and the string alone retained.
A similar leaf-belt was also sometimes worn by
1 Mai. "akar"or " urat batu," i.e. "Rock-creeper"' or "Rock-vein Creeper."
Skeat Collection.
Semang and Pangan Girdles.
i. Man's girdle of tree bark {Artocarpus) (Ulu Aring). 2. Black fungus-string woman's girdle, bought from owner (Siong). 3. Girdle of Pangan woman (Kuala Sam. Kelantan river). 4. Woman's string-girdle of jungle fibre (Siong).
Vol I. />. 14:
Sicca: Collection.
Fungus-String Girdle of Semang Woman (Kedah).
Bought from the wearer.
Skeat Collection.
Seed and Tooth Necklace of Semang Woman (Kedah).
Bought from the wearer.
Vol. I. />. 143.
, ha?, ii NEGRITOS 0/ KEDAH 143
the women, whilst the boys, aa .1 rule, wore th
or cord in all its simplicity, h was made, .is a rule,
either of twisted strips of palm-fibre ( Eugeu sona tristx
or " l>ertain "), or of the long l)la< L String I Ol the R<* k
vein fungUS ("akar batu") already mentioned.
The, Semang of Kedah, however, most commonly
wore the ordinary (Malayan?) loin-eloth. which consists, in its most primitive form, of a lone/ narrow
strip of beaten tree-bark or cloth, one end of which is wrapped round the waist, the other (loose) end being passed between the legs and tucked in through the part which serves as a girdle, with the free part hanging down in front. This bark loin-cloth, however, was not at all common among the Kedah tribes, the men preferring to use the cloth variety, which they obtained by barter from the Malays. In default they occasionally utilised the bark of the Artocarpus or, preferably, a finer cloth manufactured from the bark of young saplings of the Antiaris or " upas " tree.1 The most usual attire of these Kedah women was a cloth waistwrap reaching to the knee.
Pangan. — The Pangan of the Belimbing district in Ulu Kelantan were said to make their loin-cloths from the bark of a species of Ficus ("ara"), as well as from that of the " upas " tree and the Artocarpus. A girdle of coiled cane with a fringe of leaves was also worn by the Pangan women,'2 if not by the men, in the Ulu Kelantan (S. Sam) district.
1 De M.'s unnecessarily vehement {Calamus), which form a girdle round
dimenti is due, no doubt, to his not the waist as thick as the arm. They
having seen it. also wear a piece of bast or cotton stuff,
- I give the following in a foot- fastened in front, drawn through Denote as, though it is certainly Pangan, tween the legs, and then tied to the girdle there is nothing to show its locality : — behind. Fig. 2 (Plate ii.) shows a Sakai " The remainder of the costume of the (sic, recte Pangan) lady in her daily coswomen consists of a number of thin tume, drawn from nature." — M.-Mac- and sometimes red - coloured rattans lay in^. R. A. S., S. B.t No. 2, p. 214.
144 DRESS paki n
Perak Semang. — The clothing of the Perak Semang is similar to that of the Negritos of Kedah.1
As they have no manufactures of their own, their clothing consists chiefly of the inner bark of trees. A few, however, who venture to approach the Malayan villages obtain a little cloth in exchange for various kinds of jungle produce.2
Necklaces.
Kedah Semang. — The simplest form of necklace worn by the Semang in Kedah took the form of a simple neck-string or ligature either of the " Rockvein " fungus or of fibre of the " bertam " palm (Eiigeissona), and was sometimes further embellished by stringing upon it the leaves of certain trees in alternation with knots of palm-leaf (Licuala). It was therefore, in fact, made on the same principle as the simplest form of girdle.
More elaborate necklaces were, however, frequently worn. These consisted of two or more strings which were fastened together at a single point, and on which were threaded various small trophies of the chase, small wild roots, fruits, seeds, and other objects, all of which appear to be commonly worn for magical reasons.
One of these more elaborate necklaces, which I obtained from the Semang of Kedah, consisted of a double string on which were threaded the teeth of an ape (Siamang), a number of minute bundles of fragrant grass, a couple of bear's (?) teeth, a number of small flat beans, and a couple of small buttons of
1 De Morgan, vii. 412 ; cp. Swett. p. 228. 2 J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 425, 426.
chap, n NEGRITOS <>/■ PERAK
European manufacture, the latter being evidentlj regarded as objects oi no small i alue I
Perak Semang-. I he necklaces (ol the IY-rak Negritos) consist ol a series oi chains ol black and w bite seeds, alternately arranged and fastened together in a hunch. Some ol these are very small, others as big as the closed list.1
To these strings are attached hunting and fishing trophies consisting of the teeth or bones oi animals,
tufts of squirrels' tails, big fish-scales, and so forth, together with shells of the genus BuliflUlS and Ilybo-
cystis, or sea-shells of various sorts (but not I [elix nor Cyclophorus, which are common in these iorests). These shells are tilled with a perfume extracted from trees."
Ihe green legs of a beetle (Jruprestes) are sometimes but very rarely inserted between the seeds.3 Whenever they can get coins, the Negritos wear them on their necklaces. De Morgan saw them wearing dollars, copper coins, and even Dutch coins of the seventeenth century.4
Ligatures (Armlets and Bracelets).
Kedah Semang. — In addition to girdles and neck laces, the Semang of Kedah almost all wore armlets, bracelets, and knee-bands, which were usually made, like their girdles and necklaces, from jungle-fibre, and very much upon the same principle.
These ligatures were usually made, in Kedah, of
1 De Morgan, vii. 413. It must be doubtless Sakai. 2 Ibid.
remembered that he is writing of mixed 3 Ibid.
Semang - Sakai tribes, and does not 4 De Morgan, vii. 414. Cp. Swett.
apparently distinguish between Sakai p. 228 : " The women (Semang) wear
and Semang necklaces. The black and strings of brass rings, boars' or squirrels'
white arrangement is not found among teeth, beads or beetles' legs, and coins
the purer Semang or Jakun, and is when they can get them."
VOL. I L
146 DRESS i'art 11
twisted fibre obtained from the " bertam " palm {Eugeissona). Sometimes, however, they were made of finely plaited strips of rattan (Calamus), or of the strings of the " Rock-vein " fungus. Metal armlets and rings were, however, worn in a few cases, but these are more commonly found among tribes who mix more freely with the Malays. I never saw any armlets with European beads among the Semang of Kedah.
The foregoing remarks apply equally to the Pangan of Kelantan.
Perak Semang. — The bead - armlets or ligatures worn by the Semang of Perak were frequently made on the same plan as their necklaces {i.e. of black and white seeds strung alternately). Ordinarily they were very narrow, but in some cases they were very broad and covered a large portion of the arm.1
Semang* (of Perak ?). — The women wore, by way of a charm, bracelets made from the leaves of the " palas " {Licuala peltata), the men bracelets of the Rock-vein Creeper (the plant called "Tam-tum") fitting tightly to the left wrist. These bracelets are called " Chin-ing-neng." 2
Head-dress — Men }s.
Kedah Semang. — Among the Semang at Siong some of the men were wearing short woolly hair forming small spiral clusters close to the scalp. Most, however, had adopted the fashion of shaving the head, which is found among other branches of the Negrito race {e.g. the Andamanese), as well as, frequently, among the local Malays.
None of the men that I saw were in the habit of
1 De Morgan, vii. 413. 2 Vaughan- Stevens, iii. 126.
« ma.-, ii NEGRITOS <>/■ a /■/>./// i47
wearing anything on their heads, though several made a rough kind of turban out of some strips ol bright red cloth that I had given them, and in this guise strutted about lor all the world like great turkey-cocks I
On special occasions thry hound their heads with fillets of palm leaf, and for protection against various diseases special head dresses were used, which will be described later. Flowers are also worn "for dandy."
The (Malayan ?) top-knot was worn by some of the boys, but not by any of the men that I saw, though Vaughan- Stevens says that he saw men wearing it.
Perak Semang. — Vaughan-Stevens'1 account of the top- knot worn by the Perak Semang is as follows : —
Some of the Perak men leave a tuft — at the frontal end of the scalp, — but this is adopted from the B&ttaks (.v/V), who cut their hair into all sorts of shapes. Nothing is known why this tuft is left. " Pie's orders " [Pie, a deity of the Semang tribes, brother of Karih] is the only reply they give. Each of the tufts was taken from a man of about thirty years of age, whose hair had never been cut before, and had ceased growing. They were not tied in any way while on the head and were cut off for me readily without demur. . . . When the hair of the rest of the scalp has been left for a long time without cutting, the tuft cannot be distinguished from the rest of the hair. The exact position of the tuft varies slightly in different men, by about 20 or 25 mm. either to the front or back, but always in the median line.
When the hair (as a whole) is not cut for a long time, the tuft shows the " pepper-corn " character with increased distinctness, it being in that case less disturbed by the leaves and twigs through which the Semang passes. The tuft, when left to itself, gets more or less combed out from its isolated position.
The Beard. Kedah Semang. — In one or two cases only did I see Kedah Semang with anything approaching a
1 In the same passage we are told that much-mixed Perak Semang (No. 55).
the E. Semang (Pangan) men cut off ... The ' pepper-corn ' character is
their hair as close to the scalp as the best shown some six months [sic) after
jungle-knife (parang) will allow, partly cutting, when the spirals lie only from
for coolness' sake and partly for cleanli- 5 to 10 mm. above the scalp. I gave
ness. But they left a small tuft, at each of the men furnishing specimens
the top of the occiput, which they did 55 and 56 a high cap which I made
not cut. Vaughan-Stevens continues : them wear for a week, so as to allow
"Two of these little tufts — called the hair to assume its normal shape
' Bag-i ' — I now send cut off close to before cutting it. And I kept both
the skin, complete. One belonged to an men near me for that time." (From
Eastern Semang (Pangan) of unmixed Fasc. A. fol. 29 ; Vaughan-Stevens in
blood (No. 56), and the other to the V. B. G. A. vol. xxiv. pp. 440, 441.)
148 DRESS pari 11
beard, their chin-hairs as a rule being few, straggling, and scanty. Yet in one case I saw a Semang with a real beard, which, though very short, grew in closely curled spirals, presenting a woolly appearance, exactly like the owner's hair. On the other hand, most of the grown men had slight black moustaches.
Pangan. — The wild pure-blood Eastern Semang (Pangan) " plucks out his scrubby little beard, but tries to retain the moustache," in order, we are told, that he may be " distinguished from a woman " (!) l
Head-dress — Women s.
Kedah Semang*. — The women's hair usually grew longer than the men's, and was in some cases allowed to grow (apparently uncared for) in a species of curly mop.2 This, however, was probably in the case of women who had some proportion of Sakai blood in their veins. In several cases the women, as well as the men, had partially shaved the head, the women always leaving, however, a circular patch at the back of the head, and a thin fringe on the forehead untouched.
Several of them were wearing the magic combs which they employ as a safeguard against diseases, and several of them too, probably with a view to receiving 4 'company," had bound their heads with the Licualaleaf fillets usually reserved for special occasions.
The following were some of the forms of headdress employed by the Semang women : —
a. An oval shaven patch on top of head.
b. A rectangular shaven patch on top of head.
c. Quill-like plant shoots worn like horns in the hair.
1 Z. f. E. xxix. 179. The ab- the waist, is so obvious as to scarcely
surdity of the explanation given by need pointing out. Vaughan-Stevens, as purporting to come 2 Among these was the chief's
from a race who habitually go bare to wife.
Wray.
Semang with Gird] es of Malay Cloth.
Vol. I. />. i43-
^r-
Semang Combs.
Skeat Collection.
i, 2. Two Wot Negrito (Semang of Kedah), said to be worn as charms— old well-worn specimens bought off the head of the wearer>.
- One E. Negrito (Pangan) obtained from Ulu Aring, Kelantan.
4, 5. Two obtained by Grubauer in Upper Perak.— Presented to Cambridge Museum by
Ridgeway.
Vol. I. /. 149.
i hap, n NEGRITOS (>/■ KEDAH
In the method oi dressing the hair represented by ,/, three fillets of Lima/a leal weic used. One o( these was carried from ear to ear over the top oi
the head, and the other two from ear to ear over the
back of the head, the one just above and the other
just helow the clump of untouched hair covering the back of the head.
In b% a single fillet was used, which was carried all round the edges of the clump at the back of the head only. In c, the horns consisted of the quill-like growing shoots of the Lowia grandiflora ("sulur lobak "), and were worn for magical purposes. Another woman had bound her head with a fishing line, using the hook as a fastening.
Magic Combs.
Kedah Semang". — In addition to the various forms of head-dress mentioned, some of which are common to both sexes, the Semang women wore in their hair a remarkable kind of comb, which appears to be worn entirely as a charm against diseases.
These combs were almost invariably made of bamboo (an average specimen measuring perhaps three inches by five), and were decorated with an infinite variety of designs, no two of which ever entirely agreed. It was said that each disease had its appropriate pattern, and hence in some cases several combs were worn simultaneously, apparently to protect the wearer against several diseases at once.
Similar combs are worn by the Pangan, the Semang and Sakai of Perak, and most of the mixed (Semang- Sakai) tribes, e.g. the O. Jelei of Pahang.
Their patterns and magical significance will be fully described in a later chapter.
150 DRESS part ii
Nose-sticks and Earrings.
Kedah Semang. — The custom of wearing a stick through the septum of the nose was not practised in Kedah. It is also unknown to the Andamanese, and as it is common among the Perak Sakai and the Sakai of Pahang, it is no doubt a practice of Sakai origin.1
Earrings of rolled-up leaf (banana and "licuala") are worn by both sexes.2
Perak Semang-. — It is quite possible that some of the Perak Semang may have learnt nose-boring from the Sakai, but I have not met with any record of its employment among the purer Semang tribes, though they do wear earrings ; it is quite unknown to the Jakun.
II. — Sakai. The Girdle.
Perak Sakai. — The fringed waist-cord sometimes worn by the Semang is also found among the Sakai and Jakun. Thus De la Croix says that, in the neighbourhood of Mt. Bujang Malaka, the Sakai women that he saw wore, instead of the tree -bark girdle, a row of small grass-bundles attached to a cord which went around the waist. And in 1869 (?) M. Alfred Marche observed the same form of girdle among the Mantra women north of Malacca.3
On the other hand, we are told that the waistwrap or "loin-cloth' of tree - bark, which is most probably of Malayan origin, appears to be very
1 Cp. Man's And. p. 115: "No differ greatly from their neighbours the
attempt is made to alter the shape of Nicobarese." - See p. 526, infra.
the nose by flattening or pinching it, 3 De la Croix, p. 330. Another
nor is the cartilaginous septum ever form (of coiled jungle-fibre with leaves
perforated for the purpose of inserting attached) is sometimes seen among
ornamental bars or rings. In this, as mixed Semang-Sakai {e.g. the O. Jelei
in many other respects, the Andamanese of Pahang).
okap. M SAKAI OF PERAK 1)1
generally worn by all Sakai iribes who have not yet
adopted the Malay "sarong."1
It varies from about 3 or 4 inches (7.5 cm. to 10 cm.) to about 1 inch (2.5 cm.) in width. "
The fullest description of this girdle is that given
by I )e la Croix, who tells us that the dress of the Sakai consists of a mere strip of tree bark rolled round them, which is passed between the legs and carried round the waist, tucked through at the belt, and then allowed to fall down in front in the shape of a fan. This garment, which is called "selampit," measures from 3 to 4 metres in length, and is manufactured either from the bark of the Ipoh tree (Anti- aris toxicaria) or from that of the wild bread-fruit tree {Artocarpus). It is prepared by spreading the bark upon a tree-trunk and striking it with a wooden mallet. The sap is thus driven out of it, but the cloth has then to be washed and dried several times before it attains the requisite suppleness.3
The best and finest cloth is that made from the Ipoh tree.4
Both men and women wore this garment, which De la Croix took to be " the national costume of the Sakai."5
The use of the black fungus girdle, which undoubtedly originated among the Semang, has also been observed among the Perak Sakai,6 but not, so far
1 Cp. J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 429 (of 6 lb. See figure 136.
the Perak Sakai), and also Hale, 6 Hale, I.e., describes this girdle as
p. 292 (of the same). made from "a black, leafless, aquatic
2 75-100 mm. by 25 mm. Mr. Ridley creeper called ' akar batu' ('area battu') tells me that the "chawats" worn by found growing on stones under water the Sakai of the " Batu Caves" (near in mountain streams." " Akar batu," Kuala Lumpur in Selangor) were cer- or more properly "urat batu" {i.e. tainly not more than an inch in width, " Rock-creeper" or " Rock- veins"), is and if anything a little less. the Malay name of this rhizomorph, for
3 De la Croix, p. 330. 4 lb. which v. p. i^8,snj>ra. Hale describes
152 DRESS pari ii
as I am aware, among other sections of the race more remote from the Semanof.
Necklaces, Armlets, Bracelets, Rings.
Perak Sakai. — De Morgan speaks of the necklaces and bracelets of the Perak Sakai as in no way differing from those worn by the Perak Semang (p. 146).
According to Hale, the men appeared to wear no ornaments except very small bracelets and waist-belts made of the M Rock-vein " fungus (already mentioned).1 The women, on the other hand, wore bracelets and necklaces made of seeds, shells, certain sweet-smelling roots, and anything they could get from the Malays that could be strung on. A necklace, purchased from an old woman, contained nine strings of black and white seeds differently arranged, a string of old Malay copper coins, a few glass beads, the tip of a squirrel's tail, two tufts of monkeys' hair, a spiral of brass wire, five snail shells, and the brass support of the ribs of an umbrella. This was about the average of a Sakai necklace.2
The Sakai of " Changkat Riam" (in Perak), according to De Morgan, strung upon their necklaces and bracelets not only seeds but small bones as well.3
These necklaces and bracelets were very similar to those of Sungei Raya, but at Changkat Riam brass ornaments were conspicuous by their absence, probably owing to the great distance of the latter settle- ment from any of the Malay villages.4
On the arm a thickish string, or series of strings, is
it as being worn by the Sakai men (of x Hale, p. 292.
Kinta in Perak), as well as by the local 2 lb. See also De la Croix, p. 330.
Malays, who in this case are clearly 3 Sic, ? " Riang. " — De Morgan, viii.
borrowers. 211. 4 lb.
Co ruli.
Sakai Girl of South PeraKj
showing hark cloth dress, headband, necklace, armlet, ring, and bracelets.
Vol. I. p. is--.
Wray.
Sakai Women in Malay "Sarongs," showing Necklaces, Armlets, and Bracelets.
Ulu Hertang, Perak.
I'oi. i:p. i53.
chap, ii SAKAJ ('/■ PBRAK
also occasionally worn by the Sakai. The women
(very rarely) wear anklets as well ;r, bracelets and armlets.1 Moreover, whenever they are able to do bo, the Perak Sakai substitute metal rings, spirals, and
beads obtained lrom the Malays for the Strings Of natural objects just described. Their favourite piece of jeweller\r is undoubtedly the brass bracelet or finger-ring, both of which are in the form of spirals, which they fit on to their arm or finger.1
Vaughan-Stevens' states that necklaces ("dokoh") among the Sakai were worn by persons of both sexes and of all ages, whereas among the Jakun or Benua (" Benar- Benar ") they were only occasionally worn. Attached to them were amulets ("tangkal") made from the "bunglei," the fresh roots of which were cut "diagonally" into small slices. When the necklace is ready its maker lays it upon his palm, and facing eastwards, touches it with his lips, and repeats the following invocation addressed to the Evil Spirit (Hantu) : —
Necklace Charm.
OM ! Die, O Mati-anak, buried under the earth heaped up for the Roadway.
What is the origin of thy existence ?
Demon of the blood of a person dead in childbirth,
That is the origin of thy existence.
Mati-anak of the River-banks, return to the River-banks ;
Mati-anak of the " outcrop," return to the outcrop ;
Pluck out with spells and neutralise again and again the demon Mati-anak.
Descend, O poison of the Mati-anak ;
Rise, O Neutraliser of mine.
As soon as the words have been spoken, the speaker spits twice upon the necklace and the ceremony is ended. The plants of which the necklace is
1 De Morgan, vii. 413. black and white seeds with glass
2 De Morgan, viii. 150 and vii. 413. beads. 3 De Morgan, vii. 413. Cp. also Hale, p. 293. Their great 4 V.-St. ii. 144. The original has ambition seems to be to replace the been corrected.
154 DRESS part ii
made must, like officinal plants, be pulled up, and not cut or dug up.1
Selangor Sakai. — The foregoing remarks as to the dress of the Perak Sakai apply equally to the Sakai of Selangor, amongst whom, however, copper, brass, and even iron arm -rings (spiral or otherwise) and bracelets are perhaps rather more commonly worn, as most of these Selangor tribes live somewhere in the neighbourhood of Malay civilisation.
The same is true of finger-rings, which are still occasionally manufactured from various products of the jungle (bone, horn, tortoiseshell, the crest of the Rhinoplax, etc.), though metal rings are much preferred, and are usually obtainable.
The Head-dress.
Perak Sakai. — The method of wearing the hair is for the men (whose hair is long and wavy) to wear it just down to the shoulders in a wild and unkempt condition ; and the women are also said, among the wilder tribes, to wear it in a mop, which " stands out all round from the head." When, however, they have intercourse with the Malays they tie it back in a knot like the latter.2
According to Bartels, Vaughan - Stevens heard (among the Sakai) that iron may not be used for cutting either the hair or finger-nails, this being the reason why the wilder tribes of them (Orang Liar)
1 Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 144, 145. sion of "batu ampat" ("four boulders")
Vaughan - Stevens' account contains with "batu am par " ("outcrop of
several errors (due to his ignorance of rock "), and his building up of a pretty
Malay), which have here been corrected. little theory on the mistaken version. The worst of these is perhaps his confu- 2 Hale, p. 293.
< map. ii SAKA1 OF PERAK
would never have their h.iir rut.1 Both men and women left untouched the hair OJ tlie body."
We are further told that the Sakai ( lilanda-,), for thoroughly washing the head and hair, employed the
scrapings of the inner part of the hark of a particular creeper (M kletterrebe "), of which the young stems and shoots were armed with an abundant quantity ol
sharp thorns, like those of the rose. 1 he leaf was like that of an acacia, dark green and smooth, and of great circumference. A handful of freshly scraped bark was applied to the head, together with water, somewhat like a sponge, when it produced a thick lather.3
This creeper may well be the "b'luru," a climber used by the Malays as a substitute for soap.
By way of head-dress the men, however, sometimes wore a mere cord, furnished with two small knots or rosettes, whereas the women preferred merely to wear in their hair the flowers of the field.4
Elsewhere, speaking of some (fifteen) Sakai women whom he saw at Kampong Langkor (on S. Kerbu), De la Croix remarks that one of them who had charming features, and was indeed actually pretty, wore in each ear a small white flower which she had picked at the side of the path ; another wore a simple tuft of grass in her hair, and (passed through her ears) some kind of plant which hung down as far as her back. An old woman, again, wore in her hair (or ''chignon") nothing but a tall plant, which oscillated with every movement of her body.5
The women also occasionally wear the combs of
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 178. 4 De la Croix, p. 330.
- lb. p. 179. S lb. 5 lb. p. 336.
156 DRESS FART II
the Negrito women.1 According to De Morgan, these combs are made of decorated bamboo, or else of small wooden teeth bound together by means of an exceedingly tight string. These latter are used by the Sakai of G. Bujang Malaka and of S. Kampar - (both of which places are in Perak).
In addition to these combs the Sakai women, when they wear their hair long, adorn their heads with fillets and bouquets, which they keep in place by means of a comb or a long dagger-shaped bamboo pin, covered with (incised) patterns.3
The fillets and bouquets are generally gathered in the forest and worn fresh, though the Sakai not unfrequently also wear dried plants cleverly plaited.4
According to Hale, the Sakai women also wear porcupines' quills, etc., through the lobe of the ear, rolls of cloth and other materials being also worn, not for the purpose of ornament, but in order to enlarge the orifice.5 Short bamboo tubes with flowers in them are then inserted.6
For the quills, earrings were not unfrequently substituted — probably owing to their greater convenience. According to De Morgan, the women also wore earrings consisting of copper rings, a small string of beads, or a mere flower, whose stalk is inserted into the perforation of the lobe.7
Nose-sticks or Nose-quills.
Perak Sakai. — But one of the most distinctive ornaments is the nose-quill, which appears to be originally
1 Hale, p. 295 (and Plate xiii. id.). * De Morgan, vii. 413, 414.
2 De Morgan, vii. 413, 414. 5 Hale, p. 293 : cp. vol. ii. 39.
3 This pin is also used (Hale, p. 6 E.g. among the Semang-Sakai of 295) for disentangling the hair. For U. Jelei, Pahang.
patterns, v. Fasc. Mai. 35, 36. 7 De Morgan, vii. 413, 414.
/
2 o
X
Cerruti.
Sakai Family, showing Nose-quills, Ne< ki.ac es, Armlets, and
Leaf-Ornaments.
Ulu Bikum, near Bidor, South I'erak
chaf. ii SAKAJ OF PERAK 157
a Sakai ornament, and is worn by both Some
tribes le.g* those <>l S. Kinta) wore porcupines1 quills passed through a perforation made for the purpose in the septum of th<: nose.1 The men wore them with the ends passed between the hair and the top ol the ear. The women passed them through the lobe itself.2 A long bone of a fish, bird, or monkey ' (and among the Sakai ol" Pahang a nose-ring l) is sometime substituted for the quill.
Occasionally for the porcupine's quill a piece of wood, about a quarter of an inch (6 mm.) in diameter and about six inches (15 cm.) long, was substituted.
A few who affected to be dandies used to ornament their nose-sticks."
An occasional substitute for the quill is a rolled-up piece of banana-leaf.7
Selangor Sakai. — The nose-quill is also occasionally worn by the Selangor Sakai {e.g. in the district of Ulu Langat).8
III. — Jakun.
Blandas of Selang-or. — The Blandas of the Kuala Langat district have now largely adopted the Malay dress, though when at work in the jungle they still frequently revert to the bark loin-cloth, which forms a more convenient working dress. The women more usually wear a sort of short skirt or kilt of bark-
1 According to Colonel Low, the of porcupines (J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 429).
Malays divided the Sakai of Perak 2 De Morgan, vii. 414.
into three classes — the "Tame" Sakai, 3 Hale, p. 293.
the " Hill" Sakai of Ulu Birtang (sic, 4 As in a photograph by R. Martin.
qtucre "Bertang"), and the Alas of 5 15 cm. by 6.2 mm. Cp.y. K. A. S.,
Ulu Kantu (sic, qucere "Kinta"). S. B., No. 4, p. 30.
This last tribe differed from the other G lb. This applies also to the
two in having adopted the custom of Semang-Sakai of Ulu Jelei, Pahang.
piercing the cartilage of the nose and 7 Swettenham, p. 228.
ears, and inserting therein the quills 8 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 243.
158 DRESS part 11
cloth, the ends of which, though usually unsewn, are sometimes roughly stitched together with jungle fibres. The " feel " of the bark-cloth made by these people is not unlike a sort of rough leather.
The above remarks are equally true of the Besisi tribes of Selangor, who were pretty generally in the habit of wearing Malay dress.
Besisi. — The everyday dress of the Besisi differed very little from that of the Malays, the men wearing for the most part a loose cotton jacket and trousers, and the women a jacket and a Malay sarong. In the jungle, however, the more convenient " chawat " ' still lingered on, and shy as the Besisi might be of wearing it before strangers, they had no such scruples when by themselves. Red "sarongs" were preferred.
Bracelets and armlets, rings, necklaces, etc., were, on the other hand, worn most profusely, a good scrap necklace, with plenty of coins on it, being highly valued, as the wearing of coins was believed to be especially good for the eyes.
The rings worn by the Besisi were made of various natural products of the jungle, bone, horn, tortoiseshell, etc. ; from chips of coconut-shell ; from black coral ("akar bahar") ; from "batu akik," a species of stone ; from various kinds of shell ; and from the red crest of the solid-crested Hornbill or Rhinoplax. This latter was valued by the Besisi, as by the Malays, on account of the belief that it would turn green whenever poison approached the wearer. Finely woven matwork pouches (" bujam ") were also commonly carried for holding betel-leaf, etc.
Nose-boring and tattooing of all kinds (or rather scarification), if ever practised, had, however, long
1 Cp. vol. ii. p. 144, n. I.
McGregor.
Sakai Group, Ulu Lui, Ulu Langat, showing Women and Girls in Malay Dress.
.map. ii SAVAGE MALA )'.l> Ob SI LANGO) i S'>
disappeared, and though face - painting wz (till occasionally to be seen, it was only on special occasions (such as the tribal [feasts) that the ancient methods oi persona] adornment were still in evidence.
Mantra.--- The Mantra, with the ption ol
their young children, never go absolutely nude, the
men always wearing at least some "covering round the waist," and'the women always wearing the "sarong" of the Malays, " which covers the entire body from the knee to above the breast." The "holiday garb "of the men is the ordinary wear of the local Malays (a loose jacket, a "sarong," or perhaps short trousers, and a coloured handkerchief wrapped round the head).1
Many of the Mantra around Gunong Berembun still wear the bark of the Artocarpus (" t'rap "), the men using the " chawat," and the women a piece of rude cloth, formed by simply beating the bark, which they wrap round their persons, and which, like the " sarong " of the Johor females, reaches only from the waist to the knees. They have no description of shoe, sandal, or slipper, and no articles of the toilet.2
The women " take considerable care of their hair, which they gather up on the top of their heads, and plait in the shape of a crown," fastening it with pins, and on special occasions inserting round it flowers and leaves.3
The Mantra females have wider ear-perlorations (than the Benua of Johor). They are enlarged to the diameter of about half an inch by inserting a wooden pin or roll of Licuala- (" palas ") leaf, which is gradually increased till the desired width is acquired. Pendants are not worn, but many have ear-studs (" subang "),
1 Logan in/". /. A. vol. i. pp. 252, 253. 2 lb, 3 lb.
160 DRESS part ii
about the size of a Company's rupee, made by Malays, and similar to those worn by Javanese females. Silver rings are also worn. They bind the hair in the same way as the Johor Benua.1
The " little girls " have their ears pierced by their parents for the reception of earrings ; in the absence of earrings, these holes are filled with small rolled-up strips of banana-leaf or a large stud of wood."
They also wear large Malay waist-buckles (of the kind called "pinding") and Malay bracelets.3
The children wear necklaces consisting of strings of monkeys' bones, teeth of bears or tigers, coins, and shells ; these necklaces, however, are not worn for mere ornament, but as a talisman against disease.4
The only other point that calls for remark with regard to the dress of the Mantra, lies in the close resemblance between the form of girdle worn by the Sakai women in the neighbourhood of G. Bujang Malaka (which consisted of a row of small grassbundles fastened to a cord which went round the waist), and that observed in 1869, by Marche, among the Mantra women north of Malacca.5
Benua - Jakun of Johor. — According to Logan, the original dress of the males, to which a few individuals whom he met were still restricted, was the " chawat " — a narrow strip of cloth passing between the legs and fastened round the waist. With these exceptions all were provided with the Malay short trousers (" seluar "), jacket (" baju "), plaid skirt, or wrapper (" sarong "), and headkerchief (" saputangan "), or some of them, but often in so ragged a condition as
1 Logan in/. /. A. vol. i. pp. 252, 253. 2 Borie (tr. Bourien), pp. 75, 76.
3 lb. 4 lb. 5 De la Croix, p. 330.
i map. ii \A\ AGl M* \LA\ I '/ fOHOR
to show that the) carried their wardrobes on their persons, and \ci< seldom able to renew them. With the exception of one house, where the mistress lay in a
corner and appeared to be, like her husband, tOtall) destitute o! clothes, Logan lound the women everywhere wearing a short "sarong," Fastened at the
waist or a little below it, and barely reaching to the knees it was, in fact, only the hall of an ordinary Malay "sarong." This was the only garment that they possessed, hut in a few families, such as that oi the Hcntara o\ Boko, some of the Females wore the Malay jacket ("baju"), The hair was bound in a knot behind. From the great desire universally expressed forprettx " sarongs," jackets (" bajus "), handkerchiefs, and ornaments, we must do the Benua ladies the justice to believe that they would willingly deck themselves in the full Malayan costume if they had the means.1 The only ornaments that they possess are plain brass rings and bracelets. Their ears were pierced, hut the orifice, which is of the diameter of a quill, was more often occupied by the native cigarette or "roko'," or a piece of cloth, than an earring. -
The hair was black and in general smooth and lank, but in some it was frizzled, and in all somewhat more dry and tangled than in the Malay, arising from the little oil that they use. It is worn long or
1 " Both men and women go nearly to appear more decently clad. The
naked whilst near their own haunts ; women particularly lake great pleasure
they wear nothing but a strip of the in silver bracelets, rings, and other orna-
fibrous bark of the 'terap' tree, beaten ments. I do not recollect that I have seen
into a sort of cloth of a reddish-brown any instance of the Benua wearing the
colour, called a 'sabaring,' round their skins of wild beasts, as has been alleged,
loins ; part of this comes down in They carry about with them little mat
front, is drawn between the legs, and pouches, containing generally a small
fastened behind. The men sometimes portion of tobacco, a flint and steel, a
encircle their heads with a string of knife, and a rude bamboo call or whistle''
I.icuala- (' palas ') leaves. On visits to (Newbold, ii. 398): 7: p. 137, ante Malay villages they generally contrive - J. /. A. vol. i. pp. 252, 253.
VOL. I M
1 62 DRESS part n
cropped short, as with the Malays, according to the taste of the individual. Some old women had long discontinued the use of oil, and their dry, rusty, unkempt locks, aiding the effect of their piercing, sinister eyes, wrhich almost seemed to be touched by insanity, frightened some of Logan's Malays not a little ; and so persuaded were they that the old ladies had the " evil eye," that they felt greatly relieved when he left the house.1
The clothes of the Jakun (when they used any) were ordinarily the same as those used by the Malays, but poor, miserable, and, above all, very dirty ; many of them used clothes without washing, from the day they received or bought them until they became rotten by use and dirt, when they were obliged to throw them away ; if vermin were found, which was often the case, principally upon the women who were more dressed up, they were immediately eaten with delight, as in Cochin-China. If many of them were badly dressed, and some nearly naked, it was more from a lack of clothing than in accordance with their own wishes, especially amongst the women ; for all desired to be clothed, and the most agreeable presents which could be offered to them were the short (Malayan) trousers, " sarongs," jackets, or handkerchiefs to put round their heads, according to the Malay fashion. Those of them who went habitually nearly naked never appeared in that condition before strangers, except when they actually had no clothes. The Jakun of Johor, who were superior to the others in many respects, as can be inferred from what has been said, were also the best dressed ; their women wore much the same as Malay
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 251, 252.
chap, ii SAVAGl MAI / KS I '/ JOHOR
women, both .is to dress and the order ol their appear .mcc ; they had, moreover, a great number of rings on
their fingers, some of which were crystal, some ol copper, and some ol tin, hut also a good many of silver; they took a peculiar pleasure in these ornaments, well as in silver bracelets.1 The men had at least the trousers, a small jacket or " baju," and a handkerchief
tor the* head. The Jakun of the Negri Sembilan
and Rembau had the same dress as was used by the Jakun of Johor, and the women the same ornaments, hut they were not so well clothed, many of them going nearly naked, at least near their houses ; and those who used clothes often showed an embarrassment which proved that they were not accustomed to their use. The Jakun of Malacca were badly dressed, many of the women had only a " sarong," and, if they were married, a ring, the necessary present of the husband at marriage. The greater part of the men had nothing but a strip of the fibrous bark of the 44t'rap" tree, beaten into a sort of cloth of a reddishbrown colour, called a M sabaring," round their loins ; part of this came down in front, was drawn between the legs, and fastened behind.2
As regards the hair, some of them left the whole to grow and turned it round the head, like the Cochin-Chinese ; others, as for instance many of those of Malacca, cut theirs off entirely;3 yet others,
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 258. hair, however, is allowed to grow as
2 lb. long as possible. The Jakun custom
3 "Formerly the Jakun did not cut of binding the fringe of hair with a the hair, but let it grow (from child- band of tree-bark, to keep it out of hood to age) down to their neck and the eyes, is imitated by the Oran<* shoulders. The hair of the boys is at Laut " (Z. f. E. xxix. 177). "The the present day cut to a fringe over Jakun girls stick flowers in their hair, the forehead, or else it is all cut off instead of the brightly coloured shells with the exception of a scalp-lock, as used by the Orang Laut " {ib. p. among Malay children. The girls' 178).
164 DRESS lAiti 11
chiefly those of the Negri Sembilan and Rembau and Johor, shaved the head, leaving unshaven only, on the crown, a space about three inches in diameter, where they never cut it, just in the same way as the Chinese ; and to prevent this head of hair from being hooked by the branches of trees in the jungle, they tied it up in the form of a top- knot. They had scarcely any beard, and many of them had none at all. The women left their hair to grow, and then tied it up in the same way as the Malay women ; but as they had but little occasion to care much for appearance, it will be easily imagined that they were not very particular in this respect. Some of them are said to treat their hair with lime.1
It does not yet seem to have been recorded whether the Jakun are in the habit of eradicating their beard, but there is, I believe, very little doubt upon the point. Vaughan - Stevens does not actually state that the Jakun men pull out the hair of the face, though he clearly implies it in saying that the beard and whiskers (of the Jakun) are scarcely ever present, even if they are not intentionally pulled out.2
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Necklaces and Arm lets.
Name of Tribe unspecified. — The Orang Laut have now all taken to the Malay dress. The desire to adorn the person exists among their women despite
1 Logan in J. I . . I. vol. ii. p. 248. people, to which I called their attention
Cp., however, the statement of V.- a long time before, ever treated their
Stevens— -"I could not learn whether the hair with lime, as some of the New
Takun, although they perceived the Guinea men do " {Z.f. E. x.\ix. 178). reddish colour of the hair of the young - Z.f. E. xxix. 179.
« i,M'. ii MALA YA \ S£ / G YPSI1
their usuall) degraded condition. I he girls will take
any object that glitters tO wear upon their arm-,,
neck, or breast. Nowadays these objects are nearl
always the products of civilisation obtained from
Malays and Chinese, but formerly coloured bi
valves, seed-grains, etc., were employed. Vaughan- Stevens saw a prettily composed necklace, with which
the woman who possessed it positively refused to
part. It was made up of variously coloured plantseeds growing on the coast, small variegated marine bivalves gathered from the sands, and short segments of crabs' legs (like one of our own coral necklaces).1
The Hair.
The " turned in " (cingekangte) part of the claw of a crawfish is often used by the Orang Laut as a head-scratcher, and for this purpose is stuck in the hair or kept in the girdle. If the claw is short, a little piece of stick is stuck in it, in order to lengthen it sufficiently. Half of the lower jaw of fishes which have " needle-teeth " is frequently, even to the present day, used in place of a comb."
As might be expected from people who are so much on the sea, the Orang Laut girls use brightly coloured shells for hair ornaments, instead of the Mowers which are used by the Jakun.3
Up to manhood the boys do the same, but no later, unless there is some special reason (besides mere decoration of the person) for their doing so.4
At the present day the Orang Laut bind the hair back to keep it out of their eyes either with a band
1 Z.f.E. xxviii. 170. 2 lb. xxix. 178. 3 lb. 4 lb.
1 66 DRESS
PART II
of cotton stuff, or else, in imitation of the Jakun, with a similar band of tree-bark. They do not, however, like to wear any sort of covering for the (top of the) head, even in the sun.1
Among the Orang Laut both sexes use fat or oil for their body and hair, because, as they say, the seawater irritates the unprotected skin, if it is later exposed to the sun. At the present time coconutoil and other oils are easy to get, but formerly fish-fat was used.2
In the following accounts the name of the tribe is specified : —
- Laut, Sletar. — The middle of both men and women was generally covered by a coarse wrapper made from the bark of the Artocarpus, and extending from the navel to the knee. The women affected a slight degree of modesty at first approach, but this soon disappeared. Instead of the wrapper of " t'rap," they frequently put on instead an old patched-up Malay " sarong." The locks of the men were bound up with a tie of cloth, and sometimes by the Malay headkerchief or " saputangan " ; those of the women fell in wild luxuriance over their face and shoulders. Their children went entirely naked until the age of puberty.3
- Laut, Sabimba. — Their close relations with the Malays have given them a taste for dress, as they were wearing cloth instead of the bark of trees. The women were dressed in " sarongs," after the manner of Malay women, but the men wore only a strip of cloth of scanty dimensions round the middle and passing between the thighs.4
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 177. 3 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 345*.
2 lb. p. 185. 4 lb. p. 350*.
' mai. ii mm .1 \ .1 \ ,/■ A C VPS/1 167
- Laut, Muka Knnlnff. The males (ol the Ora Muk;i Kuning) mostly wear the "chawat " ol Arte carpus ("t'rap") bark, and the females short "sarong
of cloth.1
- Laut, Akik. Their dress resembled that <>i the Malay, but was coarser and poorer, and when they were engaged in ordinary pursuits seldom extended beyond a waist-cloth or " chawat."
1 /. /. /. vol. i. p. 337*. ' Newbold, ii. 113, |i|
CHAPTER III.
Habitations.
The two first and most obvious forms of shelter would, to a wild jungle-dwelling race, naturally be the large umbrella-like palm-leaves growing in the forest, and natural caves or holes in the ground. In the case of the latter, however, it appears that certain preferences exist, for "the caves which have been inhabited (in Perak) are those which are formed by the overhanging of the cliffs [i.e. ' rock-shelters '), and not those caverns that have been hollowed out in the rock. The same class of cave was inhabited by many of the cavedwellers of Europe, as well as by the early New Zealanders." ! Mr. Wray further informs me that he could find no trace of human remains in the caves themselves, but that in some rock-shelters near the "dark caves" there were some thick deposits. For an exception to this rule, however, it ought to be pointed out that the well-known "limestone caves" at Batu (six miles from Kuala Lumpor in Selangor) were certainly at times inhabited by some of these jungle -folk, as was stated by W. T. Hornaday in his account of his discovery of the caves, in the company of the late Captain Syers, and confirmed by
1 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers^ p. 37.
i hap. ill <■/ w RAl REMAR
later visitors. The reason for this L18C <>! ill' moreover, is in this instance known, viz. : the fai I that they afforded protection against wild elephant
At the same time it LS only lair to add that lln . i I tinonly exception I know of.
Although, however, the practice of utilising such natural refuges as are afforded by the geographical
features (such as trees and rock-shelters) of the country they live in appears to be common to all the wilder
members of the three* races alike, and although it may be possible to trace certain similarities in the methods by which their more settled fellow-tribesmen succeeded in evolving a hut-type which, at first of the pile-hut type common in S.E. Asia, became gradually assimilated to that of the Peninsular Malays, it is neverthe- less quite possible in certain respects to differentiate the various types of hut, and even to specify with almost complete certainty to which of the three races these types should be assigned.
The Semang huts, for instance, frequently resemble (as might almost be expected) the huts built by the Andamanese, and the circular (and semicircular) huts formed by planting a number of palm-leaves upright in the ground, with their tops drooping over to a common centre, appear also to be only recorded in districts where Negrito influence is either certain or to be suspected. The long leaf-shelter, too, that I visited in Kedah was certainly of a type apparently confined exclusively to the Semang or Negrito. It may be added, moreover, that the Semang appear (speaking broadly and generally) to be on the whole more given to the use of tree-shelters and huts on ground-level than the average Sakai or the Jakun, and that both of the latter races seem especially fond
1 70 HA BIT A T10NS part i i
oi building their huts upon very lofty house-posts. Mr. Wray informs me that he has never seen in Perak a "bee-hive" hut, or even a tree-hut, made either by the Semang or by the Sakai, although at Kuala Dipang and elsewhere he has seen very tall tree-huts built by the Malays.
The most interesting question, however, connected with this subject is undoubtedly that concerned with the successive steps by means of which the hut-type is evolved.
Among the Semang its evolution is perhaps on the whole the clearest, the various stages being, as they appear to me, the following : —
- Natural shelters — rock -shelters, caves, tree
buttresses, branches, etc.
- Artificial shelters or weather-screens — a single
large palm-leaf, either planted in the ground or fixed across the fork of a tree.
- A number of such palm-leaves, planted in a
straight row, or in a semicircle or circle, their tops drooping over towards a common centre, thus forming a "round" or "bee-hive" hut — if in the fork of a tree, the hut's shape is naturally adapted to suit its branches.1
1 For one of the earliest ac- neighbourhood of this river, through
COUntS Of these tree -dwellings our glasses, our notice was attracted by
. . c , ° what seemed to be some enormous
(treated from a somewhat sensa- birds, nests in the trees The size of
tional Standpoint), see Travel and these nests was prodigious, yet they
Sport in Burmah^ Siam} and were not placed at a very great height
Malay \sic\ by Capt. J Bradley, from the ground> ™ "» the tallest trees.
/o_*-rTr_j i-i i.u The number of them was seven, but we (1876). Unfortunately the ac- , A A f, .- ' . .. ,
\ ' " J concluded there were others not visible
count is only of general interest, from our position. We were puzzled
as no means are afforded of to think what bird could construct nests
even approximately identifying of this size> for they appeared from our
the locality point of view to be as big as toIeraDl.v'
^" sized huts, and much the shape of
" While searching the country in the roughly constructed wigwams. While
< II \l\ III
GENERAL Hh MARKS
.|. The " long " or " communal " shelter, which is nothing more than .1 round or"bee-hii hut extended to form an ellipse or oval.
5, Small granaries or store Inns on high po
and perhaps also huts which commence to
approach for the first time the Malayan hul
type, but arc still built on the level of the
ground.1
- A hut similar to the last, but with floor raised
on posts (which makes it still more conformable with the common Malayan hut-type).
we wore still speculating, the difficulty was solved. A large ape was observed to leave one of the nests and descend to the ground ; and he was soon followed by eight or nine others, who all walked about erect like men. We watched them for a long time, and saw them picking berries, or something else of a similar kind, from the bushes. Their actions were most humandike. They walked about exactly like men, and even appeared to be talking to each other. Several of them climbed the cocoa-palms in search of the nuts ; but they did not display that activity in ascending which distinguishes most of the ape tribe. Their every motion was human in the extreme" (p. 292). Later, he discovers that the supposed " apes " are men.
[The mention of " cocoa-palms" (!) is a strange 'circumstance requiring explanation, as none of these wild tribes plant coconuts, at least until they are a good deal more advanced in civilisation than these tribes otherwise appear to have been. It may of course have been that they were living in or near an abandoned Malay clearing, or that they were less wild than was supposed, or, most probably, I think, that the trees were not really coconut-palms. — W. S.]
In a later passage we read : "They [the tree-huts] were from 30 to 50 feet [9-15 m.] from the ground, built in the lower branches of a species of large,
wide-spreading tree, in general appeal ance very much like the oak. Access to them was gained by a number of notches cut in the tree-trunk, . . . and when we got amongst the branches we had to crawl out snake - fashion, to get at the huts, which were the shape of a bee -hive, though rather more pointed at the apex. They were constructed entirely of small branches and twigs tied together at the top, and bent round to form the hollow space in the interior. The height of each hut was about 6 ft. [180 cm.], the internal diameter about the same. The entrance was a hole in the side, so small that we could scarcely force our way in. The cordage with which the huts were constructed was made of some tough creeper, and the strands were so loosely twisted together that the least touch parted them." — Bradley, pp. 297, 298.
Elsewhere (J. B. pp. 319, 320) Capt. Bradley mentions a settlement of fifteen huts, "one or two" (he says) "in a tree." On pp. 330, 331 he mentions another of these tree-villages. "It" (the village) " consisted of five huts built in the trees, and seven hovels erected on the ground." "They were" (he continues) " built of branches like those described in a former chapter ; but were overlaid with deer - skins." Another settlement (described on p. 315) had four tree - huts only in number.
1 De Morgan, viii. 296.
i72 HABITATIONS PART n
The last type of dwelling — and by no means the least interesting one — to find a place in these pages is that of the old " Orang Laut " of Singapore and Johor. These once most formidable pirates (who at that time dwelt exclusively in their boats) were the only inhabitants of the island of Singapore (which has now a population of over 200,000) on the memorable day of February ( 1 8 19) when Sir Stamford Raffles landed to make a city out of what was then a mere desolate mangrove swamp. Contemporary and more recent writers give us a picture of the " Orang Laut," and the extraordinarily restricted quarters in which they lived. Huddled up in a small boat, measuring scarcely twenty feet in length, they found all the domestic comfort of which they were in need. At one end was the hearth, in the centre their few utensils, and at the other end, beneath a matwork awning, not exceeding six feet in length, was the sleeping apartment of a family that often counted five or six, together with a cat and a dog. Under this awning they found shelter from the tropical rains and heats alike, from the time of their birth to the grave.1
I. — Semang.
The Rock-shelter.
Kedah Semang. — The Semang are almost ineradicably nomadic, have no fixed habitations, and rove about like the beasts of the forest.2 The wilder ones seldom stay more (they informed me) than three days
1 See Crawfurd, Descr. Diet., s.v. "Malay Peninsula." 2 J. /. ./. vol. iv. pp. 425. 426.
( HAT. Ill
NEGRITOS <>/ KEDAH
in one place1 Rock-shelters are also commonl) used l>\ them.
Pangan. At Ban Tun, in the province ol I' lung on the north-western shore of th<- Inland Sea (Singora), I visited one of these small rock
shelters which had been inhabited, up tO the night oi our arrival, 1))' nine Pangans, who had only deserted
it on hearing our approach. It was formed by a large
Overhanging rock under the brow of a Very steep and
lofty hill. Its size was very small, measuring only
from about 9 to 1 2 feet (2.7 m. to 3.6 m.) in length by 6 to 8 feet ( 1.8 m, to 2.4 m.) in width, and from about 4 to 5 feet (1.2 m. to 1.5 m.) in height. Its position on a shoulder of the hill was very well chosen, as the ground fell away precipitously in front of it, and the only way to reach it was to go round by the back of the overhanging rock itself. The mouth of the cave was, moreover, further concealed and protected by a thicket of thorny bamboo, which grew at the more precipitous end. Altogether it was as difficult a spot to find without a guide as. any which could have been selected. The sole article of furniture was one of the rough bamboo sleeping-stages, or "barbicans," which are to be seen in most Semang encampments," and which are made by lashing half a dozen thick bamboo poles together. This particular bed, however, could not have accommodated more than one or two
1 Among the E. Semang (Pangan) it is an established custom to break up the existing encampment on the fifth clay at the latest. This custom is called "J°g>" ar*d is attributed to the commands of Pie ; indeed, the days are counted on the fingers, and it is believed that if this custom be seriously infringed, a severe form of plague will attack the guilty parties. The W,
Semang are less particular than the Pangan (Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 103).
2 See a valuable note on this subject by Mr. L. Wray [Cave-dwellers, p. 37).
3 These most peculiar platforms or "bedsteads'' are found also in the Andamans, and (according to my friend Mr. Lorimer Fison) in Fiji ! I should be glad to know of other examples.
74 HABITATIONS PART II
persons at most, and the other members of the family had evidently been sleeping on beds of heaped-up leaves, which were still quite green and fresh on our arrival. There were also the ashes of four separate fires, one at least of which had been extinguished by water ; and there were fragments of the ribs of a small tortoise on which they had been feeding, as well as a half-smoked (native) cigarette, an indication that they had probably had some traffic, either direct or through the medium of "tamer" fellow-tribesmen, with the Malays or Siamese of the locality.
Tree-shelters.
Perak Semangf. — Another obvious kind of " natural shelter " is that afforded by the branches of trees, the scanty protection thus obtained being speedily improved by the building of a weather-screen, out of which is easily and naturally developed the tree-built hut. The exact purpose served by those arboreal dwellings has been much disputed, but the most reasonable explanation — and I think undoubtedly the correct one — is that they are built for protection from wild beasts. In most cases the proximity of wild beasts is certainly their raison detre. We are told,1 for instance, in so many words, that some of the Semang 11 in the thicker parts of the forest, where the elephants, tigers, and other zvild animals are most abundant, make their temporary dwellings upon the cliffs and branches of large trees." 2 The simplest form of the tree-shelter
1 J. I. A. vol. iv. 425, 426. their houses on the level of the ground.
2 Another possible cause (inunda- When, however, safeguarding against tions) is certainly suggested by the tigers is necessary, they build between following note (for which see Bastian, the branches of the trees, just as the Reisen in Birma. Leipzig, 1886, p. Puleahs build their nests in their 432): — "The inhabitants of the hills forests." But in the Malay Peninin Pegu, who are insured [by their sula this first reason would rarely if ever position] against inundations, build apply.
, hap. m NEGRITOS <>/■ PBRAK 175
consists oi . 1 screen oi leaves fixed across the branch of the tree a little above the fork to serve a a roof. U ally, however, side screens are added, for comfort • take. 1 am told by Mr. Wray thai he once visited a Semang house in the Piah valley, in Upper Perak. It measured about 50 feet (15.2 m.x6m.)in length
by 20 feet in width, and Was built On posts oi such
a height that the floor was 15 feet (4.5 m.) above
the ground. There were three ladders on one side oi the house to give access to it, and it appeared to have been inhabited by at least three families. Underneath it Mr. Wray found the bones of the wild pig, deer, and " seladang " (Bos gaums, the wild bull or " bison "), as well as the horn of one of these latter animals.
Pangan. — The Pangan tree -huts observed by Messrs. Ridley and Kelsall on the banks of the Ulu Tahan river in Pahang (in 1 891) were "small roofed platforms, raised about 15 or 20 feet (4.5 m. to 6 m.) from the ground,"1 and were reached (as Mr. Ridley tells me) by a ladder formed of sticks lashed across two neighbouring trees.
Ground- screens of Leaves. Semang* and Pang-an. — Yet another kind of shelter used by the Semang is the palm-leaf ground-screen,2 which is intended simply as a protection against rain and wind. It is constructed by planting three or four stout sticks or poles in a row in the ground at an angle of about 6o° to 750, and lashing palm-leaves across them so closely that the rain cannot penetrate.3
1 J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 25, p. will frequently content himself with the
45- shelter of a single palm-leaf planted in
- It goes without saying that these the ground, screens vary in size and construction 3 Cp. ~Loga.n{J.R.A.S., S.B.,No. 7,
according to the needs of the party. p. 85): The "temporary lairs" (of the
When a Semang is travelling alone, he Semang) are " only protected from the
17 HABITATIONS part n
Shelters of this type are also largely used by the Malays for temporary purposes, especially in the eastern states of the Peninsula.
Pangran. — The next stage would appear to be that of the round or bee-hive hut. In the interior of Kelantan (near Kampong Buntal in Ulu Aring), Mr. Laidlaw and I visited several of these curious habitations. One that we photographed was a hemispherical leafshelter, very slenderly constructed, the materials em- ployed being leaves of the "bertam" palm {Engeissona) and a Rattan or Calamus called " Rotan Dudok." The bases of the leaf-stalks were firmly planted in the ground, the upper ends of the leaves bending naturally over so as to protect about one-half of the hut-floor from the rain. The leaves planted round the circumference of the semicircle at the back of the shelter were of full length, but a slight fence of shorter leaves, about 2 feet (60 cm.) high, completed the circumference. At the back of the hut was the usual big abattis or chevaux-de-frise of felled trees, which is very generally formed by these people for protection against wild beasts.
A slightly different type of hut was seen on the banks of the Tahan river by Mr. Ridley in 1891. The huts themselves consisted of a bee-hive-shaped structure of palm-leaves about 4 feet (1.2 m.) high, the bases of the leaves planted in the ground and their upper parts interwoven together. So far the structure was similar to those already described, but these particular huts " were completely filled with palm-leaves, in the midst of which could be seen the depression caused by the occupant when he curled himself up in them " either for
weather by a few branches or leaves stuck in the ground, with a small crosshung over two or three sticks." And piece, and a few leaves or branches of cp. z\so J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 425, 426 : trees laid over to secure them from the " Their huts . . . consist of two posts weather."
A'. //. Yapp(Skeat Expedition).
Pangan Weather Screen 01 Palm Leaves (Ulu Kelantan).
R. //. Yapp{Skeat Expedition).
Interior of Round Leaf-Shelter of Pangan (Ulu Kelantan).
D
D <§>
□
The Chief
(Pelima)
□
fl>
hfl
c
O
l4H
o
H
o
.
D
L
ho
—
o
<—
o
B
X. o id <u
c
rt
en <u o
"E.
C
'a. <u
o o
.a
S
C
<u
<u two
c
c
I
o
J3 w
S3
<
(X Q
D O
K O
/.
chap, in VEGRITO& o/ KEDAH 177
rest or warmth. " Thm- were altogether seven ol these ' nesta ' on the river bank/' ' and the occupant i,
who were, I think, undoubtedly Pangan, had only {us!
left them before fit's and his companion's arrival.
( ommunal Shelter r,
Semang* of Kedah. From an ordinary round hut
which will shelter one or two small families the transition to an elongated shelter which will hold a greater number is not very difficult. The Semang shelter at Siong in Kedah accommodated all the members of the tribe who were living in the neighbourhood, and contained no fewer than eleven (?) sleeping-places arranged in two long rows ; it may therefore be described as being of the " barrack " or "long-house" type. The upright timbers of this shelter consisted of young saplings planted in two opposite rows, across them being lashed the leaves of the " chencham," a low-growing palm not unlike the well-known " bertam " palm (Eugeissona tristis) in appearance, but which was declared by the Semang to be a different tree. The uprights of the shelter were called "pengkong," and the leaves lashed across them "hapoi." There were, besides, two central posts or pillars ("jehu"), each about a third of the distance from either end of the shelter, and a dozen poles placed, as props or "wind-braces," in various positions and at various angles, in order to strengthen the structure and keep it from being blown over in a high wind.2 In front of the shelter at the upper end was a big opening which served as the main entrance, but there were in addition several
- J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 25, p. 45. 2 " Tenungked," Plus dialect ; or " chenidel,*' Kedah.
VOL. I N
178 HABITATIONS i-artii
smoke-holes1 which were also used for ingress or egress as occasion might serve. The two slopes of the roof were not united over a ridge-pole, as in the ordinary (Malay) house, but a longitudinal aperture was left between them for about two-thirds of the entire length of the roof, and through the gap thus caused the greater part of the smoke from the many fireplaces issued.
All round the walls were ranged a number of bamboo sleeping-platforms, consisting of a framework of split bamboos, each end of which was supported by a horizontal slat or rod.2 These latter were in turn supported on low forked wooden trestles called "jongka." These bed-platforms were between 5-6 ft. (1.5 m. to 1.8 m.) in length by about 3 ft. (.91 m.) in breadth ; and their exact position was as shown in the accompanying diagram. Young men of the tribe slept near the main opening or door, and the chief at the upper end as shown.
I may add that the owner of each sleeping-platform or family unit possessed a separate fire or hearth, over which he used to sit and warm himself when the nights were cold. On the other hand, I never saw any kind of pillow, either in the houses of the Semang of Kedah or in those of the Pangan.
Huts.
Kedah Semang. — We now come to the last class of Semang dwellings in which they begin to build huts of a rather more substantial character than those hitherto described, apparently, in the first instance, to serve as store-houses. An excellent example of this was to be seen in the Semang encampment at Siong
1 "Karop?" Plus; or "pemong?" Kedah. 2 "Keding," Plus dialect ; or "pelayen," Kedah.
%
'<
*\
■ -
/
. ....
s^e
*:
2?
Semang at I'll- Jelentoh, Gopeng, Kinta, with Nipah-Palms {Nipa frutic in Background, newly cut for Thatchwork.
/ ol. I, /. i78.
Wwy.
U'rav.
Semang standing at side of Hut (at Sungei Tapah), near Batu Gajah, Kinta, Pekak.
The hut shows one of the methods of interweaving palm leaves.
chap, in NEGRITOS <>/■ KEDAH
in Kedah, where, side by side with the long "communal11
shelter in which the tribe lived, stood a tiny granary in which their scanty stores o! rice wen- preserved.
This little granary stood on six thin posts, the floor being raised about -i-5 ft. (1.2 m. to 1.5 m.) from the ground, lor the purpose of protecting its contents
from small marauders. It measured about 4 ft. in length by about 3 ft. (1.2 m. x.91 m.) in width, and was little more in fact than a large box on posts. Its walls were made of tree-bark, and the roof was thatched with the leaf of the " bertam " palm, and it was entered by a tiny doorway to which access was aitorded by a long inclined pole. From the stage in which these tiny huts were used solely for the purposes of storage, to one in which they could be used as dwellings, the transition would be as easy and as natural as possible.
On the other hand, it must here be remarked that although in this way they may sometimes come to dwelling — in Malayan fashion — in a hut with raised flooring, the Semang nevertheless appear to retain a strong predilection for building their huts either altogether aloft in trees, or else upon the level of the ground itself.1
Perak Semang. — Direct evidence of huts with raised Mooring being inhabited by pure Semang is very scanty. The Semang village mentioned by De Morgan probably belonged to this latter (more developed) class, especially as he describes it as standing in the midst
1 The huts built by the Pangan seem carry about with them when they move to
rather intended for the purpose of their next camping-place. These huts
storing supplies {e.g. rice) than for are always set up in the thickest part of
regular occupation. Five or six of the jungle, and by way of further precau-
these huts are usually built in one place, tion the articles left behind are frequently
and the Pangan leave such articles of marked with special signs. — V.-St. iii.
property there as they do not wish to 102, 103.
r 80 HA HIT A TJONS r \ W 11
of an immense plantation (" tin vaste jardin "), which seems to imply some degree of permanence. All he says of the houses, however, is that they " were constructed on a level with the ground," and " were open to all the winds that blow," and that the Semang protected themselves at night against the attacks of wild beasts by means of great "braziers" (sic) which they light up under their roof.1 On the whole, it seems that the Semang take much less readily than the Sakai to the Malayan custom of building their huts on piles. Among the Semang of Perak (Menik) no one uses any special kind of pillow, whether of wood or of any other material. Often they use no pillow at all, and if they do, the first thing that comes to hand (such as a bundle of grass or twigs), or the arm will be used."
II. — Sakai. Shelters and Tree-huts.
Perak Sakai. — The wild tribes of the Perak Hills (Sakai Bukit), according to what De la Croix was told by the tame Sakai of S. Kerbu, are seldom met with, as they do not live in villages, and build no houses, but when night arrives they either sleep in the shade of a tree, or (at the most) hurriedly erect a shelter of leaves.3
Selangor Sakai. — The Sakai, like the Semang, make use of caves as well as trees to dwell in. Mr. Ridley informs me that he once saw an excellent example consisting of a rock-shelter which he visited
1 De Morgan, viii. 296. ever, seems to have been hearsay, and
2 Z.f.E. xxix. 186. Elsewhere (p. Mr. Wray informs me that the Sakai 187), V. -St. says that the wild Semang of the Perak Hills build very good (Pangan)alonedonot use thepillowcon- houses (cp. VH. ii. 646), which probsisting of a cloth bag stuffed with cotton. ably accounts for De M.'s much too
3 De la Croix, p. 340. This, how- sweeping dtmenti {VH. iii. 43).
McGregor.
Sakai Tree Hut, Sungei Berang, Perak, Seven Miles from Tanjong Malim.
< II W. I I i
SAKAI OF PERAK 181
.it the Batu caves seven miles from Kuala Lumpur in Selangor. I [ere, as in the Semang rock shelters, were the remains oi a bamboo bed place, and in addition then- were screens <>i palm leaves which had been put up as a protection against the weather, In this rockshelter, as in others in the same district, the walls were decorated with rough charcoal sketches of wellknown objects, eg* boats, etc. Excavations were made in the lloor of this rock-shelter on the chance of finding traces of earlier occupation, but nothing was found except a round stone evidently brought from the river to support a cooking-pot.
In spite of the foregoing, however, both rockshelters and palm-leaf wind-screens appear to be less popular with the Sakai than with the Semang, and there are few records, if any, of their employment of the bee-hive type of hut, at all events beyond the limits of Negrito influence. So far as I have been able to discover, the huts of the pure-bred Sakai are, as a rule, rectangular in plan.
Tree-huts, on the other hand, analogous to those already described as used by the Semang, are certainly to be seen among the Inland (Sakai) Tribes of Selangor at least. On an expedition to Ulu Kali in the interior of Selangor in 1893, I myself saw two of these Sakai tree-huts, one of which must have been from 30-40 ft. (9 m. to 12 m.) from the ground. Both must have been very nearly the same size, about 6 ft. by 4 ft. (1.8 m. x 1.2 m.), and not more than 4 ft. in height.1
1 Of the same district Mr. William huts high up against the trees, usually
T. Hornaday says : " We were at Batu tifteen to twenty feet from the ground,
in the durian season, and often visited to get out of the way of wild beasts,
the trees in the forest when the Malays But the rascally elephants often take
were collecting the fruit as fast as it the trouble to pull down even those
fell. Like the Jakun, they build little high platforms and frighten the in-
HABITATIONS
PART II
Huts and Houses.
Perak Sakai. — The Sakai in commencing to build their huts with rather more reference to Malay models still retain the communal idea. One of these Sakai communal houses, described by Hale,1 was built on a slope, close to the summit of a lofty hill. The thatching of the roof (with leaves of the bertam palm) was a clumsy imitation of Malayan methods. The floor of the house, which was raised above the ground, rested upon nine posts, eight of inconsiderable and one of very great diameter, which was, in fact, the trunk of a large tree. Every other part of the house was entirely built of bamboo.2 The walls consisted of long screens of sheet-thatch, which were suspended loosely at their upper ends under the eaves, so that the lower ends could be pushed open outwards. The
habitants half out of their wits. The herds to which we paid our respects had just the night before visited several durian camps, and had torn down the highest platform of all, as if to show the Malays that it was of no use trying to build a hut out of their reach. Of course the Malays fled to the jungle. There are several large caves in the vicinity, and the Jakun are in the habit of taking refuge in them when the elephants become too neighbourly " (J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 3, p. 128). Batu is a small village six miles from Kuala Lumpur in Selangor. Mr. Hornaday is probably here writing of the Inland or Hill Sakai. The Jakun are really the savage Malayan tribes, but the word is often used loosely, especially by Malays (as here).
1 P. 249. So too, according to De Morgan, the entire tribe of Sakai at Changak (? Changkat) Kerbu (in Ulu Perak) lived in a big house which they shared in common.
The house was divided into compartments, where the various families
were separately installed, the hearths, however, being shared in common, and placed in the centre of the building. The room of the chief (Penghulu) was much better kept than the others, the sleeping - places of flattened bamboo being covered with mats decorated with yellow patterns ; all the blowpipes of the tribe were suspended from the rafters, and big bamboos covered with decoration were deposited in the corners to supply him with water (De Morgan,
i- 43)-
2 Mr. Hale, however, very rightly points out that the Sakai are very ready to adapt themselves to circumstances in the matter of material. Thus elsewhere Mr. Wray remarks that the leaves of fan -palms are used by the Sakai to thatch their houses, and that, owing to the extreme hardness of the stems, they are not in the habit of cutting the palms down when felling the jungle for their clearings, which probably accounts for their great abundance {J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 21, p. i55)-
McGregor.
Tree Hut, Ulu Batu, about Twelve Miles from Kuala Lumpur, Selangor.
Vol. [.*. 18^5.
chap, m SAA AJ OF PERAK
house in question was more than an hour's climb from
water. It was surrounded by a clearing ol about two acres in extent, where tapioca, m.ii/.e, sugar < ui<\ and tobacco were grown. The house contained sixteen inhabitants, divided into six distinct family units, each of which had its own hearth. In the cast! ol a man having two wives, each wile had her own hearth, marked out by means of a low partition of split bamboos. There was a door in the (Mid-wall, and also an outlet in the slope of the roof.1
On the other hand, the Sakai huts observed in Ulu Kinta by De Morgan are described as being built very far apart from each other, and sittiated in the midst of immense plantations of tapioca, " sorgho " (?) and maize, from which it may possibly be deduced that they were on rather less strictly communal principles. De Morgan was invited to enter the Penghulu's hut, which was, like those at S. Raya, built at a height of about 1.50 m. from the ground. It was very small, but very clean. Blowpipes, arrows, and a spear hung from the roof, and it contained many betelleaf-wallets, necklaces, nets, lines, and a small but highly decorated piece of bamboo, the use of which was for carrying the worms used in rod-fishing.2
In another place, De la Croix, in describing the Sakai village of Kampong Chabang, in the upper reaches of S. Kerbu (a tributary of the Plus river in Perak, wahich is a few miles further north than Ulu Kinta), remarks that the village consisted of a dozen huts, erected in the midst of a clearing, on the banks of the river. The chiefs hut (the largest) was built upon piles, and measured ten metres in length by fiv^
1 Hale, p. 294. ii. 645, for illustrations showing ground-
- De Morgan, viii. 167. Cp. L'H. plan and elevations of a Sakai hut.
184 HABITATIOXS pari ii
metres in breadth. The flooring, consisting of tlattened tree-bark, was raised about a metre above the ground. Both the walls and the roof with its double slope were constructed alike of broad strips of bark, which afforded an excellent shelter from the floods of rain that fell in the wet season. A notched tree-trunk served as houseladder for giving access to the interior of the building.1
In the middle of the only room was placed a hearth consisting of a thick layer of clay deposited in a (square) wooden frame. This was the hearth ("dapor") of Malay houses. A few pots and receptacles of various kinds containing provisions were hung upon the walls. The remaining huts were all of the same type, except two or three whose side-walls were made of matwork, in imitation of the Malays. -
Pahang Sakai. — A graphic description of the mountain hut of a Sakai by Mr. L. Wray is interesting from the fact that the locality referred to is in the far interior of Pahang.
Mr. Wray wrote3 that the house (in the Tahan valley) in which he passed the night was a large and well-built one, and seemed to be occupied by two families. It was at an elevation of about 4000 feet (1225 m.), and being perched on the top of a cleared hill fully exposed to the winds, he found it very cold.
Hanging up in the house were strings of the lower jaws of monkeys, musangs, and other animals, and in another house he saw bunches of hornbill skulls. These were kept hanging up in the smoke as trophies, in the same way as the Dayaks keep human heads in their houses. Another custom which seemed to point
1 De la Croix, pp. 322, 323. Brau fifteen families in the same place (pp.
de S. P. Lias, in writing of the Sakai 279, 280). of Sungei Kerbu, adds that they 2 Ibid.
always lived in groups of from ten to z J. R. A. S., S. £?., No. 21, p. 162.
Transverse S
'
I itudirtal S<
^^
■ ■ ■ - ■ ■
I
! — — ~ ' -
Elevation Sakai House at Changkat Kerbu or Korbu,
; <! \\f, c
A ■.' il.l III I
■ \ tv--- 9
PI:
J* Dc Morgan.
House of Aborigines at Kuala Seleh, Ulu Klang.
McGregor.
McGregor. Huts at Durian Chandong, Via: Langat, about Three Milks above Klubi, rut ox
a Tributary of the Langat. Men absent Hunting. Vol. I. />. 185.
omap. in S i/CAJ <>/■' PAHA V6
to a connection between the two races was that they kepi large fires burning in the centre ol their hou during 1 1 1< - night, and thai it was only during the first part of the night that they slept, after that they sat up round the fire and talked till morning.1
Hut Furniture Pillows,
Perak Sakai. It appears that pillows were much more generally used by the Sakai than by the Semang.
The pillow of the Central Sakai (Senoi) men was always an ink-mode of bamboo, through each extremity of which four small round pegs were driven. The pillows of the women were the same, but they were usually fitted with a pair of pegs or " feet " pointed at both ends, so that by a blow they could be driven into the hole at the end or taken out. For this purpose part of the node was cut away, in order to allow the inside of the tube to be reached. Small objects that the women used for their toilet or for other purposes were kept in the interior of these bamboo pillows ; and by means of the " feet " they were prevented from falling out again. - These pillows were of various patterns, which differed with the tribe. The Central Sakai (Senoi), who always appear to have had a somewhat more artistic feeling than the other Sakai (Blandas), say that their bamboo pillows were formerly ornamented with incised lines or " painted " emblems,3 but that these are all now forgotten, and the form of pillow now universally employed is a kind of stuff-bag or pillow filled with cotton. This new form of pillow, however, could only be used when the tribe became more settled. So long as they remained entirely
1 Wray in /. R. A. S., S. B., No. 2 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) 186.
21, p. 162. 3 In original, ''painted totems"!
1 86 HAR1TATIUNS
I'ART II
nomadic, bulky things, such as these pillows, could not be carried with them ; and if the present cottonfilled pillows were left a week in a house uncared for, termites and other vermin would injure them, even if damp and mould did not do so.1
The bamboo pillows referred to formed part of the furniture of the house, and when not being used lay together in a corner.2
III. — Jakun.
Blandas. — As far as I was able to discover, the Blandas (Hill Tribes of the Kuala Langat district in Selangor) seldom if ever dwelt in leaf-shelters, and the only important difference between their houses and those of the Besisi — which will presently be described— lay in the far greater relative height of the wooden posts on which the Blandas house was built. These high-built huts of the Blandas were frequently entered by means of a movable ladder, which was removed when they went abroad into the forest. Their traditional pillow was a block of " pulai " (alstonia, a soft, cork-like wood).
Besisi. — On the other hand, although I never came across an instance of a Blandas family living in a tree-hut, I think there is practically no doubt that the Besisi, who had a relatively larger proportion of Semang blood in them, did occasionally do so. At S. Nipah (in the very same district of Selangor) I once knew a soi-disant Malay family (in reality they were Besisi converts) who lived in a tree-hut some 20 ft. to 30 ft. (6 m. to 9 m.) from the ground, and on one occasion I climbed up to have a look at it. The "hut" itself was a tiny shelter about 6 ft. (1.8 m.) in length,
1 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) 187, 188. 2 lb.
Sakai House, Lui River, Ulu Langat, Selangor.
Notice the height of the house-posts.
Aft Gregor.
y^„ -v tt McGregor.
Ground Hut with thatched Roof, Ulu Kuang, about Three Miles from
Vol. I. p. i J
Kuang Station, Selangor.
F. M. Elliot.
Besisi Huts about One and a Half Miles from Sepang,
showing abattis of trees felled as a protection against wild beasts.
-~„.-;^
/■'. M. Elliot.
Besisi Hut about One and a Half Miles from Sepang (Kuala Langat District of Selangor); showing overlapping Gablk-Ridgi-:.
1 was myself inside this hut when it was taken.
Vol. 1. p. 187.
chap, m SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR
by 4 ft, (i.a m.) in width, and was not more than three or tour feet high. The walls and root were made ol the Malay palm-leaf awning ("kajang"), and it contained a small sleeping-mat and mosquito-curtain (an unlookedfor luxury in SO poor an abode), and a few cooking and Other utensils. A man and his wife lived then
but I cannot say whether they had any children. Both
happened to be very short, I should say not more than 41' ft* (i«37 m-)' but I should much doubt whether either of them could stand upright in it. The method of entering it was enough to try the nerves of any one that was at all inclined to be dizzy. The ascent was achieved by means of the rudest and most primitive stick-ladder imaginable, a large creeper that grew upon the tree affording some slight additional assistance. On reaching the top of this ladder, one had to rest one's elbows upon the Moor of the shelter, and swing one's self up into safety by main force. The descent was, if anything, the more trying process of the two, yet the Malays did not appear to mind it.
The actual houses of the Besisi in this same district were built of timber and palm-thatch like the houses of the local Malays, but had several peculiar points about them. The slopes of the roof-gable, for one thing, were carried much lower than in an ordinary Malay house, and in some cases at least the eaves were actually level with the floor.
Another characteristic feature was that one of the slopes of the gable was frequently carried much higher than the other, so as to overlap and leave a gap through which smoke could issue, without the rain penetrating too easily. In the Malay type of house, the upper edges oi the two roof-slopes meet at the top, and the rain is kept out by an arrangement called
i j 8 HA Bl TA TIONS part i i
44 perabong,1' which covers over the gap between the edges.
The houses are exceedingly diminutive, much more so, in proportion to their inhabitants, than Malay houses ; in fact, I saw many among the Besisi that were little more than boxes. They are usually thatched with palm-leaves loosely strung together, the kind of leaves usually employed being either those of the fan-palm or the 44 bertam " palm. A few of these houses were supported on fairly high posts, higher than those of Malay houses. The Besisi, wrho carry the eaves of their huts down to the level of the floor, generally use, however, very short house-posts.
The joists are tied together with split rattan or other strong lashings, and each settlement, however small, is as a rule defended by an abattis of fallen trees. The Besisi often, perhaps in imitation of the Malays, erect a sort of landing of split " nibong " stems in front of the door whereon to winnow their grain.
The house of one of the Batins or big chiefs of the Besisi (Batin Suntai by name) was described to me in one of their tribal songs as follows : —
Song of the Batin's Hut.
" Kepong " bark was all its roofing, "Bertam" leaves were all the side-walls, 11 Bertam " stems were all the flooring, " Loyak :' stems were all its pillars. Such the house of Batin Suntai, At "Nine-Rivers," up the Kalis, — Durian-wood did form his pillow, Leaves of " lc-mba " were his dishes, His the beaten tree-bark girdle.
The pillow generally used by the Besisi is said to have been a block of hard wood, without feet, concave on the upper side, and convex on the lower,1 and cut
1 In the original it is described as take and an impossibility, which is being convex on the upper side, and clearly due to some confusion, concave underneath, an obvious mis-
i hap. in SAVAGE MM A KS 01 1ELA VGOR
off squarely at 1 1 1 < - end It differs from the Jakun and Blandas pillow, the wood <>i which wa i very loft
The II a la i.
Besisi. Before leaving the subject ol Besisi huts I must not omit to mention the important fact that there
were among these |akun tribes trace, <>l the use of a Tribal Hall, such as is always attached to the house of a Malay chief, and is called " Balai " both by Jakun and Malays. On the occasion of a Besisi wedding,
the Besisi of Ayer ham (on the Selangor coast) had built a hall of this kind at right angles to the house of their tribal chief or Batin (thus forming a sort of" T "- shaped building in which the " Balai ' formed the downstroke of the " T "). Such Balais are frequently mentioned in Besisi songs, and I think there is very little doubt that we do not find here a simple instance of borrowing from the Malays, but rather an example of a custom sprung from their common origin. The building in question was erected by the voluntary labour of all the men of the tribe (just as would have been the case if it had been built by a Malay chief), and it was large enough to contain abotit sixty to seventy people or more (the members of the tribe itself numbering about sixty). It was opposite the door of this building that the bell-shaped mound which was explained to me as the religious emblem of the tribe2 was thrown up. And it was inside this same building that the various tribal feasts took place.
Huts. Labu Tribes. — Their dwellings are the simplest and
1 Z.f.E. xxix. 186. See p. 186, supra, and p. 195, infra. 2 Cp. vol. ii. pp. 72-74.
1 9o HA Bl TA TIONS pa rt ll
rudest that can be imagined. Rowland, in writing of the Labu tribe that he observed, mentions that when they had deserted the house built by his coolies, with its raised sleeping-platforms, he found them again in the interior of the jungle (instead of at the edge), and that every married man (or bachelor) had built for himself a small round hut on the level of the ground. Each of these huts was entirely constructed of the leaves of the " bertam " palm (Eugeissona tristis, Griff.), measuring about two or three metres in length, the stalks of which were planted close together in the ground, so as to form a circle of about two metres in diameter ; the extremities of the leaves met at the top, but gave only a scanty shelter from the rain. The people in these huts lived upon the ground itself, which is always moist in the jungle, and generally considered to be unhealthy, and in heavy rain were not protected from flooding even by a ditch round the hut. Yet in these huts they soon recovered from their fevers and coughs, and regained their usual serenity. These huts stood close together, a few steps from a brook.1
Hut Furniture.
Kenaboi. — The Kenaboi, who appear determined in this as in many other things to take a different line from the Sakai, to which race Vaughan-Stevens says he assigns them,2 made their pillows of split lengths of bamboo cut square at each end, the lengths being interwoven with one another " in and out." The interior served the women for holding small objects,
1 Rowland, p. 708. have Semang affinities.
2 This begs the entire question. It 3 An obscure and obviously inis more probable that the Kenaboi may accurate description.
chap, in SAVAGE MALAYS Of MALACi I "/'
such as combs and medicines. The exa( I patterns
were said to be lost.1
I Ints and tlnir Furniture.
Mantra. — Of the Mantra huts, M. Boric says that their dwellings scarcely kept out the rain, and were open to every wind, most frequently being without cither doors or windows. The best of them consisted of nine posts, of which three were about a third longer than the six others. These nine posts were strongly planted in the ground in three rows, with the long posts in the centre ; these posts were then united at the top by means of longitudinal and transverse timbers lashed together by means of rattans ; upon these timbers were placed rafters 2 to sustain the roof, which was made of leaves ; and the floor, which was generally raised several feet above the ground, was formed by laying laths across the longitudinal and transverse timbers and covering these laths with the bark of trees ; the sides were similarly more or less covered in either with leaves or tree-bark/5
The following articles were found in a comparatively well-furnished Mantra hut, which was occupied by two men, two women, and two children. There were two blowpipes (" sumpitan "), several choppers and axes, two torch-stands, twro iron pans, two earthenware pots, two wallets or back-baskets (" sentong "), a kind of basket termed by the Malays "garing," two plates, two cups, five small tea-cups, four earthenware spoons, seven " sarongs," three jackets ("baju"), three pairs of trousers ("seluar"), four waist-bands, four headkerchiefs, one pair of ear-
1 Z.f. E. xxix. 187. 2 In original, "shingles" [sic).
3 Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 76.
I 92 HA /VTA TIONS part 1 1
studs (" subang "), three hair-pins, and three copper rings.1
Shelters and Tree-huts.
Jakun. — Of the tree-huts of the Jakun M. Borie says, that however poor might be the huts of the Mantra, those of the Jakun were still more primitive ; it was their custom to perch their domicile on trees, sometimes at a height of from 25 ft. to 35 ft. (7.6 m. to 10.6 m.) from the ground ;2 most commonly, however, they were only about twenty feet from the ground, and were ascended by means of a ladder, which even their dogs became accustomed to climbing.3
On the other hand, some members of the tribe would construct their huts at a height of no more than 3 ft. or 4 ft. (.91 m. to 1.2 m.) from the ground. Like the Mantra, they lived, ate, and slept on the main lioor of the building. At one side of it was the hearth, on which a fire was always kept burning to drive away mosquitoes, and they used the loft for putting away their weapons, their provisions, and their cooking utensils.4
Jakun of N. Sembilan. — The best houses of the Negri Sembilan Jakun were about the same as the poorer and ruder houses belonging to the Jakun of Johor, but others were, as described by Newbold, rude edifices perched on the top of four high wooden poles ; thus elevated for fear of tigers, and entered by means of a long ladder, and presenting, when viewed through certain holes which served as doors, no very satisfactory appearance to the uninitiated. The roofs were often thatched with "chucho" leaves. There was but one room, in which the whole family was huddled together, with their dogs and the bodies of such animals
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 254. and even more.
- Bigandet (p. 427) says 60 feet 3 Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 76. 4 lb.
chap, in WAGl MAI i r.v <>/ .: ,s
as they mighi have caught. They were interdicted, by one of their singular rules, from using any other wood than that of the " pStaling " and " jambu k'lat " in the construction of these huts. The huts were made to l>e movable .it a moment's warning; on the appearance of small-pox, or any other contagious disorder a whole encampment would vanish in the course ol a
single night. The huts were ordinarily situated on the steep side of some forest -clad hill, or in some sequestered dale, remote from any frequented road or footpath, and with little plantations of yams, plantains, and maize about them (some also had fields of rice). The bones and hair of the animals whose flesh the inmates might have been feeding upon strewed the ground near them, whilst numbers of dogs — generally of a light brown colour — gave timely notice of the approach of strangers.1
Jakun of Malacca. — The Malacca Jakun(or"Benua"), characterised by Favre as the most ignorant, were the poorest and most miserable, their best houses being about the same as the worst of those of the Menangkabaus ;a indeed Favre found several families who lived without houses at all. These latter, gathering themselves together to the number of five or six families, would choose a place in the thickest of the forest, and there clear a circle about 25-30 ft. (7.6 m. to 9 m.) in diameter ; having cleared this space, they would surround it with the branches of trees they had just cut ; to this they would add other thorny branches collected from other parts, and so make a sort of bulwark against tigers, bears, and panthers, which were present in good numbers. Having done this, they would proceed to establish their dwelling in the enclosure thus
1 Newbold, vol. ii. p. 404. 2 I.e. Inland Malays near Malacca.
VOL. I O
1 94 HA BIT A TIONS fa r t i i
formed in the following way : each family worked to construct what would afford them a bed during the night, a seat in the day-time, a table for their repasts, and a shelter in bad weather ; it consisted of about fifteen or twenty thin poles about 6 ft. (1.8 m.) long, which were laid the one beside the other, and supported at the two extremities by two transverse sticks set upon four wooden posts ; the completed structure being about two feet in height, four feet in breadth, and six feet in length. A dozen leaves of the "chucho" gathered together by their ends, and tied up at the head of the bed, extended over it and covered it from end to end. These beds were placed all round the enclosure, in such a position that when all the occupants were sleeping every one lay with his feet directed towards the centre of the hut, which was purposely left vacant, to serve either as a place for cooking, or for any other purpose.1 Jakun of Johor. — Before Favre himself visited the Jakun, report had induced him to consider them (he says) as savage as wild beasts, and as sleeping like birds on the branches of trees. Even afterwards when he questioned the Malays on the subject, some of them answered as before ; but this was far from being the truth, as there was no Jakun without some sort of more or less well-ordered dwelling. Some of them indeed had habitations which could scarcely be called houses ; but these were very few ; and for the most part they had houses. The Jakun of Johor built houses in the Malay manner, some of them being " fine buildings." Favre found several which were much more comfortable than any Malay house he had seen in the interior of Johor; such were the houses
^Translated in/. /. A. vol. ii. pp. 250, 257. For the original, see Favre in Ann. P. F. xxii. 301.
( hap. in SAVAGE MAl.A YS <>/ /( '//<'/■"
of the Penghulu Batin on the [ohor river, and that ol a [akun chid on the Benut river. These two hou were divided into several rooms, some ol which wert
for the private accommodation ol the Jakim \om«n, and the furniture consisted ol a lew pots, plat' several other similar vessels, and a good quantity of mats. Other houses were much more ordinary, but were yet pretty comfortable and clean, and were always divided into two or three rooms at least, and furnished with an iron frying-pan for cooking rice in, a few coconut-shells for holding water, and baskets for carrying food. All these houses were raised about 6 ft. (1.8 m.) from the ground, and were entered by a ladder like the Malay houses.1
House Furniture — Pillows.
Jakun (district unspecified). — The J akun pillow was, unlike the others, made of soft wood, probably because it could in that case be made without iron tools. It was always convex at the sides and underneath, but concave at the top, and was often stained red, yellow, or black. These colours were obtained, the red from a tree-bark, the yellow from a root, and the black from a mixture of oil and charcoal. The yellow appears from the description to be the Malay " kunyit " or turmeric — a well-known root. The particular tree which gave the red is not known, although there are several trees whose bark gives a red colour.
It was the log-pillows of the women which were most carefully stained. Those of the men were used during the day for all sorts of purposes, e.g. as a float for a crocodile line, in which case their dark colour
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. pp. 255, 256.
1 96 HABITATIONS part ii
makes them easily visible, and hence soon shows where the crocodile has gone after swallowing the bait. The above type of pillow, however, is never seen now ; stuff-pillows filled with cotton having replaced it.1
Houses and House Furniture.
Benua-Jakun of Johor. — According to Logan, the houses of the Benua of Johor varied greatly in size, neatness, and finish. They were much slighter and more primitive than the huts of the Malays, the greater part consisting only of one small room raised on thin posts made of saplings, with a rough flooring of small sticks placed at irregular distances, and sometimes with such large gaps between them that children were liable to fall through. The sides were made of bark,2 and were generally enclosed all round, but sometimes they had only a piece of bark here and there, and Logan himself slept in houses three sides of which were quite open. A rude and very narrow and steep ladder led to an open doorway. The roof was covered with leaves, commonly those of the " serdang," which answer as well as the leaves of the nipah palm, but last only half as long. The leaves of the" Palas" and other palms were also occasionally used, and Logan was told that even padi-straw was sometimes collected for thatch. The floor was constructed at various heights from 5-9 ft. (1.5 m. to 2.7 m.) above the ground. In localities where elephants abounded it was generally high. Houses of greater pretensions were sometimes to be seen. On the Pau, Logan visited a house which, under one roof, had a large hall with an
1 Z.f. E. xxix. (V.-St.) p. 189. chiefly used for this purpose, both in
2 The bark of the "kepong" was Johor and by the Berembun tribes.
i ha?, m MALA YAh > VPS/1 >n
elevated recess Facing the door, where guests sat during the day and slept at night. At the sides wen two large rooms and a long narrow apartment with two fireplaces and an array ol cooking utensils. An open platform, a foot or two below the level ol the
floor, connected the liall with two other bedrooms under a separate roof. At 1'aya Sandar, near the
Sembrong, he visited another large cottage which, in addition to bedrooms which were partitioned off, had several recesses with curtains of coarse cloth hung before i hem. Sleeping mats and pillows were in every house.1
Berembun Tribes. The Berembun tribes had mats, but as a rule no pillows or curtains. Coarse Chinese curtains were general, but were often lacking, and where this was the case the whole family, with the guests, slept in one and the same open apartment, and were sometimes packed rather closely together. There were usually two fireplaces, and these, in the larger huts, were sometimes in a separate room, but they were in general at one side of the single apartment, where the floor was depressed by about a foot.2
Udai. — According to Newbold, the Udai were said rarely to construct huts. They employed the day in roaming the forest, and sank down to rest wherever fatigue or the shades of night overtook them.8
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Orang- Laut, Sletar. — The Sletar tribe of the Orang Laut, though confining their wanderings to a limit of some 30 m. sq. (7500 hectares), might still be considered highly nomadic. In boats (or " sampans") barely sufficient to float their load, they would skirt the man-
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 253, 254. 2 lb. 3 Newbold, ii. 381, 382.
198 HABITATIONS part n
groves, collecting their food from the shores and forests as they proceeded, exhausting one spot and then searching for another. To one accustomed to the comforts and wants of civilisation, their life appeared to be one of extreme hardship. Huddled up in a small boat hardly measuring 20 ft. (6 m.) in length, they yet found in it all the domestic comfort they were in want of; at one end was the fireplace, in the middle the few utensils of which they might be in possession, and at the other end beneath a network awning (or " kajang "), not exceeding six feet in length, was the sleeping apartment of a family numbering as many as five or six, together with a cat and dog ; under this awning they took shelter from the dews and rains of the night, and from the heat of the day. Even the Malays in pointing out these confined quarters exclaimed "how miserable," though of any misery the objects of their commiseration were not aware. In these same quarters they found all their wants supplied ; their children would sport on the shore at low water in search of shell-fish ; and during high water they might be seen climbing the mangrove branches, and dashing from thence into the water, with all the life and energy of children of a colder clime, at once affording a proof that even they were not without their joys.1
Opang* Laut, Sabimba. — The Sabimba tribe (of the Orang Laut) erected in the forest rude temporary huts, the floors of which were on the level of the ground, and never remained long in the same spot.-'
Orang" Laut, Muka Kuning*. — The tribe consisted of about fifty families, who lived scattered in small huts beneath the trees of the forest. Their huts were
1 J. 1. A. vol. i. pp. 344*, 345*. 2 Logan in/. /. A. vol. i. p. 297.
chap, in MALA \ AN SEA GYPSIi 199
formed of a rude platform supported by lour post - about three feet in height, from which the rool oi " s£rdang " leaves rose at once without any inter vening wall. They were open at both ends, and had
no ladder or door.1
Orang: Laut, Beduanda Kalian^-. Before the British obtained possession of Singapore, the Kallang river, which may be said to bound the present suburbs of
Singapore to the eastward, was the immemorial haunt of a small tribe who lived in boats, but avoided the sea. Upon the cession of Singapore they were removed by the Temenggong2 to the Pulai, where they have remained ever since. They formerly consisted of about one hundred families, occupying as many boats, but these members were reduced to eight by the ravages of small-pox. They had so much dread of the sea3 that they did not venture to quit the river, and constantly proceeded towards the interior before night. When a strong breeze arose they would drag their boats ashore, but yet they never made huts.4
Orang Laut, Akik. — The Akik tribe of the Orang Laut, on the other hand, did build houses, erecting temporary sheds called " bagan " along the coast, whenever they had occasion to go ashore to build boats, mend nets, or collect dammar or wood-oil, etc. Otherwise they resided along with their families in their boats for months together, during which they employed themselves both in fishing and in collecting Zostera (agar-agar) and beche-de-mer (or tripang). They frequently made long voyages in their fragile vessels.5
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 337*. 3 But see p. 94, n. 9.
2 I.e. the Raja of Johor. 4 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 300.
5 Newbold, ii. 413, 414.
CHAPTER IV.
Hunting, Trapping, and Fishing.
Although the aboriginal tribes of the Peninsula do not usually resort to the hunting of game until their supply of vegetable food begins to give out, and they thence begin to feel the pressure of want, yet from the moment they set out on the chase they shake off their apparent apathy and appear as if transformed, showing themselves most keen, clever, and determined hunters. Their rate of progress through even the thickest parts of the jungle has already been noticed. In shooting, they are most careful and accurate, seldom wasting an arrow or a dart, and simple as their weapons may appear to us, they are able with these imperfect means to attack and destroy both the elephant and the tiger. Their powers of scent, sight, and hearing are very fully developed ; they are credited with the power of tracking snakes (which, however, have a fairly strong odour) by their smell alone. Their knowledge of the movements of game amounts to intuition ; they know better than any one the rare hot springs and " salt licks " where the wild beasts congregate, the small cleared patches on lonely mountain-heights where the argus pheasant " dances,"
or the monkey-king hunts for grubs, and the far-off
I IIAf. I\
Gl VERAl REM Ah
i
forest pools, which .in- the drinking-pla >i the
birds.1
The weapons of these tribes consist chiefly of the blowpipe and the bow, the former being the weapon of the Sakai, the latter that of the Semang. 1 <> th<
may be added a rude kind of adze and a jungle-knife
ov chopper, spears of palm-wood or bamboo, which are replaced by iron-bladed weapons among the Malayising tribes. Of the use of the "squailer" or
throwing-Stick, there is not much recorded, although these are undoubtedly used, especially by the Jakun tribes of the south. Throw ing-sticks of hard wood, some of which are sharpened at one end only whilst others are sharpened at both, are also used by the Peninsular Malays, by whom they are called (as by the Jakun) "seligi."2 They are, moreover, I believe, much used by other races of Indo-China.
In trapping and fishing they are particularly expert — some of their traps having the simplicity of
1 Of their extraordinary skill in jungle travelling, M.-Maclay wrote as follows : — Knowing the direction in which he was to go and keeping it in mind, the Sakai would try to find out the thinner patches in the jungle. The saplings which he could not avoid he would bend aside with his hand without breaking them ; the larger ones he would stoop or creep underneath. He would never tear or cut away a liana or creeper which hung in his way, preferring to hold it in his hand and crawl underneath it ; and in spite of this constant stooping and crawling, circumventing and circuitous running, he would advance with great rapidity. In following, not without trouble, these real men of the jungle, M.-Maclay had to confess that, in spite of his long experience and practice in these things, he had found his master in a fifteen -year-old boy (/. ^. A. S., S.B.,
No. 2, pp. 212, 213).
2 Capt. J. Bradley mentions seeing on several occasions in the Peninsula what he evidently took for " squailers," and though he gives no details of locality, his evidence is very circumstantial. Thus in one place he says that outside the tree-huts which they discovered, '-a number of spears were laid among the branches of the trees." These consisted merely of "long sticks of hard wood, sharpened at both ends " ; in other words, the Malay " seligi " (J. Bradley, Travel and Sport, p. 298). In yet another place he mentions that he found, "in the interior of one of the huts, a number of short thick sticks intended apparently as missile weapons. Several of them had traces of blood and feathers adhering to them, as if they had been used for knocking down birds" (id. p. 330).
202 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING part ij
genius. Snares are perhaps the most commonly employed by them, often differing little from those in use among the Malays — in which case it is hard to say which way the borrowing went. An example of this is to be seen in the Semang rat-trap, which appears to be exactly identical with a bamboo rat-trap commonly used by the Malays [e.g. in Selangor and Perak). So, too, many of the bird-snares and monkey-traps employed by the Jakun are hardly to be distinguished from those used by the Malays, although in a few instances, such as in their method of catching fish by splashing or dabbling for them, and a peculiar method of entrapping the argus pheasant, the Langat Malays themselves informed me, probably not without good reason, that they had picked up these ideas from the Jakun in the same district.
I. — Semang.
Hunting and Trapping. Semang (locality unspecified). — The Semang handle both the bow and the spear with wonderful dexterity, and destroy even the largest and most powerful animals (such as the elephant and rhinoceros) by ingenious contrivances. They are also very expert with the blowpipe, and poison their darts with a deadly poison called Ipoh, procured from the juice of various trees. They seldom suffer from beasts of prey, as they are extremely sharp-sighted, and as agile in climbing trees as the monkeys. Their method of destroying elephants, in order to procure their flesh or their tusks, is both extraordinary and ingenious. When they have perceived any elephants ascending a hill, they lie in wait in small parties of two or three, and as the animals descend again (which
. hap. iv NEGRITi
they usually do at a slow pace, plucking the brand as they mow along), while the hind legs are lifted up, the Semang cautiously approach them from behind,
and drive, by main force, a sharp pointed and fire hardened splinter of ham boo or palm- wood (" nibong "), which has been touched with poison, into the sole ot their victim's foot.1 In this way they effectually lame
him, and not unfrequently brine him down, when the whole party rush upon him with spears and sharppointed sticks and soon despatch him. The rhinoceros they obtain with yet greater ease. This animal, which is of solitary habits, is frequently found wallowing in marshy places, with its whole body immersed in the mud and only part of its head visible. The Malays call such an animal " badak tapa," or the " recluse " rhinoceros. Especially towards the close of the rainy season they are said to seek places in which to bury themselves in this manner, and upon the dry weather setting in, through the powerful effect of the vertical sun, the mud which surrounds them forms a hard thick crust, in which the rhinoceros is imbedded, and from which it cannot effect its escape without some difficulty and exertion. The Semang thereupon collect large quantities of combustible materials which they convey to the spot, and quietly approaching, quickly build up over the animal an immense fire, which, being well fed with fresh fuel, soon completes his destruction, and renders him in a fit state to make a meal of. The projecting horn on the snout is carefully preserved, as it is supposed
1 J. /. A. vol. iv. p. 426 ; cf. infra, p. man who . . . would drive a large-bladed
207,;/.!. And cp. also Ridley,, Mam mals spear between the hind legs [of the
of the Malay Peninsula, p. 163 : "The elephant] into the abdomen, which
Aborigines known as Sakai sometimes wound was soon after fatal, and tracking
hunt it. There was recently living a the animal he would secure the ivory.''
2o4 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING part n
to be possessed of medicinal properties, and is highly prized by the Malays, to whom the Semang generally barter it for tobacco and similar commodities.1
Kedah Semang1. — I had, unfortunately, while in the Semang country no opportunity of testing in the capacity of an eye-witness the remarkable account of their methods of big-game hunting as related above by Marsden. The weighty authority of the latter, however, should strongly support his account, even if we did not know that in other parts of the world, and even of the Malay Peninsula itself, methods quite as ingenious have been recorded." The Semang of Kedah, in addition to the bow, spear, and blowpipe, make use of all sorts of ingenious traps, pitfalls, and snares to secure their quarry. Birds are caught by means of a species of bird-lime manufactured from the viscid sap of some of the numerous "ficus" or "gutta" trees that abound in the forest, and even rats are caught by means of a peculiar snare which resembles, however, in principle, a rat-trap commonly used by the Malays. For hunting purposes a kind of semi-wild reddish-coloured dog is used, but it does not appear to have much pace.
I may add that the Semang do not appear as a rule to keep the domestic cat, but they not unfrequently make pets of young monkeys (e.g. the " lotong "), which, it is alleged, are sometimes brought up by hand.
Perak Semang. — Mr. L. Wray writes me (in a letter dated November 12, 1903) that the Semang of Upper Perak kill big game by means of their bows and arrows, the latter being poisoned, and having barbed heads and detachable fore-shafts.
1 J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 426, 427. not credit this account, which is
2 Mr. Wray informs me that he does supported by Logan and others.
chap, i NEGRITOS Of A Bk
Kedah Semang. The wilder Negrito tribes who live on high mountains naturally depend little upon lish as an article ol diet. Those who dwell near rivers, however (<•..•;. the Semang ol Siong), no 1- naturally make use <>i fish for purpo i ol Food, and though I believe the) usually eat them in a fr< condition, the) certainly do not always do is
stated of the Sakai by Mai- The simplest instru-
ment that they employ for this purpose is ,i kind of
small basket-work scoop, which is made of bamboo,
and is used lor catching small fry in pools or sluggish waters, or in any place, from which their retreat is cut off. For angling the Semang employ the rod and line, the rod being usually a straight unpeeled stick about six feet in length, and the line — which is usually not much longer than the rod — being made from twisted strands of tree-bark (Artocarftus). The line is always made fast to the tip of the rod, and no reel is used, though the use of it is well known to the neighbouring Malays. The hooks are, as a rule, roughly manufactured from bits of brass or other wire. In addition to the foregoing the Semang are adepts in the use of fish - spears and harpoons, by means of which they kill or capture quite large fish and tortoises. The harpoon used by the Semang at Siong was of very great length (about ten feet), and was made of the leaf-stem of a kind of large palm. The river being shallow at this spot, and full of obstacles, the Semang who was to act as harpooner
1 Cp. De M. viii. 285: " Beside the the coast, whence they obtain salt, river Krian the Semang frequently de- nipah leaves, shell-fish, and fish which scend to the plain, on their way to they d)y." Cp. UHomnie, ii. 716.
206 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING PART n
would take his stand in concealment behind a fallen tree-trunk or snag, and there wait whilst another Semang drove the fish upstream towards him. The fish in endeavouring to conceal themselves from the latter would naturally make for the snag or tree-trunk, thus affording his opportunity to the harpooner.
The harpoon-head wras of iron, obtained from the local Malays, and the shaft was the leaf- stem of a palm called " ranggam."
The temporary poisoning of the stream by means of the root of Derris elliptica (Mai. "tuba"), which is a general method of fishing among the Peninsular tribes, may also have been practised by the Semang at Siong, but I neither saw nor heard anything of it during my stay, any more than I did of the use of the casting-net.
II. — Sakai.
Hunting and Trapping.
Perak Sakai. — Their most important weapon is the bamboo blowpipe, a full account of which will appear in a later chapter. By means of the poisoned darts blown through this tube, both birds and monkeys and other small animals are brought down from quite high trees at distances varying up to 60 yds. (55 m.).1
Mr. L. Wray informs me that he knew of a well-authenticated case of a leopard being killed near Gopeng in Perak by a Sakai with a blowpipe.
To kill an elephant the Sakai stalk it from behind
1 "Almost their only weapon consists couple of minutes. They say that if
of a blowpipe about seven or eight feet they can hit an elephant or a pig
long, from which they shoot poisoned in the eye, a couple of darts will do
darts with great accuracy as much as the job" (J. R.A.S., S.B., No. 4,
thirty or even forty paces (23 m. to p. 29). Cp. De M. ii. 649 seq. for
30 m. ) ; a single dart is sufficient further notes on hunting and
to bring a bird or monkey down in a trapping.
Sakai with Spring-Trap, Perak.
Cemttu
Sakai with Trap, Perak— Boy explaining its Action.
Vol. I. /. 206.
m-s
*&•-
■
BKJmJB^B
C emit i.
Sakai Boy watching Rat-Tkai-, Gunong Urn. Ui.u Slim.
Sakai Boy watching Pig-Trap (with Spring-spear), Ulu Slim.
Cerruti.
CHAP, iv A .// (>/■ PERAh
until they arc able to drive a sharp pointed stake into the sole of its fool as th<- latter is lifted in walking. The elephant being thus effectually lamed, and unable tO pursue them, they shoot their poisoned darts
into him from behind a tree (preferably into his eye),
and thus despatch him. They are no less ready to attack the tiger and the rhinoceros.1
The Sakai of Perak, like the Semang, not unfrequently employ dogs in the chase, a custom which Mohammedanism has, no doubt (to some extent, though not entirely), brought into disuse among the Malays. -
The traps and snares used by the Sakai are of various sorts and sizes, one of the commonest being the "b'lantek" or spring-spear trap, of which there is a very good account in Hale.3 This trap is used for killing game of almost any size, from the rhinoceros to the porcupine. When used for large game the spear is either manufactured from a single piece of bamboo, or has its shaft made of a hard piece of wood, with a bamboo spike or blade firmly bound to its lower extremity. In either case the point of the weapon is generally fire-hardened. For small mammals a hardwood shaft, the end of which is similarly sharpened and fire-hardened, is employed.
The " b'lantek" described by Mr. Hale is one of the forms of a Malay spear-trap called " b'lantek parap," or the " slapping spring-spear." The different parts of it are as follows : —
1 De la Croix, p. 335. De M. held in a bent position by a bit of {V Homme, ii. 651) questions the truth jungle cord, which at a touch releases of this account. the spring, when the spike, which is
2 J. I. A, vol. iv. p. 429. eight to ten inches long, is buried in
3 Hale, pp. 289, 290. Cp. "They the animal. The existence of these generally get pigs and deer by an in- spring traps makes it advisable always genious wooden spring made of the to be accompanied by a Sakai guide branch of a tree with a bamboo spike when moving about their country." — fixed to the end of it ; the spring is J. R. A. S., S. B.> No. 4, p. 29.
2o8 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING PART n
(i) A powerfully elastic and tapering rod or " spring " is set horizontally, with its thicker end passed between two trees, the butt-end of the spearshaft (2) being securely lashed to its thinner extremity.
Two strong uprights (3) and (4), firmly planted in the ground at right angles to the big spring, are then connected by a stout cross-bar (5) and two pairs of crossed sticks (6) and (7), the latter being planted in the ground in a line with the two uprights.
A cord is then made fast to the outside pair of cross-sticks (7) and attached to a rattan ring (8), which slides along the cross-bar (5) till the cord connecting it with (7) is drawn taut ; the smaller end of the big spring is drawn back till it touches the anterior upright (3), and set by means of a strong bamboo noose (9), which is held by a small spring (9), the other end of which is connected with the rattan ring (8) already referred to.
Any animal which passes along the path between the two sets of cross-sticks (6) and (7) and touches the taut cord, in so doing pulls away the rattan ring (8) and releases the small spring (9), which flies up, releasing the big spring in its turn, the result being that the spear is driven, with all the force that the spring is capable of giving it, straight towards the animal that touched the cord.
The next kind of spring-trap, referred to by Hale, is one in which the big wooden spring is made to strike the butt-end of a spear, causing it to fly like an arrow across the track of any passing animal.
This spring-trap is undoubtedly the " b'lantek paut," or "draw-back spring-spear," of the Peninsular Malays.
The third kind of spring-trap, which is described
f. 7
I.
i 234 De Morgan.
Types of Fish-Hooks (Natural and Artificial),
- Natural hooks of the rattan or climbing cane {Calamus),
- Single Malay fish-hook (iron).
- Double hook of rattan used by aborigines.
- Single hook of rattan used by aborigines,
■■<.-
lV ^-vJ' i' ~1
. ,fj£ ->f <aY ^
De Morgan.
Sakai Fish-Dam, for catching Fish in the Kinta River at Lubo' Kelah i " Lobou Kela").
See p. 211. {X.B. The lettering is not explained in De Morgan's text.)
(ii \i'. i\ . /A . // <>/■ /'/ /
as being worked on the bou principle, is the Mala) 11 b'lantek t fir bang," or " flying spring-spear."
I dn not, however, give Hale's description, as he states that t h< - Sakai professed " utter ignorant e of it.1
All three forms of the spring-spear-trap described are, however, certainly known to and used by the
Peninsular Malays, though it may be an open question
whether the Malays or the aboriginal tribes were the
first tO employ it.
Of ordinary snares or springes (tor animals and birds) Male says that they are made of rattan by the Sakai and variously set ; the most usual form being a simple rattan noose set taut by a stout wooden spring : with these they catch rats, squirrels, and animals as large as the porcupine. '
Bird-lime is also employed. The sap of a " guttatree " is boiled down until it attains the required consistency, when it is applied to a number of thin slips of rattan, these slips being thickly planted over the ground to catch small birds : of some gregarious sorts, like the little padi-bird, great numbers are taken.5
Fishing.
Perak Sakai. — Of the Kinta Sakai Hale says that they do not trouble themselves about fishing until their vegetable food is on the point of exhaustion. They live on the mountain -tops, and do not go down to the big rivers for fish unless forced to do so by scarcity of food.4 Once in about three months they will make a journey to one of the big rivers, and there, by means of fish-dams,' etc., obtain a large
1 Hale, p. 290. 2 lb. 3 lb. p. 291. * lb.
5 Cp. De M. in UH. ii. 653.
210 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND PI SUING pari ii
supply of fish. They do not, however, understand the drying of it, and hence even the biggest haul only means a few days' feasting, while the fish remains good.1
De Morgan states that fishing with rod and line (lignes volantes) is practised by the Sakai, a very primitive form of hook being employed, which consists of the " curved-back " thorns of certain kinds of rattan (Calamus), the line being made from strands of treebark (the fibres of Artocarpus)?
De la Croix says they are very clever at making 11 bow-nets," etc., and that he and Mr. Brooke Low, in ascending S. Kerbu, saw many small Sakai fishinghuts on the banks.3
The Sakai also make much use of "very beautiful casting-nets," manufacturing the twine of which the net is made from the inner bark of a creeper, by twisting two strands together on the thigh in the usual way. These nets are weighted, according to Hale, with chains manufactured from tin, which are obtained from the Malays, and attached to the outside edge of the net.4
De Morgan, however, sawT some which were of still simpler construction, and weighted with stones,-' the twine of which the net was made being manufactured from strands of bark of the " t'rap," or wild breadfruit tree (Artocarptis).
1 Hale, p. 291. carrying the worms that they use as
2 L? Homme, ii. 653, 655 ; but, on bait. Cp. U Homme, ii. 619 (illustrathe other hand, Hale (p. 291) states tion).
that the Sakai "do not appear to 3 De la Croix, pp. 322-325;
know anything of angling." De M. L' Homme, ii. 655.
(HH ii. 655) also speaks of their em- 4 Hale, p. 291.
ploying small bamboo receptacles for 5 De M. vii. 418.
. HAP. iv SAKAI OF /'/■ A'. /A
Fish'dantSy Weirsy and Traps.
1 he Sakai also commonly take fish by means ol fish-dams, weirs, and traps (all ol which are constructed verj closel) in accordance with the metho o\ the Malays, from whom they are most probably to a great extent copied. In the case ol a wide
shallow river, a Y-shaped fish- fence is set across the
stream, and a lish-trap or " weel " set at the point of the V (which fronts upstream). 1 )eep narrow streams are fenced or dammed across, and the weels set in the opening.1
Hale describes in detail (p. 291) an extensive fish-trap which he saw in the Kinta river, where it was about sixty yards (54 m.) wide and rather swift.
His description is as follows : —
A is a grating of bamboo, B a platform to catch the fish. C and D are two rows of strong posts. This grating is built half-way across the river (30 yards ?), and being strongly made wall last a year. During flood-time many fish are taken, but most during the driest season of the year, when the second half of the river is dammed and all the water made to pass through the grating.
In order to assist this latter process the scrapings of a certain poisonous jungle-root 2 is thrown into the river some distance above the grating, the effect of which is to drive the fish down half-stupefied. Several hundred fish (many of a large size) are often taken by this means.
1 De Morgan relates how he passed for catching fish (De Morgan, viii. 160). a night in a deserted (Sakai) fishing- 2 Doubtless Derris ellipticay called
hut which fronted a huge dam (then "tuba" by the Malays; v. Wray,
half demolished) which had been used Per. Mies. N., No. I. pp. 19-23.
212 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING i n
Hunting and Trapping.
Selangor Sakai. — The second form of spring-spear trap ("b'lantek paut ") appears to be identical with that described as the " p'lantek " by Letessier, among the Sakai of the Kuala Lumpor district.
Among the snares used by these Sakai, the " p'lantek " (he says) is the commonest and most dangerous, being composed of a strong springy rod furnished with a bamboo dart, which is intended to pierce any animal of sufficient size that disengages (in passing) the short cord keeping the rod in position. Before crossing the felled trees (which are always in the proximity of a Sakai habitation) for the first time, it is just as well to ascertain that there are no traps of this description along the route.1
In a graphic account of some Sakai tribes of the Ulu Langat district, the late Mr. J. A. G. Campbell remarked that it was very amusing to go out hunting with the Sakai in the jungle, and to see the stealthy way in which they went through it without breaking a twig. Although their pace seemed slow, it was very difficult to keep up with them, and they seldom failed to bring home some bird or beast for their evening meal. No other race in the Malay Peninsula could be compared with them in respect of their wonderful knowledge of the jungle. They were absolutely at home in it, and did not mind sleeping out in the rain either under a tree or up among its branches. They had a wonderful instinctive knowledge of the presence of animals, and could tell, when nobody else could, of a bird or animal moving at a great distance. They were even believed to be able to track
1 Letessier, p. ioo.
McG, SAk.M in Jungle Accoutrements, Sungei Berang, Seven Miles from Tanjong Mai.i.v
Vol. [.p. 212.
^^BC^-
« n \r. iv \ K Al OF Sh I ANGOR I J
snakes l>\ their smell, ami could at all events catch any number ol them without the slightest difficulty. The Sakai oi Ulu Langat made a good deal ol mon< l>\ selling animals and birds to the Mali I hey
hunt with blowpipes, spears, and knives ; but some
have bought guns, \ hich many of them use in common.
They seldom hope to get more than two deer a year each, hut count on about fifteen pigs. They have
many modes of trapping game, a favourite one being
to make game-fences (made of sticks planted in rows with palm-leaves tied across them), some of which are 500 yards (450 m.) long, and then to drive the game against this fence, and there shoot or spear it. They have many other snares which are well known to the Malays. They are not particularly brave. Many of them who have guns are not brave enough to hunt the elephant or bison, and are not ashamed to tell you so.1
Fishing.
Selangor Sakai. — The method of fishing which the Sakai consider the most important from their point of view, since it is also the most effective, consists in temporarily poisoning small streams and rivers in the manner already described, by means of the powerful sap obtained from the pounded root of a plant wahich the Malays call " tuba" (Derris ellipticd). By means of this poison which is thrown into the river fish are stupefied in large numbers,- and may then be caught by hand or transfixed with a sort of harpoon or gaff made for the purpose.
1 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 243. whether this method of fish-poison-
2 The fish stupefied by means of ing is borrowed from the Malays, " tuba " are in no case, I believe, killed or vice versa. It is in any case a outright by the poison. I should add, custom of exceedingly wide distribuperhaps, that it is impossible to tell tion.
2i4 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND PISHING part n
The following descriptionof oneof the Fishing Feasts of the Selangor Sakai, which was witnessed by the writer in the interior of Selangor (Ulu Langat district), is taken from the account ] of Father Letessier. He writes that the fishing at Ulu Beranang, at which he was present, was a great festivity. Installed upon the bank under a few large leaves of the " bertam " palm, which were made to lean obliquely against a horizontal pole nine feet from the ground, each family at evening counted the fish caught, and dried them upon a large wooden grill built over the fire, where a bountiful supper was cooking.
The children, one above the other, holding on to the giant creepers which hung from the great trees, swung themselves from bank to bank or played in the water, in spite of their mothers, who feared that the poison might affect their little ones. Indeed, one of them suffered a long time from colic from having drunk the water too soon.
After supper, which was served on plates of leaves, without spoon or fork, the children recommenced their games, whilst their elders smoked cigarettes, stretched at ease upon branches or mats. The women, who had done nothing during the day, continued drying the fish far into the night.
III. — Jakun.
Htmting and Trapping.
Blandas. — The Blandas of K. Langat, like most of the tribes referred to, will eat everything that they can catch, and are very expert in the use of the blowpipe, and employ dogs to discover their quarry. They
1 Letessier, p. ioo.
M i , <
Sakai fishing \i I'm Kali, I'm Sei vngor.
«>•
Tf^-r :,\
MCG
Aborigines Fishing at 1"li~ Ki.axg.
Women in stream driving the rish, old man r>n the bank with hand-net (" bintoh ").
Voh I. p. 214.
Two Sakai Women with Pet Jungle-Pigs. Ulu Slim, Perak.
Cerrnti.
Sakai Women and Children with Pet Jungle-Pig.
The children's turn (notice face-paint of woman feeding child). Ulu Slim. Perak.
Vol. I. />■ 215.
i haf, iv WAGE '/.// AYS Of ii ANGOR 215
do not, however, in hunting trust merely to their own skill, o- to that of their dogs, as the following 1 harm which vvas given me by them as a charm oi gn efficacy in bringing down monkeys, will show: —
The Monkey Chaem.
( Inarm the lonli ol ape and Dion!
Souls oilotengi ''•,;"'i and Come ye ii«>w 11 01 feed the w Ud bes ( (imc <- di ro 11 ' 'i feed the beai -cal I 'I is the "lemp'rai" stem up-tippling, "Pis the "lnnp'iai" stem down-settling, 'Tis the "kumbang" item down-settling I Forward then, at random stoppin . Though one handmaid be short measure — Come ye down, with souls enchanted, Monkeys, by my spells enchanted. Lo, it is no dew descending, But the tears of apes and monkeys, Tears of lotong, /■></, and ivcCwcC. Maidens, 'tis your souls descending. Deem ye me some tree-stump walking, Deem ye me the lightning's shadow. Though your eyes may see me walking, Walk I hid, as one smoke-shrouded. Though I pass, may ye not see me.
The Blandas also occasionally keep wild animals for future consumption, though they cannot exactly be said to fatten them. I have seen a young wild pig kept in this way, a strong cage being built for it underneath the raised hut -floor of a Blandas man who lived on the river Langat.
Besisi. — The Besisi of K. Langat, in hunting, still as a rule use the blowpipe, though in many places it is fast becoming obsolete. Most of them also are well provided with spears and jungle-knives, but in a good many cases one meets with men who have managed to barter or buy an old Tower musket from the Malays, and this gun is then used in common by all members of the tribe.
The Besisi, like most of the aborigines, are won-
216 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING PARI n
derful woodsmen. When I was at Sepang they frequently brought me in wild animals and birds that they had caught alive, among them being specimens of the Malayan partridge (" sorong lanting "), the " bertam " bird, the argus pheasant or " kuau," various kinds of chevrotain, and even, on one occasion, the rare and curious mammal called Gymnura (" pijatpijat "). So, too, in his account of the wild tribes of the same district, Mr J. A. G. Campbell remarked that the Besisi (" Orang Laut ") used to bring him as many as ten "mangrove" snakes (" ular bakau ") at a time, telling him they had caught them all that morning. Monkeys, birds, tiger-cats, etc., were sold by them for very small sums, and a monkey that would bring ten dollars in Singapore could be bought from them for twenty cents.1
In addition to spring-traps, such as those already described, many kinds of fall-traps and springes ol various kinds, as well as game-fences, were used by the Besisi for trapping game of different sorts and sizes.
For bird-lime many sorts of trees possessing a viscous sap were resorted to and the sap mixed in various proportions, the liquid being boiled down if necessary till a proper consistency is reached. The sticky gum thus obtained was applied to the ends of a number of short rattan sticks or slivers (from i ft. to 2 ft. in length), and these as a rule were set in notches cut for the purpose with a jungle-knife in the branches of the trees to which the birds resorted.
The bird-lime was usually kept (by the Besisi) in small bamboo tubes, which were corked with a section of the leaf-stalk of a " bertam " palm.
In order to capture the argus pheasant the follow-
1 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 243.
chap, iv SAVAGE MALA KS Ok SEl A VGOR
ing very peculiar though cruel method was pur led. The argus pheasant, which is .1 most beautiful bird, is exceedingly sh) oi man, and liv« s, a a rule, .1 long way off iii the hilly part <>i the forest, where it maj be heard calling, and sometimes (but very rarelj \ can be seen flying overhead.
Here and there these birds have regular dancinggrounds which they clear of weeds and small shrubs by seizing the roots with their beaks and twisting their necks round the steins so as to drag the latter up out of the ground.
The Besisi of Kuala Langat, being aware ol this habit, search for one of their dancing-grounds and plant in the centre of it one or two long and flexible slivers of bamboo, bent double so as to form a stiff kind of noose standing upright in the ground. The edges of these slivers are as sharp as knives, and when the birds twist their necks in the nooses (mistaking them, it is alleged, for newly-grown weeds) and try to drag them out of the ground, they generally kill or choke themselves in doing so.1
Fishing.
Besisi. — The Besisi of Langat (as their claim to be Orang Laut might lead us to expect) are very expert fishers. Their bait,- for the most part, consists of worms, especially the sand-worm (" pumpun sarang "), which they stalk and very adroitly dig up out of the sand before it has time to bury itself too deeply. They commonly also use, however, the " pumpun
1 Often, however, they are taken markable process here described, is alive in one of the many kinds of bird- contained in the Museum at Cambridge, traps used by the Jakun. A model, 2 It is described by Klinkert as remade at my request by a member of sembling a millipede, as living in the the tribe in order to exhibit the re- sand, and as affording bait for fish.
218 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING l M
ruat," which is a mud-worm of immense length (some I have seen measured upwards of three feet) living deep down in the mud of the mangrove swamps. A good deal, perhaps most, of the angling is done by the women, whom I have often seen fishing in this way, and who become very clever in the use of the rod.1
A somewhat unusual method of rod-fishing in vogue among some of the Besisi, as well as among some of the local Malays (who are said to have learnt it from them), is extremely curious. The fisherman goes out in a dug-out canoe, at about half- tide, and paddles gently in and out among the mangrove -roots in the little salt-water creeks of the tidal rivers. On reaching a suitable spot he starts angling, using an extremely short rod (not above two feet long), and a line not more than three feet long at the most. A novice might suppose that the only chance of getting a bite at all under such circumstances from anything better than a gudgeon would be to remain as silent and still as the grave. The Besisi, however, knowing his fish better, splashes the tip of his rod vigorously in the water. This has the effect of making his quarry (big mud -fish such as the " sembilang " 2 and the " b'lukang ") go for the bait with a greedy rush which results in their immediate capture. The fisherman, however, cannot be too careful, as the " sembilang ': is furnished with very poisonous spines (one at each side and one on its back), and I have known these to cause painful wounds, the effects of which continued to be felt for several days afterwards.
1 Mr. G. C. Bellamy says : " Some throw the bait similarly to fly-fishing,
of the women are expert fishers, and whipping the fish out with great skill "
make use of a light rod and a line of (Bellamy, p. 229). about the same length as the rod. - Plotosus canias, etc. The " b'lu-
They stand in the shallow water and kang " is unidentified.
.!/• Greg Hunting Party with Blowpipes, Bukit Prual, Kepong, Selangor.
Vol. I. />. 219.
chap, iv SAVAGL M \l A YS Ob I /'
1 may add that I m\ sell hav I mbila
bj the method described. The Mala) i i all it " kachau " or " mSngachau s< mbilang " ( " splashing" or "dabbling for s€mbilang "), and it is thought that tl fish take the splashing for thai made by the crabs i which they iced, and which may often be seen flittin like small violet will-o'-the-wisps, along the edg the tidal waters, among the forked mangrove-roots.
The Besisi also make use of the Malay casting-i ("jala"),as well as of many kinds offish-traps, which they
frequently set in dams or fish-fences. They also u the fish-spear, but the method of poisoning fish by means of "tuba" [Derris ellipticd) is now little practised by them, as it is discountenanced by the Government. In addition to fish, the Besisi (as Orang Laut) live largely on shell-fish, which they collect (for the most part by hand) on the sandy fiats of the foreshore in the Kuala Langat district. I have frequently seen them collecting cockles ("krang"), " kepah," " lokan," and mussels("kijing"), whose breathing-holes are plentifully visible in places where the sand and the mud-flats meet and the Berembang and Api-api trees cover the surface with their network of surface-roots and pointed suckers. The discarded shells are thrown away near the houses, and diminutive kitchen-middens are thus occasionally to be seen in the actual process of formation.
Hunting and Trapping.
Mantra. — The Mantra use poisoned bow -traps as well as darts for killing their game. A springy rod is planted in the ground with a short spike fixed to it near the point, at right angles. The spike is poisoned with " ipoh," and the point lightly pinned to the ground with a wooden fork, so that the slightest
22o HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING part ii
touch may release it, and the spike strike its intended
victim.1
Benua-Jakun (of Johor). -According to Logan, it was in the forest that the Benua sought their principal supplies of animal food. Their favourite dish — the flesh of the wild hog — was also that which was procurable in the greatest abundance. Logan passed several tracts which seemed literally to swarm with the hog. For miles together the banks of some streams were covered with the prints of their feet, and in some moist hollows their tracks were so abundant that it was impossible to recognise the path, and his guide repeatedly lost it. In other districts, again, they seemed to be less numerous. They were particularly plentiful in some places to the southward of the Lulumut chain, and the men of the settlement called Durian-tree Village (Kampong Pohun Durian), on the river Pines, a few days before his arrival there, had killed fifteen. They were killed by the help of dogs and spears. Of the two varieties of dog which the Benua possessed, the larger one was the proper hunter of the hog, although the smaller used also to be joined in the chase. Their spear- head, wThich was of native fabrication, was broad and very thin towards the edges. It was set on a shaft about eight feet long, and formed a light and serviceable weapon, without which the Benua never ventured into the forest or went upon a journey, and in the efficiency of which, for defensive and offensive purposes, he had much confidence. Whenever he entered a house his spear was stuck, with the head upwards, into the ground in front of the doorway.2
1 Geiger, p. 29. 2 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 256, 257 ; cp. ib. vol. ii. p. 2 58.
m
- ■■■* «v
'V
-«r
McGregor.
Jakun Women (Ulu Klau, Pahang), with Hunting Dog in Foreground.
(n\r. iv SAVAGE MALA V 01 /<>//> '// ti
Elsewhere we are t<>l<l by the same writer thai in to the hog, deer were mosi sought. The roe-deer (" kijang ") and the sambhur (" rusa ") were chased by the larger variety oi dog, and the diminutive mou .< deer (" p'landok ") by the small variety, which was generally reserved for that purpose. It had some resemblan
to the Bengal fox, and appealed to be allied to the Chinese breed. The most common mode of hunting
the mouse-deer was to send the doe; into the jungle on the hanks ot a Stream, the Benua either slowl) floating down the current, or pulling against it in his canoe, and cheering on and guiding the dog with his deep, long-drawn, monotonous cries of " oh ! oh ! oh ! ' The dog, on running down a mouse-deer, was said to be in the habit of breaking its leg, and then, by means of barking, to direct the hunter to the spot. The only domestic animals besides the dogs, of which several were to be found in every cottage, were fowls of a larger breed, and the common Malay cat.1
Trapping.
Benua-Jakun. — A formidable and effective snare was used by the Johor Benua, as well as by the Berembun tribes, for capturing or killing the deer and the hog, and even in some cases the tiger. It consisted of a slight and rude game-fence carried to a considerable length across the ground which the animals were expected to traverse. At every twenty or thirty feet openings were left, between which spears were fixed (close to and parallel with the fence), with the heads reaching across the openings. The end of the shaft was fastened to the extremity of a freshly cut,
1y. /. A. vol. i. p. 257.
222 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING PART n
and therefore highly elastic, sapling, placed horizontally, and measuring about fifteen feet in length and two to two and a half inches in breadth. The other extremity was fastened to a strong stake driven into the ground, and within a few feet of this another stake was placed (in such a direction that when the sapling was forcibly bent back against it for two or three feet it was perpendicular to the fence). The method by which it was retained so retracted was equally simple and effective. A rough pole secured by two stakes was placed parallel to one of the poles of the fence (on the side where the spear and its other apparatus were), but at a level a little below that of the spear. A stick measuring a few feet long was then bound firmly to one extremity of the sapling so as to be parallel to, and on the same level as, the spear, while the other extremity, well smoothed, was made to pass under another stick which was fixed at right angles to it, the ends of which passed under the two poles. The sticks retained their position by their mutual pressure. To this cross-stick a black and thin, but very strong, string was fastened. The other end of the string was attached to the further side of the opening, and the portion passing across it was made to hang loosely. When an animal entered the opening the pressure of its body on this part of the string pulled the cross-stick forwards. An advance of less than an inch released it, and the instant the stick which kept the sapling bent was thus freed in its turn, the latter sprang forward with immense force to its natural position, and the spear was driven into the body of the animal, indeed in many cases probably right through it. The slightness of the pressure required to release the spring, and the rapidity and
chap, iv ; JOHOR
irresistible force with which the spear impelled
across th<i opening were admirable. The materials for every part of this contrivance were collected from the lorcsi around, Even the spear head was made of a species oi bamboo (the "buloh kasap") and v
exceedingly hard and sharp.'
The Berembun tribes also, to capture wild animals, dug pits about twelve feet in depth, which they covered over with brushwood."
Wild pigeons, wild fowl, and many other birds used for food were caught by means of bird-lime, of which they possessed several very effective kinds, prepared by mixing the viscid sap yielded by different trees.3
Fishing.
Benua-Jakun. — Many families had small huts on the bank of the nearest stream on which they kept canoes, and men, women, and children, one, as a rule, to each canoe, were everywhere met with engaged in the quiet occupation of angling. They had, however, other methods of catching fish. The most common was by means of small portable traps woven from rattan creepers (Calami). Rows of stakes or fishfences were also used. But the most elaborate form of fish-trap consisted of a large framework, like the skeleton of a bridge, which was thrown right across the stream, and at a level some feet higher than the banks, so as to be above inundations. A line of stakes was fixed across the river-bed, an opening being left in the middle. Above this the Benua took his seat on a small platform (sometimes sheltered by a roof),
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 257, 258. proved fatal, v. Lake in /. A. A. S., Accidents from these traps often occur S. /?., No. 25, p. 4. to human beings. For one which 2 J, I. A. vol. i. pp. 257, 258. 3 lb.
224 HUNTING, TRAPPING, AND FISHING part ii
and suspended a small net in the opening. On this net he kept his eyes intently fixed, and as soon as a fish entered he raised the net and extracted it. The rivers and streams abounded in fresh-water fish, and there were about fifty species.1
Udai. — The Udai were described by Newbold as preferring the delights of the chase to the drudgery of agriculture ; they employed the day in roaming the forest, and subsisted on the flesh of the animals that they captured.2
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Orang* Laut, Sabimba. — To the blowpipe as their principal weapon the Sabimba owed all that they could obtain of the animals that lived in the trees of the forest, whilst with their dogs (a " species of pariah ") they hunted the wild hog.3
Orang" Laut, Beduanda Kallang\ — The Beduanda Kallang were fishermen and foresters, and divided their time between these two pursuits. They had small fishing-stakes near the mouth of the river which some of them visited in the mornings.4
Orang* Laut, Akik. — The Akik were expert divers and fishermen, and employed nets which they made themselves.5
1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 256. 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 347*.
2 Newbold, ii. 381, 382. 4 lb. p. 300.
5 Newbold, ii. 413, 414.
CHAPTER V. Modes of Barter.
Moni'.v is not yet understood by any but the most civilised members of the three races, all of whom trade to a greater or less extent in jungle produce, the chid articles bartered being gutta, tree-gum or "dammar," wood-oils (camphor, benzoin, etc.), perfumed wood, e.g. eagle-wood or "gharu," and to a limited extent, minerals, more especially tin.
In return the jungle -folk get rice, tobacco, salt, areca-nuts, cloth, cooking utensils, implements, tools, and weapons, and occasionally such luxuries as beads and (very rarely) looking-glasses.
They appear to possess a decided preference (doubtless due to the fact that neither are Mussulmans) for dealings with the Chinese, who obtain for them various articles which have now become necessities of their existence, and who do not cheat them so mercilessly as the Malays.
In many Malay legends reference is made to the alleged Sakai and Semang practice of depositing the objects that they were willing to barter in a recognised spot, and then returning a few days later to take up the articles that the Malays had meanwhile deposited in the same spot by way of payment
VOL. I Q
226 MODES OF DARTER part 11
— a method allowing plenty of scope for the chicanery of which the Malays are so generally accused.
Logan's remarks upon the Benua-Jakun of Johor are, however, quite to the point here, and apply almost equally to all branches of the tribes in the Peninsula.
At all events (he says) it is to the Malays that the more civilised aborigines owe every departure from their original forest habits. If we deprive them of those articles for which the Malays have purposely infected them with a taste, and those they have themselves voluntarily sought from the desire to imitate and approximate to the habits of the more civilised appropriators of their country, there will remain hardly anything to distinguish them from their wilder compatriots. Indeed, examples may still be seen of men whom indolence alone prevents from working up to the high prices that the Malays would exact from them, and who live in a wild nomadic condition, their only clothing a loin - cloth, and their food limited during the greater part of the year to the produce of their clearings and of the forest.1
Compared with the labour that the acquisition of the necessaries of life costs them, that which is required to obtain the few luxuries and conveniences to which they are now habituated is excessive. Instead of a scanty and irregular supply of clothing and other articles, it should, in view of the fact that their industry is greater, suffice to raise them eventually to a condition of greater plenty and comfort than has been attained by the Malays themselves.2
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 285, 286. ■ lb.
( ii \r. \ .\ / GRI7\
Semang,
Semang" (no district specified). In 1S35, the usual method of barter employed between the Semang
and the Malays was for the latter to deposit their commodities, consisting chiefly of coarse cloths, tobacco,
and knives, in any open space in the vicinity oi the known Semang camping-grounds, and then retire to a convenient distance. The Semang would next approach, and, having selected such articles as they fancied, bear them oft", leaving in their place whatever they might deem a fair equivalent ; this latter consisted chiefly of elephants' teeth, eagle-wood, resin, canes, rattans, and so forth, of which, through ignorance of their market value, the Semang always left an ample supply. A few, however, who had partially overcome their timidity, and occasionally ventured to approach the Malayan villages, speedily learned to profit by the superstitions and fears of their new acquaintances, and to demand a high and exorbitant rate for the vegetable preparations which they were wont to use as medicine.1
In a more detailed account we are told that a few of them who ventured to approach the Malayan villages obtained a little cloth in exchange for elephants' teeth, eagle-wood, wax, woods, gums, " dammar," and canes which they procured in the forest, but of the intrinsic value of which they possessed but little know- ledge, so that they were generally imposed upon by the crafty Malay. From the Malays also they procured their arms, knives, and tobacco, of which last they made great use. In their own turn, however,
1 Begbie, pp. 8, 9.
228 MODES OF BARTER part ii
they frequently learnt to work upon the superstitions of the Malays (when they had no products to barter, and wished to procure a supply of tobacco), by presenting them with medicines which they pretended to derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods, and represented as efficacious for the cure of headache and other complaints.1
Pangan. — The Pangan or Eastern Semang that we saw at Ulu Aring in Kelantan used to depend upon the Malay hamlet of Kampong Buntal for their rice, as well as for their salt and their tobacco, and had come down, in fact, at the time when we were there for the purpose of obtaining this latter commodity, of which I myself was able to present them with a considerable supply. The only other articles for which they were usually indebted to the Malays were the cloths they wrapped round their waists, and the blades of their jungle-knives and spear-heads. On the other hand, one of the men that we observed was in possession of a razor which had been "given" him (doubtless in return for more than its fair equivalent in other commodities) by the Malay chief or " Penghulu " of the village.
Kedah Semang*. — The Semang of Kedah had themselves grown a small field of rice, and to the extent of their harvest were independent of the local Malays, so far as their food-supply was concerned. Nevertheless the scantiness of this stock made it quite clear that in a few months they would have come to an end of it, and would either be obliged to
1 J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 425, 426. Similar charges are, of course, often
This account is not quite just to made by the Malays (from whom this
the Semang, who undoubtedly offered idea may have been derived), but on
to the Malays what they themselves proper investigation they prove to be
regarded as efficacious medicines. baseless.
chap, v SAKA1 i >/ /'/■ i
live again lor a while on roots and fruit .. or (more probably) to eke out the shortness ol their own supply with a Fresh store obtained from the Mala) I he knives, spear heads, and even the harpoon-heads used by this tribe were all of Mala)- manufacture, as were also all the cloths that the)- were wearing.
Perak Semang. As to the extent to which th< simple ways of trade were employed, Me Morgan says
that the Semang obtained a "considerable portion " of their livelihood by the barter of jungle produce with the Malays.1 lake the earlier authorities quoted, he adds that they were " absolutely ignorant " of the value of money."
II. — Sakai.
Perak Sakai. — The wild Sakai of the Perak Hills (Sakai Bukit) in trading with the Malays always either employ a "tame" Sakai as their intermediary, or else confine themselves to depositing their jungle products on the banks of the rivers at times and in places which are tacitly understood. They then withdraw, returning some time later to fetch the articles which the Malays offer them in exchange.3
The articles in which the Sakai usually trade are enumerated by De la Croix as including tree-gum, resin (or "dammar"), gutta, caoutchouc, wax, honey, ivory, and rhinoceros horns. These articles they dispose of to the Malays, not for ready money, but for cloth, salt, kitchen utensils, etc., the Malays being too clever to lose by the exchange.4
Selangor Sakai. — The Sakai of Selangor (Kuala Lumpor district) appear to have a decided preference
1 De Morgan, viii. 296. 3 De la Croix, p. 340.
~ I*. * lb. p. 337.
230 MODES OF BARTER part ii
for dealing with the Chinese, who supply them with tobacco, cloth-stuffs, rice, tools, and cooking utensils, in return for various articles of jungle produce, such as gutta-percha and charcoal. They do not have recourse to the Malays except when there are no Chinese, as they are frequently cheated by the former, whereas the latter treat them not only with scrupulous honesty, but even with a sort of u fraternal cordiality." l
III. — Jakun.
Blandas. — The foregoing descriptions of barter as it obtains among the Semang and the Sakai of Perak apply so closely to the Blandas of Kuala Langat that it is hardly necessary to particularise further. An interesting point, however, which is worth mentioning is that both the Blandas and the Besisi, their neighbours, make considerable use of incantations and magic in collecting their jungle produce. The following charm employed by the collectors of wild honey is a fair example : —
Honey-gatherers' Charm.
" Mung, mung, mung ! ,; the moon-white apes cry
(Apes of " rock " and " well " and "basil "),
Come ye out into the moonlight.
Hearken to me with affection,
List to me with kind affection,
Grannies, hark to me, your grandchild,
Who but begs for you to teach him
How to weave a mat — of rushes !
Grannies, o'er the seas come hasting,
O'er the hills come hasting, Grannies !
Swinging, swaying, come ye hither !
All I beg is, you should teach me
How to weave a mat — of bees-wax !
Grannies, hark to me your grandchild !
When I have explained that the moon -white "apes" in this invocation are probably intended to
1 Letessier, p. ioo.
i hap. v SAVAGE MALA vs <■/ SELANGOR
represent the Blandas honey collectors themselv< and that the word " ( rrannies " refera to the wild
who are supposed to be deceived by tin's quaint pi< of fiction, I think the purport of this (harm will be Sufficiently clear without further explanation.
Besisi. — The same remarks apply to the Besisi ; one of the charms used by whom (in collecting wild
honey) was quoted by the present writer in Malay Magic} 1 may add that the Besisi in the Kuala Langat district often raised a considerable crop of rice, and it was the object of the neighbouring Malays to cajole as much of this out of them as possible. On several occasions I was obliged to step in to protect them as far as I could from their rapacious neighbours. The latter frequently charged the Besisi with using false measures and similar methods of deception, but I never found that the charge could be fairly substantiated, and have little doubt that the real object of these charges was to discredit and rob the Jakun.
Mantra. — Of the Mantra we are told, on the high authority of Logan, that there were " no traders, shopkeepers, or artificers " among them,'2 but this does not, of course, signify that the Mantra do not engage in the ordinary trade in jungle products. In addition to this we are informed that the Mantra have no weights, but employ the (usual) coconut-shell as a measure.3
Benua-Jakun of Johor. — But by far the clearest and most circumstantial statement of the trading methods of any of those Peninsular tribes is Logan's report upon the trade of the Benua-Jakun of Johor.
The Malays (according to Logan) have taught the
1 For this, and another Blandas App. p. 611. charm of the same kind, v. Mai. Magic, - /. I. A. vol. i. p. 330*. 3 lb.
232 MODES OF BARThR pah 11
Jakun to covet things which he knows not how to procure save from them. These are cloth, and certain articles of earthenware and iron, such as coarse plates, pots, pans, chopping-knives or " parangs," and axes. Sugar and coconuts again are both much prized. The Jakun's supply of rice often fails. His tobacco is deficient in strength. Although he has both wild and cultivated betel-vines, he has neither gambier, areca-nut, nor lime. Hence the Malays often ascend the river, their canoes laden with a tempting variety of these particular articles, and the Jakun, unable to resist the desire of calling some of them his own, needs little persuasion to become indebted to the Malay trader for any amount the latter may choose to impose upon him. The Jakun now finds himself in possession of a few of those things which bring him nearer the Malay, and at the same time under an obligation to collect rattans for his creditor, various kinds of eagle -wood, ("gharu' and " chandan "), camphor, resin or "dammar," wax, and "gutta taban." l These articles, with the exception of the " dammar," of which he makes torches, are articles of no value in his own eyes, but in which his forests so abound that, if a more equitable system of exchange were established between him and the Malays, he would not only find himself in possession of a large supply of all those articles which are now sparingly doled out to him, but actually also of a growing capital. The collection of the above commodities, however, does not form a constant or regular employment for any of
1 Hervey, in/. R. A. S.,S.£., No. I was told they were too busy getting
8, pp. 103, 104, says, in writing of the rattans for the Malays, which they do
Jakun of Johor : " At this place, Kam- at a fixed price in rice and other
pong Kenalau, I found a clearing, but articles, such as clothing, crockery,
no cultivation ; on asking the reason, parangs (choppers), salt, and tobacco."
chap, v SAVAGE MALA VS 01 JOHOR
the [akun, It is only when there ia an unusual demand for any of them in Singapore that the Mala
hurry to the interior and induce the Jakun to engage
for a time in procuring ;i supply oi whatever happens to be in request. At the period of Logan's visit nearly every man in the country wa searching for "gutta taban," to which the name oi " gutta-percha/' a gum yielded by a different tree, is erroneously
applied by Europeans. This tree was one oi the commonest in the forests of Johor. It is not found in the alluvial districts, but in undulating or hilly ground (such as that which occupies the centre* of the Peninsula between the Endau and the Batu Pahat) it occurs frequently, and in some places abundantly. Wherever Logan penetrated he found that collectors of " taban " had preceded him.1
The Jakun, after felling the tree, " ringbarks " the trunk by making an incision completely round it, from which the viscous milk flows. Similar incisions are made at distances of from 6 to 18 inches throughout the entire length of the trunk. The rings are no broader than the blade of the chopper with which they are made, no bark being removed save the rough superficial coating for an inch or two on each side. Many trees felled by Malays had rings of bark to the breadth of about an inch cut right out instead of a single incision. A Malay woodman who had been employed in different places in procuring the gutta stated that this was the usual Malayan system. The bark is not stripped off the tree, as has been stated. Logan asked both the Malays and the Jakun in different parts of the country whether they could not procure the gutta in the same way as they collect the dammar,
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 260, 261.
234 MODES OF BARTER part n
without destroying the tree. But the answer always was that the " taban " would not run like dammar, or like many other guttas, such as caoutchouc, and this is probably the fact. Varying statements were made as to the produce per tree, the extremes mentioned being two kati's and fifty kati's,1 but it is doubtful whether anything near the latter quantity is ever obtained from a single tree. Many of the Jakun who had been engaged for some months in collecting assured me that they had occasionally obtained as much as eighteen kati's, but never more, and that the quantity obtained is usually nearer from three to five kati's than it is to the maximum mentioned. Logan described the collection of " taban" at length, because nearly the whole of the Jakun tribes had for some time past been withdrawn by it from their usual pursuits. They were not, however, under any apprehension that it could be extirpated, as it was only full-grown, or nearly full-grown, trees that repaid the labour of felling them and extracting the gutta, and the younger trees which they were compelled to leave would be amply sufficient (they believed) to keep up the stock. They were, no doubt, to some extent correct, but the effect of thinning out the " tabans " too rapidly had already been to reduce the annual supply of seed and seedlings. The seeds were eaten by the Jakun, but they did not, like the Malays in some countries (e.g. at Siak), extract an edible vegetable tallow from them.2
Of the methods in which the other articles of traffic yielded by the jungle were procured, Logan considered it unnecessary to speak at any length, because he did not learn that they differed in any respect from
1 A "kati"=lj lbs. 2 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 262, 263.
chap, v SAVAGE MALA )■■■ OF /<*//
those adopted by the Mala) i. 11<- mentions, ho ever, that both races had very superstitious id< regarding the collection of camphor. When engaged in searching for it they abstained from certain kinds of food, ate a little earth, and used a kind ol artifu ial language, which was called the "Camphor Languag (" bhasa kapor "). This language Logan found to be
the same on the Sedili, the Kndau, and the BatU Pahat. From specimens which he subjoined it appears that
most of the words are formed from the Malayan, in many cases by a mere periphrasis, such as "grassfruit" for "rice," ''far-sounder" for "gun," "short- legs " for " hog," " leaves" for " hair," etc.1
It was believed that if care were not taken to use this " Camphor Language," great difficulty would be experienced in finding camphor trees, and that when found the camphor would not yield itself to the collector. Whatever may have been the origin of this superstition, it was evidently based on the fact that although camphor trees were abundant, it very frequently happened that no camphor could be obtained from them. " Were it otherwise," said an old Jakun, who was singularly free from superstition, " camphor is so valuable that not a single full-grown tree would be left in the forest." Camphor was not collected by the Berembun tribes, at least on the western side of the Peninsula, and they were, therefore, unacquainted with this Camphor Language. :
But the present sketch of the Jakun trade in jungle produce would be incomplete were no reference made to the regular organisation established by the Malays for the purpose of exploiting their unsuspecting neighbours.
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 263, 264. 2 lb. pp. 265, 266.
236 MODES OF BARTER pari ri
The Malayan Penghulu, Jinang,' or other headman in each river-district was also the head of the monopoly of trade with the Jakun. Hence traders entering the river most commonly visited him, and he either supplied them from his own store, or purchased what they required from the riverain Malays, or allowed them to do so themselves. This system was enforced with more or less rigour, according to the character of the Penghulu, but traffic was always to a certain extent carried on without his intervention, though strangers were absolutely prohibited from trading with the Jakun direct.2
To get a more complete understanding, however, of the system by which this monopoly was maintained and worked, it is necessary to explain the scheme a little more fully.
The Malays settled on the rivers leading into the country of the Jakun might be divided into three classes: (i) the Penghulu and his relatives and dependants ; (2) the Johor Malays (who frequently belonged to Telok Blanga, and enjoyed a certain consideration and prestige owing to their means and their Singapore connexion) ; and (3) miscellaneous settlers who did not possess these advantages. The trade with the Jakun was chiefly in the hands of the first and second classes, who acted in concert. The prices at which purchasable articles were to be valued was from time to time regulated by the Penghulu, who in this, as in all other matters, consulted the principal men of the river. The Penghulu next conferred with the Jakun chiefs or Batins, and so managed the discussion as to carry the point already agreed upon. The principle on which the sliding scale of prices was
1 Cp. J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 273, 274. 2 lb. p. 286.
chap. > SAVAG1 MALAYS OF JOHOR
managed was simply thai ol maintaining a high value for anything that was sold to the Jakun, and alou one for what was bought from them. When the [akun rice-harvest had been reaped, they were persuaded that rice was everywhere so plentiful that its price
was very small, and that, on the other hand, the price
of cloth had advanced as much above as the price of
rice was depressed below that of the Singapore market. The conclusion ol' all the inquiries made by Logan, and of numerous instances of barter of which he was a witness, was that the Malays sold the goods which they purchased in Singapore at advances of from ioo to 400 per cent, whilst they bought " taban," camphor, dammar, and other produce of the forest at from 100 to 400 per cent below the prices which they received in Singapore. Thus a voyage of two or three days enabled the Malay to double or quintuple the value of goods transferred from Singapore to Johor and from Johor to Singapore. As the trade was almost entirely carried on by barter, the Malays had a double profit on every transaction. Yet they were not satisfied with having established this vulture - like system of trade. They resorted, besides, to every indirect means of enhancing their gains that was at all consistent with the preservation of the trade. They made, for instance, advances of goods, and as their debtors were entirely unacquainted with writing and accounts, they had little difficulty in exacting far more than the stipulated return from those Jakun whose memories were not very tenacious ; for the return was made in small quantities from time to time, as the jungle produce happened to be collected. But the most certain and constant mode of defrauding the Jakun was in weighing the goods which were the
MODES OF BARTER
M
PART II
subject of the bargain. This was generally done very hurriedly, and when a pretence was made of doing it more carefully the beam was brought into a horizontal position, not by the counterpoise of the weights, but by the finger of the Malay. This method of weighing had, at the time of Logan's visit, become so general, that although the Jakun generally were aware that the Malays did not weigh fairly, and some had even acquired so much knowledge of the balance as to point out in what the fraud consisted, the Malay would laugh it off, insist that it was all right, and either deliver the article to one of his attendants, or toss it into his canoe. To show more definitely the extent to which the Malays took advantage of the ignorance of the Jakun, Logan added the following lists of prices of various articles, as ascertained in several localities : — 1
Trade on the Sembrong. Articles sold to the Jakun.
Local Price.
Singapore Price.
I c. •
$ c.
Tobacco .
per kati2
I.OO
•13
Salt
per gantang
.18J
.04
Coconuts .
. each
.04
.01 to .02
Common "sarongs" or skirts
. each
2.00
• 50
Bugis "sarongs" (inferior)
5.00 to 6.00
1.00 to 1.25
White cotton jackets (" bajus ")
. each
.38 to .75
.10
Headkerchiefs
. each
.58
.14
Common red cotton cloth
per yard
•3«i
.10
Large plate (common) .
. each
.38
. 10
Small plate (common) .
. each
.09
.04
Saucers ....
. each
•03!
.01
Cups .....
. each
.09
.01
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 286, 287. But general are those of articles of the see n. to p. 95, ante. same quality. A "kati"=i^ lbs. =
2 These are the actual prices ex- T±$ pikul. A " gantang " varies, but amined, and the Singapore prices in roughly =1 gallon.
C H A I
C )'/■: ■
. \rtniis bought from the Jakun
i
i i
I tglc w od (lignum aloet) . pei kati
i amphoi ..... pei Vw\ 1 6
1 >.umnar ..... pel pikul
I
.57 and up-
U.il
Benjamin (mixed) . . . per pikul
.60 to .80
On the Lenggiu.
Articles sold to the Jakun!
i'rice.
Rice (coarse and uncleaned) per 5 gantai
- 00
•33j
Tobacco . per kati (of about 12 tahils)
.18
.09 to . IO
Salt ..... per 13 gantangs
- 00
•50
1 small earthenware pan or "blanga" .
.09
.04
1 small rice-pot or saucepan (" kuali ;') .
• 3»i
• 15
■77
•39
I chopper or parang .....
• 3H
.11$
.20
.08
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Sabimba. — The colony of Orang Laut who were living (arc. 1850) near the source of the Tembrau (which falls into the " Selat Tembrau" or "Old Strait " of Singapore, opposite the most northerly point of the island) consisted of twenty-five men, thirty women, and fifteen children. They were slaves of the reigning Chief of Johor (Temenggong), being under a Malay " Jinang," who employed them in collecting " taban," "dammar," rattans, eagle-wood ("gharu"), ebony, " chandan," and wax. In return he supplied them with rice, sago, and (very rarely)
J. I. A. vol. i. p. 2\
lb.
240 MODES OF BARTER part ii
with a little cloth. Other Malays were also allowed to carry on a little trade (by barter) with them,1 and by this means they obtained a supply of axes, hatchets, earthenware, cooking-pots, iron pans, salt, chillies, and tobacco."
Elsewhere we read of the Sabimba tribe as consisting of eighty individuals, young and old, and as being employed in cutting rattans for the Malays, who furnished them with rice, weapons, and utensils in return.3
Orang Muka Kuning\ — The Orang Muka Kuning (we are told) were entrusted to the care of a Malay headman or Batin, named Pajar, who lived on Pulau Loban,and was appointed by the chief (Yam-tuan Muda) of Rhio. He visited them from time to time, bringing rice and other articles, and receiving in return the jungle produce that they had collected for him. We are further expressly told that the Orang Muka Kuning were prohibited from trading with other persons " under penalty of a ducking." Rattans, dammar, and eagle-wood they barter for rice, cloth, implements, tobacco, and salt.4
For iooo rattans they received four " gantangs " of coarse rice;5 for ioo dammar torches, six "gantangs"; and for one basketful (measuring ij foot deep and broad) of eagle-wood, four " gantangs " of the same commodity.6
Beduanda Kallang*. — Similarly we are told that the Beduanda Kallang were fishermen and foresters, dividing their time equally between the two pursuits, and that they were in the habit of collecting jungle
1 Except in " taban," which they 2 /. I. A. vol. i. p. 298.
cannot dispose of to others under pain 3 lb. p. 347*. 4 lb. p. 337*.
of a ducking. 5 lb. 6 lb. p. 338*.
I HAP. \ MAI A \ A V s/-.A GYPSI1
produce for a Malay headman under the reigning chid' (Temenggong) ol [ohor, who had charge ol them.1
Orang Akik. The Orang Akik erected temporary sheds along the coast whenever they had occasion to
go ashore, to collect (laminar and wood-oil, etc., etc.
For months together, however, they resided in th< i r
boats, employed not only in fishing, but in collecting
agar-agar (Zostera), and tripang or beche-de-m<! [Holothuria)% etc. When the season or the weather did not permit of this, they employed themselves in gathering wood and pork-oil. ~
1 /. /. A. vol. i, p. 300. "hog's grease,"' the Malay for
'-' Sic in original, but I cannot l>e which (" niinyak babi ") may be so
sure what is meant by " pork -oil," translated; v. anUx p. 129. Xeu
unless, as I think most probable, it bold, ii. 413, 414.
VOL. I
CHAPTER VI.
Weapons and Implements.
Stone Implements.
Stone implements are very numerous in the Peninsula, especially in Perak and Pahang, but it is an open question whether any forms of stone implement, except possibly chips or flakes, were ever manufactured by any of the wild tribes, the weight of evidence being decidedly against it. It is necessary, however, to deal with this question here, as it is to the wild tribes that their use has perhaps been most generally attributed.1
Captain J. Bradley (a sportsman travelling in the Malay Peninsula in 1876) speaks of finding in the tree-huts of the aborigines (though without giving any details which might identify either the tribe or the district) " a curious instrument made of bone, and apparently intended to serve as a knife, together with a sort of tomahawk formed by fixing a pointed stone
1 See, for instance, the tradition cp. Swett. p. 228 : "It is believed
quoted by De Morgan, vii. 157, of a that comparatively recently some at
tribe that was " ignorant of metals, and least of these tribes used implements
employed nothing but implements of of flint or slate."
stone " ; and the same story as referred The prevalence of this tradition may,
to by Hale, p. 285 : "A Sakai chief however, easily be explained if any of
in Kinta told me of a race who did not these aborigines had previously used
know anything about iron, but used chips of flint (or other kinds of stone)
stone axes to cut down trees." And for knives.
( hap. vi GENERAL remarks
upon .1 Btick." Elsewhere (p. 331) the same writer speaks oi finding (in the same locality) " a number ol sharpened stones, serving the purpose of kniv< But both statements are far too vague to bast anj conclusions upon.
Again, we have the statement ol Vaughan-Stevens to the effect that a tribe ol Negritos (whom he terms " Orang Pangan," and assigns to the district that he calls No. 2) informed him that they had formerly been in the habit of using stone weapons ; and that they made, at his request, wooden models of these very implements. He adds, moreover, that the Pangan " recognised " some stone implements which he showed them as their "old work-tools." Unfortunately, however, it does not appear whether he showed these stone implements to the Pangan before or after the models were made ; but the former would probably have been the case, and at all events Vaughan-Stevens' own editor very properly points out that a scrutiny of these models shows them to be identical in shape with iron tools of the Malay type still in use in the Peninsula.1
Lastly, one of the facts that has been much relied upon, viz. that aboriginal (non-Malay) names exist for
1 In the passage referred to,Yaughan- stone tools, it transpired that they no
Stevens remarks that it had been especi- longer possessed any, but " from their
ally interesting to find that the Pangan traditional knowledge" they at once
knew that their ancestors had employed manufactured some wooden models,
stone weapons before they obtained Vaughan-Stevens, however, possessed
iron from the Siamese (sic). Vaughan- three or four genuine stone imple-
Stevens was not, however, able to ments, and, without saying a word,
properly establish this fact until he laid them before the Snahut, who at
had been formally received into the once exclaimed, "Those are Menik "
tribe. When he asked the Pangan (i.e. "Those belong to the Pangan ").
what tools they had used in ancient Other Pangan, moreover (later, and in
times, before they could obtain the other places), recognised these imple-
Malayan chopper ("parang") — since ments as their "old work -tools'
they themselves did not know how to (Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 99). But see
work iron — they at once replied that also p. 437, n. 2, infra, where the teeth
they had used stone. On Vaughan- of Bamboo-rats are mentioned as being
Stevens further inquiring after such used before the introduction of iron.
244 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
such articles as " axes," " spears," and " knives," ' does not, unfortunately, prove that the material of which these implements were made was necessarily any sort of stone ; whereas the fact adduced by Wray that no single stone spear-head or chopper (or, I may add, arrow-head) has ever yet been found in the Peninsula (although in several dialects aboriginal names for them occur) appears conclusive in the opposite sense. -
On the general question, Grtinwedel, in reporting the receipt of forty-nine stone implements ("batu lintar") sent home by Vaughan-Stevens from the Malay Peninsula, remarks that these implements are distributed throughout the entire Indian Archipelago, and reappear even in Further India, Burma, Cambodia, etc. Vaughan- Stevens could not say what race they were once used by, for neither the (civilised) Malays nor any of the wild tribes knew anything certain either about their origin or their use. The latter paid no attention to them when they met with them on their wanderings, and the superstitious Malays only believed them to be the missiles of evil spirits, and, when they found them, would store them away in their huts without having
i Clifford in/. R. A. S., S. B., No. (5) Skinning-knife (?). It is a "flat,
24, p. 27. thin lamina of diorite or greenstone,
2 Wray, Per. M. N. iii. p. 3. Mr. slightly concave and convex, and
H. N. Ridley informs me that he has measures about 1 foot in length by
found about seven main types of stone 2 inches wide by about j of an inch
implements in Kelantan. The seven thick in the thickest part." chief types obtained were as follows: — (6) Small knife.
(1) Stone club (or mallet?). (7) Large knife or chopper.
(2) Stone chisel or gouge (New According to Mr. Ridley, the sup- Guinea type). [It may, however, be posed agate of which these implements doubted whether these so-called chisels are often said to be made was probably are in reality chisels or axes. Of the a burnt diorite.
latter there are two types: (1) the axe Not a single specimen either of a
whose head fits into a socket ; (2) the spear-head or of an arrow-head was
one whose long and chisel - shaped found, head goes through the helve. — Ed.] For a recent rind in I'ahang, v. Swan
(3) Stone adze (ordinary Peninsular, in Man, 1904, 34 (with diagrams). i.e. Malayan type). The most curious of these specimens is
(4) Stone adze (New Guinea type). the stone ring here figured.
^
s
m -
«i
s
r
McGregor.
Jakun Max in Hunting Accoutrement-,
showing bark cloth girdle, blowpipe, and quiver, with bone fastener. Ulu Batu, Selangor.
Vol. I. /• 245.
chap, m GENERAL REMARKS
any idea oi their real use. They are Found at vari< depths below the surface, and although nothing cei tain is known .il)out them in the Peninsula, yet as the various wild tribes nevertheless assert that in former daysaraceol men, differing both from themselves and the Malays, lived in the Peninsula, it may 1 >« - assumed
that it is to them that the use of stone, implements is
tacitly attributed, though this evidence is altogether too vague to rely upon.1
By the aid of the microscope traces oi Copper and
iron may he identified on these stones. The stones showing such traces are used l>y the Malays to furnish tips for the metal spurs of their fighting-cocks, since they believe that tips thus furnished cannot be blunted. The Malay children play with them, and try to make them smoother than they were when first found.- In no case did Vaughan- Stevens discover them in situ, the specimens being all obtained from Malays during his twelve months' journey between Johor and Kelantan.3
Stone implements are numerous in Pahang, Negri Sembilan, Selangor, and South Perak, very rare in Johor and Kelantan. Sometimes they occur in Kedah and Trengganu, but are very rarely found in Patani.4
The arguments bearing upon this most difficult subject were excellently stated many years ago by Wray, who, in an article on the cave-dwellers of Perak, remarked that it had been somewhat too rashly taken for granted that the cave-dwellers (of Perak, etc.) were the makers of the stone implements which had been dis-
1 /'. B. G. A. xxiii. 832. obtained from the eastern sea-coast
2 But their most important use among of the Peninsula, and the abundance the Malays is medicinal. of those found on the western coast,
:: V. B. G. A. xxiii. 833. point to the possibility of their having
- Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 101. The been introduced from some part of comparative rarity of the specimens Sumatra.
246 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part u
covered in such abundance in Perak and the neighbouring states. The least reflection would have served to show that these implements indicated a much higher intelligence than would be compatible with the evidences afforded by the remains discovered in the caves.1
All the stone implements were of axe or chisel blades, and not one single spear-head had ever been found. The second division of the stone age was divided from the first by the introduction of axepointed implements and all the important advances that were indicated by the use of this type of tool. If the cave people had been acquainted with the use of stone, they would almost certainly have employed spear-pointed implements of the rudest kind ; as when they had advanced as far as the making of chisels and axe-pointed tools, they would have been able to build houses and be independent of the shelter of caves, and have been in a position to cultivate the soil and raise food instead of having to subsist on shell-fish and the animals of the jungle. The multiplicity of the types of stone implements found in Perak showed that the users of them must have been in a comparatively high state of civilisation.2
The remarkable absence of all palaeolithic patterns might be explained by supposing that there had never been a period in this part of the world when the ruder implements were in use, but that the people (whoever they were) that employed them were settlers from some other locality who on arrival had reached the second stage of the stone age. There was of necessity no means of fixing, even in the most approximate manner, the date of the introduction of the use of stone in Perak, but the similarity of the types
1 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, pp. 43, 44. Cp. E Homme, ii. 494 seq. 2 lb.
chap ?i w r. I "/ MARKS
of ih<- implements uras quite sufficient to indicate that it was a continuation erf the same wave oi progn which led to the evolution of these tools in other countries. This was, of course, far from laying that the stone age in Malaya had been contemporaneo with that of Europe. The number of the stone implements was, however, as striking here as in other parts of the world, pointing indubitably to the long continuance of the. use of these lithic tools.1
The finding of a lew implements in the cavedeposits would by no means prove that the in- habitants of these caves were the makers of them, but only that they were of the same age. For it was quite likely that there had been two races of different degrees of advancement living in the country at the same time, and that the lower might occasionally acquire either by barter or other means the weapons of the higher race. In the same way the wild tribes were now accustomed to the use of iron axes, pottery, clothes, and other things bought from the Malays, whilst the Malays themselves in turn used articles of European manufacture."
The aborigines, again, might well have been able to fashion weapons out of bamboo with knives made of the same material (especially when hardened by the application of fire), and these would be probably supplemented by the use of sharp fragments of stone [as well as of bone]. In this way it would be quite possible to make bamboo-pointed spears, blowpipes, darts, and bows and arrows. Bamboo weapons would, of course, have left no trace, in view of the long
1 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, p. 43, 44. Bozzolo, about 150 specimens obtained Mr. Wray informs me that he purchased in Ulu Perak, and Patani. for the Perak Museum, from Mr. 2 Ibid. ; cp. Wray, Journ. F. M. S.
Mus. I. i. pp. 13-15.
248 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS j<akt 11
period that must have elapsed since they had been in use. That the aborigines used fire was abundantly evident, and this, in the hands of other savages, had been made into a most effective means of shaping wooden objects.1
In other words, the rudimentary stage of culture through which these tribes have passed, and in some cases are still passing, may perhaps be more accurately described as a " wood and bone " age than as an age of stone.
To sum up, we may conclude that the wild tribes (Sakai and Semang) were not the manufacturers of the stone axes and chisels found in the Peninsula, and the case in fact appears to be a close parallel to that of the Andaman islanders, of whom Man has recorded (p. 161) that " they never, even when iron was scarce, made arrow-heads, axes, adzes, or chisels of stone."
The following list includes, on the other hand, the stone implements which certainly are, or are at all likely to have been formerly used by the wild tribes of Malaya. They are the anvil and hammer recorded by De Morgan (consisting of an upper and a lower stone),2 the whetstone,3 chips or flakes used as knives, and cooking-stones.4 To this list, which so far agrees with the list of implements used by the Andamanese, may be added the stone rasp or file, consisting usually of a piece of sandstone,5 which is used especially for filing the teeth among the Pangan of Kelantan.
On the other hand, the wild aborigines of the Hills (Orang Bukit) of to-day, who possess no imple-
1 L. Wray, Cave-dwellers, p. 46. is used ; cp. Hale, p. 286.
2 De Morgan, vii. 415. * V, supra, p. 124, etc.
3 Sometimes a stone axe-head itself 6 V. infra, vol. ii. 55.
i haf. m GENERAL REMARKS
ments oi iron, pel) almost entirely upon wood or bone for ih<- hi. ides oi their weapon well as for
all their implements.
Knives and Spi a\ .
The most primitive form of knife, and at the same time the most natural form for the country, still to be found among the wild tribes (as also on some cere monial occasions among the Malays) consists of a sharp sliver of bamboo, which makes a very fair knife.
It is possible, and perhaps even probable, that tlakes and chips of stone may have been used in former times when the knife of Malay civilisation was not procurable, and when the work required could not be performed by a knife of bamboo,3 or bone.
The Malay "dagger" or " kris " and other kinds of Malay weapons are also occasionally used by the wild tribes, especially the Jakun, but wooden and bone awls (for boring purposes) are used to this day.4
In its earliest form the spear of the country seems to have been some form of throwing-stick or 11 squailer," the use of which has been recorded among the Jakun by Logan,' whilst at least two forms of it " are certainly still known to the Pen-
1 De la Croix, p. 340, whore this being more effective than might at first
statement is, however, confined to the be supposed. In Borneo, for instance,
Sakai. a bamboo knife is used by the exe-
"J Capt. J. Bradley, p. 298, also cutioner for cutting off heads; being
mentions finding in one of the tree- merely sharpened whenever it is used, huts which he discovered "a curious 4 For examples, see pp. 316 and
instrument made of bone, and appar- 329, infra.
ently intended to serve as a knife." ;"' For the spear, v. J. I. A. vol. i.
And on p. 331 he says : " The only p. 257, and Lake in /. R. A. S., S. B.,
other articles found were a number of No. 25, p. 3. It is pre-eminently a
sharpened stones, serving the purpose "savage Malay1" weapon, and is used
of knives." Cp. p. 269, n. 1, infra. universally by the Jakun.
3 Such cases would, however, be 6 One sharpened at one end, the
exceedingly rare, these bamboo knives other at both.
250 WEAPONS ANl> IMPLEMENTS part ii
insular Malays.1 The bamboo spear is still largely used, especially by the wilder aborigines. The metal spears, which are of several types (all of them Malayan), are used for fishing as well as hunting.
The fact that no stone spear-head has yet been lound in the Peninsula is certainly a notable one, and may point to the fact that the spear-heads used by the men of the Malay stone age were made of bamboo or of some other equally perishable material. There is little differentiation of metal spear-types as between the aborigines, doubtless owing to the fact that all have borrowed alike from the Malay. In war, spearheads are sometimes lashed to the muzzle-end of a blowpipe.
Hatchets.
The hatchets now used by the wild tribes throughout the Peninsula are obtained by barter or purchase from the Malays, except, perhaps, in a fewcases in which some sort of rude substitute is roughly forged. Even in the latter case, however, the blades are, I believe, invariably copied from Malay models, and there appears to be no record of the use of an independent axe - type among either Sakai or Semang, even though they may (and certainly do) have non- Malay names for them.'-
On the other hand, there is, I believe, a good deal still to be learnt from the nature of the rattan
1 Cp. J. Bradley, p. 298 : "Outside sticks, intended, apparently, as missile
the (tree-) huts a number of spears weapons. Several of them had traces
were laid amongst the branches of the of blood and feathers adhering to
trees. They consisted merely of long them, as if they had been used for
sticks of hard wood sharpened at both knocking down birds." ends." And cp. also ib. p. 320: "Some - Capt. J. Bradley (p. 298) alone
of them (the wild men) seized their mentions finding in a tree-hut "a sort
spears, or pointed sticks." Also p. of tomahawk, formed by fixing a
331 : "In the interior of one of the pointed stone upon a stick." huts were a number of short thick
chap, vi VI HAL REMAh
lashings l>y means o( which the adze-head is ma
Fast to the helve, for I was repeatedly assured by
Malays living in the Besisi and Hlandas coimtr
(on the Langat) that the difference between :
lashings of a Malay and a Jakun adze-head could be
detected without the least difficulty bj the expert.
Firearms,
All branches of the wild tribes now generally possess some form of firearm, which most usually
takes the shape of an old Tower mesket, and is not unfrequently owned, or at least used, in common by all the men of the tribe who claim it.
These guns are obtained by barter at extortionate rates from friendly Malays or Chinamen.
The use of firearms by the Sakai and Semang appears, however, to have been of extremely recent date, as it is only since the establishment of a strong government in the Malay States that there has been any sort of peace between them and the Malays, and before the establishment of this peace the Malays were not likely to be willing to put such dangerous weapons in the hands of their victims.1
The Bow.
The use of the bow in the Peninsula is confined to those tribes which are (wholly or partly) of Negrito origin. It is indubitably their chief tribal weapon, as the blowpipe appears to be that of the Sakai,2 and as the spear is that of certain of the Jakun tribes.
There are, it is true, several references in old writers to the use of the bow by Sakai and Jakun, but upon examination it will easily be seen that they
1 R
See_/. /. A. vol. i. p. 272. 2 Cp. De Morgan, vii. 415.
252 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS pari 11
are not of such a character as to shake the statement made in the foregoing sentence. Some of these statements, especially those of M.-Maclay,1 De la Croix,-' and perhaps even De Morgan and Maxwell, are due to the fact that none of these writers were able to distinguish between the Sakai and the Semang, and habitually applied the term " Sakai " to groups of Negritos. Pleyte, therefore, in his great monograph on " the Blowpipe and the Bow," was perfectly right in correcting M.-Maclay, who is perhaps the most typical example of this class of writer. And although it must be admitted that when all these statements (based on misnomers) have been discounted, there still remain one or two testimonies to a knowledge of the bow, on unimpeachable authority (not on the part of the Sakai, but on that of the Jakun), even these latter yield to investigation.
Logan, for instance, informs us that the bow and arrow were known to the Jakun (whom he calls " Benua ") ; but he immediately proceeds to qualify this statement by adding that though they were known they were not used, and I think there can be no very great doubt that the tradition was based on a rumour of the bows of the far-off Semang.8 Again,
1 Cp. M.-Maclay in J. J. A. S., latter point, see Pleyte, loc. cit. It
S. B., No. 2, p. 214. is also entirely incorrect (as Pleyte
Miklucho-Maclay says, "Another not points out) to describe the bow as a
so dangerous, but ethnographically a Sakai weapon, it being the distinctive
much more important weapon, is the weapon of the Negrito tribes. The
bow (' loids ;), the use of which I have alleged Sakai bow described by
only seen among the unmixed Orang Miklucho-Maclay is, as his map shows,
Sakai. It is about two metres long, is a Pangan bow, and it is very unlikely
made of bamboo, and the arrows have that the arrows, still less the bow, would
iron points." This quotation, however, be of bamboo. Lastly, for " loids " we
is a tissue of misstatements. The bow should read " loidd" or " loydd," which
of the aborigines of the Malay Peninsula is the ordinary Semang name for
can neither be described as more im- the bow. portant ethnographically nor as less 2 De la Croix, p. 331.
dangerous than the blowpipe, on which 3 Logan in /. /. A. vol. i. "p. 272.
< KAf. v. GENERAL REMAR
another observer (quoted by Pleyte1), when Btaying in Singapore, observed and described in detail some methods of arrow-release employed by the Temiang tribe (of the Orang Laut), and states that the bo*i oi which he writes was used for shooting small game and fish ; adding that the same weapon was employed in
the magic ceremonies ol the tribe.
This account, at first sight, seems clear enough, hut it has to l>c noted that the giver ()f the information had come from Sumatra, and that what he was describing was probably a Sumatran custom, and had nothing to do with the customs of the " Orang Laut.'' If correct, it is one of the interesting instances of Semang influence in the south, of which we sometimes get examples.
It cannot, therefore, be considered as yet established that the bow is employed as a tribal weapon by any tribes that are either of Sakai or Jakun extraction ; and I may add that there is very little prob- ability of its ever being so established. If, however, this should ever prove to be the case, it must certainly be in a mixed Semang-Sakai or Semang-Jakun tribe, in which the Negrito influence has remained so strong as to resist effectually the incursions of the alien culture. A survival of this kind is not impossible, even in the extreme south of the Peninsula, where the Semang influence, in small patches, is sometimes particularly strong. But apart from this remote possibility, I think that any idea of discovering the bow in use either as a Sakai or a Jakun weapon may once for all be definitely abandoned, and that, if it should ever happen to be so found among either of these two races, it will only be in the guise of a " borrowed plume."
1 f titer not. Arch. f. E. Bd. iv. S. 34 et seqq. - Doubtless as a "fleam.'"
254 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
There is not much more to add with regard to the bow, unless it be to note the fact that the bows of the Semang very closely resemble one figured by Man, who describes it as coming from the southern group of the Andamans.1 The bows from the North Andamans appear to be of a different character, and it is therefore in these South Andamans that it might be advisable to look first for evidences of connexion between Semang and Andamanese culture. Unfortunately, however, these are just the islands of which least is known, and I am therefore only able to draw attention to the subject as one that especially requires to be worked up.
The Blowpipe.
The distribution of the bamboo blowpipe or blow-gun, as Geiger, following Pleyte, has recently shown, is (with the possible exception of the Mentawai Islands) inseparably bound up with the use of Ipoh poison, the region covered being in either case limited, broadly speaking, to the confines of the Malayan region, using that word in its widest sense.
In the Malay Peninsula itself the blowrpipe is found among all tribes, from Johor, in the extreme south, to Singora, in the north.2
The blowpipe is to be seen in its highest development (as far as the Peninsula is concerned) among the Sakai, Besisi, and Mantra, whilst among the Semang (and some Jakun) it is found in its lowest and roughest form.
The Sakai and Jakun, on the other hand (as has already been shown), do not employ the bow, the use of
1 Cp. p. 280, n. 1, infra. J. R. A. S.y S.B., No. 25, p. 3, and
2 M.-Maclay W.J.R. A. S., S.B., No. No. 26, p. 14. 2, pp. 213, 214. For exceptions, v.
CHAP, vi
GENERAL REMARKS
which is confined to the Semang.1 It is in fact now quite certain that the natural weapon oi the Semai is the how, and that they only learnt the use oi the blowpipe from the Sakai. Hence even when they did take to it, they adopted it quite perfunctorily, and at no time took such trouble over its manufacture or pride
in its possession as the two other races mentioned. *J
1 11 the islands of the Malay Archipelago (in Borneo, for instance), the blowpipe consists of a long wooden barrel or tube the interior ot which has to be bored out.:: This method of manufacture is much clumsier and more laborious than that by which its bamboo fellow of the Peninsula is made, and it stands, I think, more or less to reason that if the wooden blowpipe of Borneo (or that made by some of the savage Malay tribes in the Peninsula) had had to be invented before the idea of utilising Bambusa Wrayi for the purpose had arisen, the bamboo blowpipe as we know it would never have existed. On the other hand, the sporadic existence of the wooden blowpipe may reasonably be due to the rarity or the absence of the particular species of long -jointed bamboo {Bambusa Wrayi) 4 from which the wild tribes of the Peninsula manufacture their blowpipes, for it is inconceivable that any intelligent race that had once
1 Cp. Svvett. p. 228 : "The Sakai use no other weapons than the blowpipe, but the Semang have a very powerful bow and iron -barbed arrows, with which they can kill the largest game." Cp. also De Quatrefages, pp. 230, 231.
2 This remark applies especially to the Semang tribes furthest removed from Sakai influence, e.g. to the Semang of Kedah, and perhaps in some degree to the Pangan of Ulu Patani and Ulu Kelantan. On the other hand, Mr. L. Wray writes me
that he has seen some beautifully made blowpipes among the Semang of Upper Perak and Selama.
3 H. Ling Roth, vol. ii. pp. 184-187.
4 Mr. Wray writes me that B. Wrayi is only used by the Semang of Upper Perak and Selama, and the mixed Sakai - Semang tribes of the Plus district in Perak. In other districts of Perak another species is used, of a kind not yet determined, with internodes of 3 to 4 ft. in length. Cp. Wray, Per. M. N. iii. pp. 54-58.
256 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
discovered the ready-made blowpipe of bamboo would ever again have resorted to the method of boring its tube out of wood, or to the perhaps still clumsier process of uniting a couple of wooden half-cylinders, which when fitted together do duty as a tube.
Speaking generally, it appears on the whole most reasonable to suppose that the blowpipe was introduced into the Malay Peninsula by the Sakai, upon their first advent into that region, that it has since been perfected by the same race, and that the modern blowpipe of the Malayan tribes in the Peninsula (as well as that of the Archipelago) was either an inferior imitation of the Sakai weapon, or else that the wooden blowpipe was an altogether independent invention, which appears at the best most improbable.
The only point in which the Bornean blowpipe is in any way an improvement on that of the Sakai is in its possession of a " sight," which the Sakai blowpipes are, I believe, universally without. Yet even a rifled blowpipe has been recorded from Perak,1 and although the statement is unsupported, in all other important respects — in the labour required for its construc- tion, in the important matter of weight, and in finish — the Bornean weapon is certainly inferior, not only to the Sakai blowpipe, but even to that of the Semang.
The exact distribution of the various types of blowpipe in the Malay Peninsula yet remains to be worked out. Some information on this point is, however, already forthcoming. The most highly devel- oped (and decorated) type of blowpipe is, as has already been said, found among the central Sakai
1 See De Quatrefages, p. 231 {vote). "choke-bore" blowpipe, such as is This must be a mistake of M. Lias. found among the Besisi (v. p. 308, I believe what he saw was a infra).
, hap vi ,,/• VERAl A7 MARKS
(Senoi), the Besisi, and the Mantra, To 1 1 1< ■.« • the
Blandas Of southern Selangor should, I think, ><
added, In its rarest form, that ol the jointless mix-,
this blowpipe is only found within a yet more
restricted area, i.e. in parts of Perak,1 and (according
to one writer) in the Nenggiri8 district ol Kelantan.
Outside the geographical area covered by these trib
we find, as a rule, rougher and less-finished specimens
()[ this weapon. The Semang of the north, for instance, and, as far as I am aware, the Semang alone, make use of a roughly made blowpipe which bears very little decoration, but which not unfrequently has a mouthpiece of native gutta or resin.
The most interesting type, the wooden split-tubed blowpipe, which is identical with one used in Peru, is said to be " only used south of the Pahang river in the state of that name."3 Yet the specimen now in the British Museum came from Kuantan, which is a good way north of the Pahang river. Vaughan-Stevens is, however, probably right in stating that the tree from which this wooden blowpipe is made (Calophyllum, sp., called in Malay " Penaga") is used because it is proof against warping, but that it is only of local distribution.
Quiver and Darts.
What is true of the blowpipe in general, is true of the quiver and the darts. Thus the quiver of the
1 Messrs. R. H. Yapp and Laidlaw between the old and new worlds consist
(who were with me in 1899- 1900) in stone and bronze implements, round
found the bamboo from which these towers, pyramids, coins, methods of
blowpipes are made on Mt. Inas, on the embalming and skull - deformation,
north Perak frontier, and obtained circumcision, early carvings of ele-
single-jointed blowpipes in the same phants found in Central America,
district. Mr. Yapp tells me that this and prehistoric tobacco - pipes found
bamboo closely resembles the blowpipe- in Ireland. — Wray in Per. Mus. Notes,
reed of S. America {Arundinaria vol. iii. Schomburgkii, Benth. , Bambtisece). 2 V. B. G. A. xxiii. 834.
Other proofs of prehistoric intercourse 3 \ aughan-Stevens, I.e.
VOL. I S
258 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part m
Borneo natives presents several marked points of contrast with the quiver used by the Sakai. The device of having a separate reed for each dart has not been adopted by the Borneans, who have, however, invented the long wooden " hook " or " prong " which is attached to the quiver, and is inserted through the hunter's belt to keep the quiver in position. This appears all the more natural, since it is more likely to have been invented by a race wearing better and stronger loincloths than those of the Sakai, who may perhaps once have gone naked, and who still fasten their quivers about their waists with a cord.1
As regards the dart, Professor Tylor was, I think, the first to point out as a general distinction that the blowpipe darts of south-east Asia do not have the butt made of cotton, whereas this is commonly the case with the dart of the South American Indians.2
Iron dart-points are never employed by Sakai or Semang, though they are used by Borneo natives, the point being always (among the former) of one piece with the shaft. The Semang dart is of much coarser and clumsier construction than that of the Sakai, and that of the Bornean is clumsier still, the shaft of the dart being driven right through the butt, so that it often slides up and down, a piece of bad workmanship not found among the Semang or the Sakai.
1 For an account of the Borneo by the last-mentioned. He adds that the
weapon, v. Ling Roth (ch. xxii.). Here wooden cap is now used by the Sakai, the
perhaps maybe mentioned the somewhat rattan one by the Mantra, Besisi, and
gratuitous assumptions of Vaughan- Kenaboi (V.-St. ii. 120). Mr. Blagden
Stevens, who considers the evolution tells me that the Malacca Mantra
of the cap or cover used for the use wooden caps bound with rattan,
quiver to have been carried out as 2 For a good deal of miscellaneous
follows : — (1) cover made from cuticle information about the darts (which,
of trees, as used by the O. Kuantan however, is of small value in view of
and (formerly) by O. Kenaboi ; (2) cap the way in which the tribes have been
made of wood hollowed out by fire, as mixed up together), see Vaughan -
used by the O. Sakai ; (3) cap made Stevens, ed. Griinwedel, in V. B. G. A.
of wood hollowed out by a knife, as used xxiii. 835, 836.
' IIAI VI
GENERAL Rh MARKS
Use of Clay Pellets.
Captain 1}. J. Begbie, an old and painstaking and (for his time) fairly accurate authority on the Malay
Peninsula, records the shooting ol clay pellets (as well
as darts) from the blowpipe by the Jakun ' at Mala<
,n l$33- This statement is confirmed by Mr. L. Wray, who informs me that these pellets are often employed by bird-collect ors at Malacca, where they have been used from time immemorial. Mr. Wray himself had a Malacca bird-collector (an Eurasian Malay) who used these pellets for collecting purposes in Perak. Mr. Douglas, of Sarawak, also tells me that boys in Borneo commonly use small clay pellets for shooting small birds, and that these pellets are shot out of a small blowpipe.
Use of the Blowpipe?
In loading, the blowpipe is held vertically in one hand and the pointed end of the dart inserted with the other into the orifice in the centre of the mouthpiece.3 The latter is always fitted to the root-end of the bamboo. Into the tube of the blowpipe, and behind the butt-end of the dart, is almost invariably inserted a small wad for the prevention of " windage." This wad is made from the flocculent down that
1 Begbie, pp. 5, 6.
2 As an example of the extreme difficulty of obtaining information from the aborigines about the blowpipe, Vaughan-Stevens remarks that many Malays living near the O. Kuantan have never seen their blowpipes, though they know that they possess them. In some cases these weapons were hid in the stems of living bamboos in the jungle (the nodes being removed
for their reception), and he was only able to obtain four specimens altogether (V.-St. ii. 113).
3 So Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 78 : " Into the bore of the inner bamboo, at the mouthpiece, is placed an arrow several inches long." For an unique and questionable exception see Maxwell in/. R. A. 5., S.B., No. 4, p. 48 : "I had always regarded the blowpipe as a breechloader," etc.
26o
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
PART II
collects about the leaf-bases of certain palms, especially the " tukas " (Caryota Griffitkii or C. mitis), or certain kinds of rattan (Calamus geminifloris), and results from the destruction of the softer tissues.1
In shooting, the entire mouthpiece is, as a rule, taken into the mouth, the fingers being commonly crossed beneath the tube (near the mouthpiece). Sometimes, however, the edges of the mouthpiece alone are inserted between the teeth and the lips. As the dart leaves the tube, there is a sharp hollow 11 ping " like that of a pop-gun.2
Range of Dart.
The effective range of the blowpipe darts used by the best " shots " of these tribes may be put at from 50 to 60 yards as an outside limit, but in practice a range of 100 feet is seldom exceeded.3
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 116. Really the fibro-vascular bundles of the leafsheaths.
2 Cp. Newbold, ii. pp. 400, 401 : "It is propelled by collecting a considerable quantity of air in the lungs, and suddenly emitting it with a sharp noise resembling that occasioned by the discharge of an air-gun."
3 Cp., for example (of the Sakai), (1) Hale, p. 289, where it is stated that the range is effective up to 60 yards (55 m.), and that at 50 yards (45 m.) a skilled performer will put five out of six darts into a playing card.
(2) De Morgan (vii. 417) says they can shoot straight up to 80 metres, but in practice do not shoot more than 30 to 35 paces (23 m. to 27 m.).
(3) Letessier puts the range at 28-30 yards (25m. to 27 m.), but he is no doubt speaking of the ordinary range of their shooting. They usually shoot at fairly short range, in order to make sure of their aim, as they do not wish to risk wasting their arrows.
(4) J. A. G. Campbell says : "I have myself seen birds and monkeys killed on high trees at a distance of 60 yards" (55 m.) ; and adds: "The Sakai seldom misses his shot " {S. J. iii. 241).
Of the Jakun — (1) Logan (iny. /. A. vol. ii. p. 262) states that the range (of the blowpipe-dart) to take proper effect is about 70 or 80 feet (21 m. to 24 m.). " Some can reach 140 or 150 feet (46 m. to 49 m.), but then there will be little chance of their inflicting a dangerous wound."
(2) Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 78, says 50-60 yards (45 m. to 54 m.).
(3) Newbold, ii. 400, 401, puts the effective range at 60-70 feet (20 m.).
(4) Vaughan-Stevens, in V. B. G. A. xxiii. 835, 836, puts it at 20-30 metres in a horizontal direction, and more in a vertical.
(5) The Kuantan blowpipe is very roughly made ; it has a range of 40 paces (30 m.) only (Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 113).
< hat. vi GENl RAl REMARKS t6i
The Use <>/ l/n>/,.
The question whether the use of Ipoh is oi Malay origin must (says Geiger, |>. 38) in all probability be answered in the negative. It is clear,
however, that he is here using the word Malay in its narrowest sense, as he subsequently points out (pp. 40, 41) that the eastern boundary-line between those who use the blowpipe (and lpoh) and those who do not does correspond to the boundary-line between the Malay and the Polynesian languages (p. 41). In this latter case he is clearly using the word Malay in its wider sense, as applied to what may be called 44 Greater Malaya " (including the countries inhabited by the " savage Malays " of Wallace). Moreover, he then proceeds to quote Brandes' remark, that " the natives who use the blowpipe form one family of languages."
The true conclusion, after all, appears to be that the use of Ipoh may be of Malay origin, but only in the wider sense of the word; and in the same way, it is just conceivable that the blowpipe may be (in its wooden form at least) of " Greater Malayan " origin. On the other hand, the wooden blowpipe is so different a weapon from the blowpipe of bamboo that it will perhaps be maintained that the two forms may have arisen independently. Even, however, if this was the case, the bamboo weapon must certainly have been invented in some country like the Malay Peninsula or Sumatra, where Bambusa Wrayi or longinodis is known to be indigenous ; and further, as has been remarked already, it is inconceivable that any intelligent race should descend to using the wooden form of blowpipe when it had once known and used the infinitely
262 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
superior blowpipe of bamboo. The only other possible alternative seems to be to accept the wooden blowpipe as the original form, and to suppose that the race which invented it failed to improve upon it, the invention of the (improved) bamboo form being conceded to a race infinitely behind the Malayan race in the matter of culture. To speak frankly, this last alternative does not appear credible, and unless on the whole we prefer to concede the possibility of the invention of at least two independent blowpipe types in the Malayan region, we are forced back upon the first of these two alternatives, viz. : the supposition that the bamboo blowpipe was introduced by the Sakai, who subsequently perfected it, and that it was then more or less roughly copied by the aboriginal tribes of Malayan origin in districts where B. Wrayi was wanting.
I have spoken mainly of the blowpipe itself, rather than of the poison that was used with its darts, partly because I think that Geiger has shown that for all practical purposes the introduction of the one meant the introduction of the other, and partly because it is easier to get at the facts about the blowpipe than it is to get at those about " Ipoh." But I will now proceed to a discussion of the poison itself.
In remarking that the various kinds of Ipoh poison are, as a rule (though not exclusively), rather used for hunting than for warlike purposes, Geiger explains that both Ipoh antiar and derrid, taken internally, are practically harmless, whereas Ipoh tieute, on account of the strychnine contained in it, " might be dangerous." Hence the latter poison is usually em- ployed for the destruction of beasts of prey such as the tiger (Newbold and Malbec and Bourgeois),
( ■ 1 1 \ I
GENERAL REMARKS
though it certainly is used for apes. And this is probably, as Geiger suggests, the reason why the part struck by a poisoned arrow is usually i ised
before the game SO killed is cooked and eaten a practice which is doubtless of far more importance in the rase of some of these poisons (eg, tieute) than it is in the case o[ the others.
The arrow and dart poison called " Ipoh ' by the Malays has obtained its native name from the fact that the two chief substances which (either separately or in combination) form its basis are derived from plants distinguished, the one as the Ipoh tree {Antiaris), and the other as the Ipoh creeper (Strycknos). Derris elliptica or " tuba," on the other hand, is but rarely used, so that the poison-mixture almost invariably contains one or other of the Ipoh's as its main ingredient. The action of these two chief poisons is very different, and the choice of one or the other is, as has already been pointed out, dictated by the circumstances of supply. Incomparably the most famous of these two ingredients is, however, the sap ol the Ipoh or Upas tree, which owes its notoriety to the inventions or exaggerations with which Foersch once " amused the credulity of Europe."
The deadly exhalations attributed to the Ipoh tree (Antiaris) certainly have, as has long been proved, no foundation whatever in fact, at all events so far as the tree itself is concerned.
But it seems, on the other hand, well worth pointing out that the sap of the " Rengas " tree certainly produces at the least contact (as is well known locally) an extraordinary inflammation of the skin. When I was residing at Klang in Selangor, there was a fine Rengas tree growing at the back of
264 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS pari ii
my house, and one day, not dreaming of the consequences, I ordered my Boyanese sais to climb the tree and lop off a few small branches which obscured the view. This he did, not knowing the tree, the result being that both his face and his hands quickly became inflamed and swollen beyond all recognition, and I was obliged to send him to hospital for treatment. This fact about the Rengas tree sap is well known in Malaya, and taking it in conjunction with the fact that Rengas sap often forms one of the ingredients of Ipoh poison, I cannot help thinking that here we have a quite possible source of the Upas-tree fable.1
Ingredients of the Poison.
The proper proportions of the ingredients used in making the dart-poison of the wild tribes have doubtless been ascertained by centuries of trial, and are now in many cases handed down from father to son. Although, however, the basis of the poison may be the same among all the members of a given tribe, the exact proportions, and even the exact ingredients, forming the " blend " vary to a very great extent with the individual and (of course) with the locality and the season, and hence any conclusions reached must be necessarily general ones.2
1 Foranactual legend of the Upas-tree got in exchange from the Malays, were type, see the Besisi tradition in vol. ii. mixed up together. It thus came to
2 According to M. - Maclay the pass that the dart-poison not only of chief ingredient of this poison was every tribe, but of every individual of the juice of the well-known Upas tree each tribe, was made up of different of the Javanese, the Antiaris toxicaria. materials, and that in consequence of With this juice a great many other sub- this the effects were very various. The stances were mixed, the number and effect on man was certainly very deadly nature of which depended partly on and very rapid : thoroughly trustworthy chance, and partly on the science of Malays in different parts of the Peninthe preparer. The poison fangs of sula told him that they knew from different kinds of snakes, the juices of actual observation that a man who had a number of trees and fruits, even been wounded by it was not able even arsenic, which the " tame " aborigines to finish his " sirih " (betel-chewing),
i kap. vi GENERAL REMARKS
EvenVaughan Stevens, who talks ol the "realaiw poison " as if it were a certain definite composition (instead of a set of compositions), states that indi viduals of the same tribe disagree as to the proper
composition of the poison, and th.it il a man dreams of killing a boast oven with some perfectly harmless
substance, he will in future add this to the ingredients
which make up his own particular " blend" of the poison in question.1
Miscellaneous Ingredients*
The employment of pepper, tobacco, capsicum, onion, and other comparatively harmless ingredients may be due (vide Geiger, p. 18) to the fact of their pungent qualities being regarded as likely to produce inflammation. According to Van Hasselt, on the other hand, they are added to give the poison the desired consistency, but this does not seem very probable. Scorpions' stings and snakes' fangs, etc., are also added to the mixture, as well as Pangium cdnle, Reinw., which contains prussic acid. In this last case, however, as well as in that of some of the other ingredients just mentioned, Geiger points out that the poisonous principle is almost certainly evaporated by boiling, and it may well be that some of the substances aforesaid are employed rather for magical than for pharmacological reasons.
Use of Mineral Poisons.
Geiger further informs us(p. 1 8)thatno single poison (of all those that he investigated) showed the slightest
but was seized with violent cramps very rapid effect, even when adminis-
and severe vomitings, and so died. In tered in very small doses {J. R. A. S.,
some experiments that M. - Maclay S. B., No. 2, pp. 213, 214).
made upon animals the poison had a l ii. 128. Cp. also ii. 108.
266 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
chemical trace of either arsenic or antimony in its composition. Hence he elects to consider them as pure plant poisons. On the other hand, the weight of native testimony (of all kinds) as to the addition of arsenic to these poisons is so universal and overwhelming, that I am inclined to think we have not yet quite got to the bottom of the matter, though in the view of Mr. L. Wray it is the use of arsenic by the Malays, in the cleaning of their kris (and other) blades, that has given rise to these reports. " As a dart-poison '' (Mr. Wray writes me), " arsenic would be useless, and it is not found in the Peninsula in a state in which even the Malays could extract it from its ores." It is sold in the bazaars, however, and may be used for special purposes ; e.g. in shooting tigers.
Durability.
As regards the durability of Ipoh poison, Geiger is doubtless right in ascribing the conflicting reports which characterise it in that respect to the variability of the ingredients composing the poison.1 There is almost certainly a great difference in durability between the poison obtained from the Upas creeper and that of the Upas tree.
Effect of the Poison.
Small birds or mammals when struck by a dart coated at the point with poison of an average strength are killed almost instantaneously, but bigger ones take, as a rule, some minutes to die. In the case of the largest and strongest monkeys the effect of the same (average) poison may take a quarter of
1 Geiger, p. 24. The chemical the scope of this book, is fully treated aspect of the question, which is beyond by Geiger, loc. cit.
i hap. vi GENERAL REMARKS
an hour or perhaps rather longer In all cases the time which elapses before the animal dies depends naturally upon the strength of the poison which has
been used.1
In the words of De Morgan, "a man or (big)
animal," struck by one of these poisoned arrows, feels for several minutes nothing but the pain oi the wound. This is followed by muscular spasms and vomiting, and death follows in a few (more) minutes, if a Strong preparation of the poison has been used. If, however, the poison is no longer fresh (or in any way too weak), the agony lasts for several hours, in the course of which the wound inflames and acquires a bluish tinge.-'
Vaughan-Stevens says that apes and gibbons when struck run a little further through the branches and then fall down in about twenty minutes — less if Upas (Ipoh) is added to the poison. Old men (of the wild tribes) say that Ipoh makes the poison spread more rapidly through the blood. Ipoh acts instantaneously even when hard and dry ; without it the poison works much more slowly.3
Antidotes.
The antidotes mentioned by Geiger (p. 26 seqq.)
consist of certain plant-roots,4 the leaf-stalks of a tree
called " pule," 5 the chewed root of Hernandia sonora,
L. ; as well as that of Ophioxylon serpentinum, L., and
1 Cp. J. A. G. Campbell (p. 241): arrows of the Semang bow, but " For a large bird (as a horn- the Upas poison is used for these bill) or a monkey it takes about a as well as for the darts of the blowquarter of an hour for the poison to pipe.
work, after which time the animal 3 ii. 1 28 ; and cp. Wray, J. A. I. I.e.
falls to the ground ; with small birds 4 E.g. those of Crinum asiaticurn,
or beasts the poison is almost in- L., or Radix toxicaria, Dutch,
stantaneous." 5 Sic ( ? sip\\ih) = A/stonia scholaris,
2 De Morgan (vii. 417; IJ Homme, Br. In Malay " pulih ?'— " return to ii. 621) is here writing of the poisoned life."
268 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part 11
Andira Horsfieldi, Lesch. (Papilionacecz), as well as certain indescribable emetics such as that referred to by Friar Odoricus.1
To these may be added the plant called " crab'sfat " (" lemak kepiting ")2 mentioned by Newbold, and common salt, which is also (according to De Morgan) occasionally referred to as an antidote. According to the Malays, a particular kind of black maize if applied to the wound will act as a remedy. Some such substance may possibly be of use as an absorbent where a very mild preparation of poison is used, but as a rule the aborigines declare that the only remedy is to cut out the part affected immediately, whenever the strongest preparation of the poison (for which there is no known antidote) is used. This, however, is seldom possible, because even at a distance of from 20 to 30 yards the aboriginal can drive his dart into the flesh up to the butt.3
I. — Semang.
Stone Implements — Knives and Hatchets.
The attempt of Vaughan- Stevens to identify certain stone implements, of which he obtained models, with tools of East Semang or Pangan workmanship, can hardly be sustained, for the reasons already set forth, and it may, I think, be taken as a certainty that no branch of the Negrito race in the Malay Peninsula has ever arrived at a sufficiently advanced stage of civilisation to enable them to produce the highly finished neolithic implements that are so common in the Peninsula. On the other hand, it is exceedingly probable that the Semang, like their Andamanese
1 Odorici Lib. p. 21. 2 Newbold, ii. 403.
3 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 128.
chap, vi VI GRITO i Oh h EDAM
cousins, formerly employed both chips and flakes ol stone for various cutting purposes, as well as the simple two stone apparatus which with the Anda
manese takes the place ol hammer and anvil.
Slivers of bamboo, again, were and still are undoubtedly used by the Semang as knife-blades ' and spear-heads, whilst long needles and other boring
instruments are made of bone or wood.
For filing the teeth (Malay fashion) the Pangan employ a piece of sandstone.
The iron knives ("pisau"), choppers ("parang" or " golok "), and hatchets (" b'liong "), ordinarily employed by the Semang, are undoubtedly all of Malay origin, and are usually made by Malays, or by Chinamen following the ordinary Malay patterns, and have nothing particularly distinctive about them, which probably accounts for their being omitted from the accounts given by the usual authorities. I have ventured to draw attention to them, however, because even in cases where the blade may be actually of Malay manufacture, yet both the helve (or shaft) and its rattan lashings may be, and no doubt often are, distinctive of the race, and as such would repay any attention that might be given them. Indeed, 1 have often been informed by Malays that the axe-fastenings of the aborigines could be easily distinguished from those employed by the Malays in the same neighbourhood.
The Malay dagger, or " kris," and the " Tower musket " have both found their way to some extent into the hands of the Semang, by whom they — especially the latter — are greatly prized.
1 Mr. G. C. Bellamy has sent me a of Ulu Jelei, Pahang; cp. p. 249. bone-hafted knife, from the " Pangan " ante, n. 2.
270 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part 11
The Spear.
Kedah Semang'. — Hardly any writer, except De Morgan, mentions the use of the spear by the Negritos (Semang), though many talk of their bows and blowpipes. It is, however, interesting to find that the Semang of Kedah have a word of their own for the spear, and that their name for it 1 is totally different both from the word used by the Sakai 2 and that used by the Jakun and Malays.3
A spear which was collected among the Semang tribes of Upper Perak (Gunong Sapi) by Grubauer, and which is now in the Ethnographical Museum at Cambridge, measured 53^ in. ( 1 307 mm., over-all length) by about 1 in. (25 mm.) in diameter at the thickest part.
Its shaft was made of some tough and heavy wood, and had received a certain amount of polishing. The upper end of the shaft tapered to a point, which its owner had evidently been in the habit of planting in the ground. Its blade, which was of iron, measured 6\ inches (153 mm.) from point to shoulder, and a little less than an inch (ca. 20 mm.) in width.
The Bow. Kedah Semang'. — The Semang living at Siong were evidently quite familiar with the bow, as they described it to me minutely in every detail, but they told me that they had now given up using it. It is quite possible, on the other hand, that they were concealing their bows, as they are known not unfrequently to do. The bow (" loydd ") that they once used (and of which
1 "Ad." For De Morgan's account support the view that the Sakai learnt cp. U H. ii. 618. the use of the spear from the aboriginal
2 " Tarok " (Senoi dialect); "be- Malayan tribes.
lush " (Tembeh dialect) : both of which 3 " Lembing " or " bolos " — con-
words are of Malayan origin, and thus nected with Mai. " buloh " = bamboo.
;t=
Jficjelel,
i. Semang bow.
Semang Implements.
.'/Organ*.
De Morgan. Arrowhead with two barbs.
- Arrows. 3 a. Transverse section of shaft.
- Butt-end of arrow showing vanes and notch. 6. Arrows in their quiver. 7,8. Bamboo tubes used as poison receptacles. 9,10. Spears with bamboo heads. 11,12. Spears with iron heads. 13. Cane. \a, 146. Bamboo fishing receptacles. 15. Large bamboo water-tube with arm. 16, 16a. Wooden plate. 17. Small box or receptacle made from the hard outer part of the " kapayang " fruit. 18. Bamboo whistle. 19,20. Flutes. 21. Bamboo " guitar " with strings made by raising the skin of the bamboo itself, and inserting wedges beneath them. 22. Drum with wooden barrel, and headed with skin tightened by wooden wedges. 23. Bamboo Jew's-harp. 24, 24 a, b. Flint and steel, with bamboo receptacle.— De .Morgan in L'H. 25th October 1885, p. 619.
, hap. vi NEGRITOS 01 KEDAH 271
they made iu.m model) was, ( I id, roughly Bpeaking,
".1 fathom and a half " in height (probably 2.1 m. to
in.), and was made ot a kind OJ wood (ailed, in
the Semang dialect, "tfcmakih." I he string was oi twisted jungle-fibre and the arrows ("wong loydd ")
were of bamboo with barbed iron heads.
I was further informed that the String was made from
carefully twisted st rands of tree-bark, greased and waxed,1
and the arrow-shafts from an internode ofbamboo.
The same informants told me that the shafts of the arrows are often decorated with incised patterns, and have barbed-iron points which fit into a socket at the end of the shaft. This part of the shaft is bound round with a thin sliver of rattan, and the point is so fitted into it that any wounded animal that tries to rid itself of the arrow (by rubbing itself against the brushwood) may succeed in breaking off the shaft, but will leave the point sticking in the wound. A wound from this point, moreover (which is crusted with several coatings of Upas poison), soon kills its victim. The arrow is usually winged with feathers of the hornbill, and the point is rudely forged by pounding a red-hot piece of iron between two large stones.
Perak Semang. — The Semang (of Perak) have a very powerful bow and iron-barbed arrows, with which they kill the largest game.2 It is usually about 7 ft. (2.1 m.) in length, and the iron heads of the arrows, which are given a high finish, are of good workmanship, and poisoned.3 Mr. L. Wray writes me that the arrowT-heads (of the Perak Semang) are made of
1 De M., who confirms this {L'H. ii. = feathers or "vane"; and " go " = 618), adds that sinews of wild animals quiver. The bow is of "ibul" wood, and (deer or bull) are also used for the cord. 2 metres in length, with a curvature of
2 Swett. p. 228. According to 0.30 m. The arrow is 90 cm. in De M. "ak" = bow; "yao" = bow- length. For further details, cp. string; " loi " = arrow-point ; "preg" L'H. ii. 618. 3 Hale, p. 290.
272 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
hard wood, of thin sheet-iron cut from meat-tins, etc. (mounted in wood), and also of forged iron, and that he has sent specimens of all these kinds to the British Museum from Selama and Upper Perak.
Mr. Wray further states that, besides the blowpipedarts, the Semang used bows with poisoned arrows. These arrows had detachable fore-shafts, with either barbed-iron or hard wooden heads. The heads are about 2 in. in length by \ in. in breadth (50 mm. by 19 mm.), and are thickly coated, except near the point, with poison. Mr. Wray had not seen the effect of one of these arrows on an animal, but the Semang amongst whom he lived for about three months on one occasion said that they were able to kill pig, sambhur deer, wild oxen, and even rhinoceros with them, and as he saw bones of these animals at their camps, there appeared to be no reason to doubt the truth of the statement. It was asserted that a deer would drop in from 30 to 40 yards (27 m. to 36 m.) after being struck by an arrow, the rapidity of the action of the poison depending on the vascularity of the portion of the body pierced by the arrow.1
But the best idea of the Semang bow can be formed from the description of two specimens which were collected in Perak by Grubauer on his recent expedition to the Malay Peninsula, and which were purchased from him by me on behalf of the Cambridge University Museum.
The first of these two bows, the stock of which was made of a light-coloured but tough kind of wood, measured Jj in. (over-all length) by 1 in. (1957 mm. by 25 mm.) in thickness at the handle, and the shoulders, which took the knots at each extremity of
1 J. A. /. vol. xxi. (1892), pp. 477, 478. Cp. L Homme y ii. 618.
chap, vi VBGRITOS OF PERAK
the bow cord, were 3 in, (76 mm.) From the tip ol the stock at the lower end, and \ in. (38 mm.) from the tip at the other. The length ol the cord, which was made of stout twisted jungle-fibre (probably manufactured from 1 h<* bark ol the atrtocarpus or "t'rap" tree), w
about OS in, (1007 mm.) from knot to knot.
The second bow was made of a dill- rent kind ol wood, which was of a dark brown colour, and polished. Its over-all length was yi in. (1983 mm.), and it was rather thicker at the handle (i.1, in. = 38 mm.); the distance from the extreme upper tip to the shoulder taking the upper knot of the bow-cord was i£ in. (38 mm.) ; the corresponding measurement at the lower extremity being 2 in. (5 cm.), and the length of the cord itself, from knot to knot, 63 in. (160 cm.).
Together with the bows just described were a couple of quivers containing poisoned arrows. Each of these quivers was made from a bamboo internode, the lower knot of which formed the bottom of the quiver, but neither had any sort of cover or lid, the projecting butt-ends of the arrows preventing it.
The body of the first quiver was made from a particular kind of bamboo which appeared to me to resemble the kind called " buluh kasap." It bore no decoration of any description, and its diameter was 1^ in. (t,S mm.), its length being 19I in. (484 mm.). In this latter measurement, however, is not included a projecting spike which served as a foot when planted in the ground, and which, in the present case, measured 5 in. (126 mm.) in. addition; so that its over-all length was 24^ in. (611 mm.).
Its contents were a couple of arrows and one long hornbill feather measuring 14^ in. (344 mm.) in length.
The length of the first arrow (over-all) was 40 in. vol. 1 t
274 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
( ioi cm.), and its diameter two-fifths of an inch ( i cm.). The shaft was of bamboo, and the arrow was made on the harpoon principle; that is to say, its head was fitted into a short wooden socket-piece with a sharp upper end which fitted into the hollow at the lower extremity of the shaft or " stele," so that the head could be drawn out without difficulty when required. The head itself was of iron, and was thickly coated with a dark brown (almost black) incrustation of Upas poison. It had only a single barb, which before it was caked over wTith the crust of poison must have been about an inch in length, and had been fitted into the socketpiece by a whipping of some strong but fine jungle- fibre (probably the strong thread-like fibres of the " langkap " palm, or some allied material). The entire length of the head (including the socket-piece) was ii in. (28 cm.), and the latter was nicked all round at the point where it joined the shaft.1
At the butt-end of the shaft was the rounded nock, about a fifth of an inch (5 mm.) deep, and just below this nock was the outermost of the two fastenings of the feathers, the precise object of which latter is not very clear. The feathers used are those of the hornbill, and only two are used at a time. The quill having been split, the feather is divided, half being attached to one side of the shaft and half to the other, by means of two lashings, one close to the nock (as described) and the other about a quarter of the way down the shaft, the exact length of the feathering being 8^ in. (204 mm.). But the extraordinary part about the feathering of these arrows is that the web of each
1 For a Semang quiver, v. VII. ii. could not be ascertained in the case
- of these first two arrows, since the
- The exact method by which the juncture was entirely concealed by
head was fitted into the socket -piece the lashing.
chaf. vi NEGRITOS OF PERAK
Feather is dipped right up to the quill, bo that it can have only the verj slightest effect upon the flight oi the arrow. Moreover, the two webs are affixed (.ill that is left of them) at a convergent angle, and the question which at once suggests itself, in view of this peculiar method of fastening them, is whether the Semang
really understand the principle of feathering, and whether they do not rather employ it either as the mutilated survival of more intelligent methods, or perhaps make use of it for solely magical reasons. At all events, the probability that they do not understand the principle is borne out by the independent observations of Vaughan-Stevens, in con- tinuation of the passage quoted below ; and the (apparently inevitable) conclusion that in the Semang we have a race of archers who employ feathering, but do not understand its elementary principles, is a sufficiently remarkable fact, and one which may perhaps be taken as showing the extreme simplicity of the civilisation that we find among them. I should add that the only part of this arrow which is decorated is the part covered by the feathering, which has a large number of incised rings cut round it.
The second arrow (of the first quiver) was like to the first, from which it only differed slightly in respect of its measurements. Its shaft, for instance,. was T)7i m- (&97 mm.), over-all length, and twofifths of an inch (1 cm.) in diameter. The length of the feathering, including the lashings, was 83% in. (210 mm.), and the web was clipped off as above described. The iron head, which was single-barbed, like that of the first arrow, was, however, a trifle shorter.
The second quiver, — which is decorated with a number of concentric rings and a bold geometrical
276 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS pari ii
design consisting of two rows of triangles, with converging points (called " puchok rebong " or the " bam- boo-shoot " pattern), and below this with a pattern consisting of a number of the concentric and conterminal curves, known to the Semang as the " hawk's-eye pattern" (" mata lang "), — measured 24^ in. (611 mm.) over-all, the projecting spike or foot being 8^ in. (204 mm.), and 1? in. (35 mm.) in diameter.
There were no loose feathers inside it, but four arrows, whose over-all lengths were 32* in. (814 mm.), 34^ in. (864 mm.), 33I in. (834 mm.), and, again, 32! in. respectively, with a length of feathering varying from 7 to y\ in. (177 mm. to 200 mm.). In diameter they were a fraction less than the arrows contained in the first quiver, but the only important respect in which they differed consisted in the treatment of the head.
Two of these arrows were of the same type (roughly speaking) as those in the first quiver ; i.e. their iron points were spliced into a short wooden socket-piece, which latter in its turn was inserted into the hollow end of the bamboo shaft. Between these two the only noticeable difference lay in the manner in which the juncture had been effected between the wooden socket-piece and the iron point ; in the first case the spike of the iron point had been driven into the socket-piece (which latter had been bored out on purpose to take it), the two parts of the head being bound very firmly together at the point of junction with a lashing of split rattan coated with resin ; in the second case the juncture was effected by setting the spike of the iron arrow-head between two short prong-like projections (of the socket-piece), somewhat on the w rat's-tail " principle, and binding the two parts round as before.
chap, vi NEGRITOS <>/■ PERAK 277
Both these two arrows arc single barbed, and are decorated, like those contained in the first quiver, with a number o( incised rings between the two extremities of the feathered portion ol the shaft.
The remaining two arrows <>i the second quiver, which have not yet been described, arc much more
roughly made, and make no pretension to any skill of workmanship. In both of them the iron spike of the arrow-head is inserted into the; hollow at the bottom of the shaft direct, and they are entirely unprovided with the wooden socket -piece or holder present in all the other specimens. Also, they are quite undecorated.
I think there can be no doubt that these last two arrows have been hurriedly made, for use, perhaps, in an emergency, and that they are less typical of the arrows ordinarily used by the Semang than those which have received the greater care and finish.
According to Vaughan - Stevens, the feathers of the rhinoceros bird (" tekub ") are used as a charm to make the arrow fatal when it is employed against the tiger, and only tiger-arrows are so equipped.1
Vaughan-Stevens further remarks that this feathering is not adopted to make " the arrow fly straight as in Europe," or at least that the Semang does not understand the principle involved in it. " The feather is stuck in the middle of the shaft, and its vane may point either forwards or backwards, and it does not matter how* it happens to be fastened on." When Vaughan-Stevens pointed out that the arrow, when released (if the vane pointed forwards), would offer resistance to the wind and flutter sharply towards the left, the Semang replied that if the
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 135.
278 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
" wing " of the feather pointed backwards, it would be " compressed " (?) when in actual use. Vaughan- Stevens further remarks, somewhat naively, that, " at all events, as a tiger is always attacked at a distance of a few yards only, an exact aim is of little consequence " ! '
The feathers are of five types, which are considered to be of varying values. In one the full breadth of the wing is cut down whenever it is required for use. The least valuable kind is only used if the better sorts are rare or unobtainable. In one sort the feather is split with a chopper (" parang "), an operation which requires the greatest care and precision.2
In order to make the feathers more effective, the Putto is said in ancient times to have pronounced a charm over them, but nobody now knows this charm, for the Puttos are long ago dead and gone.3
The illustrations which accompany the foregoing account represent the following objects : — (a) quiver as used by the Semang, not for hunting but on his travels through the jungle. It does not contain more than ten arrows, which are, however, of different sorts, two being tiger-arrows ; (b) quiver with magic rings ; (c) obsolete tiger-arrow, headed with bamboo ; (d) and (e) other types of arrows.4
The decorated bamboo quiver, which holds onlythree or four arrows, terminates in a point which enables it to be planted in the ground, and is either simply carried in the hand, or passed through the back of the wearer's belt.5
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 135. 2345 Ibid.
diAi'. vi NEGRITOS OF PERAK
Preparation <>/ the /'< Perak Semang-. The methods employed in pre paring the arrow-poison of the Perak Semang a identical with those used for the manufacture ol poison
for their Mow pipe-darts.
I )c Morgan states that a coating oi poison is
applied directly to the arrow-head, which is dried over the fire like the wooden spatula, when it is covered with the dart-poison. A considerable number ot coatings (of poison) are applied, so that the arrowhead gets thickly encrusted with it.1
The same writer's account of the effects of the poison, which of course vary considerably with its strength and that of the victim, has already been given, and so need not here be repeated."
The ordinary range at which the Semang bow is used is from 30 to 40 paces (23 m. to 30 m.) — no greater than that of the blowpipe. The actual distance, however, to which the arrows will carry is something much greater ; De Morgan, in fact, places it at about 150 metres.3
This same authority states, and here he is in complete accordance with what I have heard from the Negritos myself, that these arrows are employed by the Semang for attacking all kinds of animals, not only monkeys and birds, but big and dangerous game such as the elephant, rhinoceros, and the tiger. And although Vaughan - Stevens alleges that they are employed for tigers only, the statement of De Morgan is undoubtedly, I think, the right one.4
Patani Semang-. — Of the bow used by the Eastern
1 De Morgan, vii. 417. 3 De Morgan, vii. 415.
- Supra, p. 267. 4 Ibid,
28o
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
J' ART II
Semang, or Pangan, we know little more than what is contained in the account given by De la Croix. The Semang of Patani employ instead of the blowpipe an immense bow of about 6 to 7 ft. (1.8 m. to 2.1 m.) in length, which is made either of bamboo or of ironwood, the bow-string being a cord of twisted rattan.1 The arrow, which is 0.70 m. in length, is made of bamboo, and carries at the butt-end a couple of feathers, clipped and fitted to it longitudinally, and at the point an iron blade sharpened and furnished either with one or with two barbs.'2
These arrows, like the darts of the blowpipe, are always poisoned with " Ipoh." 3
The Blowpipe and Darts.
Kedah Semang". — In addition to their national weapon, the bow, the Negritos also very frequently make use of the bamboo blowpipe, which they have undoubtedly borrowed from some of their wild neighbours, either Sakai or Jakun.
The blowpipe has received but little elaboration among the Semang. It consists of a long and delicate inner tube (which is the actual blowpipe), protected by an outer tube or casing, which serves the double purpose of preserving the fragile inner tube from damage and of keeping it from warping as the sap dries out of it.4
1 De M. (iii. 42) declares, and I agree with him, that bamboo is not used for bows. It is too weak. If the illustration given by De la Croix on p. 341 of the article here quoted be compared with those of Negrito bows in Man's Andamanese (Plate VI. pp. 174, I75)> it will be seen that this Semang bow is exactly similarto thatof the Little
Andaman Negritos (which differs widely from that used by the natives of Great Andaman) ; and that even the arrows (though the similarity is less marked than in the case of the bow) nevertheless show a general resemblance.
2 De la Croix, p. 331. 3 Ibid.
4 Cp. De Morgan, vii. 415, and Begbie, pp. 5, 6.
— --
/. J-
f.
c z
7 /•
X ."
M
.5
U
cc
:r.
•*,
|i
~
■~^
o
~,
..
—
JZ
-—
. ii mv vi NEGRITi ' > 0/ A '/■ n.Ml 281
I he inner pipe or blow-tube naturall) requires to be absolutel) free from any roughness or inequalit such as might in the lea \ interfere with the propul >ion of the dart, Hence it is manufactured when possible from a single internode ol a particular species <>i bamboo, whose stem combines the two essentials ol eat length ol internode with an extremely small
diameter.1 This plant, however, is verv rare, and has only been recorded hitherto from one or two mountains in the Peninsula (e,gt (i. Inasand Other and bamboos whose internodes are of sufficient length to form a single jointless tube are rarer still ; ' though even these are occasionally met with.
Most usually, therefore, the inner tube is composed of two internodes. The node or joint is excised, and the two extremities brought carefully together and clamped by means of a closely-fitting sheath (usually o{ palm-wood), which is slipped over the two abutting ends on what may perhaps be called a sort of fishplate system.
Up to this point the method of manufacturing the Semang blowpipe does not differ in any essential from that employed by the Sakai. The Semang, however, apparently finds it too much trouble to poke out the central node of the blowpipe case, and to polish it within (Sakai fashion) by drawing through it the prickly whip-ends of the rattan. Hence he simply cuts the outer tube through at the central knot, and having excised the latter, slips the two portions of the now bisected casing over the inner tube, and unites them by a mere splice of the roughest description. Again, he seldom takes any great
1 Bambusa Wrayi or longinodis. are also made by the Senoi and Tembeh
-' Cp. Hale, p. 288: such weapons (see Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 112).
282 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part u
trouble in decorating or giving a " finish " to the completed weapon.
Perak Semang. — Another peculiarity about the Negrito blowpipe is that its mouthpiece is frequently made of gutta-percha or resin.1
One of the blowpipes that was brought back by Grubauer from the same district possessed a jointless inner tube of Bambusa Wrayi, and measured 85^ in. (217 cm.), over-all length.2 It had a round wooden mouthpiece of the type found among the Semang in the northern frontier of Perak and in Kedah. This specimen is now in the Cambridge Ethnographical Museum, together with another blowpipe, collected at the same place and time, the peculiarity of which is that its mouthpiece is made of a solid lump of resin, apparently as a substitute for gutta-percha, which is more frequently used for the mouthpiece by Semang tribes.
The over-all length of this latter specimen is 80 .1 in. (204 cm.). It has a spliced inner tube, joined in the usual way, and it also has what one hardly expects to find in a Semang blowpipe, viz. the short cylindrical bamboo block inside the muzzle-end, which is so commonly used by Sakai tribes, though its exact raison cCetre is not very clear.
Pangan or East Semang". — Among the Eastern Semang (Pangan) the shaft of the blowTpipe-dart is generally of rougher workmanship than it is among the Sakai. The former manufacture it from the leafstalk of the " bertam " palm (Eugeissona tristis), the shaft being simply pared down with a knife until it reaches the dimensions of a rather thick knittingneedle or "crow quill," when it is generally polished with
1 De Morgan, vii. 416 ; L?H. ii. 613, 614. '2 See p. 255, n. 4, supra.
f
fokfjt.
Semang Blowpipe Apparatus.
De Mi reatt.
i, 2. Negrito blowpipes. 3. Dart. 4. Poison-spatula. 5. Section of mouth-end
of a blowpipe, showing dart in position in centre of inner tube, with wad (£) behind the butt-end (.V) of the dart, /'. R, S, being the arrangement for splicing the
inner tube, and L, L\ that for joining when necessary the mouthpiece-end on to the outer tube (6, 7). 3. Semang dart-quiver. / W. /. /. 282.
T. oo
i kaf. vi / \S i i OAS i NEGRIT\
" tiger's- tongue" leaves ("m£mplas rimau"), lightl) touched with resin, and fitted into a small cone-shaped butt-end. It is then .sharpened to a fine point, and has .1 slight incision or nick cut all round the shaft ai the commencement of the point. This nick enables the point (whenev \x the shaft collides with anything) to break oil short, and thus, bee-like, the dart l< its
sting- in the wound when the quarry tries to escape through the jungle. It is not, perhaps, going too far to describe the dart as a sort of human bee-sting,
and it is not impossible that this feature of the wild man's armoury may have been copied from nature. It is of course only the point, below the nick, that is coated with poison.
The point itself is as long and fine as a needle, but is nevertheless as a rule wonderfully strong, though this strength naturally depends upon the qualities of the stem from which it is made. The conical butt, which steadies the dart in its flight and assists its momentum, is fitted on to the thicker end of the dart-shaft, and is made of a species of rattan (" rotan 'lang "), which is pared down with a knife just sufficiently to allow it to pass with freedom through the tube.
As regards the length of the darts, a Semang named Chintok told me that the Pangan of Ligeh make use of the foot (from heel to toe) as the recognised standard of length for a blowpipe-dart, but that longer darts carried both further and truer than the shorter ones. Another standard which was said to be in use was the bone of the forearm measured from the elbow to the little finger-joint.
The quiver in which the Semang kept their new-made darts was of the simplest possible type,
284 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part n
consisting of nothing but an internode ("joint") of bamboo, which was, however, often highly ornamented exteriorly,' but was nevertheless entirely devoid of the elaborate fittings which are to be found in the quivers used by the Sakai.
Preparation of the Poison.
Kedah Semang". — The following is a detailed account of the method employed by the Semang for tapping the Upas tree. During my stay at Siong (in the interior of Kedah), a Semang named Padang went out one morning to collect Upas poison for his darts, and I was allowed to accompany him. He took with him a poison receptacle made out of a bamboo internode (it was about one foot long, and just big enough in diameter to admit a man's thumb), a jungleknife or chopper (" golok "), and a small lump of wax obtained from the comb of a small wild bee.2 A few yards away from the hut, in heavy jungle, he stopped in front of a fine tree from 40 to 60 ft. (12 m. to 18 m.) high, and with smooth bark not unlike an English beech. This was a specimen of the Upas tree. Picking a leaflet of the low-growing " bertam " palm,3 he cut off a part of it, taking a strip of leaf about 9 inches long. This strip he affixed by means of the wax to the stem of the tree. He then vigorously slashed the bark of the tree with the chopper, cutting a succession of large V-shaped marks, one above the other, in the bark. This process, he declared, was dangerous, from the liability of the sap to spurt into and blind the operator's eyes. The poison, however, is a blood poison, and there does not appear
1 Cp. EH. ii. 617 (illustration). 2 Mai. "kelulut."
:; Etigeissona t?-istis, Griff. (Pa/mtc).
< IIAI\ \ I
NEGRITOS Ob KEDAH
to be any real danger, as even the practice ol cutti out the flesh surrounding the wound, before eati .in animal which has been killed vrith a blowpip*
(I Hi, docs not appear to be prai tised universally,1 and there is probably no great harm in the poison unl< (as stated) when it gets into the blood.*
To return to the subject, another Semang (named Chintok) showed me how to apply the poison to the
darts. This process was usually performed over one oi the numerous hearth-fires within the palm-leaf shelter, but On the present occasion it was performed outside. Chintok took the bamboo containing the poison, and borrowing a fire-log from his own hearth, settled down quietly to the work. Having first poured the poison into the bamboo tray (formed from a diagonal section of a big stem of bamboo), he next took up a little of the liquid in a primitive kind of bamboo ladle, and pouring it out upon a broad wooden spatula, commenced to toast the latter at the fire, working up the poison with a small bamboo spatula. When first deposited on the spatula, the poison was very fairly liquid, and of a light brown, liver, or coffee colour, but Chintok continued to heat it until it became of a very rich, dark " Vandyke " brown, little (if at all) lighter than the dried poison which is still to be seen on the darts. As soon as it had sufficiently thickened and browned, Chintok rolled the tip of each of the
1 For an exception see Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 78 (of the Mantra).
2 The wild tribes certainly appear, or pretend to be, very much afraid of the tree, but on this point Vaughan-Stevens says : "I have myself felled four, have spent three to four hours sitting on the trunk, and waited till the sap flowed out of the cut rings, have had my hands and arms quite sticky with the
sap, and for experiment have lain along the trunk, sleeping there for a whole night, without its having the slightest effect on me. I have held my head close over the boiling sap and breathed the strongly - smelling steam for an hour together without getting even a headache, and I never felt a burning if I put the juice on my skin or any irritation in the eyes" (V. -St. ii. 112 .
286 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMEA TS i-akt ii
darts in turn in it until they acquired a thick, coagulated clot about the point, which extended as high as the nick already referred to. The darts, thus poisoned, were dried in the sun, being made to lean against a stick or log, with the points directed upwards.
It was alleged by the Semang that the "blackening" of the dart would render it less visible when in use, but even if the assertion were true, it seems hardly necessary. Yet some of the Semang maintained that the dart-point (when coated with the poison) is regularly " blackened " by being smoked either over a fire or in torch-smoke. Possibly, however, the reason of the popularity of the black tint may be merely that it shows that the dart has been well dried.
The poison used is of several strengths, which vary according to the kind of quarry which it is designed to kill. Chintok informed me that when it was used in its full strength a thin line was burnt across the butt-end thus, 0 ; but that when the poison used is of inferior strength (as it would be if designed for small game or birds), no mark was made on it.
None of the Kedah Semang were in the habit of mixing anything with the Upas poison. This, however, was due (they said) to the fact that they used poison derived direct from the Upas tree (Antiaris), which can be utilised without any further admixture, whereas other Semang tribes, e.g. those north of the Plus, employed the Upas creeper (" ipoh akar," or " ipoh gunong "), which has been identified with Strychnos tieute (Bl. Loganiacece)}
The cuticle or bark of this latter plant is (by the Semang north of the Plus) shredded and boiled till it
1 See Ridley's Plant-List, s.v. "Ipoh." Cp. also J. A. G. Campbell, p. 241.
« hat, \i NEGRITOS <>/ h I DAM 287
becomes sufficiently thii kened for use, but they belie the Fumes ol the boiling liquor to be so poi they sit yards awaj From the pot during the operation.1 According to Vaughan Stevens, the Ipoh by itself does not kill in twentj five cases out <>f thirty, and, in the other five, does so only through the pier dug of an artery or other vital part. This statement, however, must be received with caution, as the poison is not required to kill, but merely to bring down the
quarry, which is usually followed up and despatched by hand, the strength oi the poison used naturally varying greatly according to the resisting power of the object struck. If the quarry, eg. a small bird, were
allowed to fall dead in thick jungle, it would certainly be hard to retrieve, whereas when it is wounded and trying to escape through the jungle, it can be tracked more easily (from a native point of view) by the rustling it makes. Moreover, the aborigines naturally husband their scanty stock of poison as far as possible, and seldom if ever waste their ammunition.3
The question of antidotes has been much debated, but the only one that the Semang of Kedah could suggest was the eating of earth mixed with " asam
1 For a similar instance of the based not on the Ipoh creeper {Strychnos) use of the tree-Ipoh poison alone, see but on the tree Ipoh ; and as no men- Hale, p. 289. See also De Morgan tion is made of Strychnos ("Blay") (L'H. ii. 620), who is perfectly clear on being added to it, and Vaughanthe point, and bears out what I my- Stevens himself adds that even for large self independently observed. De birds the " Ipoh " itself was sufficient, Morgan remarks that "if they require the conclusion is obvious. Moreover, a less - powerful poison, they employ on p. 107 he distinctly implies that in the sap of the Ipoh tree, with the some cases only Antiaris poison is emaddition of the sap of certain small ployed.
roots (' tubercules '), or even the sap 2 Cp. Z. f. E. xxvi. 169, where
of the Ipoh by itself." monkeys wounded by one of these darts
But the most conclusive evidence on are described as being despatched by
this point is that of Vaughan-Stevens the chopper ("parang"),
himself, according to whose account the 3 Cp. VH. ii. 617, where we are told
poison of the Benua-Jakun tribes is they never shoot at a moving object.
288 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS iart ii
k'lubi " (an acid jungle fruit), but this does not seem to agree with the Sakai and Jakun prejudice, which is directed against the eating of acid fruit with the flesh of animals killed by the dart. On the other hand, the eating of the earth would no doubt in itself be good.
Perak Semang-. — De la Croix quotes ■ from Sir Hugh Low's journal the results of some experiments with Ipoh poison which Sir H. Low had carried out. He quotes, inter alia, Sir Hugh Low's remark to the effect that the Semang informed him that in preparing their poison they mixed the sap of the tree- Ipoh with that of a particular kind of climbing plant, and that they then dried it immediately on a spatula over the fire, no further preparation being required.2
Sir Hugh Low is further quoted as writing that on a particular day one Lela Perkasa had just brought him some fresh sap from an Ipoh tree growing nearby, the trunk of which had been cut down, and that in view of previous experiences, he (Sir H. Low) had the poison prepared in his own presence.3
The man began by making a small wooden spatula, on which he spread successive layers of the poison. This he dried gradually over a slow fire, or rather over hot embers, the substance immediately turning a nutbrown colour. He assured Sir Hugh that the poison was thus carried on the spatula, and that when it was required for use it was only necessary to moisten the point of the arrow and rub it over the poison.4
The tree which furnished the sap had been cut down, but young branches had sprouted since, and those that he brought in proved that it was essentially the same as an artocarpus, from which Sir H. had obtained
1 Sir H. Low, quoted by De la Croix, p. 331. 234 Ibid. Cp. V Homme, ii. 620-622.
- II VI". \ I
,w GK1T0 "/■ /'/-.A'.
some poison some time bad on the banks <>t the
Plus.1
Alter describing Further experiments with tin
poison, Sir II. I .e>\ remarks that Lela I'erLi >a had assured him that the sap of the Ipoh Creeper, when
not quite fresh (as in the previous day's experiments),
Could not produce so rapid an ef!--< | as that which had been prepared the same morning.
Lela Perkasa further stated that the sap of th<
Ipoh was absolutely innocuous until it had been heated as above described. When a Stronger poison is required, the sap of the Ipoh is mixed with sap obtained from the roots of a plant called " lekir " (" lekyer " — a common Amorphophallus), A tenth part of this latter added to the mixture will make the poison strong enough to kill a rhinoceros or a tiger ; if it merely touches the skin it will raise a blister, and hence they are afraid to keep it ready-made for fear of accidents. There is another plant called "gadong," which is described as a species of wild yam, and whose sap increases the activity of the poisonous principle of Ipoh ; yet Lela Perkasa declared that none of these saps is poisonous in the state in which it is gathered from the tree, but requires admixture and heating over a slow fire. This operation, he said, should only be performed in the jungle, and in the presence of not more than two persons.4
The " lekir " has a stem about 9 feet high. The leaves, which branch into three separate parts, are from 4-5 feet long. The stem of the biggest, though not yet quite full grown, was 4 inches (" pouces ") in
1 Sir H. Low, quoted by De la meant. For Vaughan-Stevens' experi-
Croix, p. 331. - lb. merits with the sap, see p. 287, ;;. 1.
3 Probably the Ipoh tree is here 4 Sir H. Low, be. cit. p. 333.
VOL. I U
290 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
diameter, and was variously coloured with shades of brown, green, and grey. The blossom is white, and only appears when the leaf and stem are already dead. At the moment of expansion it emits an intolerable odour, resembling that of putrefying matter. The lower part of the blossom continues to shoot up as the ends ripen. Sir Hugh had seen it reach a height of 4 feet and with pericarps (?) more than a foot long. He had also had brought him a specimen of "gadong," which was a thorny creeper with trefoil leaves, growing out of a bunch of slightly flattened roots.1
Yet another excellent account of the methods of poisoning the dart-points, as practised by the Perak Semang, is that given by Mr. Wray, who states that he once visited Ulu Selama, where some of the Semang lived, and was taken by them to a place called Kuala Jah, at about five hundred feet of elevation, where he was shown, growing in the virgin forest, within a hundred yards of one another, two large Ipoh trees. The larger was about five feet in diameter at a height of five feet from the ground, and had a trunk full a hundred feet in height at the first branch. It had been tapped many times, the bark being deeply scored up to a height of twenty-five feet from the ground ; the smaller tree was also scored all over. The bark externally was white, and internally orange-brown, and was very thick and fibrous. On fresh scores being cut into the bark, the dirty whitybrown sap ran very sparingly out, and was conducted down palm leaves, stuck on to the trunk of the tree with clay, into bamboos. The scores weie cut slanting alternately right and left, like what is known as
1 Sir H. Low, quoted by De la Croix, p. 333.
CHAP, vi \v GRITOS <>/ PI K I A
herring-bone stitching, with the lower ends oi the pointing inwards. At the bottom <>t tau h
riea ol scores was put a leaf, Fastened to the bark with clay, to lead the sap which trickled down into a bamboo. Only about three ounces of sap was got the first clay; but two clays afterwards, by erecting a
iffolding around the tree and extending the score i up the trunk, about one pint was obtained, Three
Ounces Of sap, the Semang declared, was enough to poison a hundred blowpipe-darts.1
The sap having been collected from the trees, a spatula-shaped piece of wood was taken and heated over a clear wood fire, and a small quantity of the sap poured on to it and spread out with another but smaller wooden spatula, and held over the fire till nearly dry, and the process repeated till all the sap was evaporated. There remained on the spatula a dark brown gummy substance, on which the points of the darts were rubbed three times, being dried over the fire between each application of the poison. This simple process completed the preparation of the poison, with the exception of the other things that are sometimes mixed with the Ipoh.
The sap, which proved to be bitter and biting in taste, and decidedly acid to test-paper, on exposure to the air quickly darkened to a brown colour, and yielded, when dried on a water-bath, twenty-nine per cent of solid Ipoh. This substance, if put thinly on a slip of glass and examined by a microscope, is seen to contain numerous crystals of antiarin.
In the course of the same account Mr. Wray further observes that what Griffith says about the poisonous properties of the Ipoh being derived from
1 L. Wray in/. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892), pp. 476, 477.
292 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part u
admixture of arsenic was information probably derived irom the Malays, for the aborigines are quite ignorant of that poison ; and, as Professor Ringer pointed out, the action of arsenic is very different from that of Ipoh, besides which animals killed with arsenic would be quite unfit for food.1
Mr. Wray here observes that it is the aborigines alone who use poisoned weapons in the Peninsula. The Malays put arsenic on their krises and spears, but it is employed solely with the view of bringing out the damascening of the blades, and not as a poison."
Mr. Wray once had the opportunity of noticing the effects of Ipoh poison on a human being. It occurred while he was descending a river in Upper Perak in 1889, and he made at the time a note to the effect that, while unloading and carrying the baggage over the rocks, a poisoned blowpipe-dart fell out of a quiver and stuck into the upper part of one of the men's feet. It was at once pulled out, and a Semang squeezed the wound to get as much blood as possible, then tied a tight ligature round the leg and put limejuice on to the wound. The man complained of great pain in the foot, of cramp in the stomach, and vomited, but these symptoms soon passed off. The point only went into the foot about one-third of an inch, and the dart was instantly pulled out. The Semang said that had it gone deep into a fleshy part of the body it would have caused death.3
As stated above, the Semang sometimes mix other poisons with the Ipoh. The plants from which these are derived are known to the Malays as " lekir " and " gadong." In both cases it is the expressed juice
1 L. Wray in/. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892), p. 477. - lb. 3 lb.
i hap, vi w GRITO& 0/ PER \h
of the tubers chat is employed, The "l< -l. an Aroid
belonging to the genus \morphophallusy and th( 11 gadong " is a thorn} climbing yam belonging to the order Dtosconacea. Botanical specimens ol both
these plants had l»een sent t<> i In - Calcutta Botanical Gardens, but identifications had not (when writing) been received. It was probable thai the specimens ol "lekir" had been transmitted to K<w by Dr, King, in which case they would be found numbered 3327.1
The tubers are rasped up fine with a knile, and the soft mass put into a piece' of cloth, which is then
forcibly pulled through two pieces of stick tied firmly
together .1 short distance apart, SO that the juice, which is very acrid, is expressed without coming in contact with the hands. The juice of the lt lekir " and "gadong" tubers so obtained is mixed with the Ipoh sap, and the mixture dried on a wooden spatula over a fire, and the darts poisoned in the way that has already been described.2
The tubers of both these plants, which contain starch in large quantities, are cut up into thin slices and suspended in a basket in running water and allowed to steep until the poison contained in them has been dissolved out. They are then cooked and eaten by the aborigines, and also occasionally by the Malays.1'
The acrid juices of these plants are said not to be fatal by themselves, and the part they play when mixed with the arrow-poison is to cause local irritation, which hinders wounded animals from escaping before the antiarin has time to act ; but all the Semang and Sakai encountered declared that the pure Ipoh was more deadly than the mixture.4
1 L. Wray in/. A. 1. vol. xxi. (1S92), pp. 47S, 479. - 3 4 lb.
294 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part 11
The juice of the tubers of the "gadong" is decidedlyacid when fresh. It smells somewhat like raw potatoes, and is bitter and astringent, producing a stinging sensation on the tongue, and a very unpleasant dry feeling in the mouth, which persists for a considerable time. The acidulated juice yields a yellowish-brown precipitate to a solution of iodine in iodide of potassium. The precipitate redissolved in sulphurous acid and evaporated yields long, branching, needle-like crystals. The juice mixed with spirits, filtered and evaporated to dryness and redissolved in dilute sulphuric acid, filtered and evaporated again, also yields long branching crystals, which have an astringent taste like the juice, and are possibly the poisonous principle.1
The freshly expressed juice of the " lekir " tubers is faintly acid to test-paper. It smells somewhat like beetroot, and is acrid and causes irritation when applied to the skin. It appears not to contain alkaloid, as it affords no precipitate when a solution of iodine in iodide of potassium is added to the filtered and acidulated juice, nor when the juice is just rendered alkaline by potash. When distilled, the distillate smells like the juice, and is slightly opalescent, but it does not cause irritation when applied to the skin, or even to a wound. It tastes the same as it smells, and does not injuriously affect the tongue.2
Antidotes.
The only antidote for Ipoh poison (said Lela Perkasa) was to eat earth. Any sort of earth will do, and the patient, however ill, will always end by getting
! L. Wray in/. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892), p. 479. 2 lb. pp. 479, 480.
chap, yi EAST COA GRITO
better. 1 le learned ol this antidote by Beeing a < n that be had wounded fly down to the ground, swall<
some earth, and resume its flight.1
Pang'an or E. Semang. The following is a summary of Vaughan-Stevens' description of the preparation ol I poh poison by the Pangan. The sap ol the u (obtained by shaving the stem and bruising it with
tile hack of a " parang ") is poured into a vessel made ol twisted palm-leaf. It is stirred till it turns bright yellow, when it is poured into a pot for boiling. The
hark of " perghoo," " choichoi," " kre<" " lendou ," and " garsung " is put into a bamboo with the leaves c>\ " rumpi " (sic, ? " rami ") and " jelatang " ~ ; water is added, and the mixture heated for about ten minutes. The liquor is then added to the pot, the lees of wet bark being wrapped in a leaf and wrung out to extract the remainder of the liquid. Meanwhile the bark of " Blay kechil," " Blay besar," " Blay hitam," and " Bhoi " is similarly boiled and added to the liquor. The tubers of "gadong" and "kepayang" fruits are cut up small and boiled for four hours, when they too are added to the mixture. The fruit of "s'lowung" and "chow" and the roots of " bal," " sedudo'," and " begung " are boiled in yet another bamboo and put into the pot with the rest. The sap of two rattans (Riong and Butong) follows, and the heads of centipedes and snakes and scorpions' tails are smoked between two knife-blades and added also. Fresh Rengut (" ringhut ") fruits may now be added if procurable, and the pot containing the mixture is boiled till its contents are reduced bv one-half.3
The contents are then poured through a palm-leaf funnel into a clean bamboo, the pot washed, the
1 Sir H. Low, quoted by De la The account is probably (as usual with Croix, p. 333. - V.-St. "jelatung." V.-St.) eclectic. For identifications, :; Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 1 1 1 seqq. v. App.
296 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS PA*] n
44 filtered " liquor poured back and the Ipoh (Upas) sap added, the pot being then boiled till the mixture becomes a golden-yellow syrup. When sufficiently thickened it is poured off into bamboo tubes, and is ready for use. Its preparation takes about 2\ hours.1
II. — Sakai. Stone Implements.
Perak Sakai. — The remarks already made with regard to the use of stone implements by the Semang apply with no less force to the Sakai tribes, none of which, any more than the Semang, has ever yet reached a stage of civilisation at which such implements might have been produced, though they may nevertheless have quite well been in the habit of using chips and flakes of stone to do their cutting.
On the other hand, they are, like the Semang, undoubtedly acquainted with the use of cutting and boring instruments made of bamboo or bone, and like them too they now obtain their axes and spear-heads and choppers from the neighbouring Malays.
The Spear.
Perak Sakai. — Of the Sakai of Perak Hale 2 says, in fact, that they purchase spears and other implements from the Malays, but that though he also saw spears which they made for themselves, and which were furnished with fire-hardened bamboo blades, the Sakai told him the latter were only used for setting in springtraps. This statement on the part of the Sakai was doubtless true as far as the specimens that Mr. Hale saw were concerned, but in those parts of the country
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. in seqq. 2 Hale, p. 288.
Sakai of South Perak, with Blowpipes.
Vol. /. r- -^
•fir$i{tt,JC
De Morgan.
Sakai Quivers.
i. Sakai dart-quiver (S. Kinta. Perak).
- Sakai dart-quiver (S. Bernam) : section showing darts (A") carried in small bamboo tubes or reeds (A) \ also tbe node (Z)) forming the bottom of the (bamboo) quiver: a rattan ring (C) for holding back the wadding ; and the recess (E) in which the wadding is carried.— De Morgan in L II. 25th October 1885, p. 616.
Vol. I. />. 297.
. MAP. \l SAh -// I '/ I'l ./A
where iron Made, are scarce, pear bladi i made ol bamboo with palm wood shafts are neverthele i em ployed as the most natural and usual substitute.
The />'<'.
Perak Sakai. There .ire only two cases known to me in which the use of the how has been attributed to
the Sakai.
According to De la Croix, the Sakai ol Kenering possessed a bow1 which was similar to that used by
the Semang of Patani ; and a similar statement was made by Miklucho-Maclay, who was, however, quite
rightly corrected by Pleyte. In both cases, however, there can be no doubt that the error arose entirely from applying the name " Sakai " to Negritos, and that these so-called Kenering Sakai of De la Croix, no less than Miklucho-Maclay's Sakai, were in reality of Semang (or, at least, Semang-Sakai) origin.5
The Blowpipe.
Perak Sakai. — The Sakai blowpipe has the same arrangement of an outer and an inner tube, and is constructed of the same material as that of the Semang. The inner tube is closely fitted into the outer tube or casing, which (unlike the casing of the Semang weapon) is made in one piece, the central node (should a jointless tube be unobtainable) being knocked out with a wooden spike, and the jagged edges rasped away by means of the prickly 'Teaf-wThips " of a kind of rattan, and finally polished so as to allow the inner tube or blowpipe to be fitted into it without
1 De Morgan, vii. 417: viii. 225, 3 The4' Hill Kreans "(.. i4 Karens'"),
and elsewhere. whose " long bows and arrows " are
- De la Croix, p. 331 : cp. H Homme, referred to in /. I. A. (vol. iv. pp. 429,
iii. 4~- 430), must certainly have been so too.
298 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS fart 11
injury. This doubling of the tube, as has been said, is intended to keep it straight and to prevent warping, and generally to protect the blowpipe, which would be otherwise too frail to sustain its own weight.1
The Sakai blowpipe is, as a rule, far more highly decorated (with incised rectilinear designs) than that of the Semang, and has a wooden mouthpiece which, for shooting purposes, is either placed between the lips and the teeth or taken directly into the mouth itself.2
The darts, which are not of bamboo but of the hard leaf-rib of the "bertam," are of the usual " knitting-needle " type, and have butt-ends not of rattan but of " bertam " wood, but are more delicately finished and symmetrical than those of the Semang, which in comparison are very roughly made. They are from 8-1 1 in. (20 cm. to 28 cm.) long. The usual wad of flocculent palm-down is inserted in the tube behind them to prevent windage.3
This down is obtained from the cuticle of a tree, fined down with a knife, sun-dried, and rolled in the hand in order to eliminate the harder tissues.4
The quivers of the Sakai are much more elaborate than those of the Semang. They are made from a bamboo (internode), which is highly decorated, and which contains small bamboo tubes or reeds in which the darts are kept ; they further contain all the requisites for making new darts and for poisoning them.J
1 For descriptions and illustrations, 5 De Morgan, L'H. ii. 616, and sec De Morgan, vii. 416 ; L' Homme, vii. /. c. Hale (p. 289) adds, "At ii. 614 ; and Male (who gives measure- the bottom of the quiver a supply of ments), pp. 288, 289 ; cp. also^. /. A. bees-wax is always kept, with which to vol. iv. pp. 429, 430, where, however, polish the quiver as well as the blowbamboo (!) darts are spoken of. pipe, exteriorly ; this polishing, com-
2 3 De M. and Hale, loc. cit. bined with the fact that they are always 4 De M. loc. cit. Hale (p. 289) suspended over the fire, where the
says it is composed of the natural fluff smoke can get at them, helps to give or down obtained from the leaf-bases them the rich red colour that the of certain rattans {Calami). Sakai admire."
Cerruti.
Sakai of South Perak, carrying Blowpipe.
Vol. I. /. 29E.
SAKAi Men, One (standing) \vr
'• /• 299.
with Blowpipe and Quiver, the Other with Back-Basket.
Wray.
(seated)
< II \l\ \l
/A // OF PERAK
A ring of woven cane (em ircling the quiver) affords the means <>f attaching the quiver to the waist « ord, a similar ring being used for Fastening the hinge oi the lid, which latter isol basket work,1 and is fitted interiorl) with a ring of bent cane for holding the wadding, and preventing it from falling out when the lid is opened.1
The girdle is made from the cuticle of the Arto carpus finely plaited, and is fastened about the waist with a buckle made of bone.
The range of a blowpipe-dart is about So metres, according to the strength of the operator. But the usual range actually employed is never more than 30 to 35 paces (23 m. to 27 m.). At this distance, however, they are marvellously clever, and a Sakai has been seen to hit w-ith his first shot a dollar deposited on the trunk of a fallen tree at about 30 paces (23 m.) distance.4
M. Brau de Saint-Pol Lias declared ' that he had seen a blowpipe wrhich was rifled, but he gives no details, and until some confirmation comes to hand, his statement, which is entirely unsupported, cannot be received with too much caution.
When the Sakai require a very powerful poison they mix together in a bamboo tube the sap of a tree called Ipoh and the sap of a small root. They then gently dry the mixture over a slow fire, adding moisture from time to time in order to dry it afresh.
1 Or of wood hollowed out by fire and knife, that of the Kenaboi being of basket-work. — V.-St. ii. 120, 121.
- De M. loc. cit. ; l? Homme, ii. 620.
3 Cp. Hale, p. 289, where we are told that the quiver is "supported round the waist by a cord of native manufacture, and fastened with a buckle made from the bone of a monkey, the upper mandible of a hornbill,'' etc.
4 De M. UH. ii. 617. Cp. Hale, p. 289. The blowpipe is a very deadlyweapon for any animal up to the size of a siamang, and up to a distance of 60 yards (55 m.), whereas at 50 yards (45 m.) distance "a Sakai, clever in the use of it, will put five darts out of six into a common playing card." Cp. De la Croix, p. 334.
5 Lias, pp. 25S, 259 : cp. p. 256, attti.
300 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS pari ii
The boiling is completed in four processes ; and just before the last boiling a little poison obtained from the poison glands of snakes, scorpions, and centipedes is added. A little of the poison is then applied to a small spatula, which is dried slowly over a smouldering fire ; a fresh layer is then applied and the spatula moved slowly to and fro over the fire. The poison thus prepared is dark brown, and is very soluble in water. If a less powerful poison is required, the sap of the Ipoh and the root is alone employed, or else the Ipoh by itself; in either case the methods of preparation are identical. The poison is now ready for immediate use, the point of the dart being slightly wetted and rubbed upon the small spatula which is covered with the poison.1
To complete his inquiry into the sources of the arrow-poisons of the aborigines, Mr. Wray visited the district of Batang Padang, to ascertain how the Sakai prepared their poison. As previously mentioned, they only used it on their blowpipe - darts, as bows and arrows are not employed by them."
Mr. Wray visited two Ipoh trees, both of which were deeply scored like those in Selama. The scoring of the bark was not, however, so regular as with the Semang, and no sign of the herring-bone method was to be seen. The usual plan was to cut detached V-shaped incisions, and the method of collecting the sap differed also from that already described.3
Several pieces of bamboo were taken, and to each was fixed a piece of wood, which was ingeniously cut,
1 De M. /. c. Cp. Hale, 289. The for use, it is put on a spatula moistened
sap of the Ipoh tree is * ; boiled down to and warmed over the fire, and then
the consistency of thick treacle, a large applied to the dart." Cp. also De la
quantity at a time. It will then, in a Croix, p. 334, as to the varying strengths
properly stoppered bamboo, keep for of the Sakai poison (even on the darts
any length of time. When required of the same quiver). 2 3 Wray, /. e.
. MAP. VI SAKAJ ' '/■ !
so that when its chisel-shaped upper end was app to the bark ol the tree below a icore the Bap flowed
first down its upper surface till ii met with a i channel which conducted it round to the under surfao and then into the bamboo receptacle.
The sap being collected, two wooden spatulas w< prepared, and a piece ol large bamboo split in hall
as to form a small trough, and the sap poured into it.
The larger spatula was heated over a fire and the sap
ladled out of the bamboo and spread on its heated
surface by means ol tin- smaller spatula, and dried b
being held with the uncoated side over the tire ; it
was then reversed and sap spread on its upper or
uncoated side, and when that was in its turn nearh
dry, again reversed and a fresh supply of sap applied
to the surface first coated. This was repeated until
all the sap had been inspissated. -
The darts are coated in the manner before mentioned, and when the poison is very hard and dry and will not soften by being heated, a few drops ot water are put on to the spatula and mixed, by means of a smaller spatula, with the poison until it acquires the right consistency to apply to the points of the darts/
The Sakai and Semang methods of collecting and preparing the poison are really the same, only differing in details. The Sakai, however, do not mix "lekir" juice with the Ipoh,and the way they mix the "gadong * juice with it is not the same as that employed by the Semang. For this purpose the Ipoh sap is prepared as just described, and a piece of the " gadong " tuber is peeled and sliced up fine and placed in a joint of a bamboo, and ground up with water by means of a wooden pestle. The fluid is then poured off and
1 /. A. J. vol. xxi. (1892). pp. 479, 4S0. - lb. 3 /^
3o2 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
fresh water added and the process repeated. The fluid is then boiled and filtered through leaves in which some fine scrapings of bamboo are put. It is then evaporated in an open vessel over a fire to the consistency of a thick syrup, and mixed with the Ipoh in the proportion of three parts of Ipoh to one of " gadong." 1
The Sakai living in the plains employ the Antiaris poison, as a rule, since the plants from which it is prepared are low-country forms ; but the Sakai of the hills use a poison prepared from three hill plants known as " Ipoh akar," or root Ipoh — in contradistinction to the Antiaris or "Ipoh kayu" (tree Ipoh) — "prual," and "lampong."2
" Ipoh akar " is a large climbing Strychnos, with a stem often as much as three inches in diameter. It has dark green glabrous, opposite leaves, with three prominent longitudinal veins. The fruit is said to be large and round, and to contain seeds about half an inch in diameter, and the flower is stated to be reddish. It grows on the hills, and is to be seen at over 4000 feet elevation. The specimens procured were collected on Gunong Batu Putih in Batang Padang. The portion of this plant from which the poison is extracted is the bark of the roots and lower part of the stem. It is often employed without admixture, and is then prepared 3 as follows : —
The bark, which is burnt sienna coloured, is scraped with knives from the roots ; the scrapings are put into a pan with water and boiled, the water is poured off and filtered. Fresh water is added to the bark, which is again boiled for some minutes, and the water poured off a second time. The exhausted
1 /. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892), p. 480. 2 lb. 3 lb.
, hap. vi SAKA1 <>/ PERAK
shavings of bark are then thrown away, and the
filtered infusion, which is bright burnt sienna coloured,
is reduced hy boiling in an open pan to a syrup. It
is then poured while hot into a bamboo, where it
solidifies. It is applied to the darts in the manner
already explained, and is said to he more powerful than the Antiaris, but is rendered quicker in its action when mixed with the poison derived from the other two plants above mentioned.1
Of these " prual" ' is also a climber, growing on the hills. The largest stem Mr. Wray had seen was one and a half inches in diameter. It has opposite bright green entire leaves, but of its flowers and fruit he had neither seen nor been able to get any description. The young shoots contain a very fine strong white silky fibre. His specimens were also collected on Gunong Batu Putih. The bark of the roots, which is rather pale yellow in colour, is the part of the plant which is employed in making the poison. This arrow-poison is said not to be so strong as Antiaris, but to be quite capable of killing when used by itself.3
The third plant is called " lampong," and is also a climbing species of Strycknos.* It has opposite threeveined leaves like " Ipoh akar" (only they are consider- ably smaller), and it is stated to have similar fruit, but grows lower down on the hills, Mr. Wray's specimens being collected on the Cheroh hills. Like the two preceding plants, the bark of the roots, which is white, is the part from which the poison is extracted. It is said to be not so powerful as "prual," but is often employed by itself.5
In making the mixed poison six parts of scraped
, lJ.A.I. vol. xxi. (1892), p. 481. 2 Coptosapella flavescens.
3 WTray, /. c. 4 Str, Maingayi, Clarke. 6 Wray, /. c.
304 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
M Ipoh akar " bark are taken, to which is added one part of each of "prual" and "lampong" bark, and the mixture is exhausted with boiling water, filtered and evaporated in the same way as has already been described when simple " Ipoh akar" is treated.1
It was stated by the Sakai that Antiaris and " Ipoh akar " are rarely if ever mixed with one another. The latter poison is said to retain its virulence, in the form of an extract, for years.2
III. — Jakun.
Weapons and Implements.
The same remarks that have been made with regard to stone implements in the case of the Semang and the Sakai apply with at least equal force to the third branch of these aboriginal tribes, and need not therefore be recapitulated here. The weapons and implements of the Jakun at present are the "parang" or chopping-knife, the "seligi " or "squailer," the spear (originally of bamboo), the blowpipe, and (finally) the adze, although knowledge of this latter appears to have been merely borrowed by the Jakun from their more progressive neighbours. As has already been recorded, an old writer declares that he met a Jakun at Malacca in 1833, who claimed to have killed a man at the distance of 40 yards (36.5 m.) with a clay pellet that he had discharged from his blowpipe.3
The Spear.
Of the Jakun spear, we are told that it consists
of an iron blade of about 1 ft. long (30 cm.) and 1 in.
(2.5 cm.) broad in the middle, attached to a thick, rudely
worked shaft about five or six feet long, and sharp at
1 Wray in/. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892), p. 481. a lb. 3 Begbie, pp. 5, 6.
MfGrego*.
Man ufing Blowphe, Bukit Prual, Selangor ; at his left Side is the open
Quiver with Darts.
McGregor.
akin using Blowpipe, Lubo' K'lubi, Ulu Langat,
Selangor.
V oh I. />.'y,o^.
chap, vi SAl IG1 MALAYS OF NEGRI SEMB I LAN
the inferior extremity, in order to enter easily into the ground ; for before the [akun enter a house they stri the end of the spear into the ground, where it remains until they go away, It is scarcelj possible to meet a single Jakun without his spear,1 which is both ;i sti to walk with and an offensive or defensive weapon i i occasion may require. The " parang " is an iron Made
of about 1 ft. (30 Cm.) long, and 2-3 in. (5 Cm. to 7.5
cm.) broad, with a shall like that of a large knife ; they
use it to cut trees employed in the building of their houses ; and to cut branches to open a passage when journeying through thick jungle; as well as for a defensive weapon against wild beasts. On one occasion Logan heard of a Jakun who, being attacked by a tiger, defended himself with a ''parang" (the only weapon he had with him at that time). Nearly half an hour was spent in this singular combat ; the Jakun lost an eye and was seriously wounded in the head ; but the tiger paid the forfeit with his life.2
Jakun, N. Sembilan. — Of the weapons of the Negri Sembilan tribes scarcely any records have been published. Rowland, however (Joe. cit.), cannot help expressing his astonishment at the certainty with which they could hit a target measuring only 1 ft. (30 cm.) square at distances ranging up to 80 m. At the same time he describes in detail their method of discharging the blowTpipe, which was to take the mouthpiece partially into the mouth (so that the mouthpiece for at least 2 cm. was covered by the upper lip, and to a lesser extent by the under one). And the same wTriter has also remarked that instead of the arms being
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 262. Cp. , how- parang, the sumpitan with poisoned
ever, Wray, who states that "the Jakun arrows, and a few of them the spear." of the Menangkabau States use the 2 Cp. vol. i. p. 272.
VOL. I X
3o6 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part if
stretched far forward to support the shaft of the blowpipe (as it might be expected would be the case), it is the mouthpiece itself that is held (firmly and in both hands) immediately in front of the operator's mouth.
Blandas. — The Blandas (Langat) blowpipe is hardly distinguishable from the Besisi weapon, and will be described more fully under that head. The dart was of the midrib of a fan-palm leaf (" serdang " or " kepau "), its butt-end ("basong") of " akar menitan," and the leaf carried- inside the lid of the " tabong tela," or " dart-quiver," as a squirrel-charm, was " salerik tupei."
The Spear.
Besisi. — The Besisi, like the Blandas, get their spears from the Malays. A favourite form of spear among the Besisi is the fish-spear, of which there are several varieties ; most of these types, however, have been borrowed from the Malays, as was their Besisi name " tiruk."
The Blowpipe.
The inner tube of the Besisi blowpipe is made (as among all the tribes already referred to) from a couple of internodes of the long -jointed bamboo (Bambusa Wrayi). The middle node having been excised, the abutting ends of the two pieces are brought together again, coated with a little resin to make them adhere better, and spliced, as among the Sakai of Perak, by means of a connecting cylinder or jacket, which is fitted over their abutting ends.
One of these pieces of the blowpipe is invariably longer than the other, and is called by the Besisi the 11 man-piece," the shorter one being called the 11 woman-piece," the Besisi women being, as a rule,
chap, vi // AGE MAI A KS 01 Si LANGOR
markedly shorter than the men ol the tril >> i ;i ;ion
ally, however, these pieces are tailed the "mother piece" ,iiid "child-piece respectively. The connecting-piece is called " cheinal " (as among the
Mantra).
For making the mouthpiece, which is always ol wood, a hole is bored right through the piece oi wood
selected lor the purpose ; it is then fitted by hand into the butt-end of the inner tube, the end of which is cut off Hush with it. In order to make the tit a tight one, the lips of the mouthpiece; (which are made long and thin to facilitate their introduction between the inner and the outer tube) are in many cases cut or broken at one side, thus enabling a fine slip of cane to be pushed into the interstice, so as to act as a delicate wedge. In some cases leaves are used as a wedge (instead of this slip of cane), and some of these bear traces of fire at their edges, as if it had been intended to dry or harden them. Thin strips of cloth are also sometimes similarly used by the more civilised tribes.
The mouthpiece when complete is fitted on to one end of the inner tube, which then only requires to be fitted carefully to the bigger tube that forms the case or sheathing. The latter, on account of the connectingpiece or jacket that unites the two inner parts, has naturally to be rather larger than would otherwise be necessary.
The outer Tube or Casing.
The casing is manufactured either from Bambusa Wrayiox some similar kind of long-jointed bamboo, by poking out the central node with a sharpened spike or boring-rod ( " jengroh " or "jengrok " ) made of a hard
308 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
kind of palm - wood. The ragged portions of the internode which still remain are rasped down with the formidably armed leaf-whip ("onak") of a rattan (or " Wait-a-bit Thorn "), which is thrust down into the tube and worked to and fro until the jagged remains of the node have been entirely removed.
Both the inner tube and its case having thus been prepared and cut to the same length, it only remains to push the former with great care into its casing.
Treatment of the Muzzle-end.
But in order to obviate the inconvenience and risk of a " loose fit," several narrow and long wedgeshaped strips about a foot and a half long (like the " gores " in the waist of a lady's skirt) are excised at the muzzle-end of the case, and the inner tube, which is now cut shorter than the case (by about 3 inches), is pushed down into it as far as it will go (i.e. to within 3 in. (7.5 cm.) of the muzzle-end of the case).
The split ends of the case are now drawn together till they fit the blowrpipe tightly, and a short thick cylinder, of a woody kind of bamboo, and measuring about 3 in. (7.5 cm.) long, having been fitted into the vacant space inside the muzzle -end (to which the blowpipe does not reach), the whole affair is bound round either by a single long strip of cane, or by numerous rings of plaited cane, and coated over with a thick crust of tree-gum or resin in order to keep these lashings from working loose, this elaborate arrangement being finished off by a small ring-shaped piece of coconut- or tortoise-shell which is imbedded in the resin at the muzzle-end of the blowpipe in order to protect the muzzle from fraying or from similar
chap, vi SAVAGE MAI A KS Of i I i VGOR yoq
injury.1 The blowpipe is 1 1 < > \ ready for use, and if only remains to decorate it with the customary patterns or magic emblems employed by the tribe.
( Ornamentation. The question of ornamentation will be treated
more conveniently elsewhere, but I ma)- remark in
passing that although the patterns of the Besisi
blowpipes were, with few exceptions, of the highly conventionalised rectilinear incision type, I nevertheless more than once noticed the delineation ol some animal or reptile (e.g. a lizard) upon their polished shafts. The ordinary motive in the blowpipe and quiver patterns of this tribe — at least as the matter was explained to me by the Besisi themselves — consisted of the representation (in an extremely rudimentary form) of the limbs and body of the spectacled monkey or " lotong " (Scmnoftithecus).
The outer case of the Besisi blowpipe was divided, as a rule, into two approximate halves by the central node or knot. Subdividing it further, roughly speaking, into quarters, the second quarter (counting from the muzzle-end) was almost invariably left undecorated, except perhaps by one or two rings or zigzags, this being the part by which it was, I understood, most
1 There can be little doubt that the of blowpipes in the Peninsula are with-
object of this device is simply to out this device, yet the quarry is so
strengthen the blowpipe. Vaughan- little disturbed by their " tone " that a
Stevens, in describing a similar device bird sitting on a tree may be shot at
among the Mantra, supposes it to be and missed several times before it will
due to a wish on the part of the move. Moreover, the sharper tone
Mantra to obtain a sharper tone or would necessarily be heard further.
note from the dart as it leaves the At the same time this device un-
tube, probably (he thinks) because the doubtedly improves the weapon by
sharper tone would be less audible to rendering it less liable to warp
the quarry. There does not, however, interiorly, and by weighting it better,
appear to be the slightest foundation It also has the advantage of keeping
for any such supposition. The majority out insects.
3io WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
generally held when it was being carried on a hunting expedition. I cannot say for certain whether this explanation is of wider application, but if so it would explain why this part of the bamboo is so frequently stripped of its outer cuticle and polished with wax.
The Cleaning-rod.
A primitive kind of cleaning - rod which was frequently used by the Besisi was called "jenghek." It was made on the ramrod principle, a long rod of palm-wood being perforated at one end, and strips of palm -leaf threaded through the perforation. This rod, when worked up and down the tube, made the cleaning of the interior of the blowpipe an easy matter. The muzzle of the blowpipe was in addition, not unfrequently, stoppered with leaves in order to keep out white ants, the small wild bees called " kelulut," and many other kinds of insect — a precaution which is of no small importance in the Malay Peninsula.
The Dart.
The following are the names given by the Besisi to the different parts of their blowpipe-dart ("damak"). The shaft is called " huyang," the butt-end " bentol," the point "chen," and the nick above the point "gret."
The conical butt-end (also called " torn bentol ") is only made of what is called in Besisi "long angkau," — which is the stem of a kind of creeper called in Malay " akar lada luan," — or of some light wood such as " pulai."
The stem or shaft of the dart is made from the leaf- ribs of various kinds of palm, especially the " serdang," " ranggam," " kepau," " kumung " (?), and
i hap. m AVAGh MAI iv i LANGOR
" Ix-rtain," though a shaft made ol the last named material is generally considered tobeoi inferior qualit
The shaft ol the dart with the point broken ofl i • railed " pandong d£m&k."
The polishing proa ;s, which is carried out very carefully by the Besisi (with "metnplas" leaves), is
called " ehengat."
The Poison.
We now come to the Besisi dart -poison, the ordinary ingredients of which were given me as follows : —
(i) " Ipoh batang " (in Besisi, " ch€s")= Antiaris toxicaria, the Upas tree (the Poison-tree of Java).
(2) " Malai.'"J
(3) "Tenet."3
(4) " Jenu" or " tuba," the well-known Malay fishpoison similarly used by the Besisi.
According to another account that I received, the ingredients of the Besisi poison 4 were : —
(1) " Chong ches " (root of the "ipoh" creeper = Strychuos tieute).
(2) " Ches (i.e. " ipoh ") malai."
(3) " Ches {i.e. " ipoh ") tenet."
(4) "Ches (i.e. "ipoh") kroi."
(5) "Jenu " (Mai. "tuba").
(6) " Pedas," or pepper.5
(7) " Warang," or arsenic.
1 Occasionally we meet with the being used at all requires corrobora-
statement that these darts are made of tion.
bamboo. Darts made of this material, 2 = "Blay" (V. -St.). For identifi-
however, would be of inferior quality, cations, v. App.
and where the report of its use is not 3 = " Kannet " (V.-St.).
due to careless observation, its employ- 4 For identifications, and a similar
ment is doubtless due to some tem- receipt given by Bellamy (p. 229), v.
porary difficulty of obtaining a better App.
material. This employment of bamboo 5 For a suggested reason (for the emis not at all usual, and the fact of its ployment of pepper), see p. 319, n. 7.
3 1 2 WE A PONS A ND IMPLEMENTS part i i
(8) " Gengang" — a kind of large millipede.
(9) The "teeth" ("lemoyn") of tigers, centipedes, and snakes.
When the sap of the Upas creeper was used instead of, or in conjunction with, that of the tree Upas, the roots of the creeper were simply grubbed up and shredded. When the sap of the tree Upas was used, the collector, using his jungle-knife (" parang "), would slash the outer bark of the Upas (a tall forest tree growing sometimes to 100 feet in height), making V-shaped incisions, at the lowest point of each of which the sap would naturally accumulate, which was accordingly drawn off at will. When the scar was healed (but not before) a fresh supply of sap may be obtained by slashing the bark in a fresh place. Each new incision was generally made a little higher up than the last, and I have seen a tree covered with the scars, the highest of which perhaps reached a distance of at least 30 or 40 feet from the ground.
The sap thus collected was gradually reduced by long and patient boiling, as among the Sakai, to the consistency of treacle, and when sufficiently inspissated, was poured off into a small bamboo poison-tube called "jelok," which is carefully stoppered with a wooden stopper until required for use. Bellamy (I.e.) says that prepared opium (" chandu ") is also sometimes added.
Poisoning the Dart.
When the time arrived, the poison was applied to the dart -point as usual, forming a thick clot about the point, and an entire quiverful of darts having been poisoned, they were at once deposited upon a highly ingenious drying rack or stand, and placed in
■■
- z 3 <
:
z "^
\±
h
—
O
-.'
el
o
C
X
~
t/i
_-
/
tf
_^
-
o
"■*
—
*~
'^.
£
•_
j>
^
' :
c
(3.
V
/
--
id
pj
t>
.-
X
'
fc
X
S*
u
T3
_n
:
—
?
:/.
H
—
rj
C5J
e
Z
•/
c
~
a
^
.-:
■~
~
id
•/:
:
Oj
:
£*
g
V
9j <
chap, vi SAVAGE MAI A YS OF SI I I VGOR
the sun to dry, the stand being designed not only to hold them in position, but also to prevent them from being accidentally knocked against, or perhap
blown away in a high wind.
When the drying was completed the darts
were fitted into the r<<d-l)imdle of the quiver, and their butt-ends branded or marked with lime and water, in order to distinguish the various strengths of the poison, the designs consisting of bars, crosses, and dots.
The usual nick (as has been said) was made round the dart, but there was a belief among the Besisi that no acid fruit should be eaten with the flesh of animals killed by these darts, as they believed this would bring out the full effects of the poison in the eater.
In addition to the above must be noticed the belief, which was related to me by the Besisi, to the effect that even the branch struck by a poisonous dart dies, not immediately, but slowly and surely.1
The Quiver.
The Besisi quiver (like that of the Sakai) was carried on the left hip, and fastened about the waist with a cord of twisted tree-bark, secured by a buckle of bone or tortoiseshell.
The interior of the quiver is fitted with a rolledup bundle of small tubes or reeds made of young bamboo twigs, about as big as an ordinary leadpencil. These reeds are united by lashings inside the body of the quiver, each reed holding a single dart, the butt-end of which fits closely into its own individual reed at the upper extremity.
1 I may also mention that the Besisi, maize was the only antidote for this like many other aborigines, asserted that Upas poison.
3M WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS paki ii
The cover or cap of the quiver, which was made of finely woven basket-work (of rattan), was fitted on to its upper end or top.1 It consisted of three triangular sections of basket-work, the edges of which overlapped, and were so brought together as to make a kind of peaked lid. Inside this cap was kept a supply of the usual palm-down (or tinder),*2 the interiorly projecting edges of the cap-sections being left free to hold this down or fluff in its place.3 An additional supply, together with the complete apparatus required for poisoning fresh darts when the supply runs short, is sometimes pushed down into the centre of the spiral formed by the rolled-up reed-bundle. It was also the rule among the Besisi to carry in the quiver a little beeswax for polishing the points of their darts, so as to prevent them from adhering to the sides of the reeds. To effect this polishing they wax a rectangular panel on the front of the quiver, after scraping off the surface of the cuticle, and work up the points of their darts by rolling them upon it.
The quiver is called " lok " in Besisi ( = " telak " elsewhere), and its cover (Mai. " tudong ") was called " tebong lok." Inside this cover, which was hollowed out of a soft wood resembling "pulai," was carried the tinder or palm-fluff (the " rabok tukas " of the Malays = Bes. " barok "), which was used, as has been said, as a sort of wadding for preventing windage in shooting with the blowpipe.
In addition to this tinder, two or three leaves of a creeper called the " Bringer-down of squirrels"4 ("akar penurun tupei "), or of another creeper called
1 Cp. V.-St. ii. 121. 4 ?=" Penurun lotong " ("Bringer-
2 Seep. 260, ante, n. 1. down of monkeys "), Galearia subulata,
3 In the wooden cap a slight bamboo Muell. It is called by the Blandas bar takes their place. " salerik tupei."
-J -a
JS " ' -
r (I R
- *5 3
-a
g JS
■ til
.c ~ „ -J
-. r - >~
2 .'- T>
- .2
- -: -.
1 - o
= 8 <
2 S
— V : _
\
— o / "3
r
r
at
X
r
£
z
<
«-
"~ '
—
u
,J
—
—
•
:;
~
—
_
Q
U jj
ix
"ill
i
MWIII
mmm """*" "
<•_
zested
bHBH
» »
P|
| -<""— iiiniM
&A
Skeat Co, i
)rying-Rack for Blowpipe Darts employed by the Besisi.
Skccit Collection.
Besisi Apparatus for brewing Dart-Poison.
i. Pestle for pounding "ipoh." 2. Cloth strainer. 3,4, 5. Receptacles for the poison. 6. Poison-holder or tuhe fur carrying "ipoh."
Brit. Mux.
Kuantan Darts with Poison Spatula.
Presented by Mr. Douglas to the British Museum. (See p. 326.)
chap, vi VA MALA ) 01 MAI
Makar samQg&V' are carried by way oi a charm Ibf success in hunting, like the "siyap" ol the Dayaks. fhe reeds (ol the reed-bundle in the quiver) are
railed "plet."
The />7o;< '/>//>(■.
Mantra. The weapons of the Mantra are the blowpipe, spear, the Malay dagger or "kris," and a kind of (Malay) sword called " ch£nangkas."
There is no important difference between the
Mantra methods of manufacturing the blowpipe, ami those practised by the Besisi. A few words with regard to the polishing and other processes may, however, here be added. The polishing of the interior of the blowpipe-tube is begun by means of bamboo shavings fixed to the end of a cleaning-rod."
The process is then repeated a second time with " polishing- leaves " (of "akar simplas "), and again a third time with a small strip of bark-cloth, which is used merely to give it a " finish." 8
The two portions of the blowTpipe-tube are then spliced in the usual way (as among the Besisi). The only difference lies in the nomenclature used by
1 J. /. A. vol. i. p. 330*. die, but they are generally lost to the
23 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 114. For sportsman, as they are able to run
the Mantra blowpipe, see Barbe : "To (after having been wounded) to a great
procure (their food) they use the sumpi- distance. These savages seldom miss
tan, which is a bamboo from 6 to S feet their aim. I have seen them thus
long ; the arrows are slips of bamboo shoot with their arrows monkeys seated
10 inches long, with a piece of light on trees of 70 or So feet high, when
wood at the bottom, shaped to the the wounded animal, after jumping on
bore of the tube, which they propel some other branches, and throwing
by blowing hard. The point of the away what he was eating, immediately
arrow being anointed with a prepared after fell down, if the ' ipoh ' had
poison called 'ipoh,' communicates it been well prepared"' (Rev. M. Barbe,
to the blood, and after two or three in the Bengal Cathclic Herald, 12th
minutes the animal vomits and falls June 1850; quoted in J.I. A. vol. v.
dead. Should the arrow penetrate the pp. 487, 4S8). Cp. also Borie. ante. skin of large animals, many of them
3 1 6 WE A PONS A ND IMPLEMENTS part i i
the Mantra, who call the longer portion of the inner tube "sulu" ("sooloo"), and the shorter one "tongkat," the outer shaft or case being called "tagu" ("targoo"). As among the Besisi, the connecting-piece or "jacket" (of " rappen " bamboo) is called " chemat." '
The hollow in the mouthpiece of this blowpipe, which is made of "jelotong" wood, is bored with 11 a wooden awl " — "jelotong " being a very soft wood, which lends itself readily to this treatment.2
The knots of the outer shaft are pierced in the ordinary way, and the hole enlarged as usual with the prickly leaf- whips or " onak " of the " Rotan tunggal." Next the leaves of the " Rotan riong " (?) are substituted and the process continued, until the enlarging process is complete, when the interior is polished in the usual way (as among the Besisi). The bamboos are often dried and kept for a considerable time before they are made into a blowpipe.3
The external cuticle is next scraped or shaved off at the muzzle- end for a distance of a short span (measured from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the forefinger) to enable the resin to adhere more securely. This portion of the tube is then split into the desired number of subdivisions, one of which is again split to take the end of a "rattan" lashing, which is pushed home. A small hole is made at the upper end of one of the splits, and the end (of the lashing) pushed through it and fastened off there.4
A quantity of resin is then melted and coloured with black from the cooking-pots, and poured round the whole of the split part. Before the binding process
1 Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 114 seqq. of it ; the sheath from tip of index-finger The "sulu" measures the maker's to the opposite thumb. Both tube and "full arm-stretch," the " tongkat " half case are of "temiang" bamboo. 234.#.
< II M\ VI
// | U 1 J'-.' OF MAI I' I ./
has been completed, howe> ei , a imall (tubular) pi< of another kind ol woody bamboo c pagai ") ol small calibre is inserted into the aperture ol the muzzle. I his rves as an internal block c tunglork engl&k")
for supporting and protecting this portion ol the tube, and for keeping the splits in their proper (relative) p< tion. It forms part of the case, not of the inner tub
The longer portion ol the blowpipe-tube is fitted to this block, and a ring of coconut-shell called ''lfcngait" ("linghite") is imbedded in the resin it the muzzle-end, which is heated to receive it."
This " muzzle-block " produces an especially sharp
note as the dart passes out at the muzzle. It is difficult to describe this note, which, however, is much less audible than the note produced when no muzzleblock is used, and Vaughan-Stevens supposes it to be the result of an effort to weaken the note and make it less audible to the quarry.3
The outer cuticle of the case is also scraped or shaved off in several places, part being polished and rubbed with bees-wax, which latter substance is also used for rubbing that part of the case which is neither shaved nor polished.4
The Dart.
The darts are of the thick outer rind of the "kredok" palm, the butts of the soft inner wood of
1 V. -St. ii. 1 19. See the Besisi blowpipe, p. 308, supra. The description in the original (p. 119) is very involved and muddled, owing to a confusion of the muzzle-end and the mouthpiece. The diagrams, too, in the original passage, have evidently got mixed. The description of the" sunglork "(probably "seng- lak") as being placed in position "where
the curve of the mouthpiece begins " should be corrected to "at the extremity of the muzzle-end," where the " sunglork " is invariably placed, and indeed if it were not so how could the darts pass out of the blowpipe ? The muzzleend, too, has no curve as the mouth- piece has. These errors have been corrected in the present text, 2 3 4 lb.
/
318 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part II
11 habong," or of " tarentong." ' The butt-end is fixed on with resin, and the shaft of the dart is rubbed with beeswax ; warped darts are straightened over the fire by hand, and marks are only added to the buttend when it is necessary to distinguish two strengths of poison in one quiver ; in which case it is (as might be expected) the darts tipped with the stronger poison that receive the marks.2 Various standards of measurement3 for the darts are given, a dart of the longest standard being always used first at the trial of a blowpipe, and then the next and the next longest, until the one which appears most suitable is selected.4
The Poison.
Vaughan-Stevens' account 5 of the Mantra poison appears to be a jumble of several receipts, but is given here as the details may be worth verifying.
To make a spoonful of poison fiv& strips of "kroie"6 bark are pounded with a pestle (" pomonong," sic) in an iron pot which has first been prepared by waxing. Water is added, and the liquor boiled about ten minutes. The pot is then taken off the fire and deposited on a stand consisting of a wooden fork which has a crosspiece, intended to hold the pot, fastened across the bifurcated portion. The fork-ends rest on the ground, and the upper end or shaft is supported at a sharp angle of about 45 degrees. The pot is then tipped up
1 Or of bamboo, see p. 315, n. 1, "[arm] -bone," from elbow to wrist. supra. '* Habong " is unidentified ; Length of the butt-end : shortest little " kredok" is Cyrtostachis lecca; " taren- finger-joint ; thumb or thumb-nail (?) ; tong " is Campnosperma auriculaia. thumb-joint ; breadth of forefinger, or See p. 331, 1. 2. " tampong k'ladi " (yam-calix), about
2 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 123. half of the first-mentioned.
3 E.g. " ukor susu," i.e. breast to 4 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 124. breast, or elbow to nearest breast (of '° Ibid. p. 125 seqq.
the maker); and " satu tulang," an 6 Lophopetahun pallidum. — Ridley.
c map. m |l AGl MAI AYS 0/ MALAi < A
till the liquor Is < lose to the brim, and one end ol .1 roll of bamboo shavings (about 1 inches loi in
serted in the liquor, the other end being placed ii special receptacle made oi bark, so as to draw ofl the poison l>y suction. I he liquor thus drawn ofl is put hark into the pot and root shavings of the "umpas
padi," " koopur, prachek," : " mundess," " chantong
badak," and "gadong " are added. The pot is then
boiled for about ten minutes more, when it is again set on the stand and skimmed with a kind of woolly
leaf — that of a plant called " chapa-neng." 4 The hark receptacle (covered with a species of sieve-
shaped filter) is now set on the ground (underneath the forked stand on which the pot is resting). A funnel is made of the woolly leaves referred to, and the liquor drawn off into the funnel by the suction of the bamboo shavings (already described), a few fine punctures being made in the bottom of the funnel to facilitate the process.5
The pot is then rinsed, the liquor put back, and the "ipoh"6 and "tuba"7 added (the latter being first, however, pounded and mixed in the bark receptacle with a little liquor from the pot).s
The bark receptacle is then rinsed and the rinsings added to the pot, together with a pod of chillies (" Spanish pepper").9
After ten minutes' boiling the pot is again removed and set down on the stand, and the process of filtration repeated in exactly the same manner as before.
1 I.e. "kupor" ("akar"). Prob. •"> V.-St ii. 125.
Kubas tnoluccanns, L., the common wild 6 Antiaris toxixaria (Upas tree) or
raspberry. For identifications, v. App. Strychnos tieute (Upas creeper).
2 Or "perachet" = 1 "abertutmontana 7 Derris elliptica, Benth. 8 V.-St. I.e. malaccetisis, Hook. fil. 9 This is to keep evil spirits from
3 Dioscorea damonum, Roxb. entering the poison and destroying its
4 CUrodendronvelutinum. — Ridley. power (Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 128).
32o WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
The pot is once more rinsed and dried on the fire, the liquor (in the bark receptacle) put back into the pot, the fire reduced, and the pot slowly boiled till a mere spoonful of gold -brown syrup is all that remains.1
When properly made, as described, the liquor can (by dipping a spatula into it) be drawn out into long thin elastic strings about an inch in length, though this only happens when a sufficient quantity of " tuba " is used.2
When the poison has been transferred (by means of the spatula) into the bamboo poison-tube or poisoncarrier,3 fresh poison obtained from snakes, centipedes, and scorpions may be added to it. A lemon- (or lime ?) pip is spitted upon the point of a dart and burnt, the charred pip being mixed with a lump of arsenic " as big as the head of a match," and stirred round in the poison-tube.4
Three drops of the sap of " Rotan kemanting " may be added, but this appears to be an innovation. The Mantra poison is very sticky, and seldom dries properly unless " ipoh " is mixed with it.5
Antidotes.
In speaking of antidotes, it is interesting to note Logan's remark to the effect that the Mantra were in the habit of saying that they found resistance to the Menangkabau Malays in vain, because the latter were armed with muskets, and had learned the use of antidotes to their "ipoh" poison, so that the
1 V.-St. ii. 127. 2 V.-St. {ibid.) called " tahi m'ret " [" tahi meret" =
adds that when a ring of lighter colour "ants' dung" in the Jakun dialect],
is seen at the edges of the "ipoh "during 3 In original, "into the tube of the
the boiling, it is believed to be a sign quiver" (sic).
of strength (of the poison), and is 4 5 V.-St. /. c.
CHAP, vi
I VAGI MAI A YS OF MAI A( I
slender darts <>f the blowpipe influ ted but little inji upon them.1
The Quiver*
Their quiver, which isol " tSlang M bamboo, is dried
at leisure when not required for immediate use. ( )ften,
however, it is merely tilled with hot ashes and dried
in the sun lor two to three days to expedite matter The cap is manufactured from a small block of
soft wood (that of the " j£lotong " tree). Alter it has been roughly shaped, a small depression is made at one end, in which red-hot embers are laid. When it has been charred sufficiently deep the hole is cleared out and shaped with a knife, and fresh embers put in to complete the burning-out process. The outside is shaped with a knife as required.^
The Mantra quiver alone has a broad band woven according to what is called the " bat's-wing " pattern, near the top, in addition to the ordinary rings or lashings.4 The girdle is of " t'rap " bark, with a knot as buckle.
1 /. I. A. vol. i. p. 273.
- Vaughan- Stevens (ii. 120) gives several words for this process, as used by various tribes, but with one probable exception they are all bad Malay meaning " quick " or " rapid."
They are — "chtipat" (used by Sakai) = Malay
" chepat " : "banghat " "J (used by f "bangat" and V Kenaboi) < and
"dras" J = Malay ("dras": <;ertjoos" (used by Besisi), which is merely a corrupt form of the common Besisi word "jo -joss" (which undoubtedly stands for "jos-joss" = " quick-quick ").
3 The description here (Vaughan- Stevens, ii. 123) is very obscure and confused. The key to the employment of this process is the use of " jelotong "
VOL. I
wood, the soft central portion of which has necessarily to be burnt out to prevent it from decaying, the hole being then plugged with wax to make the cap water-proof.
4 This same (bat's-wing) pattern as seen (in the same position) on the quiver of the O. Kuantan may perhaps be a reminiscence of the time when a woven band, similar to that of the Mantra, occupied its place. This woven band (of the Mantra quiver) encircles externally that part of the quiver in which is kept the "socalled pintal tukas."
[.SzVVaughan-Stevens, ii. 122. But here there seems to be a considerable muddle, as on the same page " pintal " is explained as the name of the girdle, and "pintal tukas" as the name of the flocculent wad which goes behind the
322 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part n
The Mantra, like the Besisi, make a rectangular patch or panel ill front of the quiver by scraping off the surface of the cuticle and waxing it. It is on this patch that they work up (by rolling) the points of their darts. Vaughan-Stevens states that the effect of wax is also occasionally obtained by their rubbing the nose upon it, the required effect being produced by the natural moisture of the skin. Grotesque as this statement sounds, it may yet have some truth in it. I myself have more than once seen the Besisi rub the nose upon the panels of their quivers, though I have never seen or heard of the remainder of the operation here described, and at the most, all that can be safely said against it is that Vaughan-Stevens' account requires further corroboration.1
The Mantra, like most of the other tribes, carry a small stock of resin at (or near) the bottom of the quiver, this being chiefly intended for fixing on the butt-ends of the darts should they work loose at any time. The interior is fitted with the usual reeds.2
butt-end (P/rop/en) of the dart, and Stevens' wretched orthography its cor-
which is the material really referred to ruption into such a form as "linghur"
in the last sentence. For "pintal tukas," would be more than probable. I myself
therefore, in this passage read " tukas " have frequently seen these same patches
or " rabok tukas," i.e. fluff of the on the quivers of the Besisi. tukas-palm (and passim when this fluff is 2 See Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 105, 106 ;
referred to), but keep " pintal," i.e. 122. Vaughan-Stevens says this resin is
plait or plaiting, for the girdle. "Tukas" obtained from a tree which he has
has nothing whatever to do with been unable to identify, but which is
" tikus," as suggested by Vaughan- called " keeji " {sic). According to
Stevens (note to V. -St. ii. 121).] Blagden, " kijai " is (properly speak-
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 121 -122. ing) the resin obtained from the
This rectangular patch was only seen "kedondang" tree, and there can
by Vaughan-Stevens among the Mantra, be little doubt that this is its right
who use, he says, a very sticky meaning here. He adds that it was
poison which seldom properly dries. formerly used for fixing on the rattan
The Mantra, he says, call it "linghur," rings which encircle the body of the
which Vaughan-Stevens' editor suggests quiver, but that now "the Malay
may = Mai. "lingga." The nearest cement," prepared " from buffalo-milk
word that I can find, however, is and chalk," is substituted. I am unable
Malayo-Javanese " lenga" = oil. The to corroborate this, and it should be
sense is right, and with Vaughan- quite unnecessary, as the wedging, to
< hap. vi . \G£ -J/-// 4 } 01 PAHANG wi
Blowpipe and Quiver first fv/><.
Pahang Jakun (Kuantan). ( )t the blowpipes used by the ( ). Kuantan there appear to be at leasi two types, one of which is the roughest form of blowpipe made, and the other resembles that of the aboriginal Malayans. The former is described as being made from long internodes oi the " s£m£liang " ("semiliang") bamboo, whose internodes arc much shorter than those of the Bambusa Wrayi (" buluh t&miang "). The internal tube, therefore, is mad'- in two lengths, which are joined by means of an outer tube or sheath which is manufactured from the midrib of the leaf of the " langkap " palm, and drawn over them.1
When the two abutting ends have been fitted together, a piece of rag (formerly, it is said, it was a ligature of plant-fibre) is smeared with heated resin and wrapped first round the end, the wrapping being coated over with a thin layer of gutta-percha, which is melted by turning it round a firebrand. The mouthpiece is also made of {sic, ? covered with) gutta-percha instead of the more usual material, wood.-
These blowpipes are the least effective of all those known in the Peninsula, and cannot propel a dart above forty paces. They are little used, and are, according to Vaughan-Stevens, hidden inside the stems of living bamboos, the nodes of which have been knocked out. Vaughan-Stevens was only able to obtain four.3
The bamboo internode from which the quiver of
which V. -St. himself makes reference, is ployed by the O. Kuantan is " damar
a much simpler method of tightening tooyoom " (Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 113).
these rings. x Cp. Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 112.
One of the kinds of resin thus em- 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.
324 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS PAM n
the O. Kuan tan is manufactured is not slowly dried like that of the Benua-Jakun, and hence the rings round it work loose and require to be tightened by wedges. The cap is made by the women of woven (and untrimmed) pandanus-leaf {P. furcatus). The waist-cord, which is made of " akar clow " (? " dauk ") has no buckle, but a knot at the cord-end, and its decoration is peculiar to itself. The interior of the quiver is only fitted with a small reed-bundle, room being left, whenever it is used, for the insertion of the bamboo poison-holder. At the bottom of the quiver a little resin ("tuyum") is kept (as among the Mantra) and used for making fast the butt-ends of the darts. The arrows, which are made of the leaf-stem of the " langkap ' palm, are very roughly made, and are frequently used, without poison, for killing small birds, and only rarely for killing apes, when poison is obtainable. Their length is " from elbow to wrist," but they are often shorter.1
Not more than one out of every five or six of the O. Kuantan possesses poison at all, and that which he has is frequently compounded out of ingredients which are quite harmless.2
Blowpipe and Quiver — second type.
The second type of blowpipe used by the Orang Kuantan appears to be peculiar to the Jakun or savage Malayan race. A specimen of this rare and interesting blowpipe, which has been presented to the Ethnological Department of the British Museum by a member of the Malay States Service, was de-
1 Cp. Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 1 13. end is said to be the combined breadth The breadth (sic, ? length) of the butt- of the first two fingers. - Ibid.
( MM-, vi WAGE MALA KS <>/■ PAHANC
scribed in Man ,' whence the following description by the present author has,with slight alteration, been drawn : —
Mr. F, \ . Douglas, of the Malay States Servi< obtained this blowpipe on the east i oa it ol the Malay Peninsula in the Kuantan district of Pahang, during October 1897, from a man belonging to one ol the jungle-tribes dwelling on the borders oi Pahang and Kemaman. Its measurements arc as follows: —
Total length (over-all) ... 5 ft. 2 in. (157 cm.) Interior diameter at mouthpiece ,v, in. (10.9 mm.) Interior diameter at muzzle-end | in. (9.37 mm.)
Hence the bore of the tube at the muzzle-end is a fraction less than it is at the mouthpiece, so that we have here an instance of a wooden blowpipe imitating the natural proportions that obtain in the original bamboo blowpipe, from which it was copied ; for in the bamboo blowpipe it is always the root-aid which is placed nearest the mouth, so that the bore at the muzzle -end is generally a fraction less than at the mouthpiece ; in other words, this blowpipe, like its bamboo original, has a slight " choke" in the bore.2
The illustrations here given are full-size. They show the muzzle -end and the mouthpiece in two positions, the mouthpiece having been chipped in transit. I had it photographed to show the binding before it was mended/'
This particular blowpipe is made of some very hard wood, probably of " penaga " (Calopkyllum). The cylinder is carefully split down the middle and the two halves grooved on the inner side throughout their entire length, so that when fitted together again they form a perfect tube. This tube, which forms
1 Skeat in Man, No. 10S of 1902. 2 lb. 3 ft
326 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
the blowpipe, is bound round from end to end with a long thin strip of some kind of cane (Calamus), over which is deposited a thick incrustation of a gutta-like substance, the object of which is evidently to protect the bands and prevent them from being loosened, as well as to hermetically close any cracks that might otherwise permit the passage of air. The thickness of this deposit is increased to about ^ in. (1.2 cm.) at the mouthpiece.1
In Vaughan - Stevens (ed. Grunwedel)'2 a ver) similar blowpipe (collected among the " Benua " or Jakun of East Johor) is described. It is not absolutely identical with Mr. Douglas's specimen, since it is longer (by about nine inches), and its two halfcylinders of " penaga " wood are protected by a bam- boo casing. Mr. Douglas's specimen, on the other hand, corresponds with remarkable fidelity to a Peruvian blowpipe, described in the second volume of Reiss und Stuebel's Kultur und Industrie siidamerikanischer Vblker. This Peruvian specimen came from the Huallaya river, and was described as consisting of "the two halves of a palm-stem carefully- grooved and fitted together and bound round with cipo, which was covered besides with a layer of black wax. It was fitted with a short bone mouthpiece."
The quiver belonging to the blowpipe (also presented by Mr. Douglas to the museum) similarly- presented some new and interesting features : — 4
The body of the quiver is made from a bamboo internode measuring \\ in. (29 cm.) in length, and of great diameter (4 in. = 10 cm.). It is covered with a
1 Skeat, he. cit. Kuantan, but he cannot say for certain
2 Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 102. Mr. whether it is indigenous, or introduced G. Pfenningwerth of Kuantan writes me by Dayaks.
that the "bored" blowpipe, resembling 3 Skeat, loc. cit. Cp. Oti?T. Mason,
that of the Dayaks, is certainly used in Origin of Invention, p. 208. 4 lb.
chaf. vi SAVAGE MALAYS 0/ MALACCA v-i
flattish lour peaked cap made ol woven pandanua leaf, which is made fast to a double ring ol plaited rattan or Calamus (which encircles the body <>i the quiver) by means ol a short cord of plaited tree-bark (Atith carpus? or Eugeissona tristis?\ The usual waist
COrd of twisted tret- - hark is attached to the Same rattan-rings. The exterior of the quiver is decorated throughout by the usual incised patterns ( which are, how ever, unusually rough and irregularly executed), and there are traces of resin at the bottom of the quiver.1
The interior is fitted with the usual rolled -up reed- bundle, the number of reeds being sixty -five. Of these, however, only five contain darts, and there is one loose dart of which the butt-end has been lost, making six darts in all. All of these darts have broken or (as I think more probable) blunt points, and have very probably been used for knocking over small birds. Only one (the loose one) has traces of a coating of poison upon it, and even of this one the extreme tip of the point is blunt like the rest.2
Of the darts the longer ones measure 7^ in. (19 cm.) in length, and the shorter about j\ in. ( 1 8 cm.), and their butt-ends are made of some very light pith-like wood and are of irregular length, two being about 1 in. (2.5 cm.) long, and the other three being only half that length. But they are all very incompletely rounded, are all cut off square at the lower end, and are all pretty much of the same diameter throughout, instead of tapering towards the shaft, as is the case with the better -made darts used by the Sakai, Besisi, etc. Another distinction is that in two of them the upper end of the dart-shaft is driven right through the buttend, emerging at its extremity beyond the upper end
1 Skeat, he. cit. - Ibid.
328 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part 11
of the butt, a peculiarity which may be seen in the blowpipe-darts of Borneo.1
The only other contents of the quiver were two rolled-up pieces of old chintz cloth, and a spear-shaped wooden spatula, still coated with poison.2
In view of all the evidence, and in spite of slight differences, I think there need be no hesitation whatever in identifying both the blowpipe and quiver as a variety of the " Benua-Jakun " blowpipe and quiver which Vaughan-Stevens obtained in the eastern part of Johor, in spite of the fact that this specimen was obtained in Kuantan, north of the Pahang, a fact which disagrees with Vaughan-Stevens' own statement to the effect that this type of blowpipe is not found (in the Malay Peninsula) north of the river in question. This particular specimen, at all events, has the additional interest of more nearly approaching the blowpipe of Peru than any other specimen yet recorded from this part of the world — a fact which should be of special interest to the students of the problems of distribution.3
The Blowpipe.
Benua-Jakun. — One of the Kuantan types of blowpipe is found also among the Benua-Jakun. These tribes use a peculiar form of blowpipe, the internal tube of which is made in a very primitive fashion, of wood, though its outer casing is as usual of bamboo. Its length and calibre vary with the individual maker.4
It is exceedingly rare and hard to obtain, especially as it takes sixteen days to make. It is made from the wood of the " penaga " tree (" penaghur," sic), a sapling of which is felled and split throughout its entire length. The two halves are then
1 Skeat, loc. cit. * Ih. 3 lb. 4 Cp. Favre in Ann. P. F. xxii. 304.
niA.-. vi WAGE MALA K 0/ JOHOR
roughly carved into shape, the flat parts planed and fitted together with a chopping - knife, bound
round with rattan " ti< at intervals, and carefully rounded. The "u< themselves are moved <"'.i sionally, according to necessity, to enable the work to be completed. The two halves are "trued" 1a wetting oik- half and thru pressing the two together.
Next a broad l>lac:k line is drawn with charcoal clown the centre, and the groove cut out with the
chopper, a quarter of the circumference at a time only, to prevent warping. The cutting-out process is continued until the cleaning-rod (" bingrot ") can just pass along within the double groove, when the two lengths are again bound together, at short intervals, and made fast at one end within a movable clamp or vice (" kahon "), the object of which is to hold the two divided halves of the tube firmly together and at the same time to keep the blowpipe in position till the binding process is completed." As soon as this process, which is effected with a strip of cane (" rotan tunggal ") is over, the mouthpiece is made. It is said that this was formerly made of a soft wood called " kelebok" (" libut "), but it is now made of harder wood. The orifice was first bored out with a 4t bone awl " and then gradually enlarged, after which the end of the tube was warmed and rubbed with resin and the mouthpiece fitted on to it and shaped with the chopper. The outer case was made of bamboo, the nodes being pushed out (as usual) with a long stick. The bamboo wras then heated over a slow fire and bent downwards with a constant pressure, which was applied by means of a pair of wooden pincers. This process was repeated about
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 102 seqq, 2 lb.
330 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS part ii
a dozen times, the object being to make the bamboo case soft and yielding. The broken edges of the nodes, which still remained inside the bamboo, were removed in the ordinary way. The bottom node, however, was left until the completion of the following process.1 The end of the blowpipe being pushed into the bamboo case as far as it will go without forcing, the remainder is then driven home by bringing down the extremities smartly upon a block of wood. This process is assisted by the warming, and the bottom node already mentioned is then cut away. Use is made of the long cleaning-rod (" bingrot ") to give a further polish to the interior of the tube, the thin end being first inserted, and then the thicker end, with a piece of skate-skin attached. The final polish is effected by substituting the leaves of the " mamp'las " for the skate-skin, this part of the process alone taking two or three days to complete. The mouthpiece is then made out of soft wood smoothened and coated over with a layer of gutta-percha to give it more durability. A small hole is made in the centre of the node (at the lower end) to let the air in, and the shaft is softened by steaming and straightened by eye. When the node is finally excised, a rod with twisted bamboo shavings attached to it is pushed down inside the tube, and worked to and fro to clear away the remains of the node.2
The Darts and the Quiver.
The darts, which measure from " breast to breast " (of the maker), are described as being manufactured from the hard outer cuticle of a palm called " kredok " {Cyrtostachis Iceca)? Each of the spaces between
1 V. -St. ii. 103 seqq. 2 //;. dttlcis) is also said to be used by the
3 The wood of tapioca {Manihot Benua. — Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 106.
« MAI*. \ I
SAVAGE MAI A KS 0/ JOHOR
the knots furnished on .in a^ i i ag< fori ) arrou single day's work for their maker. These arrows are dried lor .1 long time and kept in re h rve, a i thej arc seldom used twice.1 When bent or warped, ili< dart-shaft was straightened by hand over a lire They are often used unpoisoned, without nick
The quiver <>f these Benua tribes is made from part of an internode ol the large bamboo, which is cm when green, filled with wet clay, and i ed to
gentle heat. As the clay dries, the bamboo is gradually moved further from the fire, the process often taking several weeks to complete, though when once completed it effectually prevents the bamboo Irom warping. After the first heating it is wrapped in bark to protect it from the smoke of the hearth-fire, and thus gradually obtains its golden-yellow colour. The cap, which is made by the women, is of woven " nipah " or pandanus-leaves. The quiver itself is fitted with reeds as usual, and the waist-cord is of 11 t'rap ' bark, with buckle of wood, bone, tortoiseshell, or even cash. It is quite plain and undecorated.4 An elaborate system of marking the darts, in order to distinguish the several strengths of the poison, was employed by these tribes, as follows : —
Marks.
Nature of Quarry.
Strength of Poison.
•
Large birds
Squirrels {i.e. small mammals)
Civet - cats (mediumsized mammals)
Ipoh {Antiaris) only. Ipoh + fish-" stings."
Ipoh + fish-" stings " -[-centipedes.
• •
Apes (large mammals)
Ipoh + fish-" stings " + centipedes + snake-poison {i.e. " full strength " of poison).
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 106.
2 Ibid. p. 123. Cp. Favre, Ann. P. F. xxii. 304.
3 Ibid. p. 107.
4 Ibid. pp. 104, 105.
5 Ibid. p. 107.
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
TART II
Unpoisoned arrows (for small birds) were not furnished with any distinguishing mark.1
The amount of poison 2 made at a time is sufficient for a quiver containing ("nominally") ioo arrows; this, however, no doubt merely means that the poison - makers of these tribes make rather more poison at a time than they require to use, since no quiver holds anything near the number mentioned.3
1 Vaughan- Stevens, ii. 107.
2 Jb. There is nothing special to note as regards this poison, for which see App.
3 The following account of the preparation of the poison of the Benua is from Newbold : — "The Benua employ three preparations of the Ipoh or Upas poison to tip their arrows with, these three kinds being distinguished by the names ' Ipoh krohi,' ' Ipoh tennik ' or ' kennik,' and ' Ipoh mallaye.'
" The • krohi ' is extracted from the root and bark of the Ipoh tree, the roots of the 'tuba' and 'kopah,' red arsenic, and the juice of limes. The ' tennik ' is made in the same manner as the 'krohi,' leaving out the ' kopah ' root. The ' mallaye ' poison, which is accounted the most potent of the three, is prepared from the roots of the 'tuba,' the 'perachi,' the 'kopah,' and the ' chey ' ; and from that of the shrub ' mallaye ' ; hence its name.
" The process of concocting these preparations is as follows : — The roots are carefully selected and cut at a particular age of the moon ; probably about the full. The woody fibre is thrown away, and nothing but the succulent bark used. This is put into a * kuali ' (a sort of earthen pipkin), with as much soft water as will cover the mass, and kneaded well together. This done, more water is added, and the whole is submitted to a slow heat over a charcoal fire until half the water has evaporated. The decoction is next strained through a cotton cloth, and again submitted to slow ebullition until it attains the consistency of syrup. Red arsenic ('warangan'), which is
rubbed down in the juice of the sour lime, the 'limau asam' of the Malays, is then added, and the mixture poured into small bamboos, which are carefully closed up ready for use. Some of the tribes add a little opium, spices, and saffron ; some, the juice of the lancha, and the bones of the sunggatfish burnt to ashes.
"A number of juggling incantations are performed, and spells gibbered over the seething caldron by the Poyangs, by whom the fancied moment of the projection of the poisonous principle is as anxiously watched for as that of the philosopher's stone or the elixir vitae by the alchemists and philosophers of more enlightened races. When recently prepared the Ipoh poisons are all of a dark liver-brown colour, of the consistency of syrup, and emit a strongly narcotic odour. The deleterious principle appears to be volatile, as the efficacy of the poison is diminished by keeping " (Newbold, ii. pp. 400, 401).
Newbold further mentions — as the only antidote of which the Benuas could tell him — the fresh sap of a shrub called " lemak kepiting" (" Lemmah kopiting " ; lit. = " crab'sfat "), rubbed round and into the wound, and afterwards over the limb in which the puncture has been made. — Newbold, ii. 402.
[For identifications, v. pp. 318, 319, ante, and App. "Krohi" stands for "kroi" in the Besisi dialect, "tennik" for " tenet," "mallaye" for " malai " ( = " Blay " of Vaughan - Stevens, ?), "Perachi" for " perachek " (or "Perachel"), and "chey" for Bes.
ckaf. vi SAVAGE MALAYS OF MT BERl MBUA
The Blowpipi .
Jakun of Berembun. All the Bcrembun irih (visited by Logan) used the blowpipe and poisoned darts. The former was a light and ncai instrument, and differed From the "bored' wooden blowpipe ol the Dayaks. That ol the Berembun tribes consisted
of two bamboos about 7 ft. (2.1} in.) in length, the one
enclosed within the other, the external one being about three-fourths of an inch (19 mm.) in diameter, and neatly decorated tor about 1 ft. (91 cm.) in the centre and at each extremity. To prevent it from splitting, the fibrous bark of the Artocarpus was bound around 6 in. (45 cm.) of the extremity and coated with resin ("dammar"). The internal tube was of the same length as the case, but its "bore" measured only three-fifths of an inch (15 mm.). It was composed of two pieces of bamboo, united by a splicing-piece 8 in. (20 cm.) long, which embraced both ends tightly at the point of junction. The bamboo used in the manufacture of this blowpipe (" buluh temiang ") was very light and finely grained.1
The darts (" damak ") were made from the stem of the bertam-palm leaf. They measured 10 in. (25 cm.) in length, and ^ in. (1.5 mm.) in diameter at
"dies" or "cheh"(Mal. "ipoh"). "Ko- the milky sap drawn from the stem of
pah" = ? Carapa malaccensis, but "limou Antiaris thai is generally employed.
asam" = the lime (Mai. "Limauasam"). Of the thin poison mentioned by New-
Newbold (/.<-.) distinguishes three kinds bold, "Ipoh malai " (or " mallaye "),
of poison in the Malay Peninsula : which is the root of a West Indian
(1) "Ipoh kroi" ("krohi"), (2) " Ipoh plant (Thevetia neriifolia, Juss., Apocy-
tenet" ("tenni"),and (3) "Ipoh malai" nacea), is said to be the foundation. —
("mallaye"), of which the first two are See Geiger, p, 20.] founded upon the root and bark of the l J. 1. A. vol. i. p. 272. From the
Ipoh tree. Newbold seems, however, to foregoing account it is probable that
have confused "Ipoh akar" (Strychnos) the Berembun blowpipe belonged to
with "Ipoh batang" (Antiaris), for it is the Sakai type.
334 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS paw ii
the base, from which they gradually tapered to a very fine and sharp point. The base was inserted into a conical butt-end of " kayu tutu " ] (which is very porous and light), the dart there measuring about i in. (25 mm.) in length and one-third of an inch (8 mm.) in diameter. The points of the dart had been dipped for about fivesixths (21 mm.) of an inch in Ipoh poison. This latter is made by taking the sap of the Upas creeper, the Upas tree (or " kyas "),~ " tuba," and limes, which are then bruised, boiled, and strained. Arsenic is added, and other substances, such as "pachet,"3 " jimardes," 4 " malai," and "gadong," are also sometimes added as well. The liquid, which is called " ipoh," having been thus prepared, has the colour and consistency of prepared opium ("chandu"). An incision is made round the point of the dart just above the poison to ensure its breaking off and remaining in the wound. '
Each dart is kept (ready for immediate service) in a reed or case of bamboo, the diameter of which is about one-fourth of an inch (6 mm.). Fifty of these reeds are laid side by side and united by strings. They are then rolled up and inserted into a large quiver, which is also made of bamboo, and which has a neat lid made from the wood of the "jelotong." This quiver contains, in addition, a quantity of the wadding (" barok "), which is of a very light, spongy character, and is also used as tinder, which these tribes extract from a tree called "runut."6 When the dart has been inserted into the blowpipe a little " barok " is introduced behind it. When the operator blows into the blowpipe, this substance is pressed against the butt-end of the dart,
1 Sic, ? " tutok " = Hibiscus macro- 4 Sic ? Unidentified. phyllus. •' J. I. A. vol. i. p. 272 seqq,
2 " Kyas" ="kayas"(' 'ipoh kayu"). G Sic, ? "rengut."
3 Sic, ? "perachet," q.v.
i hat. vi MALA VAA SEA-G\ PS/1
and effectually prevents windaj In ihooting, the
blowpipe is firmly held b) both hands, which are lightly clasped over the near extremity ol the tube, which in
turn is firmly inserted into the mouthpiece, which th
serves as a species oi handl< .
// eaflons.
Udai. The Udai use sharpened palm wool
(" nibong ") stakes, hardened with fire at the end, as
spears, as well as the blowpipe with poisoned dart
Orang Laut ok Sea-Jakun.
Weapons and Implements.
- Laut, Sletar. — The Sletar tribe of the Orang Laut are described as possessing no weapons, whether for offence or defence.
In the same passage, however, we are told that they do employ a form of fish-spear called H serkap," as well as the Malay "parang" or chopper (which, of course, may on occasion be used either as a defensive or offensive weapon).3
- Laut, Sabimba. — The Sabimba use a Dayak blowpipe, which is also armed with a spear - head, bayonet fashion. It is curious, says Logan, that this weapon has been imported for the Sabimba from time immemorial, and that they have not acquired the art of manufacturing their blowpipes from bamboo like the Berembuns. The Bornean sumpitan, adds Logan (evidently by way of distinction), is artificially bored.4
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 272, 273. The of the Keratong[and Jekati.— -J.R.A.S.,
blowpipe is not used by the Jakun of S. B., No. 25, p. 3 ; Xo. 26, p. 14.
Ulu Endau, Ulu Sembrong, and Ka- a Newbold, ii. 381, 382.
hang, though it is by their neighbours 3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 342*. 4 lb. 297.
336 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS pari ii
It is most unfortunate that this account is so meagre, but a contemporary account by Mr. Thompson adds a few more scattered facts. He describes the Sabimba as hunting the wild hog by the aid of their dogs, and as feeding on monkeys, snakes, apes, etc. " Their blowpipe is the same as that used by the Dayaks of Sambas in Borneo, from whence it is imported to Singapore, and from thence finds its way to the Tembrau, the river on which they are now located. The dart of this blowpipe is delicately fashioned, but the Sabimba make a ruder description themselves. The darts are poisoned with the juice of the Upas tree, which is called 'ipoh." The admission that the Sabimba make a ruder sort of dart themselves, tallies entirely with what we find to be the case among many of those tribes who are in the habit of employing not only their own weapons, but those of their neighbours in the chase, no doubt in hopes that the latter would bring them better luck. It would be interesting to know what proof there was that the blowTpipes resembling those of the Dayaks at Sambas were borrowed.1
- Laut, Muka Kuning\ — With the help of dogs, the blowpipe, a kind of palm-wood spear (the " seligi " or " spear of nibong "), the axe, the hatchet, and the knife, the O. Muka Kuning procure their ordinary food in the forest, together with rattans, resin or " dammar," and eagle-wood, which they barter for rice, cloth, implements, tobacco, and salt.1'
The Bow.
- Laut, Temiang. — The following reference to a form of arrow-release attributed to a less-known sea-
1 To me the statement is most unlikely. J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 347*, 348*
» Ibid. p. 337*.
i map. v) MALA VAN SEA <> \ PSJ
■■■■II — i— M— i— ^»^^«— ^i ■ ^ —
tribe is, bo far as I have been able to discov< i unique : the bow (oi the Temiang) was held in a horizontal position (a hole being made in the centn of th<- bow, through which the arrow passed), the three fingers bent over the string, and the arrow heltl between the first and second fingers, th<- thumb straightened, and the little finger partially straightened.1
1 Essex Inst. Hull. vol. xvii. Oct Dec. |>. 21 of short copy. Sir, however,
remarks on p. 253, asttt. The entire passage wants corroboration.
VOL. I
CHAPTER VII.
Cultivation.
The most primitive form of horticulture (if so it can be called) employed by these tribes arises from the throwing away of the seeds of fruit that they have eaten in the jungle. A Malay chief of Selangor informed me that the Besisi were originally in the habit of eating the fruits of the jungle in a small shelter built upon the spot where they had been gathered, but on its being pointed out that this practice resulted in a superfluous number of fruit-trees all growing in the same spot, the whole tribe took to carrying their fruit to a little distance before eating it, and afterwards removed during the fruit season to a fresh spot every year, in order to spread the seeds over a wider region of the country.
On the other hand, fruit-seeds or seedlings were certainly planted by the aborigines from time to time among the catch-crops in their clearings, and the ground round the trees that were in bearing was regularly cleared (about once a year) of undergrowth. This, however, was probably intended rather to facilitate the collection of the fruit than with any idea of improving the fruit-bearing capacity of the tree.
For the latter purpose magic was more frequently
lAKl-N WALKING UP A TREE, I'll' BATU, SELANGOR
Vol. I. A 333-
( 'crruti.
Sakaj Tree-Felling: One Max (on Staging) starting Work, the Other (on the Left) climbing up to assist him.
chaf. mi GENERAL RE MARKS
employed, though it is true that various ingenio devices were adopted for the purpose oi scaring away wild animals (such as monk- \ >, squirrels, bear-ca ami civet-cats) which were certain to assemble t<> t<
upon the fruit.
Amongst the animals that wen: fond oi the
durian, hears and tigers were always especially mentioned, it being asserted that these animals wen* in the habit of tearing open the huge, green, spiky fallen fruit by inserting their sharp claws into the divisions of its thick rind, and feasting upon the creamy pulp that envelops the seeds within. Whether this be so or not, it is certain that both bears and tigers are frequently met with in the neighbourhood of these durian groves, and that not a few of the aborigines have lost their lives through being attacked either in or near the tiny huts or shelters that are built under the durian trees, during the fruit season, for the watchers. I may add that the number and variety of wild fruits eaten by the aborigines were far in advance of those eaten by the Malays.
All the aborigines are adepts at tree-felling, at which even the Malays cannot beat them. Standing on a lofty platform made of a few crossed sticks, they cut the stem through at the point where the buttresses spring from the trunk. They never seem to miss their stroke even by a hair's-breadth, the cutting being so cleanly done that the top of the stump often looks as smooth as a billiard-table, a great contrast to the roughly cut stumps left by some Malays and most Chinese. In the southern districts of Selangor the Jakun, who did a good deal of felling for the Protectorate Government, proved cheap and excellent workers, though they required management,
34© CULTIVATION patch
as they would never work unless they were in a humour to do so. Their favourite method of felling, when a large area had to be cleared, was to select a tree of the largest size, and then to fell it in a particular direction so as to bring down with it a number of smaller trees in its fall.
In the earliest stages of cultivation, the first kind of grain to be planted by the aborigines is a kind of Chinese millet, which is grown together with a few light catch-crops, more especially by tribes living among the hills of the Peninsula at a considerable altitude. The last mode of cultivation introduced is usually rice, and even when this latter is cultivated, it is generally on so small a scale and with such hopelessly inadequate implements, that it could hardly be expected (when the various " enemies " of the rice had taken their toll) that there would be any substantial harvest left to gather.
Magic rites play a large part in the rice-planting customs of the Sakai and the Jakun, but less so, I believe, in those of the Semang, who seem to be less superstitious than their neighbours.
Mr. Blagden has shown that there are several non- Malay aboriginal names for rice in the Peninsula, and this fact, coupled with the existence of varieties of the grain special to the aborigines, and with the generally aboriginal character of the harvest -rites, argues against such words being borrowed by the civilised (Mohammedan) Malays. The line between pagan and Mohammedan Malay is drawn at irrigation.
The fact that there have been cases in which the Jakun have taken even to the cultivation of coffee shows, however, that they are by no means incapable of improvement.
chap, vii \ . GR/TOS i '/■ a / DAH
I. Sim \...
. Xgru ultun
Kedah Semang- and Pangan. The wildest Semang tribes do not <'at rice, except when they may have suei teded in obtaining a scanty supply through the medium ol other Semang more conversant with Malays.
They live, in fact, lor the most part upon roots,
eked out by the trophies of their skill in hunting and fishing, together with the wild fruits of the jungle
I hey come in season.
The Semang, who have reached the first and most rudimentary stage of agriculture, plant by way of a substitute for rice a species of Chinese millet (44 sekoi ") which is called in Malay " cat's - tail " (" ekor kuching "), and which is perhaps selected from its flourishing better than rice on the higher ranges.
The fact of these tribes being millet-eaters, of which I was first informed by the Semang of Kedah, 1 subsequently found had been already recorded by De Morgan and several other writers. It is, of course, conceivable that the fact of their being eaters of millet may have given the nickname of " Orang Sekoi," or 44 Millet-men," to the tribes who bear it. But on the other hand the name might quite as easily have been derived from some small stream or river (Sungei Sekoi), since on the whole this is the more usual method by which these tribes get their names.
In the next stage of development (in which the Negritos are still semi -nomadic, and migrate from one district to another as soon as their scanty crop is harvested) they actually begin to grow rice in a primitive fashion, as well as a few catch-crops, such as bananas, sugar-cane, tapioca, maize, and sweet potatoes,
342 CULTIVATION part it
all, however, with a minimum expenditure of time and trouble. The rice that they grow, at this stage, is always " hill-rice " (Mai. " huma "), a fresh plot of forest-ground (usually the sloping side of a hill) being selected and cleared annually. The branches are then lopped off from the fallen trees, the ddbris is burnt, and the rice sown in the interstices between the remaining tree-stumps, this latter process always necessarily taking place during the more rainy season.
A good instance of this culture of " hill-rice " was to be seen at Siong (in Kedah), where the Semang had cleared a great part of the slope of Bukit Temesu, and planted it with rice and the light catch - crops mentioned in the foregoing list, with the exception, however, of tapioca, which, for some reason unknown to me, they did not plant.
At the time of my arrival their scanty stock of rice, which was of very poor quality, had all been harvested, and they had stored it in a tiny hut or barn, built upon very high posts and no bigger than a box (4 feet by 4 feet), in order to remove its precious contents beyond the reach of small mammals.
Perak Semang*. — These remarks apply equally to the Semang of Perak.
II. — Sakai.
Fruit-gathering.
Perak Sakai. — The Sakai method of gathering wild tree-fruit is to climb the trees in which ripe fruit has been seen, and then to lop off the fruit-laden boughs, so that the fruit itself may be picked off the boughs (as they lie on the ground) and eaten at leisure.1
1 De Morgan, viii. 284. This method is also practised by the Malays.
chap. v.. SAKAI 0/ PERAK
I ) hlllt 11), .
The Mill Sakai (Sakai Bukit) are aid to practi no form of agriculture ; but those who have reached the earliest stage of it are described as cultivating
the species of Chinese millet called "s£koin (orMel kuching ") already mentioned.1 Mr. L. \rray saw a field of this millet grown at an altitude of 2400 ft. (730
in.) in Perak, and remarks that this form of grain is
grown largely by the Sakai, both in the hills of N. Perak and of the Plus district, but that no rice was grown there, and that their staple food appeared to be tapiot
Mr. Wray adds that they also grew sweet potatoes, sugar-cane, pumpkins, and tobacco, but no fruit, except in the settlements near Malay villages.8
Elsewhere the Perak Sakai are described as planting not only the crops already named, but maize and yams, etc., etc.^
According to Col. Low and De Morgan, the Sakai make no sort of use of ploughing or harrowing implements, but content themselves with making holes in the ground with a pointed stick, in the open spaces between the roots and tree-stumps,5 to contain the riceseed which is dropped into them.
De la Croix, in describing the Sakai village of Kampong Chabang, on the upper waters of S. Kerbu (a tributary of the Plus river in Upper Perak), gives a graphic description of one of these aboriginal clearings, stating that the jungle had been cleared tor an area of about five acres (deux hectares), and
1 De la Croix, p. 340. Sed v. p. 3 Ibid.
340, ante. 4 /. /. A. vol. iv. p. 429 ; and cp.
1 Wray in /. R. A. S., S.E., No. Hale, p. 294.
21, p. 163. For illustrations of clear- 6 Low,y. /. A. vol. iv. pp. 429, 430 ;
ings, cp. IS Homme, ii. 642, 643. cp. De Morgan, vii. 423; LH. ii. 611.
344 CULTIVATION part n
great trees lay on all sides, the open spaces between them being planted with rice. Here and there were upright posts from which were suspended pieces of bamboo which sounded as the wind shook them. These were scarecrows designed for driving away the crowds of birds which came to rob the rice-fields. When the wind was not strong enough to move these scarecrows, the aborigines did so themselves by means of an arrangement of cords or creepers, all of which converged towards a small shelter in the centre, wherein a watchman was always posted. It looked not unlike a network of telegraph lines. The same apparatus was used for scaring away wild elephants, which were a veritable scourge to plantations in the jungle.1
Vaughan-Stevens, in giving a very long and full account of rice-planting as practised by the Sakai,'J made out five main divisions of their agricultural work — felling, burning, sowing, reaping, and the offering of first-fruits. To commence, he stated that as a rule only one harvest was obtained, unless the soil was exceptionally rich, when two harvests might possibly be obtained. Hence it was the most usual thing for the clearing to be deserted as soon as the harvest had been reaped. The patch of forest which happened to be selected was cleared during the prevalence of the drier season, by means of the hatchet and the chopper.3 A favourite method of felling was to cut a number of small trees half-way through, and then to fell a
1 De la Croix, p. 323(1882). This 2 Called by Vaughan-Stevens method is common among the Malays, Blandas, though, as has already been but as Mr. Blagden shows, the abori- explained, Vaughan-Stevens almost ingines themselves may have grown rude variably employed this term for what crops. Wray (Per. Mus. N. iii. pp. 29- are throughout this book called Sakai. 30) gives two kinds of rice, " Padi Mr. Blagden, however, from internal Sakai " and " Padi Si Antah," both linguistic evidence, attributes this partidescribed as varieties grown only by cular account to the Mantra of Malacca, the Sakai. 3 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 146.
,' .
A Sakai Plantation at Changkat Bertam on the River Raya (Perak).
ZV Morgan.
Sakai Plantations near the Head-waters of the River Kampar (Perak),
SEEN" FROM THE SUMMIT OF Mt. CHABANG.
McGregor.
ABORIGINAL HlLL CLEARING, WITH HUTS, ULU BATU, SELANGOR.
*Z0
McGregor.
Aboriginal Hill Clearing, with mixed Cultivation (Tapioca and Bananas), Ulu Bate, Selangor.
( mai-. vji SAKAl 0/ PERAK 34S
bigger one in such a way that n brought them all
down in its fall.
The idled timber, alter being left to dry for .1 few weeks, was then set on fire, and with the exception <>i
some of the thicker stumps soon burnt to ashes. In
the spaces between these stumps the padi was planted, just before the commencement o( the wet season. Before felling, however, all tools, whether (hoppers or
hatchets, had to he charmed to avoid accidents which might he brought about by evil spirits. Women and children, on such occasions, were not allowed to be present on account of the dangers that they might incur. In every village there was generally at least one man — perhaps several — who knew these charms. At the present day the Penglima or village chief was as a rule the only one who knew them, for since the wizards had died out, any one who knew the charm could work it.
The actual process was as follows : —
Two forked uprights (of no stipulated size or material) were planted vertically in the ground (a few feet apart) and supported a horizontal pole running east and west. The handle or helve of a hatchet was then suspended from the pole, and just underneath it were planted a branch (of some kind of forest tree) and a young shoot of " bunglei." To these were added a half coconut-shell filled with earth, which served as a censer (" sangkun "), a chopper, to be deposited on the ground beneath the pole, and the blade of the hatchet whose helve was suspended as described. The ceremony commenced at sunrise, when the saplings were cut and erected as related above.1
The magician then strewed incense (benzoin) over
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 146.
346 CUL TIVA TION part i i
the embers, and facing the rising sun, knocked the blade out of the hatchet-helve, and suspended the latter as described. Next he deposited the chopper and hatchet-blade, and picking them up again and crossing his hands in the smoke, described seven successive circles in the smoke, calling aloud seven times in succession as he did so.
He then repeated the following charm : —
" O Spirits of every Hill-locked Basin, return ye and seek the Spectral Huntsman. It is my desire to open up this clearing. O ye Four (great) Magicians, unto all Four of you I prefer my request. It is my desire to open up this clearing. Grant me coolness of body, and do me no harm nor scaith, but grant me coolness and coldness within this body of mine."
The harm and scaith referred to included the risk of being crushed by falling trees, of falls, and of accidental wounds inflicted by the implements used by the operator ; as well as the attacks of wild beasts, and fever.
When the charm was completed the hatchet-head was re-inserted in its helve and (along with the chopper) returned to its owner. A first clearing was then made, in the usual way, round the middle point of a circle which was about twelve yards in diameter. The chopper and hatchet were then turned seven times round in the smoke in strict silence, after which every one returned home. The owner of the tools commenced his work on the following day. To the foregoing should be added that the charm had to be said for each of the tools separately.1
The burning ceremony took place as soon as the felled timber was dry enough. Men, women, and
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 147. 148.
CHAP. v,i SAKAJ <>l- /'/ RAh
children gathered together .it mid-day in an open space on the sheltered sid<- of the ( learing. I [ere the censer was set up, and its smoke used to fumigate a half coconut-shell filled with coconut-oil. Before the latter was poured into the shell two or three polishing leaves (of the "akar simplas") were put into it. I he
oil was called " minyak b*rangsang.n '
The magician next turned his face towards the east, lifted the shell full of oil to his lips and repeated
this charm : —
u O Lightning, in Heaven and on Earth, I desire to give scope to the rage of Fire. I desire to burn off this clearing. I desire to summon the Four (great) Magicians. I desire to summon the winds from their seven coigns, the seven winds of equal rank, and to summon the whirlwind." 2
After this charm was spoken each took up his treebark torch from the heap in which they had been deposited and dipped the end of it into the oil in the shell (which the magician had replaced on the ground). The women and children did likewise. Each individual then handed his torch to the magician, who alone might kindle it (by means of the embers in the censer). The company then hastened off in various directions, and each of them kindled the fallen timber in as many places as possible. This charm was concluded at noon, as that was the hour by which the leaves and twigs would all be well dried by the hot
sun.3
After this " burning " ceremony came that for planting the rice. When the ground had been cleared by the burning of all but the larger trunks it was ready, after the first showers of the wet season,
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 148. 2 lb. pp. 148, 149. 3 lb.
348 CULTIVATION i-aki M
to receive the seed. The men then prepared pointed sticks (or dibbles) made from the saplings of a special kind of hard-wood tree called " tamun," ] the bark of which was peeled off, and a hollow made at the thicker end to receive the seed, which was stored in the huts in sacks.
The magician set out at sunrise for the fields, accompanied by all the men, women, and children who were going to take part in the sowing. On arriving at the first available open space near the middle of the field the magician drew a circle round himself with a specially made staff, which like the other dibbles was made out of " tamun " wood, and all the planting-sticks were heaped up inside the circle. The whole of the company sat outside the circle in a wide irregular ring, forming what is called the Rice-bin (" kepuk" ).2 In the centre the " bunglei " plant already mentioned was planted in the ground, and near it a branch of the "tamun " tree from which the planting-sticks had been made.3
The " tamun " wood was chosen because the " tamun " tree bears its fruits in a ring round the base of the trunk at a height of only about 2 dcm. from the ground, the object of the planters being that the rice should by sympathy flower near the ground, as the " tamun " tree fruits, instead of growing long and rank and weedy. So, too, the 11 bunglei " plant was chosen because no animals ate it, the hope being that the rice might be similarly spared. The censer having been placed near this plant and incense burned on it, seven small holes, each about an inch deep, were made in the centre of the circle.
1 Mai. "Satambun." 2 Mai. "kepok/' a very large circular " rice-bin."
3 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 149.
. 1 1 \ r. VII
KAJ OF PEA
Each individual then brought hia planting-stick and drove it firmlj into th<- earth, inside the rii C k£puk "). One oi t h< * women's seed-pouches m then deposited within th<- ring and a quantity ol rii grains (saved From th<- first seven ears cut .it the I scar's harvest)1 were mixed with the seed contained in the pouch. A charm was then repeated as follows: —
"() Dong, Black Princess, who dwellest as a recluse
(///. fastest) in the sea lor six months (in the year), I
summon thee to assist me in planting rice, so that from a fist-full, from a mere pinch (of seed) may ^row a hundred-fold, a thousand-fold, a koyan or two."
Turning his lace to the east, the magician then took up the pouch and waved it in a circle seven times through the smoke which was still rising from the censer, counting aloud as he did so, "One, two, three, four, five, six, seven."
When the charm had been said, a little rice-seed
1 This is the Rice-soul (or rather its embodiment), called in Malay " anak padi " or the " Rice - baby."' See Malay Magic, p. 235 seqq.
2 Vaughan- Stevens explains that this little Black sea -Princess (who descends with the wet monsoon) had the reputation of being able to protect the rice-fields if she wished, against all other evil spirits except the " Squinting Demon,'' who was usually more or less harmful. All evil spirits but the latter feared this Princess, who was wont to taunt them with the misdeeds they had committed during their lifetime, and on account of which they had been condemned by " Granny Long-breasts " (" Gendui Lanyut ") to dwell in the sea and pass their time in squirting water up at the clouds. [The full name of this Princess is Putri Sadong. She is frequently referred to in the traditions of the Malays, who describe her as the Princess of the Limestone Caves, and as ruling over the wild mountain goats ("kambing gurun"). At the same
time she is usually connected with the cultivation of rice. See Skeat's Fables and Folktales from an Eastern Forest, note to p. 49.]
On the subject of the Rice -soul, Vaughan-Stevens further remarks that the rice had a soul which was condemned to wander for three days. During these three days and nights the body of the rice was exposed, in a way Vaughan-Stevens could not make quite sure of, to the attacks of evil demons which, under cover of darkness, approached it in the form of mice. But the demons could not break through the enchanted ring of planting-sticks, nor could they penetrate to the inner circle of seven holes in which the body of the rice was buried.
After the third night the "semangat" or soul of the rice returned to its body, after which it could take care of itself, so that the protection of the plantingsticks was no longer needed (Vaughan- Stevens, ii. 151, 152).
350 CULTIVATION part il
out of the pouch was dropped into each of the seven holes and covered up with earth by the magician, who made use of his stick for the purpose. The plantingsticks of the company were then waved round seven times through the smoke in a circle, the number of the completed circles being each time counted aloud by the magician. As soon as the planting-sticks had all been fumigated, each person took up his own pair, one in each hand, and went off with them to the field. The women followed, and the pouch was taken as well. The whole company now proceeded to plant the seed, working in a long line or file, casting the seed with one hand and pricking holes with the other. The women then divided the rice-seed between them, starting with that in the pouch, which must be planted first in any case. They next resorted to the main stock of seed, all of which they planted, dropping a few grains into each hole, and covering them up with hand or foot. When the day's work was ended the planting-sticks had to be brought back to the place where the ceremony was performed and restored to their original position. This ceremony had to be repeated for three consecutive days, but after that they might be deposited anywhere.1
To the foregoing I should add that if the plantingsticks in the course of the work got clogged together with wet earth this might on no account be removed by rubbing the stick against a tree, but had to be wiped away with the front of the foot. If the stick was accidentally knocked against a tree, the mousedemons would hear it, and, joyfully exclaiming, " Rice- planting, rice-planting," set to work to dig up the seed.2
1 Vaughan- Stevens, ii. 150, 15 1. - Ibid.
( hap. vii sak.ii <>/■ PBRAA
As soon as the rice began to ripen, all the m< women, and children set t<> work to drive ofl th< birds, apes, elephants, squirrels, and other enemies ol the rice. A small hut or shelter was built in the
held ; and part or the whole of each family went to
live there while the rice was ripening. The reaping
was done with the same implements as are used by
the Malays. None of the aborigines could remember
any other kind being used. In default of the Malay
reaping-knife ("tuai"), the reaper would pinch off each
head of rice between finger and thumb. From five to twenty ears, on the other hand, according to the skill of the reaper, were seized between the finger and the thumb and cut off close to the ear when the reaping-knife was used, the stalks being left on the spot, either to be burnt or to wither. The rice-heads were then collected together, and thrown upon a threshing - floor to be separated from the husks. Here they were trodden to and fro under foot, and the stalk- ends sifted out. The rice required for immediate use was then throwm into a massive wooden mortar, where it was pounded with a heavy pestle, which split the husks, and the husked rice, as soon as the husks had been separated from it, was then ready for cooking.1
Before the commencement of the harvest, however, a magic ceremony had to be performed, which took place at sunrise. All who were interested in the harvest assembled at one of the watchers' huts in the rice-fields, and seated themselves in a ring round its walls. In the middle of the hut stood a sack filled with rice to the brim — an obvious piece of symbolism. One of the reaping-knives was then inserted, with the
1 Vaughan -Stevens, ii. 151, 152.
352 CULTIVATION part n
pointed end downwards, in the centre of the open mouth of the sack of rice, and to the butt-end of its (projecting) bamboo handle ; above the iron blade a small knob or clot of beeswax ' was affixed.
With his face turned to the rising sun, the magician now crouched down in front of the sack, and, placing his lips close to the knob of beeswax, repeated aloud the following charm : — -
11 O thou that squintest, turn thy back to me ; thou that art blind, confront me. Lo, I reap the seven heads of rice, yea, and take the soul of the rice, and bear it back with me to the house."
The magician then withdrew the reaping- knife from the sack's mouth, and proceeding to the circle of the seven holes and fastening seven rice-plants (one taken from each of the holes) to the upper part of the handle of the reaping-knife, turned his face towards the rising sun, and (retaining meanwhile the reapingknife with the rice-plants attached) repeated the rest of the charm, which consisted merely of the words : " I will drive thee out, O Demon, from before me." At this he applied the edge of the reaping-knife to the rice-stalks and cut them through.3
The rice-heads being still fastened to the reapingknife, the magician took them back with him to the
1 Vaughan-Stevens explains that wax squirrels, etc. The demons soon notice was used in order to symbolise the wax- all the unwatched places, whenever like nature of fresh rice when boiled. the attention happens to flag, and
2 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 152. hence great care is taken of the grains The squinting demon is represented which contain the soul of the rice, and
as squinting because the Sakai believe the spirit is so blinded by magic that
that a man who squints can see further they can be collected together in
round him than another whose eyes safety. The squinting spirit is always
are naturally formed. A large rice- spying round the house, and looking out
field demands ceaseless watchfulness, for a chance of playing off his tricks ; he
and the eyes of the owner cannot look incites the fowls and dogs to steal food
round far enough to take note of all out of the hutswhen the master isabsen:.
the depredations committed by birds, 3 Vaughan-Stevens, ibid.
,J
Tl
z
-
Aboriginal Women husking Padi (showing End-View of Mortar),
Ulu Ki.au, Pahang.
Vol. /.A 353-
i hat. vii SAKAi OF n , ■
hut, and there untying them, wrapped them up in a cloth or mat, and deposited them on the top <>i the
rice in the second sack. There they had to stay for three (lays, during which time the women alone were
allowed to CUt the rice in the field, alter which a
pause followed until the end of the rice-feast. Th<
rice-heads thus collected were husked, hut the stalks
and husks might not be thrown away before the feast
was over, and were preserved in a basket or sack, which was kept in the hut. The rice thus obtained formed the portion used for the rice-feast, it being the rule that whatever remained over must be divided among the gttests before they returned home after the banquet.1
The following up of these three days' reaping by the offering to the guests is considered as an act of hospitality on the part of the chief, any omission of it being considered " mean." The reasons given to Vaughan-Stevens for not throwing away the remains of the feast were (i) that the guests might see howmuch had been obtained from the harvest, and assure themselves that the host had not kept back any of thejthusked rice ; further, it was asserted that the Rice-soul, when it returns from its three days' wanderings, is made welcome by means of the feast, and also, moreover, fortified by the charms against the trouble that might be caused by the demons later on. It was asserted, too, that it would be an insult to the Rice-soul if its husk were immediately thrown away as worthless ; and hence the husks were preserved in order that the Rice-soul might see them upon its return. As soon as it returned, the grain of the seven rice-heads was collected together in a cloth or sack and hung up in an out-of-the-way place, until it
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 152. VOL. I 2 A
354 CULTIVATION part ii
was time for it to be mixed with the main stock of seed. Till then it took up its abode in these seven ears. To this it was added, that fresh rice when boiled possessed a peculiarly pleasant aroma, which was not to be obtained from old rice. Hence when the guests arrived they would raise the husks to their noses and inhale their aroma, as a means of ascertaining the quality of the harvest ; for, although the rice- grains had the same aroma as the husks, it would not be seemly to test the grains themselves in this way.1
Whilst the women were engaged in reaping the rice during the first three days, the men were employed in procuring from the forests and streams the meat and fish required for the feast. Afterwards, however, both sexes took a share in the reaping, since the grains fall very easily and quickly out of the ears as soon as they are once fully ripe.2
After the rice which had been collected during the first three days had been husked and prepared, a sufficient quantity was cooked for the entertainment of the expected guests, the cooking taking place on the morning of the fourth day, by which time the supplementary dishes that had been procured by the men were available.3
The men now put on their best clothes, and the bachelors of the tribe, putting flowers in their headbands, took their blowpipes with them, and prepared to lead their guests to the feast-house.4 The most distinguished guest, i.e. the Batin or one of the subordinate chieftains or the magician, was fetched last, all the people accompanying him, and the unmarried men acting as a kind of bodyguard.5
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 153, 154. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.
4 I.e. the "Balai.": 6 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 153, 154.
< hap. vii SAKAJ <>/■ ii I
.". soon as I he lasl guest had arrived, \ hit Ii vi usually about mid-day, the dishe were placed upon the mats. Nowadays the host provides the ric< and the betel-leaf, and every one who receives the invitation gives about ten cents towards the purchase ol luxuri< Formerly, however, those ten cents were paid in kind, .md consisted oi various supplementary disl fish, game, and vegetables. Waiting on the guests, on the other hand, was the duty oi the householder and his wife and his grown-up daughters.1
Before the meal commenced, as soon as the guests
had chosen their places (the women and children silting together in one place and the men in another), the magician took the censer and dispatched it seven times round the circle of guests, who continued to pass it round from hand to hand until it returned again to the magician, the latter calling out " one, two, three, four," and so forth each time that he received it, until the seven circuits were completed. These were, however, the only words uttered by the magician during the ceremony, and he did not turn in any special direction.2
When this proceeding was over, the magician waved the censer seven times round the reapingknives and the cloth in which the seven rice-heads were wrapped, and both of the latter being suspended from one of the central pillars of the house, the censer was simply passed around that pillar. Next, the censer was carried round all the ricesacks (which were intended to receive the harvested rice), and, lastly, seven times round the cooking-pots, which stood apart by themselves. It was then deposited at the foot of the pillar at the top of which
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 154. - Ibid.
356 CULTIVATION i-art n
were suspended the Rice-soul and the reaping-knives. The magician next took a few boiled rice -grains and laid some of them on the heads of each of the children present, in order that they might always remember when they were older how to prepare rice for their children. This completed the ceremony, and the actual feast then began.1
After the meal the guests washed their hands in the water which had been placed in coconut -shells for every one to quench his thirst. And when they had all washed, each person present greeted the others of his (or her) sex in turn, stretching out the hand without rising. Betel-leaf was then brought forward and handed round, the host and his wife meanwhile taking their own share of the repast in a corner of the hut. When they had finished their meal, they too greeted each of the guests in the same way, and each guest, after responding, had to come forward again and return the greeting of the host. Meanwhile the wife of the host, on her own account, exchanged greetings with the other women. The incense was now removed from the censer and the smoking shell offered by the magician once to every adult. When he had received it back, he passed it once more seven times round the pillar on which the Rice -soul was hung, and then deposited it on the ground at the foot of the pillar. The unboiled rice which remained over from the three days' harvest was equally divided among all the guests ; but the boiled rice which had not been eaten at the feast was the magician's own perquisite.2
The guests who lived at a distance now took their leave, and as before were accompanied on their way
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 154, 155. 2 Ibid.
chap, vii SAKAI OF SELANGOR J57
l>' the ownersol the rice field. Before the) departed the women alone greeted the host leven time The host, however, was not permitted to accompany any of them to then- homes until his most distinguished
guest had departed.1
The wife of the host, although she sal near him, received no greeting, except a quite informal one
from some of her special friends. All the guests left
tlie house in time to reach their dwellings before nightfall.
Horticulture.
Selangor Sakai. — Of the devices employed by the Sakai of Selangor for scaring the monkeys away from their fruit-trees, an official in Selangor, some years back, observed one day as he was walking along the central range a noise that resembled the stroke of an axe on a hollow tree. Next day the same noise continued, and he therefore started off to investigate ; and in a small creek or water-gully came upon an ingenious contrivance put up by the Sakai to frighten monkeys away from some durian- trees, of which there were a number in full bearing in the neighbourhood. The contrivance was made out of an internode of bamboo, some five feet long, and had a fairly big stone lashed to the bottom end ; rather less than half-way up a hole had been bored and a long thin stick passed through it, the ends of which were made fast to a couple of trees on either side. The bamboo was fixed at about half a right angle, and a second bamboo led a stream of water into it ; as soon as the first bamboo became full, its top-heaviness caused it to tilt up, when the weighted end fell with
1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 155. a Ibid.
358 CULTIVATION part ii
a thud upon a third piece of bamboo which was fixed ready to receive it. The same writer added that the Sakai employed the "whistling" (or " ifcolian ") bamboo a good deal for the same purpose, but said that this " fog-bell " of theirs was better.1
III. — Jakun.
Blandas. — No record has hitherto been obtained of the actual rice-planting ceremonies practised by the Blandas in K. Langat. But the agricultural rites of all these tribes, as might be expected, are borrowed almost in their entirety from their Malay neighbours, and hence there is reason to believe that they cannot differ greatly from the ceremonies just described. That this is the case is borne out to some extent by the text of two padi - planting charms, which were given me by the Blandas in this same district. The first, which corresponds to the Malay tree-felling invocations, may be rendered as follows : —
Charm to expel Earth-demons on opening up 2 a Clearing.
Leaves of " kreduk " and " selimbar," 3
Tree-shoots that entwine and dangle, Dangle till they reach down earthwards, Therewith chase I you, Earth-demons ; Fly to leftward, fly to rightward, I have chos'n this spot as lodging For Bananas, Yams, and Rice-plants. Lords of hill, and hill-locked basin, Drive we back these foul Earth-demons !
The second of these charms is to be used for calling the Rice-soul home at harvest-time (" panggil semangat padi ").4 It runs as follows : —
1 "Queensland" in Set. J. vol. i. 3 A big climbing parasite (Klin- No. 15, p. 230. kert).
2 "Menetau"; so-called in Malay 4 Cp. Malay Magic, p. 235 seqq. also.
,; ,
■
z
McGregor.
Cultivation of the Tapioca-Plant (on Left) and Sugar-Cane (in Centre »-- Aboriginal Woman in Foreground, Y\x Kali, Selangor.
, .. \r. vii SAl AGE MAI A KS Of •/ I 1 VG0A?
( HAH M i "i- INVOKING I HI RH I OUL.
Rice boal ' male wid Rice boal f< m tie I < Iluck, elm k > luck ! jfoui •""I . I lummon, Both the gii I child and the bo) child ('linn-, we yearn to beai you homewards, SouU oi Kit c |ii:uu -,': S'lotan, Boraki |.iml>i, Pulut,8 Maize, Banan Thus into the hou w we beai you, In the ioil no longei ilumber, Slumber now a ithin the cui ta
The directions given me in connection with this charm were that the magician, on reaching the house (when returning from the rice - field), should say "Coming" (Mai. "datang"). As soon as the people in the house, who ought to be on the look-out, hear this announcement, they should bid the Rice -child welcome with " Come hither, then ! "
One of the most interesting facts to be deduced from the above charm (which was given me by an old Blandas chief) is the fact that by these aborigines a soul is attributed to maize and banana trees, as well as to the various kinds of rice.
Horticulture.
Besisi. — The Besisi have little that can be termed horticulture, though by dispersing either in their own plantations, or in the jungle, the seeds and stones of the fruit which they eat, and sometimes clearing the undergrowth around them afterwards, they naturally come to look to some extent upon the trees that spring from these seeds as the property of their tribe.
1 The rice-boat or " puan,"' as it is " Borak " and "Jambi," are the names called in Malay, is a boat-shaped of the best kinds of rice ("padi") grown wooden box (with built-out part be- in the district.
hind), in which rice is deposited by 3 " Pulut " is Oryza glutinosa, or
Malays when used ceremonially on glutinous rice, used chiefly with turmeric
great occasions, or in processions, such on ceremonial occasions,
as that of a wedding, etc. 4 Lit. " mosquito - curtains " — a
2 "Sclotan" or •' S'lotan," as well as wonderfully graphic and human touch !
360 CULTIVATION part II
At the same time, it should be observed that their claim when made, as so often happens, by way of protest against some usurping Malay, is not to the owner- ship of the tree or trees, but merely to a reasonable share of their fruit. The Malay is frequently left in possession by the simple jungle-folk with this express proviso, but as frequently breaks his contract, and this question of the ownership of such trees has repeatedly received the attention of the Government, the disappointment of the aborigines having repeatedly led to great wrangling between them and the Malays, whilst the latter never hesitate to use their power as the stronger race for the purpose of seizing the; trees entirely whenever they find an opportunity of doing so unchecked. The trees thus planted are the durian, the mangostin, rambutan, rambai, lansat, tampoi, and others, the value of even a small orchard of this kind to a Malay being very considerable. The late Sultan Abdul Samad of Selangor, whose mother was said to have been of aboriginal extraction, had several such orchards in his possession, and most of the influential Malay chiefs who surrounded him were the owners of similar property.
The collecting of the fruit is done for the most part by women. A special fruit-gathering implement (which may, however, be copied from one employed by the Malays) has been described by Mr. Bellamy, who saw it in use among the Besisi, as I have myself done. It was used mostly for fruits about the size of an apple, especially the mangostin, and its main object was apparently to do away with the necessity of climbing the trees. To make it, the Besisi would procure a long thin bamboo, and splitting it lengthwise (at one extremity) between two joints or nodes, press
chap, vii SAVAGE MALAYS Of SBLANGOR
the split end forcibly down until the section opened
out and took shape not unlike that oi a Small round
cage. This cage like Formation was then bound round with rattan to preserve its shape, and a portion o\ two or three of the bars of the (;i.sr<- ,('-
sufficient length being, however, left in the bars ol
the upper section to form .1 sort oi claws. I he fruitgatherer, alter Strapping a basket on to her hack, then set to work, and passing the claws round the
st.dk of the first mangostin, gave a slight pull so as to detach the fruit, which, instead o\ falling to the ground
and becoming bruised, simply dropped into the cage below the claws.
I may add that the Besisi also occasionally, like the Malays, make use of magic to cause their fruittrees to bear better.
Agriculture.
The Besisi cultivated the usual catch-crops (maize, tapioca, yams, and sweet potatoes, etc.) as wrell as rice, though the harvests that they obtained were seldom very much to boast of. Their settlement at Ayer I tarn stood in very low-lying ground which remained more or less swampy throughout the year, so that there was no trouble about water- courses and embankments, a fact which they evidently appreciated, this being the great stumbling-block in the way of regular rice-cultivation, even among the local Malays. The following lines of a song sung at a Besisi ricefeast describe the various processes of rice-culture as practised by their tribe : —
Song of the Rice-planters.
Go ye out to fell your clearings, Burn ye then your sun-dried timber,
362 CULTIVATION cart ii
Marly plant, to make rice fruitful,1 Plant ye rice, yams, cane, bananas. Build a hut to shade the planters. When your crop's ripe, reap it quickly, Or you'll want, your rice grown rotten. Leave it not then, reap it thoroughly.
The operations of sowing and reaping were always accompanied by the reciting of charms, which appear at first sight to be borrowed, almost bodily, from the ricecustoms of the local Malays, though it is more probable that a large portion of them were of independent Jakun {i.e. aboriginal Malayan) origin. Periodical feasts were also held in the house of the tribal chief or Batin, both when the rice first began to bloom, and also at the beginning, middle, and end of the harvest.
The Besisi have a ceremony (resembling that of the Malays) for bringing the Rice-soul back to the house. But on arrival at the house the Rice-soul is suspended from the ridge-pole of the roof ("tulang bumbongan ") instead of being deposited (as by the local Malays) in the rice-bin (" kepok padi.")2 As soon as the Rice-soul has been brought home the Besisi hold one of their great feasts or orgies (" main jo'oh "), at one of which I was fortunate enough to be present, and of which I accordingly took careful notes at the time.
This festival that I attended took place at the Besisi settlement at Ayer I tarn in the Kuala Langat district of Selangor. On reaching the Batin's house — which was the largest house in the village, and had a specially built "balei" attached to it, which could have probably held at one time a hundred people — we found it decorated in expectation of our arrival, which took place at about half-past one. By half-past two
1 Lines two and three are trans- - One of the points that suggest for
posed in the original, no doubt by this rite an origin independent of the accident. civilised Malay customs.
. haf, \ 11 SAVAGE MALA\ i i '/ \ < >J?
the cooking ol the rice bj the women ol the vill was completed, and there being aboul lixtj pei sona present, the men Bat down. Before the Feasting commenced, however, a charm was recited by one i minor chiefs. Seating himself at the head oi two long rows of banana-leaf "dish* (all of which were well heaped with rice as they lay on the floor), he addressed a friendly invitation to those beasts of the jungle and noxious insects which at all other times are considered
the deadliest foes o( rice-planters, but which (on this occasion only) were invited to glut themselves, and so
join in the general banquet. This charm, which I afterwards took down from the chief who recited it, was mostly in Malay, and ran as follows : —
Invocation of the Enemies of the Rice-crop.
Partake, () Round-foot.
Partake, < ) Rats.
Partake, O Blight.
Partake, ( ) Finches,
Partake, O Stink-bugs.
Partake, O Caterpillars.
Partake, () (ireen-fly.
Partake, () Deer.
Partake, O Pig.
Partake all of you of the year's Eldest-born.
We have not eaten yet.
But are just about to do so.
" Round-foot " is euphemistic for the elephant, which, together writh the wild pig, deer, and rats, used to work terrible havoc in the Besisi rice-fields at times. At the close of the invocation a small portion of rice was carried out of the house by one of the company and deposited on the top of an old tree-stump not far from the house — in proof of bona fides.
The remaining banana-leaves were now unfolded and the feasting began, and lasted a considerable time, the Batin or chief of the tribe feeding last. When it was
364 CULTIVATION pari ii
over we sat in groups and conversed till nightfall, when our unsophisticated orchestra struck up its liveliest air, and the business of the evening (dancing and singing) commenced in real earnest. The performance was strictly choral (in the old Greek sense of the word), and the names of the airs (and their accompanying dances) which were performed were as follows : — (i) " Radin," or " The Prince"; (2) " Gubang Laut," or "The Pirateer"; (3) " Pukol Baling"; (4) " Ingkau Badan," the two last being tunes of the Bajau or Malayan pirates, with whom the Besisi claim kinship. A little later, after an interval for song-dances of the mimetic type (viz. the "Siamang," " Bangkong," and " Gagau "), the women, after considerable pressing, were induced to join the entertainment and perform certain dances called (1) the " P'rang," or the war-dance; (2) the " Bengkalis"; l and (3) the " Kopak " (the latter[of which was said to be a purely Jakun air), the men doing the actual dancing. Generally speaking, the motions of the dancers were much freer than is the case with the Malays ; indeed, some of the dances, such as the " Pirateer" (or " Gubang "), grew almost furious, and roused great enthusiasm on the part of the audience. The " Siamang " and its companion pieces, on the other hand, were really acted in character by men of the tribe, the actor repeating the words of the poem after the Batin or tribal chief, and suiting his gestures to the words as he did so. Some of this acting was particularly clever.
I may add that the full dancing dress of the Jakun on these occasions consisted of woven strips of " serdang " (palm) leaves, which were made up into (1) a
1 The name of an island off the believe, of a fish after which the island opposite coast of Sumatra, and also, I was named.
chak vii // AGl MAI i MALAi
hc.id I*. md with .1 long Fringe, which wen( completely round tin- head and partially hid the Face; (2) 1 tassels similarly constructed, which were attached to the head-band; (3) a sort ol bandolier made of the
same leaves ; and ( |) a " S( irdang " -1< it belt, The full
dross was not ready on our arrival, but it was worn the
next morning at an additional impromptu performance which was got up for our benefit before we left on our journey home
Agriculture,
Mantra. -The Mantra were not so advanced in cultivation as the Karens of the Tenasserim coast. These last cultivated cotton and made their own cloth, which was not the case with the Mantra. The Karens also had vegetables, which were unknown to the Mantra. The latter contented themselves with clearing a small piece of ground in March, and in Julyset fire to the (felled) trees, wrhich by that time were sufficiently dry, and at the beginning of September planted their padi and yams (" k'ladi "), etc. But these clearings were usually so small that their harvest ;of rice was only enough to last them for a couple of months, the yam being then their only food for the remainder of the year.1
Logan relates that just as the Benua-Jakun on commencing a new clearing made offerings to the earth- genie (" Jin Bumi "), so too the Mantra, when he had resolved to abandon his old plantation, began first of all by searching for a good locality. When he had found one, it remained for him to discover whether the supernatural powers were favourable to his occupation of it. This he did by attending to his first dream after making the selection. Should he dream of being
1 Barbe in/. /. A. vol. v. pp. 487, 4S8.
366 CULTIVATION part n
chased by a dog, or by an enemy, or of entering water, or of water flooding the locality, or of any other such incident which was considered a bad omen, he proceeded to seek for another spot. Favourable omens were to dream of felling or of climbing trees, of ascending a hill, or of growing plants, and so forth. When by means of his dreams he felt assured that he had selected a fortunate place, he repaired to the spot, took a little betel-leaf, repeated a charm over it, chewed it, and then spat or rather blew it out of his mouth (" sembor ") in the direction of the four cardinal points. The charm used was the following : — " Huma,1 Opener of the mouth, Opener of me, open, and let youth at the river-mouth be fostered by youth. I cast down devils, let them fall headlong even before I have charmed them. I have driven away the venom of devils. I ask you to expel and drive away devils of every description."2
The ceremony ended, he proceeded to fell a space " big enough to cook in " (" tebas api dapor "), and retired. Three days later he returned to the spot, and began his labour in earnest. Having cleared a sufficient space, he waited until the trees he had felled were sufficiently dry, and then, on some clear windy day, set fire to them. When the ground was ready to receive his plants, he prepared some rice-flour mixed with water (Malay, "tepong tawar "), in which he dipped a brush made up of leaves of the " satawar," " gandarusa," " ati-ati," and " ribu-ribu," and sprinkled the liquid at intervals about his clearing.3 He then buried in the ground some talisman that had the property of driving away the evil influence or bad demon that lurked in the ground (" buang badi tanah "). The
1 A clearing for dry hill-padi. 2 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 320, 321*.
3 Cp. Malay Magic, pp. 230-233.
i h kF vii SAVAGE M-U AYS 0/ WALAi -
clearing being now completely prote< ted, he pr< led with confidence to plant his potatoes and yams.1
Rice, however, required a special charm ol its own, and when it was sown, about two "chupak measi re of padi were taken and mixed with the rice-flour water (" t£pong tawar") and lime-jui< This liquor was carried to the place where the rice was to be sown, together with a Malay peeling - knife ("pisau
rant "), a " sarong," a censer ( " perasapan "), and lea\
of the " ribu-ribu," " s&dingin," and "pandan." The padi was then fumigated in the smoke of gum benjamin or eagle-wood ("lignum aloes"), and the leaves placed over it, the "sarong" being stretched between two erect poles, and the knife deposited on the ground. The following charm or invocation was then repeated : — " In the name of Allah. For good-luck's sake give cold, give coolness. Lo, I deposit here this infant (i.e. the padi-seed)." The leaves were now planted in the ground, and the padi was sown. Three days afterwards the sowing of the entire field was completed, the holes for the seed having been prepared beforehand. In planting ''wet" or "swamp" rice ("padi sawah ") similar ceremonies were used.-
When the grain was ripe, and a day had been fixed for the commencement of the harvest, a large quantity of food was collected, and guests invited to attend the feast of the New Year's Day of the Rice (" makan sulong tahun "). In the morning the head of the family, having carefully wrapped his clothes round him so as to conceal his entire person (" berselubong "), proceeded to the padi-field with a Malay reaping-knife (" tue "), and repeated this invocation : — " In the name of Allah. I take up the soul of the Rice. Let it not
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 321*. 2 Ibid.
CULTIVATION
PART II
suffer from coolness nor from cold. I take up these infants (the Rice-souls) and bear them homewards." The operator next cut (the first) seven ears, and carried them away to his house. He next ordered some of his household to go to a different part of his field, and cut a considerable quantity of padi, the grain of which, when brought in, was trodden and rubbed out of the straw by foot,1 after which it was husked and cooked along with the food that had been collected on the preceding day. When the guests had feasted and were about to depart, each of them received a little of the new rice and food uncooked as a kind of blessing or largess (" berkat ").2
The names given by the Mantra to the different varieties of padi cultivated by them were the following : —
Kledang
Mret (elephant).
Ribu.
Hati kerbau (buffalo's
(a wild fruit).
heart).
Tampoi
Machin.
Atap (palm-
Sri gunong (luck of
(a wild fruit).
thatch).
the mountains).
Saring.
Undan (pelican).
Tingol.
Pulut itam (black glutinous rice).
Koai.
Lampei.
Buiak.
Pulut putih (white glutinous rice).
The dry-rice cultivation is by far the most prevalent, but the wet cultivation is also resorted to at Labu, Malim, Serdang, Payong, Pasang, Jugra, Rawang Kechil, Rawang Besar, Kidang, and Sepang Kechil.3
Of other forms of cultivation the only one which I have found ascribed to the Mantra is gambier-planting
1 Cp. Malay Magic, p. 245.
2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 322*.
3 Ibid. p. 331*.
It should be explained that the cultivation of wet rice grown within low embankments is not practised, so far as I know, by any of these Jakun tribes.
There are in fact three methods of riceplanting practised in the country — (1) the dry hill-rice; (2) swamp-grown rice (without embankments or water-course); (3) wet rice (with both these latter). Most of the places mentioned are in the Kuala Langat district of Selangor.
chaf. vii SAVAGE MAI I I Of fOHOR
(which is mentioned by Logan), though I have little doubt that many other light crops, such ai tobsio ar<- also grown by them when occasion happens to
ve.1
Horticulture*
Benua-Jakun of Johor. Although their clearings did not yield fruit, the Benua often planted young durian
trees and " chempedak " trees among their potato
and bananas. In after years they would revisit the place, and if the trees had grown up and bore fruit they would cut down the young jungle ("b'lukar") growing up around them, and thus reclaim their orchard.1' In the forest Logan passed many of these orchards, some of which contained durian trees of great size and beauty. The durian groves were frequently at a distance of one or two days' walk (or even more) from the clearing, and families found it in such cases more convenient and agreeable to resort to the groves themselves than to have the fruit brought to them. Slight temporary huts were therefore constructed beside the fruit-trees, and here they passed the fruit season, which lasted from one to two months, and only returned home when the last durian had been gathered. In one of these groves, that of Danlek, where Logan took advantage of the hut to rest and pass the night, there were some smaller huts on the ground, which appeared to have been specially devoted to durian-eating, for while bushels of seeds and husks were heaped around them, very few were
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 254, 255. spent upon clearing the trees around
3 These orchards generally con- them. See account of Jakun orchards
tained from ten to twelve large durian iny. /. A. vol. ii. p. 261.
trees, and great care and trouble was
VOL. I 2 B
370 CULTIVATION part it
to be seen below the raised hut. The durian feast was the most joyous season of the year, and if the wilder habits of their forefathers still had a poetical charm for the Benua, as appeared to be the case, it would not be easy to picture them in a happier mood than when secluded in such a spot as Danlek, freed for the while from the intrusions and exactions of the Malays, and drawing from the pure waters of the Kahang river, which ran past the grove, and from the surrounding forest, the cheer which recalled the banquets of the olden time when a traditionary prince of their race ruled the land. A full-grown durian orchard was the only kind of property in any form of cultivation which was of permanent value to them, for whilst neither houses, nor gardens, nor rice -fields, nor in fact any land whatever, had sufficient value to command a price, durian trees were not unfrequently sold. One dollar was the standard price paid for each of the buttress - like projections or " struts " ("banir") which the trunk of the durian, like that of several other Malayan trees, throws out at the base of the stem. Those with plain stems and no buttresses were valued at two dollars. Durian groves were sometimes rented for a piece of cloth or similar object of the value of a few dollars, and by their custom (" hadat ") the renter was invariably entitled to the produce for two successive seasons. This was probably founded in reason, for durians generally have alternate light and heavy crops.1
Agriculture.
Their method of rice-planting was to clear fresh patches of jungle annually, and to build their huts in
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 259, 260.
chap vii LAVAGE MALAYS OF JOHOR j7«
thr clearings so made, the principal hut being built in the piece of ground that had last been cleared. This was usually at some distance From the bank ol a riv< r
in order to avoid the inundations which OO ur after
heavy rains. Offerings were made, as by the Malays, to the Earth genie ("Jin Bumi") on commencing to fell the forest. As soon as a sufficient space had
been Opened, the trees were left for sonic months to dry. They were then burnt, and holes made with a stick in the ground (which was enriched by the woodish produced by the burning) for the reception of plants and seeds brought from their last clearing. The cultivated plants found in almost every Jakun clearing were the sweet potato (" k'ledek "), the potato (" ubi benggala "), the tapioca (" ubi kayu "), the water - melon, and the sugar - cane. Bananas occurred frequently, but not abundantly. Maize was not so common as with the Berembun tribes. The wild leaves and shoots used as vegetables by these tribes1 did not appear to be resorted to in Johor. In many clearings tobacco was cultivated, and in a few some kinds of bean (" kachang bunga'," etc.). In a considerable number of the clearings a portion was set apart for the growth of rice. The dry or wet forms of cultivation were resorted to according to the nature of the locality, but the former was most general. Flowers were neglected. Only a single instance of their cultivation was noticed, and they were never worn in the hair. It must be remembered,
1 Such as the "lipu," "alung," and the leaves of ferns (" paku"), " je-
"chinarong," "bayan,"and "maman"; latang," " tuba," " kapaya," "kaum,"
the "cabbage" of the palms called "samoma," " papijih " ; and the roots
" nibong," " langkap," " enau," of the " gadong," "gupul," " bajon,"
"runut," "chacheng," " dempong," "k'luna," " lintag," "tragel," " da-
"noin," "k'lasak," "limpet," " che- gun," " tukil," "kung," "wuan,"
che," "semambu," and " serdang " ; '* woel," " punu," " kapayang," etc.
372 CULTIVATION parti
however, that the dwellings of these people were environed by one vast botanical garden, and that the river-banks were hung and the forest paths strewed with a great variety of beautiful flowers. All the remarks in this section, with the slight exceptions mentioned, apply also to the Berembun tribes. The clearing having once been formed, received no culture, and was left entirely to the control of the women.1
The only kinds of cultivation in which the Benua-Jakun engaged have now been noticed. They had no agricultural implements. A stick sharpened at one end served as a dibble, and the chopper ("parang") was used for digging up roots, cutting sugar - cane, etc. Rice (or padi) was reaped by hand, and canoes were employed for transporting any considerable quantity of it. A canoe from 12 to 15 feet in length was able to carry from 400 to 500 gallons (" gantangs ") of rice, besides the two men whose task it was to manage it.2
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Orang1 Laut, Sletar. — The Orang Sletar neither dug nor planted, but lived nearly independent of their fellow-men, for to them the staple of life in the East, rice, was a luxury. Of esculent roots they had the "p'rioh" (?"peria") and "k'lana,"3 both bulbous, and not unlike coarse yams ; of fruit they ate the "tampui," "k'ledang," and "buroh," whenever they came in season.4
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 255, 256 ; cp. doned and another selected for the next
a similar method of rice - planting year.
ascribed to the Jakun, /. /. A. vol. 2 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 271, 272.
ii. p. 258, where we are told that 3 Sic. ? "k'luna," as in note, p. 371.
after the harvest the place is aban- 4 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 343*.
« hap. vii MALA ) AN SEA G vr a \i\
Orang Laut, Sabimba. The Sabimba also ab ttained from planting, and consequently their vegetables con sis ted <>i the wild Fruits of the jungle.1
Orang Laut, Muka Kuning. The Orang Muka
Kuning did not cultivate any j)lants, or breed any animals save dogS.s
Orang* Laut, Beduanda Kallang. — The Beduanda
Kallang not only did not cultivate any plants, hut asserted that their ancestors had made a vow on the part of their tribe never to make clearings for the purpose of cultivation, and stated that they believed that if any of them were to break it death would be the consequence.3
1 /. /. ./. vol. i. p. ;,47*. ■ Ibid. p. 337*. 3 Ibid. p. 300.
CHAPTER VIII.
Arts and Crafts.
Division of Labour.
As a rule it may be said among all the tribes that the men perform the essential minimum of such work as requires brute force, and the women do the rest. Among the wildest Semang tribes, the men do the hunting, and the women the shelter-building and the cooking, and so, too, among tribes which have reached the agricultural stage1 the men do the felling and heavy clearing, whilst the women do the lighter clearing and lopping of branches, as well as the sowing and reaping, and not unfrequently the tilling of the soil, if the scratching of its surface with a pointed stick can be so called. Similarly, when a regular house or hut has to be built, the men only
1 The following description, by to collect sweet potatoes, sugar-cane,
Logan, of the work of the Benua-Jakun and so forth, for the morning repast,
women applies, generally speaking, Breakfast once cooked and despatched,
to all tribes that have reached this they employ themselves in nursing
stage : — their children and weaving mats and
" The plantation, having once been bags until it is time to go out and fill formed, receives no culture, and is left their baskets again for the evening entirely to the control of the women, meal. If the men are at home, a slight who are never for a moment idle. In meal is also prepared in the middle of the morning, having first refilled their the day. The only employment at a melon -skins (or gourds) with water, distance from the plantation which they fasten a deep basket on to their they share with the men, and somebacks by means of straps passing over times pursue by themselves, is angling " the shoulders and head, and proceed {J. I. A. vol. i. p. 256.)
i rap. viu GENERAL REMARKS 175
perform such work as actually requires their strength (<.<;-. the felling, transporting, and erection ol the heavier timbers), and the women complete it. On the other hand, the men are very generally, I believe,
it not invariably, both the makers and decorators oi their own weapons [e,g. the blowpipe and the bow, quivers and arrows) as well as their own implements ((•.;'. axe-handles, knife -handles, and spear-shafts), whilst the work of making bags and baskets, mats, wallets, and pouches, and in fact all kinds of mat and bark-cloth making, and basket-work, commonly fall to the lot of the women.
The men, again, do most of the hunting and trapping, but the women take a large share in the fishing, and in the collecting of roots and fruits. All the cooking, on the other hand, is performed by the women and girls of the tribe, as is also, naturally enough, the nursing and care of the children.
The catechism addressed to the bridegroom at a Besisi wedding contains a fairly exhaustive category of the duties of the would-be husband, and does not, to my mind, bear out the general assumption that the women are burdened with an unfair share of the work. On the contrary, it appears to me that the division of labour among these children of nature is very fairly equitable, and that the man cannot reasonably be expected to do more. Can it be that it is in a more advanced stage of civilisation that the real oppression of the woman begins ?
Manufacture of Bark-cloth.
The bark-cloth which forms the ordinary workaday wear of all the wilder branches of these tribes is
376 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
usually made from the same material as the " tapa " cloth of Polynesia, though it is rarely, if ever, quite so finely worked up, and is generally, in fact, somewhat roughly made. When stripped from the tree it is beaten out by means of a wooden mallet, either round or toothed.
A specimen of the latter, which was collected by the writer among the Blandas of Selangor, is now in the Cambridge Museum ; this specimen is grooved or toothed transversely, as in Sakai specimens from Batang Padang (Perak), whereas in other districts, more under Semang influence, the flat under-surface of the mallet is subdivided into a large number of small squares. The direction of the grooves or teeth must of course depend upon the position in which the operator sits or stands with respect to his work.1
The cloth when made is often decorated with designs, which again bear a curious family resemblance to the main designs sometimes seen on " tapa " cloth.
The tree from which the bark is generally taken is a kind of wild bread-fruit tree (Artocarpus)? which is called by the Malays " terap " or " t'rap." But the bark of other trees (even that of the Upas tree,3 which furnishes the deadly dart-poison of these tribes) is also very generally used, the poisonous sap being merely well washed out of it with water. This particular kind of cloth seems generally to be recorded from districts under some degree of Semang (Negrito) influence.
1 See p. 140, ante. 3 Antiaris toxicaria^.{Urticacea).
2 I.e. Artocarpus Kunstleri, Hook. The bark of a kind of ficus (called til. {Urticacece). It is interesting to "ara") was also said to be used for note that both this bread-fruit tree cloth by the Negritos of Belimbing (in and the Upas belong to the same Ulu Kelantan).
botanical order.
Skeat
Win 1 1 Cloth oi U pas B vkk.
Made from the upas-tree ( Xntia irt'd) by the Semang ol Kedahi Bel
cloth i^ the wooden cudgel with whii h it was made in m> pn
- Collection.
Semang Baskets.
i. One small back-basket found in Pangan hut (Kuala Sam, Kelantan). 2. One matwork bag made by Semang woman (Siong, Kedah). 3. One large pouch made by Semang woman (Siong, Kedah). 4. 5. Tw 1 back-baskets or wallets obtained from Besis\
Cerruti.
Sakai Men with Back-Basket and Blowpipes, Ui/u Slim, S. Perak.
Vol. I. /. 377.
chap, viu GENERAL REMARKS 377
Basket-work*
The following remarks about basket-WOrk iairly
apply to all three races : Basket-work is perhaps one oi the most important industries of the aboriginal women. It is frequently employed not only for the manufacture
oi the all-important dossier or back-basket in which the varied products of the jungle are carried homewards, hut also for many of the traps in which birds, fishes, and some of the smaller mammalia are captured. The work is as a rule beautifully executed, and in plaiting the aboriginal women can rival the Malays. Split rattan and split bamboo are perhaps the most usual materials employed for these purposes, as they are not only strong but pliant and durable. But like all jungle folk, these races naturally adapt themselves to the necessities of their surroundings, and of course use whatever plant grows most handily for their purpose. Thus not unfrequently the stem of the "bemban" is selected, even though it lacks the durability of the other materials referred to. And the fibrous inner cuticle of several kinds of trees (such as Artocarpus, which furnishes the bark cloth) is yet another source of supply.1
Network and Weaving.
Network, on the other hand, seems to be but scantily practised by any of these tribes, except, perhaps, where Malay influence is appreciable, and of the actual weaving of any, even the roughest kind, of cloth, there is no record whatever.
1 See p. 376, opp.
378 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
Absence of Pottery.
There is also as yet no clear record of any form of pottery having ever been manufactured by any of the aborigines, and indeed, so far as is known, no pottery of any sort is at present made by them. At the same time, we have the generally reliable authority of Newbold for the statement that a vessel of clay, called " tammumong," was applied (by the Jakun or Benua) to the purposes of cooking, and that it differed in shape from that used by the Malays}
Traditions of Written Characters.
In spite of their being one and all universally and absolutely illiterate, there are nevertheless among all these Peninsular tribes traditions of various kinds relating to a lost book or books that are believed to have once contained their sacred writings, and are alleged to have been destroyed by some fatality. This belief is common in Indo- China, and we are informed, for instance, that if the Tavoy Karen traditions are to be credited, the ancestors of their principal tribe once possessed a written book or books, which were given them by one Kachaklong, a very sacred personage, and which were written on cowskin parchment?
1 Newbold, ii. 405-407. If there is remarks that "this assumed use of any reading of this riddle to be achieved, parchment made from cow and buffalo it may perhaps be that the Jakun or skin militates against the idea of a "savage Malayans" alone of all these Hindu or even of a Buddhist origin tribes once possessed, before the influx being assigned to it." On this point, of the more civilised Malays from however, Dr. Stein, in his " Prelimin- Sumatra, the art of pottery, hence the ary Report on Archseolog. Explor. in pots made by them naturally took a Chinese Turkestan " (London, 1901), shape of their own. p. 47, notes with surprise that the
2 /. /. .-4. vol. iv. p. 417. The writer rubbish heap near the Nuja River
(HAT. VIII
NEGRITOS (>/■ KEDAH
Other . trts and ( 'rafts. Other kinds of arts and crafts practised by tin
tribes will be found in Other parts of this book, (
the building of houses and leaf-shelters in the chapter
On Habitations, the making of blowpipes and bows in the chapter on Weapons and Implements, the an ol cooking as known to the Semang in the, chapter on Food, personal ornaments under Dress, the construction of traps and implements required for the chase or for fishing in the chapter on Hunting, Fishing, and Trapping, the art of agriculture in the chapter on Cultivation, and Decorative Art under the chapter so named.
I. — Semang.
General Industry.
Kedah Semang:. — The Negritos that I visited at Siong in Kedah were very lazy workers, but as it was harvest-time (the one season of the year when they are most free from the pressure of want), they were having just then an easy time of it. None the less they are certainly the best and most skilful hunters in the Peninsula, and, as a rule, made traps and weapons, collected the poison from the Upas tree and applied it to their darts, and when game failed, went out after
" yielded another writing material, little suspected among a Buddhist population with an Indian civilisation. About two dozen Kharosthl documents on leather, mostly dated and apparently of official nature, prove that the Buddhists of this region had as little objection to the use of leather for writing purposes as the pious Brahmans of old Kashmir had to the leather bindings of their Sanskrit codices." Mr. Vincent A. Smith, in reporting the
above mj. R. A. S.y Jan. 1902, p. 232, remarks that these leather documents will probably prove to date from the second century A.D., and quotes a notice of an Indian official letter on parchment sent to Augustus in Strabo, xv- 72> 73> given by M'Crindle, in Ancient India as described in Classical Literature (1901), p. 77.
For similar traditions (to that in the text) v. p. 347 of vol. ii.
380 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
fish and turtles, or assisted the women in their search for roots.
Manufacture of Bark- cloth.
Kedah Semang-. — I have seen the Semang of Kedah make cloth of Upas-bark by cutting down young saplings of the Upas tree (whose diameter was perhaps no more than 3 or 4 inches). These they " ring-barked " a few feet from the root-end, and then loosened the bark in situ by hammering it with a mere rounded (hardwood) cudgel, and then turning it back by hand in the way that a sleeve is rolled back, or a stocking taken off, the process being continued until all the bark on each sapling has been similarly treated. As soon as the last of the bark has been thus stripped off it is thoroughly washed to remove the poisonous sap contained in it, dried for a short while in the sun, and is then ready for use without any further preparation.
But by far the most interesting of all the Semang articles of attire is the black girdle woven from " urat batu " (or " rock-veins "). This girdle, which is called " tentom " in the Kedah dialect of Semang, is not manufactured, as usually stated, from a kind of creeper,1 but from the vegetative parts or rhizomorphs of a fungus which resemble long, slender, black, leatherylooking shiny strings, rather thinner than ordinary leather boot-laces. A number of these strings are woven together into a single plait, which measures several yards in length, the loose end, 4 or 5 inches of each string, being allowed to hang down (when
1 See p. 138, note I,
IIIAI'. \ III
NEGRITOS OF PERAK \Ki
the rest lias been worked in) instead oi being fastened, so that when the girdle is coiled round the waist a continuous and thick bushy fringe is the result.
Perak Semang*. — The loin-cloth of the Negrito which constitutes their sole garment, is made (according to I )e Morgan) from the hark of a tree (Artocarpus). The material is thick, but Supple and soft to the feel, and is occasionally painted yellow with the sap of a plant, the patterns consisting simply of broken lines {de lignes brisies)}
Of the method of manufacture we are elsewhere told that the bark (of the Artocarpus) is either rendered supple by being pounded between two stones, or by being beaten upon a tree-trunk with a strong wooden mallet or cudgel. The strip of bark cut off from the tree measures from 3-4 metres in length, and from 50-60 centimetres in breadth."
In confirmation of the account given above of the Kedah Semang, I hear from Mr. Wray that the bark of the Antiaris was used by both the Semang of Perak and the Sakai as bark-cloth. It was prepared as follows : — A young tree was felled and cut into pieces of suitable length. The outer portion of the bark was then shaved off with a knife and the inner bark was beaten with bat-shaped pieces of wood until it would slip off from the stem. The bark was then put into running water, in which it was allowed to remain for the space of one month to free it of the poison ; then it was beaten with wooden bats, on one face of which furrows had been cut at right angles to each other, to produce a grain on the finished cloth.3
In a recent communication Mr. Wray writes me
1 De Morgan, vii. 412. 3 L. Wray in J. A. I. vol. xxi. (1892),
2 Ibid, ii. 5- PP- 477, 478.
I'AKT II
382 ARTS AND CRAFTS
that these mallets employed by the Semang of Perak to beat out the bark and give it the grain (which it retains even after considerable wear) are made of hard palm-wood. They are bat-shaped, with cylindrical handles, and have one surface of the blade of the bat scored with lines at right angles to each other, which leave projecting squares about a quarter of an inch across, divided by V-shaped grooves of the same width. There are several of these mallets from Upper Perak and Selama in the Perak Museum.
The fungus fringe is sometimes supplemented by a fringe made from small strips of Artocarpus bark. In a specimen from Selama the garment is made up as a sort of belt, and ties behind, the fringe being much fuller and deeper in front. Other specimens from Upper Perak are made of long plaited cords many yards in length, and are wound round the loins. This woman's garment Mr. Wray considers to be characteristic of the Semang.
Mat-making.
Kedah Semang. — The art of mat-making appears to be natural to the Semang, although they make but limited use of it. It is one of the industries which are assigned to the women, the chief articles thus made being the mat-work bags or sacks and the wallets which are used by the Semang for holding their husked rice, roots, and fruits, and similar articles. It is quite possible that some kind of small sleepingmat may also be sometimes manufactured by the Semang, though I have never seen it or met with any record of its use among the pure Negritos.
ckaf. viii NEGRITOS OF PERAA
Substitutes /<>>' Pottery*
Perak Semang. ()i the art oi pottery, accordi to De Morgan,1 the Semang arc absolutely ignorant,
the only vessels they use being manufactured
from big stems of bamboo, which they employ for
cooking purposes when green, and use as water
vessels when the sap has dried out oi them.1 I I Morgan adds that he only once (at S. Kerbu) saw a wooden howl used, this being one which had been carved otit of the root of a tree with a knife.
Raft-making*
Perak Semang". — None of the Semang make boats, hut the Semang (of Perak) make rafts by lashing together twenty or thirty bamboos of big diameter, and on these they float down the Perak River nearly as far as Kuala Kangsar, " though even they walk back
M l
again.
Ironwork.
Perak Semang. — One of the most primitive methods of forging iron known is recorded of the Perak Semang by De Morgan.5 It consists simply in heating the iron till it gets red hot, and then battering it into the required shape between two stones. This, according to De Morgan, is the method by which they manufacture the iron heads of the arrows that are used with their bow.
It is interesting to read that the Negritos of the Andaman Islands employed a yet simpler method, as
1 De Morgan, vii. 414. 3 De Morgan, vii. 414 [i.e. among
8 Cp. Swett. p. 228: "Of pottery Sakai-Semang ?]
they [the Negritos] have no know- 4 Hale, p. 286.
ledge." 5 De Morgan, vii. 415.
384 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
although they similarly shaped the iron by battering it between stones, they did not even previously heat it.1
De Morgan adds2 that the material used by the Semang for this rude form of metal-work consists of old tool-iron, which they obtain from the Malays, and that they have no idea of extracting the iron from the ore, although the oxide of iron is fairly plentiful in their part of the country.
Mr. L. Wray writes me that he once saw some Semang forging iron in Upper Perak. They employed the " double-piston bamboo bellows " to blow up their charcoal fire, and used a piece of iron fastened to a block of wood as an anvil and an iron hammer. The knives, spear-heads, etc., made by them were all of the shapes employed by the Malays of the same district.
II. — Sakai.
General Industry.
Perak Sakai. — The Sakai rise early, strap on their wallets after breakfast, take their jungle-knives or blowpipes, and set off into the jungle in search of food and firewood, or tree-resin ("dammar") for torches, etc. Others stay at home, and work in and about the house, making blowpipe - darts, ornamenting their bamboo quivers and other receptacles, and so on.3
Manufacture of Bark-cloth.
Perak Sakai. — According to De Morgan, the Perak Sakai, when they wished to manufacture barkcloth, commenced by making incisions in the bark
1 Man's Andamanese, p. 159 2 De Morgan, vii. 415 ; viii. 296.
3 Hale, p. 295.
Skeat.
Negri ro Industries,
Semang nun at Siong, KLedah. making blowpipe dart (on left), rat-trap, and flute respectively. Man on right holding yams in i left stick ready for cooking.
■J.
o
"ft.
1 hi.
. hap, vim SAKA1 <>/ PI RAK
of .1 full-grown Artocarpus^ so as to mark oul a broad band or strip ol bark, the size ol which varied according to the object for which it was required, an average size being from ilir<-<- i<> four metres by from sixty to eighty centimetres.1
When the required strip had been thus marked out, the hark itself was hammered in situ until it w
loosened and detached from the: trunk. This Strip was then taken and laid upon a tree-Stump or anything else that might serve, and was then pounded with a wooden mallet, and (occasionally) decorated with designs in yellow paint (as among the Semang).
The Sakai of Batang Paclang (Mr. L. Wray informs me) employ mallets made of a piece of hard heavy wood about 13 in. (33 cm.) long, by i!> in. ($7 mm.) in diameter. The side of the mallet with which the bark is beaten is grooved transversely, the grooves extending about half-way round the stick.
Mr. Wray writes me that the Sakai women also wear belts composed of a coil of twine made from the black fibre of the sugar palm (" gomuto' "). These belts are about ij in. (31.5 mm.) thick, and of such a diameter that they can just be passed round the hips of the wearer. They are often decorated with flowers and sweet-smelling leaves, and with them are often worn two bunches either of bark-fibre or of finely-cut " pandanus "-leaves. These bunches, which are about 6 in. (15 cm.) long, are placed one on either hip, the upper (tied) end of each being inserted into (and between) the strands of the belt. Both these belts and hip-bunches are quite characteristic of the Sakai.
1 De Morgan, vii. 413, of the Sakai of Changkat Chabang in Perak. VOL. I 2 C
386 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
Basket-zvork.
Perak Sakai. — Baskets were made by the Sakai women, of which De Morgan relates that they were "beautifully executed," and that their plait-work was " fairly close." l They are usually made of split rattan.
According to De la Croix, the wallet, or rather back-basket, in which the Perak Sakai, during their journeys through the forest, carried their provisions, trophies of the chase, etc., was made of " artistically woven rattan," and fixed upon their backs by straps of tree - bark which were passed round their shoulders.2
Network.
Perak Sakai. — The wilder Sakai employed natural fibres obtained from the " t'rap " tree (Artocarpus) for the making of their casting - nets, which were weighted with stones.3
The nets used by the more civilised Sakai do not, however, materially differ from those used by the Malays.
Mat-work.
Perak Sakai. — Mat-work was one of the Sakai industries enumerated by De Morgan, who says that it was mainly used in the production of small sleepingor sitting-mats (petit s tapis) and rice-bags or sacks.4
Substitutes for Pottery. Perak Sakai. — The same ignorance of the art of pottery that exists among the Semang is also found
1 De Morgan, vii. 415 ; cp. UH. 3 De Morgan, vii. 418.
ii. 611, where he gives specimens of 4 Ibid. vii. 415. For patterns, cp-
both close and open work. L' H. ii. 611.
2 De la Croix, p. 335.
,'
j
iii
•
Semang Mais and Baskets.
De .1/
1-4. Mats. 5. Bag made of matting. 6. Back-basket of open rattan-work. 7. Back-basket of close rattan-work. 8, 9. Malay jungle-knife and sheath. 10. Jungle-knife of a different pattern. 11, i2. Digging sticks. 13-14. Hatchets.— De Morgan in /.'//. 25th October 1885, p. 611.
Vol. I p 3S6.
Fakun Betel- Wallets.
Skcat Collection.
One betel-wallet (l'.esisi) with small pouches (for holding betel-leaves areca-nut, and lime) carried inside it. Three other wallets ( Besisi and Blandas) showing various patterns. (See p. 390.)
Vol. 1. f. 3S7.
chap, viii IXAJ < '/■ PERAi |8?
among the Sakai.1 For carrying water the Sakai employ, says De Morgan,1 the largest bamboo Btems they can find, the smaller ones, when green, being reserved for cooking purposes. Ni<- water vessels oi the Sakai were Frequently well decorated, and sometimes provided with a loop lor <-asc in carrying them over the shoulder.8 Glutinous substances, such as grease, wax
the viscid sap of certain trees (used as bird-lime), and even poison, they kept in the shells and husks ot big nuts or fruits. For poison, however, they generally employed a small bamboo internode, which they corked with a small section of the leaf-stalk of the " bertam " ( Eugeissona tristis), which is very abundant in these forests.
Boat- and Raft-building.
Perak Sakai. — The inland Sakai of Perak, according to Mr. Hale, were essentially landsmen, and living as they did near the upper reaches of rivers, where it was quite impossible to navigate them, they knew nothing of boat-building, not even to the extent of making a bamboo raft.4
This statement, howTever, does not necessarily apply to all the Sakai of Perak (probably not to those living some way down-stream), for we are told by De la Croix that when they were driven to travel by water, they would make a rough kind of raft constructed of bamboos, which were lashed together with rattans or creepers. M. De la Croix continues that as they were naturally idle, they would not expose them-
1 De Morgan, I?H. ii. 612. "Many of our Sakai made boxes of
2 De Morgan, vii. 414. these bamboos ('buluh betong') and
3 For an instance of the application crammed into them all their clothes, and of the big internodes of the bamboo henceforth appeared clad only in a twocalled "buluh betong," see Wray in inch wide strip of bark-cloth." See also
J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 21, p. 154: p. 121, n. 5, ante. 4 Hale, p. 286.
388 ARTS AND CRAFTS part 11
selves to the hard labour of re-ascending the rapids ; and that, hence, when they reached their destination they preferred to return on foot through the forest.1 M. De la Croix adds that he himself had often met with these deserted rafts drifting with the stream.2
Mining.
Perak Sakai. — It should be added that a few individuals of the more civilised Sakai tribes {e.g. in Ulu Kinta)3 used to do a little mining for tin in a primitive way, the process employed being usually that of washing out the stream tin (known as "lampan" in Malay). The Sakai were also regarded both by Malays and Chinese as the best prospectors, and often received liberal payment for any work they could be induced to perform in that capacity.
Selangor Sakai. — The habits of the Ulu Langat Sakai are simple ; they live nearly the same life all the year round. Up at 5 a.m., and out in the jungle after eating some cold rice or plantains, hunting or searching for jungle produce until about 1 1 a.m., and then returning home for a meal. A couple of hours later they go out again to inspect their jungle-traps and fishing-stakes, and to collect the birds or beasts they had shot with their blowpipes in the morning. They seldom use their blowpipes in the afternoon.
1 This remark as to their idleness is, when there are many rapids in the however, unjust to the Sakai, and is river; to get it up-stream would, in the obviously based on a misconception. upper reaches of many rivers in the It is not through mere idleness that Peninsula, be a sheer impossibility, to the Sakai omitted to work their rafts say nothing of the needless loss of time up-stream again. Not merely the labour and trouble involved. Moreover, I am but the time spent in such a proceeding informed by Machado that the Sakai of would make any such attempt little Ulu Jelei in Pahang can pole a raft upshort of absurd. It is hard enough stream as fast as Malays can pole a boat, work, as the writer knows from ex- - De la Croix, p. 335. perience, to get a raft down-stream 3 See Hale, p. 285.
i n v.'. MH SAVAGE MAI A I S Of Si i A VGOR
They are most energetic, and never sleep in I
middle oi the d.i\ ; they go to bed early, and ri ic early.1
III. | AKIN.
Blandas. The methods used bj the Blandas ol Kuala Langat for manufacturing their bark-cloth are
similar to those of the Sakai, the hark ol the Arto-
carpus being detached and pounded in the same way. An interesting development of the wooden mallet used for pounding the cloth is, however, to be found among the Blandas, this mallet being furnished with transverse ridges or teeth cut into its under surface. These teeth facilitate the process of separating the fibres, and render the material softer and more flexible." As a rule the bark-cloth of the Blandas is quite undecorated, though when made from the bark of the Artocarpus it is stained by the sap of the tree to a sort of deep reddish tinge. Their baskets are the " sentong " or back-basket and the " kampah " ; their wallet patterns are copied by the Malays.
Besisi. — Among the chief articles of mat-work made by the Besisi women of Kuala Langat are sleepingmats (made of undyed material, but otherwise not unlike the ordinary Malay type), small square mats for sitting on,3 mat-work bags for holding rice and other objects, and the small delicately woven pouches of pandanus (or rush-work) which they continually carry at their waists to hold their tobacco, their flint and steel, their apparatus for chewing the betel-leaf,
1 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 243. and other non- Mohammedan tribes of
2 This specimen is in the Museum the Malay Archipelago. Among the at Cambridge ; v. ante, p. 140. Peninsular tribes, however, they are
3 These small square mats correspond never worn, but rolled up for carrying to the sitting-mats worn by the Dayaks whenever necessary.
39o ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
and similar articles. The material of which their mats are made consists mainly of pandanus or screwpine leaves, which they tear into longitudinal strips, Malay fashion, by means of a short wooden holder in which iron teeth are set.
The pouches are often decorated either by means of raised 1 or coloured rush-work, or by means of coloured threads, which latter are stitched on to the pouch, following the lines of the pattern required.
The Besisi, not only in Kuala Langat but throughout the region inhabited by them, are very expert at the building of small dug-out canoes {i.e. " chemplong "), some of which cannot be surpassed.2
Their paddle -blades are as a rule much longer and narrower than those of the Malays, and are consequently less trouble to make.
I cannot say that I remember ever seeing a Jakun sail his boat, and am inclined to believe that on the Selangor coast, at all events, they never reached this point.
Iron-work.
Besisi. — The Besisi of Kuala Langat have, moreover, made some advance in metal-work, of which they have picked up some idea from the Malays. Thus in writing of the fish-spears used by this tribe, Mr. Bellamy remarks that they make them by their own unaided ingenuity, and that in the jungle near Sungei Ampang he once saw a small native forge, to which was attached a rough species of bellows made of two upright bamboos, each of which measured about three inches in diameter, and that into each of these bam-
1 Like the well-known and beauti- are occasionally seen in this country, fully made "Malacca baskets" which 2 Cp. G. C. Bellamy, p. 230.
i map. vim WAGE MALA KS I '/■ Si LANGOR 391
boos was fitted .1 sort oi piston-rod, which was bound round with cloth, These rods were held one in each hand, and when moved up and down alternately produced a continuous current ol air.1
Mantra. -Of the industries of the Mantra, with
regard to the subjects treated of in this chapter, nothing
special has been recorded, though we learn from Logan's Journal that their girls were, taught to make hags and mats.-
Writing is unknown ; they reckon dates by tying knots in a string.3
Jakun of Johor. — Like all Indian nations, the Jakun have a propensity to idleness ; but to be exact in this account, and just towards them, I must say that they are not so lazy as either the Malays or Hindus. Their first and principal occupation is the chase ; they have a great predilection for this exercise, it being the first means by which they feed themselves and their families ; and from having been brought up in that habit, in which the greater part of their life is spent, they should be skilful hunters, which in fact they are, both in their way and in the manner of using their weapons, as will be seen elsewhere. In the daytime they remain at home, where they prepare their arrows and other weapons, the substances with which they poison their arrows, and cook and eat the animals caught the day before, or build or repair their houses, etc.4 The Jakun who have no taste for cultivating rice, or who are not acquainted with the manner of doing so, are generally very miserable ; they are then obliged to look to the Malays to provide for their
1 G. C. Bellamy, p. 229. tradition of a lost book, see p. 536,
2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 330. infra, and ii. 346, 347.
3 Ibid. For the Besisi and Mantra 4 J. /. A. vol. ii. p. 25S.
392 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
livelihood ; they traverse the jungle all the day seeking after rattan, dammar, eagle-wood, and several other articles of commerce ; the next morning they go to some Malay house, where they dispose of the produce of their search, receiving in return a small quantity of rice, sometimes scarcely sufficient to support their family for that very day ; after that they return to the same thing for the purpose of in like manner procuring food for the next day, and so on.1
Baskets.
Jakun of Johor. — Among the Jakun the panniers or back-baskets (so generally worn by all the aboriginal tribes) are usually made either of basket-work or of tree-bark.
D. F. A. Hervey, in writing of the Johor Jakun, describes a pannier of the second kind mentioned as being manufactured from the bark of the " meranti." 2
Mining.
Where the Chinese work tin-mines, they sometimes employ the Jakun as workmen. It is, however, also alleged that there is a place in Jelebu where the Jakun work the mines by themselves, and bring the tin to Pahang, where they sell it.3
Boat- building. Benua- Jakun. — Of Jakun boats we learn (also from Logan) that their canoes were used for transporting produce and for fishing, as well as for visiting every part of the network of rivers on which they lived. These canoes varied in length from 8 to
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 260. A fine hardwood kind of jungle tree,
2 J. R. A. S., S. B.y No. 8, p. 97. generally a Shorea {Dipterocarpea).
3 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 260.
, kaf. vim SAVAGE MALA YS 0/ fOHOR 393
15 feet, and were always hollowed out ol one pi< of wood. The most durable timber was selected, the "kayu pftnak" being preferred aa being capable ol lasting for upwards of twenty years, A canoe measuring from [2 to 15 feet in length, which would carry from 400 to 500 gallons (" gantang ") oi padi, together with the two men who would be required to manage
it, was valued at from 10 to 12 dollars. A canoe of rather smaller size (8 or 9 feet in length) was valued at 7 or 8 dollars.1
Divisions of lime.
Benua-Jakun. — The Benua have no divisions of time save the natural one of the north and south monsoons, each of which they call a " wind year" (" satahun angin "). They mark time (as the Mantra also do) by the seasons when their rice-crops are harvested (" musim padi "), or when fruits ripen (" musim buah "). They indicate the progress of the day by the inclination of a stick. Early morning is represented by pointing a stick to the eastern horizon.2 Placed erect it indicates noon, inclined at an angle of about 45 degrees to the west it corresponds nearly with 3 o'clock, and so on.3 In this way a guide familiar with the path can intimate within an hour the time at wrhich a particular place will be reached, and describe with considerable accuracy the distance of one place along the route from another. Distances exceeding a fraction of a day are reckoned by nights, as in some of the Polynesian islands.4
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 271, 272. 4 Ibid. p. 388 ; cp. Newbold in
2 The Malays use the word " poker" vol. ii. pp. 417-421 : "The Benua to indicate directions on the horizon. have no written language nor symbols
3 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 283. for articulate sounds, as far as my
394 ARTS AND CRAFTS part ii
Orang- Laut, Akik. — Of the Orang Laut or " Akik " Newbold remarks that they were remarkably ingenious in handicrafts, particularly in that of boat- building, and that they frequently made long voyages in their fragile vessels. The same writer informs us that they made use of mat- (or leaf-) work sails and awnings, and of cordage, all of which were of their own manufacture. And he also tells us that they built temporary sheds (" bagan's ") along the coast, whenever they had occasion to go ashore for boatbuilding, but that otherwise they resided, for months together, in their boats alone.1
Net-making,
The same writer records the fact that the O. Akik made use of nets which they similarly manufactured themselves, for purposes of fishing.2
personal knowledge extends ; though, counting, the natural plan of indigita-
as previously mentioned, I am assured tion is adopted, throwing the articles
by natives that some of the tribes counted into heaps of fives and
in Perak write on the leaves of the tens."
Stebbal. The Benua are ignorant of ! Newbold, ii. 413, 414.
the simplest rules of arithmetic. In 2 Ibid.
CHAPTER IX.
Decorative Art.
We now come to what is by far the most difficult of all the many difficult subjects that have had to be faced in compiling the description of these tribes — the much-vexed question of the interpretation of their art. The subject in itself offers a most fruitful field of inquiry, such as might take years of the most patient and conscientious investigation to complete. The writer feels it here necessary to remind his readers that he does not pretend to offer solutions of the many important questions involved. The building of theories has been kept outside the scope of this work, the object of which is to describe customs as they are, and to lay a foundation upon which in years to come a really reliable and lasting edifice may be constructed. For we have to face the fact that with reference to part of this subject an edifice has already been reared upon a foundation of sand, and that though the bricks of which it was composed may to some extent be useful in laying the foundation of the new building, the original edifice is none the less inevitably doomed to irremediable destruction.
396 DECORATIVE ART part n
The Flozuer-theory of Vaughan- Stevens.
The sandy foundation to which I refer, and on which so airy a superstructure has been built, is Vaughan -Stevens' so-called "flower-theory," which has been regarded by many as a species of master-key for unlocking the innermost secret recesses of Negrito art in the Peninsula. This astounding theory, or tissue of begged questions, for it is nothing less, sets out by ascribing to one of the most backward and undeveloped races of mankind — a race of lifelong nomads, who go almost stark naked and live upon the victims of their bow and spear — a system of decorative art based upon scientific principles which would not discredit a text-book of botany.
Certainly it was not without reason that one of Vaughan-Stevens' own editors speaks of the " extraordinary intellectual force of the primitive human race " which alone could have evolved the " firmly welded flower-system" (" discovered " by Vaughan- Stevens himself in the Semang comb patterns), as meriting that a monument should be erected to it by way of recognition !
In order to explain what we are asked to believe in the case of this flower-theory of Vaughan-Stevens, one of the bamboo back- combs which the Semang women wear in their hair must be taken, and the entire pattern with which the solid part of the comb is decorated carefully copied on to paper. The solid part, as will then be seen, is divided by means of straight lines running horizontally into a number of separate panels. The number of these panels differs as between comb and comb, but we may take the one chosen by Vaughan-Stevens, which has eight panels
, ha] GENERAL REMARK
in all there being four narrow panels at the top ol the solid part, and three more narrow panels r above the teeth, with a central panel oi great breadth between them. By the side ol this panel scheme i lower should be drawn (preferably an Ixora, thai beii the flower selected by Vaughan- Stevens), showing pistil, stamens, petals, and sepals the smell o( the
(lower need not be drawn, but may be understood | Now we are asked to believe that the first panel (counting from the top of the comb) represents the smell1 ol the flower in question ; the upper edge ' of this first panel the pistil and stamens \ the second panel th " lengthened (or projecting) spike above the green sepals")* and the lowest horizontal line, bounding the eighth or lowest panel, the sepals themselves.4
The petals (" tapak "), which one would think would be one of the most obvious parts of a flower in the eyes of a savage, have no panel assigned to them, and what other parts of the flower are represented by the unassigned panels we are not informed, but we have a shrewd suspicion that the botany text-book had been unfortunately mislaid before this part of the investigation was completed. Otherwise we might have been treated to further ethnological (and perhaps even to botanical) discoveries !
To be just to Vaughan -Stevens, however, the obvious fact is that as he conducted his investigations in Malay, he must have been early brought face to face with the Malay word " bunga," a flower ( = " bakau " in Semang), and as he evidently did not
1 The Semang "was" is said to seem that the pistil is what is really
= " smell," but perhaps really means intended, but this has been mentioned
the solid part of the comb [v. p. 426, already under another name.
infra). » Sem. "tepi." 4 Sem. "mos." For the whole
3 Sem. "pawer." It is by no passage, see pp. 426, 427, infra,
means clear what this means ; it would especially 427, n. 1.
know that a common secondary meaning of "bunga" was a pattern, he was, most unfortunately, started upon the wrong tack from the very outset. The fact of the word " bunga," which he thought meant " flower," being applied to the whole pattern, naturally suggested to him the idea that the series of horizontal lines might perhaps be intended to divide the various panels which (he expected) would represent the various parts of the flower in question. He asked his questions, we feel sure, in perfect bona fides, but nevertheless he must have had some such idea as this in his mind, and his accommodating informants naturally supplied him with the very information that he thought he wanted. Thus Vaughan-Stevens, in falling into the trap, has furnished us with yet one more of those awful object-lessons which are provided from time to time by ethnologists who rely too much upon the answers given by " question-worried savages." As he is not the first, so he will not be the last, and there are perhaps none of us who can tread this thorny path so securely as never to come into danger of a fall.
Up to this point we know, I think, quite enough to be able to state definitely what the " mos " and the " pawer " are not; but our duty does not stop here, and a little further consideration of Vaughan-Stevens' material will show us, I am inclined to think, what Vaughan-Stevens himself must have narrowly missed discovering, viz. that the "mos" and "pawer" were probably the names of two flowers — as indeed, with that courageous inconsistency which in such a case may be regarded as a proof of honesty, he himself has informed us in the very same passage in which he states his general flower-theory of the combs. The "mos" is, if as I hope we may trust Vaughan-
chap GENERAL REMARKS
Stevens for the fkct, a strong scented kind ol Ixoi and the "pftwCr" a similar flower with a somewhat w aker scent.1 It is therefore quite conceivable that the two upper panels ol the pattern of the particular comb that he took tor his type, or even of a let ol such combs, may represent, or at lea I in some way
possess an association with, two kinds of Ixora. That this solution is more than merely possible is shown by the names of the third and fourth panels, whose names, as given by Vaughan- Stevens, are partly Semang and partly Malay, and mean " ricefruit " {i.e. rice-grains) and " salak "-fruit ' respectively. This practice, in fact, of giving names to patterns or parts of patterns, either from something that they actually represent, or from something they are supposed to resemble (or are associated with in use), is a very usual and general practice in the Malay Peninsula, and is so obvious a method of describing a pattern that we must confess we see nothing very striking or original in the idea. For an exact parallel, see the " cucumberseed " pattern described below. Hence the parts of the pattern would represent different flowers or fruit ; — a very different thing from the elaborate theory stated above, which is based tpon a botanical analysis of the component parts of a single flower — this latter being a
1 The chief kinds of Ixora found species is the Ixora referred to as indigenous to the Peninsula, according "Tetawar bindang," for the Malay to Ridley's Plant-List, are Ixora fulgens, word "padi" means simply rice, or Roxb., and other species {Rubiacece), a rice - plant, and " bendang " [not large orange Ixora common in the " bintang "= " star ") means "ricejungle ; Ixora opaca, Br. ; Ixora swamp " too. Elsewhere we are told grandiflora, Zoll. ; Ixora parviflora, by Vaughan- Stevens that it is the Wall. ; Ixora pendula, Jack ; and blossoms of certain parasitic plants Ixora atna-na, Wall, (an orange-red that are especially efficacious against Ixora). No such name as " Tetawar diseases ; and hence they are used in bindang" is recorded for any of these, the charms (see Vaughan-Stevens, iii. but as Ixora pendula is sometimes 135).
called " Baratong padi," there can be 2 "Salak" is a kind of palm
little doubt that this or a closely allied {Zalacca).
400 DECORATIVE ART part n
development which is entirely foreign to the cast of mind even of the Malays, who are a race some centuries ahead of the Semang in general intelligence.1
Vaughan - Stevens, however, not content with applying this theory to the combs, attempted to carry it even further and extend it to all other patterns executed by the Semang, such as the patterns on their blowpipes, their quivers, and their magic tubes. This extension, however, is regarded, even by Vaughan-Stevens' own editors, as utterly untenable, so that we need not trouble to waste any more time in following him further away from the track.
It is, unfortunately, necessary to speak thus plainly, in order to prevent the published work of Vaughan- Stevens from entrapping scholars who use it, and who may not have had the right kind of field experience to enable them to use it critically. But it is a far more congenial and grateful task for the writer — knowing, as he does, the all but insuperable difficulties of the subject — to record the fact that, setting apart all question of this absurd pseudo-botanical theory, that indefatigable pioneer (Vaughan-Stevens) has left behind him, not only a fine collection of specimens of Negrito art (now in the Museum of Ethnology at Berlin), but also a vast mass of most valuable observations which only require critical revision and recension to render them a veritable storehouse of fresh and remarkable information for the ethnologist. From this point of view, the
1 For other scarcely less grotesque the three concentric ring -lines which
and far - fetched ideas of Vaughan- separate the panels in a pattern repre-
Stevens, see Vaughan - Stevens, iii. sent three kinds of lightning employed
136, and similar references, where by Kari — the straight flash, the
we are told that the hollow of forked flash, and the "heavy blue
a bamboo internode (used as a tropic lightning flash" only the
quiver) represents a mountain with middle one of which is supposed to
caves in the interior, and that be effective !
« ii m-. ix GENERAL Rl MAk
work that has been hitherto au i omplished, not only bj Vaughan-Stevens himsell in the collecting ol spa i mens and information, but also by his German editors under l 1 1 < - most difficult circumstances imaginable, is worthy of nothing but the highest and most generous
praise. In the light of the fuller knowledge that \<-
now possess, I find nothing even where I am
obliged to differ or to correct -but what proves that their work has been done in the best scientific spirit
in other words, with a single regard to truth.
Hence the plan of the present chapter has been formulated with the object of giving in as complete a form as possible the result of the inquiries of Vaughan- Stevens, rescued as far as possible from his faulty classification and his blunders, and also from the vitiating influence of his " flower-theory." Any readers who wish to see more of this theory for themselves can do so by consulting the original articles in the German journals from which the extracts in this chapter are taken. The remainder of this chapter will include — (i) the detailed explanations of a fewtypical Semang patterns which the writer himself has personally investigated, and (2) the substance of the German articles based upon Vaughan- Stevens' material, from wThich, as I have said, the fallacious " flower-theory," together with other obvious mistakes due to bona-fide ignorance, have been as far as possible eliminated.
Symbolism.
One of the most important features of the artwork of these tribes consists in their practice of representing an object by means either of one of its chief parts or of some closely associated idea. A vol. 1 2 D
4o2 DECORATIVE ART part ii
bat, for instance, is represented by a wavy pattern, indicating its wings ; a stag by a small triangle, representing his pointed slot. These facts were pointed out to me both among the Blandas and Besisi of Selangor, before I ever read a line of Vaughan-Stevens, and subsequently by the Semang of Kedah. The principle has also been noticed by other observers (apart from Vaughan-Stevens),1 and may be accepted as definitely established. It is, I think, not unconnected in origin with the general ideas underlying the practice of sympathetic magic or ''make-believe," and there is therefore no reason why it should not be employed by the members of a race who, to a not inconsiderable extent, employ what may be called " sympathetic methods" in their "medicinal" ceremonies.
Representation of Entire Objects.
At the same time it must be insisted upon that the powers of draughtsmanship of the aborigines do not by any means stop at this point. I have myself seen perfectly intelligible drawings representing complete objects, both animals and plants, upon the shafts of blowpipes and similar objects,2 and in this respect the fine collection got together by Vaughan-Stevens is obviously rich. One of the best of these latter is perhaps, as Vaughan-Stevens himself points out, the drawing of a spider by a Sakai upon a bamboo 11 stamper " or " tuang-tuang." 3
Geometrical Patterns.
But in spite of their possessing the power both to conceive and to represent a complete artistic
1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 142. forbidden to the Mohammedan Malays,
2 This was among the Blandas and they are probably of " savage Malayan " Besisi, and as such zoomorphs are origin. 3 Z.f. E. xxvi. 143.
. map. in GENERAL REMARK
conception, these tribes employ, in the vasl majoritj of cases, patterns which are purely geometrical, and it is in respect oi these that the explanations collected by Vaughan-Stevens should be subjected, whenever n may be possible, to the closest scrutiny. My own
experience has been, with regard to these geometrical
designs, that, as a rule, every other native has a
different explanation to oiler about them, and that, on the other hand, the same interpretation will
nevertheless be frequently given with reference to
two, or even perhaps to three or four designs which arc obviously different. In both of these ways Vaughan Stevens no doubt suffered considerably, as will, I think, be clear to anyone who has the opportunity of checking his work. Especial care should therefore be exercised in dealing with this particular class of patterns, and every possible means of checking the explanations given of them by natives should be adopted.
Dividing Lines or Borders.
A great deal of emphasis was laid by the informants of Vaughan-Stevens upon the ring-lines (" keng-oin ' or " kening-uin ") which separate the various patterns. Exactly similar ring-lines (or " party"-lines) are, however, employed by the Malays (as by many other races) for separating their patterns, and there can, I think, be no manner of doubt that the sole original function of these lines was to divide the patterns and to keep the variotis rows of figures in their proper place. It is, of course, conceivable that later on (as Vaughan-Stevens in many passages is made to say) some superstition may have arisen which postulated a particular number or arrangement of these lines as a charm against light-
4o4 DECORATIVE ART part ii
ning, but I cannot personally believe this, and in any case it will be evident to anybody who examines this point that these lines do, as a matter of fact, divide and regulate the patterns, and this is what, I claim, must (beyond doubt) have been their original function.
Essential Irregularity of the Patterns.
A yet further point in which, I regret to say, I must differ entirely from Vaughan-Stevens is his continual insistence upon the completeness and regularity of each (geometrical) figure and row of figures. He has gone so far in this respect as to correct (not always accurately) his originals, a work of entire gratuitousness, to make the best of it. It cannot, I think, be too strongly emphasised that we want to collect and to interpret the patterns as they are, and not as they might or perhaps even ought to be. This does not, of course, preclude the pointing out of substantial irregularities whenever they are of any interest and importance, but it cannot, I think, be too widely recognised that the designs of these tribes, like those of the Malays and of most other tribes on a similar or even on a higher plane of culture, are radically and essentially irregular, and that any excessive regularity in a pattern might be ground for distrusting the authenticity of the specimen in which it occurred.
Terminology.
Before going further, a clear understanding must be arrived at about the names used in this section. In spite of the distinction drawn by Vaughan-Stevens between quivers and charm-receptacles, I confess that
. hap. ix GENERAL RE MARKS < i
I have not succeeded in discovering the smallest diffei ence between them from the decorative poini of view. Vaughan- Stevens himself, in spite of his long
article upon this subject, headed "goh" and "gah/M
is continually confusing them, and as his own editor points out, his remark that " Others (sr. designs) could not he reduced (to a size that would suit the blowpipe), and hence were retained as 'goh' or 'gah,' shows that in his mind there was no essential difference between them. Elsewhere, after comparing the blowpipe and "goh" patterns, he derives the blowpipe patterns from a " goh," whereas, according to his own general theory, it was from a "gah " that these patterns were evolved. Elsewhere, again, he refers to both "goh" and " gah " together as dartquivers. The only conclusion that can be drawn, as his own editor quite rightly points out, is that Vaughan- Stevens really found no specific difference between his " goh " and "gah " patterns, and that his theory of the evolution of the blowpipe patterns from a "gah" rests upon some misapprehension of his own.
The fact of the matter is (in my own mind at least I am sure), that both these forms of the widespread bamboo receptacle should be included in one class merely as receptacles, without any reference to what their contents might be. In fact the word " go' " in Semang ( = " gob " in Andamanese)2 is the exact equivalent of the Malay " tabong," and merely signifies a vessel or holder formed from a single internode of a large kind of bamboo, which had, as a rule, certain specific
1 In orig. "gor" and "gar" (sic). probably be "ga"' and" ga" The form
These names of Vaughan- Stevens are " gu'" ("guh") is probably identical,
both cockney spellings, there being no Cp. p. 448, infra.
"r" whatever at the end of either of 2 Man's Andamanesey p. 8. these words. The correct forms would
uses, but might as easily be put to half a hundred others. Hence the Semang "go' " at times served as a quiver, at other times served to carry magic herbs and roots, and the general paraphernalia of the Negrito sorcerer. If the fact is once recognised that, from a decorative point of view, there is absolutely no difference between the quiver (" goh ") and the charm-tube (" gah "), and that both alike are really " go' " (the form " gah" or " ga' " being probably, if it has any authority at all, a mere dialectal variant of " go' "), the source of endless confusion will be avoided.
Similarly, the word " gu' ' also appears to be applied indifferently both to bamboo quivers and burial bamboos, etc. It probably signifies, like "goh," a bamboo tube or receptacle. There does not to me appear sufficient evidence of the existence of what Vaughan-Stevens calls " gi " to include it in this list. Vaughan - Stevens himself could obtain no specimen of it, and himself says that they had been completely forgotten and disused. What they purported to be was a species of charm-tube carried by the women, "on which all the seventy Disease-patterns were cut." As, however, there are (not seventy but) a hundred and forty of these patterns, and as it would be a physical impossibility to crowd even the central panel of seventy of these patterns upon the surface of a bamboo that was meant to be portable, there can be little doubt that this was one of the many cases in which Vaughan-Stevens was led altogether astray.
Classification of the Patterns.
The charm-patterns employed by the wild tribes of the Peninsula may be roughly classified according to the objects that they are employed to adorn.
< HAT. I \
GENERAL REMARKS
vn
i H . i Iptlon "i ( )bj« I-
( i ) Bamboo combs.*
bamboo tubes, cut from ;i . i n • ■ I « - Intemode, snd including (</) Bamboo quivers* (fur at
rows or darts).
(6) Chann bamboos.* (<■) Myth bamboos.*
{d) Burial bamboos.* {f) Birth bamboos.*
(/') Bamboo " stampers." * (.V) Seed bamboos (used for dibbling rice).
(3) Small bamboo tubes, including —
(a) Poison-receptacles.
(/;) Tobacco-receptacles. i4) Blowpipes.*
(5) Miscellaneous objects, e.g. arrows,
nose-sticks, fish-hooks, and various implements (ring-lines only).
(6) Mats and wallets (mat-work and
embroidery).
(7) Bark-cloth (painting only).
(8) The human body (painting and
tattooing and scarification of the person) — v. vol. ii. ch. ii.
(i) Used chiefly by Semang (V.-St
h( . at.) | Chiefly by ll m I M i'
tin, 703). Not 11 ■• <l bV Jakun.
(a)
Arrow • q by
Semang only ; dart quivers by all three
rai
Dg only.
Do. do.
Do. do.
Da do.
(/) Used by Sakai only (?). (g) Collected among Semang.
(3)
(a) Commonly undecorated when used by Semang, but decorated by Sakai and to some extent by Jakun.
(b) Used especially by Semang.
(4) Borrowed in the case of the Semang, but decorated by all three races.
(5) Some of these (e.g. arrows) are used by Semang only, but they cannot all be specified.
(6) Not used by Semang except when borrowed, but found among Sakai, and still more among Jakun.
(7) Decorated by Sakai especially, rarely by Semang and Jakun.
(8) Scarification and tattooing (according to Mr. L. Wray) appear to be practised by the Sakai of Perak ; body-painting by all three races, but especially by the Sakai.
The asterisked objects are the only ones whose patterns have been seriously studied, and that in most cases for the Semang only.
Of these divisions the first (that containing the Semang combs) includes prophylactic patterns intended to protect the wearer against various accidents and diseases, and must await a fuller discussion below.
The Semang patterns of the second class were supposed by Vaughan-Stevens to have been originally
4o8 DECORATIVE ART part n
copied from patterns on certain bamboo tubes, which were merely used as charms (and not as quivers and blowpipe-tubes). Vaughan-Stevens asserts that the former, when first used as quivers, remained of the same size as the tubes from which their patterns were copied, but that in the latter case the patterns on being transferred to the blowpipe-tubes were reduced in size. What the truth may be is hard to say. No foundation for this statement of Vaughan - Stevens appears, and the writer does not himself regard it as credible.
There are said to be in all seventy-three specimens of these patterns (for quivers and charm-tubes) collected by Vaughan - Stevens, who has attempted to explain them by means of the " flower-theory " he had employed in explaining the combs, but this extension, as has already been pointed out, is quite untenable (even supposing his " flower-theory " were admitted for the combs).
The main objections alleged are as follows : — i. There are some quivers which have no patterns at all but only a few ring-lines (ex. Fig. 8).
- Some quivers have the same pattern in all their panels (ex. Fig. 9).
- In many quivers the central panel is left vacant, and hence the " Disease-pattern " must necessarily be looked for in some one of the other panels (ex. Fig. 10).
- Again, in some cases, in which all the panels are occupied, the central panel is in no way more prominent than the rest, so that its special importance, and in fact its very place in the scheme, still remains to be proved.
- The patterns of the two upper panels (which according to the theory should correspond to the
chaf. iv ENERAl RA MARKS J09
" was " and " pawer " OJ the COITlbs) are not in all
cases divisible as they would be 011 the combs.1
The chief difference, however, appears to be thai
in the case of the COmbs the main I )i >< .r,e pattern is
always to be found in the centre, whereas both in the
blowpipe patterns and in those ol tin- quivers and charm-tubes the central panel is often a blank one. The fact alleged by Vaughan-Stevens, that in blowpipe patterns of the kind the upper pattern serves to protect the men from epidemics, and the lower the women (sic), suggests to his editor the* possible application of some such explanation to the upper and lower patterns of the quivers and charm-tubes. On the other hand, the central patterns that some of these very quivers and charm-tubes possess are explained by the same authority as charms directed against the Diseases that attack the men only. Finally, even the division of the ring-lines into groups can be of no very special significance, as they are sometimes distributed at equal distances over the whole bamboo.2
Burial Bamboos.
The Semang " gu' " and burial bamboos are of no account as charms.3 On the former the mythological designs and emblems connected with the Putto (of whom only the tradition remains that they were once an order of greater chiefs and servants of the god Pie) were incised, and the latter have now passed to the Sna-hut. Four myth bamboos were obtained from the Sna-hut by Vaughan - Stevens, together with the interpretation of their patterns.
1 Z.f.E. xxv. 71-100. 2 lb. described as being available as a charm
3 See, however, Gu' IV., which is against water-snakes.
4io DECORATIVE ART .art n
There, for instance, is represented the thunder-god Kari, and the symbols of his power, together with the god Pie and his daughter Simei. In addition to these there are certain fabulous animals, described as the guardians of Paradise, and a great variety of flowers and fruits. A Putto is shown lying with his head upon a magic stone-cushion, and receiving from Pie in a dream instructions as to the manufacture of mats and other objects. But most unfortunately there is no coherence, and the exact connotation even of the word " gu " itself is wanting. The designs themselves are so vague, that one can scarcely distinguish human beings from animals, and the same design, or part of a design, often signifies many entirely different objects.1 The burial patterns or "penitah"2 of the dead are said to be cut by the Sna-hut upon a bamboo tube which is deposited in the grave (inserted in the deceased's girdle). By these patterns the life-story of the person or persons concerned is depicted, so that on their appearing before the judgment throne of Kari the bamboo serves as a kind of credentials. The patterns inscribed on these bamboos vary according to the age and sex of the deceased. Their import has up to the present received no manner of explanation.3
Birth Bamdoos.
The Semang " tahong " is a "birth bamboo" carried by the woman, which nobody but her husband may see, but which she must never go without. It contains, we are told, "no flower-patterns."4
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 124. mand," is of course a possible one,
2 The form given by Vaughan- though I do not feel quite sure of it. Stevens is "penitor" (" peneetor "). 3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 119, 120. The suggested derivation from " titah," 4 V. B. G. A. xxiv. 466, 467; cp. the royal word meaning to "com- Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 1 15.
c« \r. i\ GENl RAl RL MAI 4' '
Bamboo Stamper
YW now come to the Sakai "tuntong" (more correctly H tuang-tuang ") or M kowei in..," to which
recourse was had in every emergency ol lit'*. These
bamboos always consisted of a pair of tubes, One oi
which was somewhat smaller than the other, SO thai
quite different tones were produced by them when
struck. These tubes were closed at the lower end b)' the natural node ; but they were left open at the top, so that the closed end, when struck upon the ground, emitted a distinct musical note.1
The illustrations will be treated in fuller detail below. The first is 48 cm. high, the second 56 cm. high.2
There are also " tuang-tuangs " in secular use. These, however, are neither provided with incised patterns nor painted, but serve merely to give a signal for calling home the inhabitants of a house or village, since they can be heard at a great distance through the jungle. These undecorated tubes are common among tribes who live in the neighbourhood of the Malays. They serve in this case, however, only as instruments of music.3
The patterns of the other objects classified call for no special remark, being mostly confined to ring-lines and plain geometrical patterns, with the exception of those employed for decorating the person, which will be fully treated in another chapter.
1 Z. '/. E. xxvi. 140. Vaughan- '2 3 Z.f.E. xxvi. 148. V. -Stevens
Stevens remarks that these "tuntongs" has here evidently confused the "tuang-
(as he calls them) are never struck upon tuang" of these patterns, which is a
wood. This refers, perhaps, to the mere "stamper," producing a note when
Sakai customs, as I myself have more struck against the ground, with an in-
than once seen and heard them struck strument bearing the same name which
upon the wooden floor -timbers of has a mouth-hole at one side, and is
Jakun huts. really used as a species of "conch."
Bloivpipc Patterns.
According to Preuss, the (129) specimens of Semang blowpipe patterns, their dart-quivers ("go* "), and charm-tubes (" ga' ") are intended to serve as charms against the various diseases and accidents which are likely to attack or affect the men.1
The tradition of the Semang about the origin of their blowpipe patterns ascribes them to the invention of their god Pie, who with the aid of his daughter Simei planted the flowers of their chief god Kari or "Thunder" near a mountain peak (Jelmol), and evolved from them the patterns which would avail against Diseases. The Putto 2 incised these correct patterns, exactly as Pie had invented them, on bamboos which were deposited in a large cave, where they were changed into stone 3 by the god, in order that they might always be ready to serve as patterns. A set of these patterns was prepared for each of the Sna-hut ; whose task it was to see that the correct drawings were used by the people. The Putto alone, however, knew where the caves were. The parts of the flowers represented on the combs' in accordance with these traditions, viz. " tepi," " was," " pawer," and " mos," are dealt with according to their existing arrangement on the blowpipes, without, however, any further working out of the details, e.g. the identification of the remaining parts of the corresponding patterns which are incised on the combs.4
In the publications of the Berlin Ethnographical Museum,^ mention is made of the Semang explanation
1 Z. f. E. xxxi. 159. See also which is, at the best, a doubtful guess. Z.f. E. xxv. 73 f. There seem to be, 3 This is doubtless due to some however, more important uses. legend connected with one of the
2 Spelt by V. -St. " Puttow," which limestone caves, so common in the may = " Pattau," though Griinwedel north portion of the Peninsula, sviggests a connexion with "Buddha," 4 V.-St. iii. no. 5 lb. p. 130.
I iiw. ix Gl Ni RAJ Rt MM 41 |
of the patterns as derived exclusivel) from one ol their fundamental patterns (i 0), which latter has a cL resemblance to .1 typical u motive " employed by the Sakaii The Semang are even asserted to know the exact order in which the simpler figures were suco sively developed I The first eighteen stages of this development were described by Vaughan - Stevens,
but in this respect Nos. 1-4 (inclusive) and No. 13 are all that need he indicated. The fact that the Semang arc; not acquainted with the development of the complicated figures of which they make use, Vaughan- Stevens seeks to explain — I confess unconvincingly — by the fact that these latter patterns were formerly incised by the Sna-hut, or even by the Putto.1
The E. Semang (Pangan) have only one " pichod " pattern, which they are said by Vaughan- Stevens to have learnt from the Sakai (?), but this pattern and its variants are alleged to be used by the Semang as the groundwork of all their patterns.-
Among the Semang the pyramidal figure is said to be taken as the basis of all their decorative art. It is an obvious and simple figure (possibly connected with the zigzag) which is commonly found in the art of almost all other savage peoples, and there is no necessity whatever for supposing that it can only have been borrowed from a foreign source.3
Turning to mixed Semang- Sakai tribes, the Tembeh of the east coast states used no decoration for their blowpipe or quiver ; later they
1 Z. f. E. xxxi. 160. were indebted for this form of orna-
- Vaughan - Stevens, iii. 129 ;;. ment to an older stage ("stadium")
Vaughan-Stevens' comment is that this of the common race, from which they
figure must either obviously have been were both evolved (sic f). borrowed from the Sakai or that both 3 Ibid. p. 130.
4i4 DECORATIVE ART part M
copied the patterns of the E. Semang or Pangan, but very sparingly.1 Vaughan - Stevens describes in connexion with this tribe a strange "code" or set of signs which he calls the " Tembeh message-characters," and he adds that these messagecharacters are known not only to a section of the Tembeh, but throughout the whole of the Malay Peninsula ! 2 The signs were notched on a section or bamboo or drawn upon it in charcoal. At the top stood the sign which represented the name of the sender (which all parties concerned would be likely to know), and underneath stood that of the recipient. The characters employed represented such ideas as "go," "return," "wait," "escape," "wood-felling," " man," " woman," " family," " danger," " salt," " tobacco," " day," " night," etc., and so on down to the representation of the numbers i to io.3 A special sign, for instance, stands for " night " or " darkness," and another special sign for " day " or " daylight." 4
We next come to the magical designs of the Sakai, who since they believed (unlike the Semang) in demons, naturally used these designs in a way that the Semang never did. Vaughan-Stevens here tells us that each tribe of the Sakai has a design which does for all the members of the tribe.
Vaughan-Stevens adds that the designs were used merely as charms against certain evil spirits, and hence were less numerous than the magical designs of the Semang which were intended for use against all the (personified) Diseases that they knew of or could imagine.5
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 98. numerals of its own beyond three or
2 This, however, is certainly a stretch four.
of the imagination. 4 Globus, lxix. 117, 1896.
3 No Semang or Sakai tribe has 5 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 130.
u.
I \ :ll i I I!
» //\W/A\ V.A AVX
'J
oooo @£J@^>
1 M \ I l OPMFN r OF THE I' \ l I I RNS I R( >M 1 III
Chevron (Z,
Sktat Collection.
Quivers for Blowpipe Darts employed in the Semang of Kedah.
1 3 ^V'v'**-
De Morgan
Semang Quivers.
l>e Morgan in L'H. 251I1 October 1885, p. 617.
V0I. I. p. 414.
I
-/.
t
'8
■J
E
r.
JO
■i
_
c
■z.
r
^
Ml
_i
■i
D
^
/
f.
—.
v
:i.
Ctf
z
-.
■
—
:>
J.
/
J.
,
i —
'
II
V
~z
1 ££
^^^^L-
lfcWfcBBBS==
' .-isssir
J^^BHta^^^MM
^SL^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^*-
■f.
_ -
i ha? i . GENERAL Rl MAI \ \
The following is Vaughan - Steven tatement as to the alleged origin ol the Sakai charm patterns : —
As he (Vaughan-Stevens) was anxious for further explanation (about the patterns) he took a bamboo (■* tabong ") belonging to one oi the men, and asked to be shown which were Tuhan's finger-prints. Instead of replying, the man seized a piece oi firewood, rubbed his finger ow the charred end, and pressed
his blackened finger-tip upon the bamboo, thus producing a triangular pattern.'
Further inquiry elicited the information that for the interior portion of this figure no fixed rule existed, and that (e.g.) dots might be introduced instead of lines. It was further asserted that the more complicated patterns were only so many varieties of the simple triangle or V-pattern, duplicated and arranged X-wise instead of side by side.-
Of pure Jakun (i.e. Malayan) designs very little seems yet to have been written, and specimen illustrations of Jakun patterns seem hardly less rare than descriptions thereof. The decorative art of the Besisi, so far as I have observed (like their language), so closely resembles that of the Sakai as to be almost indistinguishable. It is therefore among some of the Johor and Kuantan tribes (probably among those who still manufacture the wooden blowpipe) that we must look for purer specimens of " savage Malay " artwork. On the other hand it must not be forgotten that much decoration of Malayan origin that was probably indigenous in the first place among the Jakun or
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 130. This collected his information. Can we say
passage exhibits, unfortunately, the un- that the mark made by a blackened
critical spirit (which in some respects finger-tip suggests a triangle ?
was a merit !) in which Vaughan-Stevens - Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 130.
4i6 DECORATIVE ART part n
heathen Malays, has undoubtedly been incorporated in the art-work of Semang and Sakai tribes. Unfortunately, as I have said, practically nothing has yet been done at this subject, and all that is possible in the present work is to indicate the nature of the inquiry which, it is most earnestly to be hoped, some future investigator may find the means to carry out.
I. — Semang.
Analysis of the Patterns of a Semang Quiver (Siong).
We now come to the interpretation of certain typical specimens of the Semang patterns, which were explained to me by the owners of the objects described as follows : —
(i) Second Panel (a) —
Blossom of the "p'rah tree, with its skin (or bark?)."
(2) Second Panel (6) —
Hill tortoise (" kura bukit ").
The " baning " (a bigger variety ).
The " kahh " (the biggest variety).
Ribbed breast of a tortoise, showing the bones. It should be noted that in the case of the smallest variety there are six tortoise breasts in the field, whereas in that of the middle-sized kind there are four, and in that of the largest three only.
(3) Third Panel—
The fruit of the " kelubi."
(4) Fourth Panel —
Blossom of the " rotan senik " (a kind of rattan). Blossom of the " rotan tunggal " (another kind).
chap, i.\ NEGRITOS a a / /'./// 417
(5) Bottom panel oi the quiv< 1
Deer-slots. These are distinguished from the rest of the designs l>y the scraping ofl ol the outer cuticle oi the bamboo over < ertain parts of the design tli.u are darker than the rest. The parts thus scraped arc polished with wax, which gives them a reddish tinge.
(6) Borders are added to all the panels
I lawks' eyes (" mata lang ").
Although I was able without much difficulty to get the explanation of the foregoing details, I had less success with the remaining portions of the patterns, though most likely the objects in the second panel (a) were meant to attract the various kinds of landtortoise portrayed in the second panel (b). In the case of the fifth panel this intention is abundantly obvious, since it consists of deer-slots pointing towards the fruit of the " kelubi " as well as to that of the rattan or Calamus, the object of the design being, no doubt, to attract the deer by a suggestion of their favourite feeding-grounds, where they would, of course, be more easily slain or captured.
Analysis of the Patterns zipon a Second Dart-quiver.
The Semang further informed me that the object of their entire set of quiver patterns was to bring down various species of monkeys and apes and other small mammals. This particular set of patterns was described as possessing much magical virtue (" kom jasa "), the phrase being still more clearly explained by the comment of my informants, that it would be a " slayer of many victims " (" banyak bunohnya ).
VOL. I 2 E
418 DECORATIVE ART part n
Each panel of the pattern contained some special design which was believed to be of the highest efficacy in bringing down a particular species of animal. Thus the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth panels inclusive contained charms for bringing down various species of apes and monkeys, e.g. —
(i) The " kaldos " (Mai. " sinekah " or " Chikah"?).
(2) The "talug" (Mai. " lotong ").
(3) The " kebofi " (Mai. " mawah " or " wa-wa ").
(4) The "bawad" (Mai. "bW").
(5) The "bateyu" (Mai. " siamang ").
The two bottom panels, on the other hand, were devoted to the bear-cat (" chepag " or " chepog " = Malay " binturong ") and the civet-cat or " kenseng " (Malay " musang ") respectively.1
Analysis of the Decorations on a Third Dart-quiver.
(1) First Panel —
Fish-scales.
Thorns of the rattan (leaf-whip and stem).
(2) Second Panel —
Python and pythons' bones (" ular sawa ").
(3) Third Panel-
Do. do.
(4) Fourth Panel —
Do. do.
(5) Fifth Panel—
Hawrks' eyes and scales.
This appears to be a food-charm like the last. In fact,. I cannot help thinking it more than likely that the
1 The " lotong " is a Semnopithecus the "siamang," Hylobates lot (gibbon) ; (spectacled monkey) ; the " b'ro'," \hz"v:&-vi?L" Hylobates agilis ; the"bin- Macacus nemestrinus (coconut-monkey); turong, " Arctictis binturong.
i hap. h NEGRITOS <>/■ KE DAH
proximity <>i the fish scale \ and rattan thorn - may be oi special signify am e, sin< e these pri< kly leal whips ol the rattan are frequently used i<> make a funnel-shaped trap for fish, which immediately on entering the mouth of the trap are caught and held fast by their scal<
Analysis of the Decorative Symbols on a Comb.
(i) First Panel
Rattan thorns ("duri rotan ").
(2) Second (central) Panel —
Diamond-shaped diagram filled with little pitted marks called "cucumber seeds" (" bunga timun "). The cross-lines are called " tenweg " ( =» " tin-weg " of V.-St.).
The complete design is meant to serve as a charm to protect the woman against venomous reptiles and insects. The chiefs wife informed me that a similar design, for a similar reason, was sometimes painted upon the breast of women belonging to the wild Semang-Sakai tribes in the northern part of the valley of the Plus.
The specimens above described were all collected by the writer in the same region, viz. among the Negritos of Siong, in the interior of Kedah.
The charm-patterns which have been studied by Vaughan-Stevens are, with one exception (that of the Sakai " tuang - tuang "), all Semang patterns, and relate to the following classes (as given above) : —
Class (1). Bamboo combs.
Class (2). Large bamboo tubes, including (a) bamboo quivers, (b) medicine bamboos, (c) memorial bamboos, (d) burial bamboos, (e) birth bamboos.
Class (4). Bamboo blowpipes.
The Theories of Vaughan-Stevens. comb patterns.
In the following pages the description of the patterns employed by the Semang, although given in the form of a summary of Vaughan-Stevens' own words as reported by his German editor,1 has been revised, rearranged, and corrected where necessary.2
The magical bamboo back-combs of the Semang women are worn throughout the entire Semang region,3 though on the western side of the main mountain range of the Peninsula, from Kedah to Perak, rather for ornamental than for any other reasons, the rules for com- posing the patterns being now forgotten there. The use of these combs (the name for which is "tin-leig" or " tela' ") is to serve as a means of protecting women against the diseases (e.g. fever, called "pong" in Semang) against which the flowers referred to are of service. For external injuries, such as those caused by a falling tree in the jungle, or by the bite of a centipede, other talismans are used, not combs. The Semang employ no comb for the purpose of dressing their stubborn, closely curled hair, yet the women often wear eight back combs at a time, and sometimes even as many as sixteen, which in this case form a double row, the one behind the other. When eight combs are worn, two are fixed side by side facing frontwards, two backwards, and two towards each side, the teeth being inserted right up to the solid part of the comb. The choice of a comb or set of combs depends in each
1 Z.f.E. xxv. 71-100 {ed. Grunwedel). enclosed in square brackets.
For list of comb patterns, v. App. 3 Hair-combs were also seen by
2 For the convenience of future Lapicque among the Semang of Ulu investigators passages that contain Selama. — Tour du Monde, N.S., i. statements requiring corroboration are (1S95). 620.
( hap i NEGRITO i <>/■ PERAK
i .1 ,c upon three ( onsiderations ( i ) the Di 01
Diseases prevalent anywhere in the neighbourhood .it the time of choice ; (2) tho •<• I M ^ hi< h are
most dreaded at the time; and (3) the presence or
Otherwise oi other women.
I To understand this last consideration it must be remembered that according to Semang id< the winds bring Diseases with them as punishment
for any sins that Kari. the thunder-god, desires to avenge by their means. The Wind-demon, who is
sent from Kari with this message, passes over the head of the person and deposits the Disease upon his (or her) forehead, from whence it spreads over the rest of the body. But the god Pie (" Play ") pacifies Kari and turns aside the punishments decreed by him, by giving the Semang a talisman that the winds dare not approach. If, therefore, a woman is protected by the correct form of magic comb, the Wind, on touching her head, encounters the scent of the " was " (the first or uppermost panel of the comb), and thereupon falls to the ground until the wearer of the comb has passed. If several women, each wearing a particular set of combs, are sitting or walking together, and a Disease comes in the name of Kari to punish one of them who is not wearing the protective comb pattern, yet so long as there is another woman close by who is wearing it, the first panel pattern of the latter will protect the former woman. Hence when several women are walking together they wear different combs for their mutual protection from different Diseases.]
[The winds do not bring every kind or any special kind of Disease, though every Disease has a special wind as its messenger, and hence comes the necessity of varying first-panel (" was ") patterns. It is not as
422 DECORATIVE ART i-art 11
a rule the case that a " was " should especially avail against more than one particular kind of Disease, though many of these patterns to a lesser extent may avail against other Diseases as well. It does not therefore often happen (though it may sometimes do so) that a Semang cuts a first-panel pattern on a comb for any other than its specific purpose. It is said that the profusion of first-panel patterns which exists has arisen occasionally through their being changed by the magicians, who excused themselves on the above grounds whenever it happened.] On the whole, a Semang woman possesses as a rule from twenty to thirty magic combs, so that in an encampment in which there are several women a great number of patterns are present. The women lend each other their combs or omit to wear them as the case may be, especially when, e.g., several of them are together, and one may be protected by the combs worn by the others. In the huts or shelters the combs are taken out of the hair and inserted between the slats of the roof.
At night the combs are not worn. When a woman is buried all her combs are buried with her, so that the Diseases which have been warded off from her body during her lifetime may not hurt her soul when dead. The idea appears to be that the soul of the deceased should have the same protection secured to it that the living has possessed.
In the ways above described, the encampment is sufficiently protected, as long as the Semang do not leave the place they are in.
[Concerning the origin of the custom, the invariable explanation of the Semang is that the patterns of the magic comb were the invention of their god Pie, and that the patterns employed were not borrowed
chap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK
from any other people ; and they add that in olden
times the magic comb only p< <-<l three teeth.1]
The I-.. Semang or Pangan still make their comlis with
only lour to five teeth to them, their sole instrument lor carving the bamboo being a rough chopping-knifc (" parang "), where. is the Semang oi l'er.ik (.it Bellim),
who possess a better class of Malay knives, give their
combs a dozen or <\en more than a do/en teeth. '
At the different places at which it was asked, the
question, "What is the use of the teeth?' always received the same answer, viz. that the combs would soon fall out and be lost but for the long teeth, which were the only means of fastening them into the hair. The men, too, do not wear combs, because (as they allege) their hair is too short. Their talismans are, therefore, as stated above, incised on the quivers and charm-holders. [It was further alleged that in very ancient times the women also very often carried a special charm-tube, on which all the seventy Diseasecharms were incised — in other words, a " gi " of a form resembling that of the modern dart-quiver.3 This special charm-holder was inserted in the loin-cloth or girdle, in the same way as the quivers now carried by the men. The modern girdle of the Semang men is said to be based on this old custom, whereas] the Sakai fasten on their quivers with special straps. It is, moreover, still the custom for the Semang quivers to lack any lid or covering ; for if a quiver (" go' ") or charm -tube ("gi") had a cover, the charms being covered would therefore be powerless. The
1 The suggestion is here made that and among the central Sakai, these
the multiplication of the number of combs have far more than three or four
teeth in these combs may have been teeth,
due to Sakai influence. Among Perak - Z.f. E. xxv. 75.
Sakai who have Semang admixture, 3 See, however, p. 406, ante.
424 DECORATIVE ART paet II
M tahong " ' of the women is a modified survival of this custom. [The comparative completeness of the traditions of the Semang with regard to their patterns was ascribed to the fact of these charm-tubes having contained specimens of all their forms.-]
The Diseases against which the magic combs are of avail only attack women, and many of these are very largely the result of the imagination. [Diseases which attack both sexes are usually (since the women as a rule do not go far away from the men) arrested by the quiver and blowpipe patterns of the latter. On this account, the women do not as a rule use any quiver patterns, although they are not prohibited from doing so.3]
The combs, as a rule, do not last long. The teeth easily break off, and the combs themselves are more liable to be lost than the quivers and charm-holders of the men. As, moreover, they are buried with the women when they die, there is always something for the young people to do and to learn. When they know the patterns of the quivers and charm-tubes, they are allowed to cut these for the men. But the men also cut other patterns as well as those of the quivers and charm-holders ; and the beautiful and accurately incised patterns of the combs are the work of men. The kind of bamboo most used for the manufacture of these combs is a very tall species which the Semang call " semeng." The useless upper portion is cut off, that required for use well dried, and the process of making the comb then proceeds as follows : —
A single internode is taken, and both knots (or " nodes ") are excised, so carefully as not to crack the
1 Cp. V. B. G. A. xxiv. 465 seqq. 2 3 Z. f. E. xxv. 75.
chap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK
internode. The cut edge ia then mo refully
smoothed, and, precaution being taken to ie< thai the entire portion ii> sufficient for "two comb-lengtl the three double ring-lines are first incised twice each upon both sides oi the tube. These lin rve not only to divide up the pattern, 1 >ui themseh possess a certain amount <>i charm-power. I hey are produced by laying the edge ol the chopper across the bamboo at right angles and rolling tin- latter along with the left hand. Sometimes these lines, it is true, are first incised separately on the surface of the comb after the splitting of the internode, but this was rarely
the case, because it was then more difficult to make, them parallel. The internode; is now split into two separate parts of equal size, which are then split again into as many pieces as the bamboo allows. Large bamboo shafts will produce four or even six laminae, but smaller ones as a rule only yield three. The pattern is now incised with the point of the chopper and rubbed over with dry charcoal, a drop of water being added to rub it quite into the lines. The lamina is then heated over the fire and wax rubbed in with the help of bark-cloth or something of the kind, after which the lamina is wiped clean. The hot wax not only fills up the incisions of the pattern and fixes the powdered charcoal in them, but at the same time takes away all traces of the charcoal from the smooth, hard, unincised portions of the comb.
The comb is now turned round and a deep furrow is cut on the back corresponding exactly to the lowest line of the pattern on the front, half the thickness of the bamboo being cut through and the gap widened from below. The woody part of the interior is then stripped off as far as this cross-cut, until
426 DECORATIVE ART pact h
the under part of the lamina is reduced by half throughout. Next, the comb is again turned round, and from the front, at the bottom end, thin strips of the outer cuticle are torn in order to mark the interstices between which the teeth are to come. At the bottom of the pattern an incision is made to prevent these strips from tearing away and so spoiling the pattern ; these small incisions are then deepened, and the same process having been repeated at the back of the comb, the teeth are thus entirely released. It remains to polish the borders, to scrape away loose fibres, to point the teeth, and the comb is finished.1
The process of incision is called " makeii " ("makiee "), the comb "tin-leig," and the entire pattern " kenaij " (" kenije "), i.e. ''drawing." The whole of the solid part of the comb is sometimes also called "was."2 The old standards of measurement for these combs, though they are certainly now very little regarded, were : (i) for the teeth, a palm's breadth ("tappar"); (2) for the length of the solid part, from the upper extremity to the teeth, the length of the forefinger (" jayi ") ; (3) for the width of this same part the breadth of four fingers pressed together at the tips ('" en-chas "). The teeth of the comb are called "mad," which in Semang either means "eye" or " blade." [The eight parts of the pattern on the solid part are named: — (1) first panel = " was "; (2) second panel = " pawer " ("pawaire ") ; (3) third panel = " kabo saleg" (" kabur salag ") ; (4) fourth panel = "kabo' padi" ("kabur padi ") ; (5) fifth or central panel = " tin-weg " or "tin-wag"; (6) sixth panel = "ning"; (7) seventh panel =" bie " ("beay"); (8) eighth panel = " nos." The top border or edge of the
1 Z.f. E. xxv. 77-78. 2 See p. 397, n. I, ante.
B Z
*i l-Ji^J
■ ■■
Z. ''. E. xxv. Plate I.
Charm-Patterns on Combs.
Charm-Patterns on Combs.
Z./.E. xxv. Plate II.
( il VI'. l\
NEGRITOS <>/■ PERAK
comb above the " vrfts " (i) is called " tCpf/1 the bottom border below the eighth panel ("nos") if called " nios." ' |
Looking at the prevalent patterns o( the first and
COnd panels, it is easy tO Se< that many o( them are identical with or form parts of the patterns which represent the Disease in the fifth panel. The explanation given was that when the charm patterns were being made, Pie wished, whilst assigning a pattern to a particular Disease, to make known at the same time what flower was blooming most freely when the Disease prevailed, and hence gave both a similar form. But when both the first and second panel patterns
' These names are in part certainly of Malay origin, and not pure Semang, (i) - Mai. "tapak," a palm'sbreadth; (2) = Mai. "jari," a finger; "mad '"may he connected, through Indo- Chinese, with Malay "mata" = eye or blade of an instrument. So too "kabo' saleg" (Mai. " salak ") = fruit of the " salak "-palm ; " kabo' padi " (Mai. "padi ") = rice-fruit ; " tepi " = Mai. " tfipi," edge. On the other hand, "ning," "bie," " nos " (?) = one, two, four (in Semang).
The passage [Z./.E. xxv.79 ) in which V.-St. defines his flower- theory {v. p. 397) runs as follows : — " ' Was ' and ' pawer ' are the protecting designs, the power of which keeps off the sickness. 'Pawer,' ' kos,' and 'tepi' are parts of a flower, of which ' was ' is the smell, and 'tepi' the pistil and stamens, hence a supplementary line above a ' was ' has the same name. The projecting spike above the green sepals is called ; pawer,' the sepals ' mos. " To give the rest of the names : the flower it self is called ' bakau,' the petals ' tapak ' ; of a flower that has a sweet smell, ' ber-pen-hat ' (beer-penhat ') is the word used by the Se- mang ; if a disagreeable smell, ' hihid' ('hee-heed') is the word. Two distinct jungle flowers are now
considered as ' piiwer ' — ' Mos,' really a kind of Ixora, which corresponds to the ' pawer,' and a flower called by the Malays ' tetawar bintang,' or ' star tetawar,' whose botanical name is not yet known, but which resembles the ' mos. ' All slight - scented flowers of the Ixora kind are called 'pawer,' with the addition of a specific second name. "
On the foregoing tissue of errors I would remark that "tepl"isa pure Malay word ( = edge or border), and does not mean pistil or stamens, for which there is no name in Semang, nor could be.
The "projecting spike" can only be the pistil, which Vaughan-Stevens has already told us is called (with the stamens) "tepi." "Pawer" and "mos," on the other hand, are probably the names of flowers, not parts of a flower, as explained below. " Bakau " = "flower" in Semang = Mai. "bunga," a "flower" or "pattern.'''
The drawing of the Ixora (given in Griinwedel's text) is, as he there states, a hypothetical one of the writer's, serving only to help to determine the technical expressions.
As regards the plant ' ' tetawar bintang " {sic), which is certainly a blunder for "tetawar (or ' setawar ') bendang," see note to page 399, ante.
were to be given an identical form, and confusion was probable, he introduced certain special signs called " gehab " (" g'hab "), " kos," and " ob." *] No. 39, for example, shows in its central panel reversed duplicates of its first and second panel patterns, which in this case appear to be absolutely alike ; with this, however, should be compared the corrected sketch of this comb pattern in Fig. 8. [This is due to the fact that the "was" and "pawer" flowers bloom simultaneously, and the patterns for them are therefore almost identical.2]
One reason for the numerous variations in these comb patterns consists in the fact that the patterns of the combs are mostly cut by young people instead of by the men, as in the case of the more correctly cut quiver and blowpipe patterns. But an error in the pattern does not, as a Pangan man said, take away the power of the comb. " It is like a break or a hole in a bird-trap : the bird may slip through, instead of falling into the trap, but it is always a question whether it will see the hole." 3
All the figures on the combs, with the exception of the first, second, and fifth panels, must in every case be of the simplest kind. They are derived as a rule from a first or second panel pattern, with the omission of the special marks. The young people who copy the combs often overlook this, and insert at the sides the first or second panel patterns in full. But the error is no worse than, e.g., the writing of capital letters instead of small ones would be to a European.4
As concerns the composition of the patterns,
1 These names want corroboration. II.), 62 (PI. II.), 60 (PL IV.), 21 A
See, for example, the combs num- (PI. III.), iF (PI. III.), iA (PI. I.),
bered 29 (PI. III.), 13B (PI. II.), iE (PI. L), 13A (PI. II.), 12B
4C (PI. I.), 4B (PI. I.), 18B (PL (PI. II.), 39 (PI. III.), 16B (PI. II.).
II.), 50 (PI. IV.), 42 (PL IV.), 63 2 Z.f.E. xxv. 77-79.
(PL IV.), 21B (PL III.), 14A (PL 34 Ibid.
C^^1"'
Paw.
.. r
[Fig.
/ 'augkan-Stevens.
Hypothetical Ixora Blossom vnd Comb (Figs. 2 and 3, /././•.. xxv. 78*
EXPLAINING l'HK FLOWER-THEOR\ OF VAUGHAN-STEVENS.
The serial numbers in Fig. 2 indicate the position of the various panels carrying patterns
referred to in the text.
Vol. I. /. 428.
o
^
-Ul LU
S
V ?^^
^v
^3
N
chap, iv NEGRITOS <>/■ PERAK
there are itrict rules for composing them ill, whether combs, quivers, or charm tubes; these rules, however, are not easy t<> set Forth; in the first place, let consider : —
i . In wh.it cases is ;i panel left free ;
2, In what cases may the designer insert what patterns he pleases ?
In the quivers the blank portion (or panel) is always in the central part of the bamboo tube, but in the case of the combs it must never come in the centre, where the most important part of the design is to go, but must be confined to the smaller panels. In many combs it is the first panel pattern that is omitted, in others it is any of the other panels (with the exception of the second). The full description of the combs (below) will not only show this, but will at the same time show where partial or entire quiver patterns may be inserted. In this latter respect it is left to the designer to decide what pattern he will use, and from whence he will take the design. He may take either entire or modified quiver or blowpipe designs, or even invent new ones, so long as he does not choose first or second panel patterns.
The drawings and combs collected by Vaughan- Stevens are nearly all from the E. Semang or Pangan, and are all very typical specimens of the work of the east coast Negritos, though they are not all made by the men ; a single specimen was obtained from the Semang of Perak (PI. IV.), and two others were also collected on the west side of the Peninsula (see the last three combs on PL IV.).
[The reason why the patterns of the first, second, and central panels alone are specifically laid down, and not those of the remaining panels, lies in the
43Q DECORATIVE ART part ii
fact (say the Pangan) that the women are not able to go far enough alone into the jungle, to seek any particular flower, when the Disease finds them without the appropriate comb. In such cases the woman looks for " was " or " pawer " flowers like those depicted on the comb, and takes the nearest match she can get. These, however, must not be the same as those for the quiver and charm-tube patterns, but may correspond to the third, fourth, and fifth panel of the comb. These plants, which are akin to those of the precise species desired, the woman deposits in a bamboo tube filled with water, and stirs them round to some extent in the water, and if she can likewise obtain the special " was " and "pawer" flowers, she adds these also and drinks the infusion. She then rubs the wet flowers on the affected part of her body before throwing them away.]
In course of time certain flowers came to be looked on as having more healing power than others, and in consequence the patterns derived from them were preferred for wearing on the combs. This, however, is a matter of individual taste.
[The fact is, that although the actually specified flowers would (it is believed) have effected an immediate cure, yet even the flowers most nearly related to them will eventually, though much more slowly, produce the desired result. If then, in panels 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, for which no strict rules exist, a special sign is found, it is taken to indicate that the Sna-hut should be summoned in case the Disease should get too strong a footing. In former times, according to tradition, it was the special duty of the Sna-hut to see that the incised figures were correct, and from this Vaughan-Stevens concludes that the choice of
am
mi turn
Vj ^ 4. n v^ N
^ ^ err ^ J*, an
^ T ^-
^ ^ ^ ^ ^
u 5? ^
f. s
^ 3 S*^o
chap, it NEGRITOS OF PI RAK <
the ground patterns was also left to them, so far they had learnt them from the Putto,1 the servant of Pic. I But now the people who cut the comb choose these patterns themselves, and learn to inci the quiver patterns.1
In the case of the individual panels, the following
observations may be made : —
[Every separate sign repeated in the lirst panel
pattern is called "was" also. A distinguish stripe, either at the top or bottom of the panel (in the repetition of the first panel pattern) is called, as already stated, " gehab " ("g'hab") — see, for example, i8K = 44 kos " in the second panel pattern. When the first panel pattern is blank it is called "was picheg." Where and why these blank panels were introduced is not known now — "the Puttos have so arranged it' (see 60, 62).] If a supplementary line is introduced at the top of the first panel it is called " tepi " or edge-line (see 8B). But this line appears on all the combs and also on all the quivers and charm -tubes ; though in very many cases it is not completed and coincides with the line of section. In certain cases this edge - line is represented by a broad, dark stripe. In other cases {e.g. on the quivers and charmtubes) it comes between the first panel pattern and the edge of the comb, and is, naturally, clear and distinct.3
1 Cp. Vaughan-Stevens, iii. III. (2) Combs which possess a blank
- 3 Z.f. E. xxv. 81. The combs first panel, e.g. Nos. iB, 20A, 20D, 53.
with these clearer edge-lines are — (3) Combs which have blank panels
(i) Some combs which possess in one or several parts (other than the
common signs, but which were thus " waV'), e.g. in their third panels
selected and grouped by the Puttos (" kibo' saleg "), etc. ; for the second
without any known reason for their panel and the fifth are never simul-
being thus treated. These combs are taneously omitted from the comb.
Nos. iC, 8C, 9B, 12C, 14A, 20G, These combs are Nos. 3A, 3B, 3C, 7C,
22A, 26, 33, 39, 54. 8B, 18B, 19O, 23, 29, 32A, 50, 60, 62.
Second Panel (or "Pdwer").1
[When the second panel pattern is covered over with a number of like figures, each figure is called "yil-toij." If a specially distinctive element is introduced into one or several " yil-toij," such a mark is called " 'ziat " (see, for example, F19).
If a distinguishing stripe is introduced either above or below the panel in question (e.g. at 7C), such a stripe is called " kos," and serves as a token. This token, however, appears on but few combs (17A, 19M, 22D, 28B). It may be at the top, bottom, or either side. The three lines shown in the remaining panels of 19M are due to an error of the cutter's.]
As already stated, there are combs which lack both first and second panel patterns, but which are nevertheless of avail against the approach of fatal Diseases.
The " Palm- fruit" and other Panels.
[When the third, fourth, sixth, seventh, and eighth panels are covered with repetitions of a single separate figure, each of these figures is called . " yil-toij " ; if they are covered with a single figure which cannot be subdivided, but which is of avail for the whole, it is called " ken " (see No. 61). Panel eight (" nos ") is bounded
Nos. 8C, 9B, 12C, 14A, 22A, 26, "kapal," 56 "ingkeng," 64 "sanol,"
33 of the first series possess a broad 65 "mankuing," "munlong," 66 "tel,"
and black "edge "-line, which extends 67 "bahu," "bahur," 68 "challag," 69
from the first panel to the uppermost "hillog," 70 " ballur," 25C "lanes."
border of the comb. The outer cuticle These combs have no "was" or " yil-
of the bamboo is pared off in order to toij," except Nos. 25C and 25D, which
blacken it with charcoal ("chen-el-us") have a "yil-toij" sign above and below it
[" us " is evidently the word for fire]. respectively in order to distinguish them
There appears to be some unwritten from A and B of these numbers. The
law as to the width of this blackened Disease expelled by 25A, 25B may
portion, which also appears on the perhaps be fatal, but that prevented
blowpipe patterns. Cp. p. 437, infra. by 25D and 25C is certainly fatal if
1 Z. f. E. xxv. 81. Nos. 25D the combs are not worn.
« IV Ml
innwiRSsit
Charm-Patterns on Combs.
/.. f. A', xxv. Plate III.
/ W. I. />. 4 $2.
Charm-Patterns on Combs.
Z.f. /■:. xw. Plate IV
Vol. !./>. 433.
. kai iv I GRITOS <>/■ PERAK
by .m imaginary line ol juncture between the teeth and the solid part ol the comb. I he lowest oi the rii lines comes above the eighth panel,
The ( entral Panel (" T%\ ').
[The patterns for the various 1' primarily
represent the affected part of the body ; when different parts of the body are affected the patterns are combined, but the exact rules which determine the method of composition are forgotten. Only this is certain, that in cases where the "w§ or"p5w€r" Sowers (in the case of any particular Disease) are of especial value for healing purposes, only repetitions ot the same pattern appear on the comb, and no others. If the central panel shows a pattern which covers the entire panel from left to right, it is called <4makeii" (" makiee ") — see, for example, 9B. If, however, panel five is covered with a row of repeated figures (as in 19B), each separate figure or emblem is called "sumpid."2 If the fifth panel is covered with an unrepeated pattern which entirely covers the solid part of the comb, it is called " nening"3 — see, for example, 68. Any special sign in one of the central panels, or the " sumpid," etc., is called " ob." The figures delineated in the plate are the accepted emblems representing various parts of the human anatomy, which appear in the patterns of the central panel.4]
1 Z.f.E. xxv. 82. It is, hence, of Vaughan- Stevens, = Mai. "sumpit," clear that the diagram given to illus- or " sumpitan," a blowpipe.
trate these remarks on p. 78 of the 3 In the original spelt "neningk,"
Zeitschrift is incorrectly drawn, and an impossible spelling in Semang. All
that the double line below the eighth these terms lack corroboration,
panel should be deleted. 4 Z.f. E. xxv. S3.
2 Sic, qiuzre "sumpit," a confusion
VOL. I 2 F
434 DECORA TI VE ART t \ it 1 1
Other Emblems}
[The emblem representing the square | is called " chenewel," that of the diamond (\ " chut." The triangle A is called " kasing " (which is translated by the Malay " dahulu," "long ago" or "overpast"). The circle O is called " nai " (" ni "), i.e. " one " or
" first." The straight line ( ) is called " pejuag,"
unless it is carried across the entire solid part of the comb, when it is called " win-yuing " (" winyooeng "). An emblem formed by two curved incisions or ring-lines which run parallel to each other across the solid part of the comb is called " enghongye " 2 (" ng-her-'ngyay ") ; a dot ( • ) is called " pawor " ; a short stroke ( — ) " bing " ; "pawor'1 was formerly the E. Semang (Pangan) expression for both of these signs, and "bing" an expression introduced from the west coast of the Peninsula in order to distinguish the one from the other. Both signs have an identical significance. Diagonal hatching is called " chenass," rectangular " sud." Between straight parallel strokes and curved strokes ~~ y ^ no difference is made. They are all called "sud." So, too, any kind of sloping diagonal lines, whether straight or otherwise, //'/ ((( ))), are called " chenass."
[The signs for different parts of the human body, referred to above, include representations of the following parts of the anatomy : —
(i) The head, (2) the eyes, (3) the nape of the neck, (4) the breast, (5) the stomach, (6) the back, (7) the side, (8) the nose, (9) the breasts, (10) the upper and lower jaws (with teeth), (11) [wanting], (12) the forehead, (13) the hand, (14) the fingers or toes,
1 Z. f. E. xxv. 84. personal pronoun. These terms are
- "Ye" may stand for the first all uncorroborated.
B
C T>
w
A B
A B
Fig. 6. Correction of Inaccurate Drawings (Figs. 5 and 6, Z.f. E xxv.
l<
iO
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
3 h 5
O X A
6 7(\ &
r^.
&
1$ s
/
(P *f 7/ 7/
Allegro Representation of Parts of the Body.
(For explanation- see text.)
©
\ T
J V. /. A 4 ?4-
chap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK 435
(15) the joints (elbows or knees), (16) the hips (17) the shoulders, (18) vagina and penis, (19) the anus,
.) the .inns, (ji) the ribs (seen from the back), (2 i ) the ribs (seen from the front).1
Dotted lines ( ) or lines of dashes ( )
are only used to distinguish one ordinary figure from another which otherwise would be exactly like it.
Cross-hatching (" din ").~
I Cross-hatching (on combs) has a threefold meaning. In the representations of flowers it indicates a protuberance or "knobby" formation. In the case of combs which have their central panel cross-hatched
;. that of No. 25 B) the cross-hatching indicates a protuberance of great size, in this case a hill (!), the individual lines of the pattern being said to represent pathways upon it. In the "sumpits" (" sumpid ") or repeated Disease-patterns this cross-hatching typifies the swelling or inflammation which the Disease in question has caused. The cross-lines may be either horizontal or at right angles to the line bordering the figure (Fig. 5, A, B). In the case of a curve, however, the cross-lines slope downwards from right to left (C). When the figure is formed by three parallel lines the cross-lines intersect the central line of the three (D). In certain cases, whether the pattern is drawn large or small, the number of these cross-lines must be counted. These cases, however, will again be referred to in the course of the descriptions of particular combs.]
[As examples to show how necessary it is that the patterns should be cut as exactly as possible,
1 But these signs rarely occur where and the whole of this part of the system we might expect them in patterns con- recalls the European investigator. See nected with parts of the human body, Appendix. 2 Ibid.
436 DECORATIVE ART part ir
and how the similarity of the combs to one another might be exaggerated through inexactness, see Nos. 32 B, 22C. The patterns of the third, fourth, and sixth to eighth panels are unimportant, since their selection was optional on the part of the designer, but the first panel pattern in 22C (Fig. 6) is absolutely wrong.1]
Private Marks?
[The combs are always said to have once possessed a particular name-mark in the seventh panel (" bie "). This mark, however, is not to be confused with the special signs, which may appear only in the patterns of the first, second, and central panels, but must be omitted in the next panel. The name-mark naturally has no influence on the power of the pattern. At the present day they very seldom appear, and when they do, are inserted in the third, fourth, and sixth to the eighth panels, and are called " chor " or " name "-marks.
Among all the combs represented below 3 there is not a single specimen so marked. The marks naturally differ with each individual, and whenever a similarity of name-marks appears it is only through some misunderstanding of the pattern copied, or through some sign that has been wrongly transferred.]
QUIVERS AND CHARM-TUBES.4
Besides the charm-patterns on the combs of the Pangan women, a corresponding system of charm - patterns is employed by the men. These are incised upon bamboos (" go " and " ga "), one of which is the
1 Z. f. E. xxv. 84. At (a) the 2 Z. f. E. xxv. 85.
left-hand side-line, and at {b) the third 3 Cp., however, Vaughan - Stevens,
cross-line is missing, and at {c) the side- iii. s.v. And for detailed list of combs,
lines do not meet. The first-panel pattern v. App. of 32B is a different flower from 22C. 4 Preuss in Z.f. E. xxxi. 131-147.
. .v w i, /an is <>/■ PERAK
Semang quiver, and the other is described as a charm-holder (with patterns corresponding to tho now .seen on the blowpipe), which is said to have been formerly carried l>y the men,
[The Putins' gave the Semang (in return lor their
iSents) certain slicks (charred at one end and
aring mysterious signs upon them), which protected the wearers from particular Diseases, when held with the charred end downwards. F*or this purpose they
were inserted in the waist-cord. Originally the patterns were marked out with charcoal ; but later they were incised, when the same material (charcoal) was rubbed into the incisions. -
By degrees light bamboo tubes, which received the name " ga'," were found more convenient. Instead of charring the end, the Pangan peeled off the smooth outer cuticle, and then blackened it with charcoal, which adhered better in consequence.] This lower extremity, with its node or knot, was called " chenel-us." 3 Both ends, in fact, were thus peeled, although the upper node was cut off after a few days.4 The incised patterns were cut into the bamboo while it was still green, usually after it had been held for a few moments over a fire, to facilitate the cutting. If, on the other hand, the cuticle is not removed from the tube-ends, the latter would often split in the course of a few days ; though this is not the case with the blowpipe shafts, which are relatively stronger and have
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 131, is taken "dekan''), was used for incising bamboo as read in what follows. before iron was known. For lists v. App.
2 According to another passage, the 3 Cp. p. 431, n. 3, ante, and see designs were in the first instance in- Z.f. E. xxv. 82, and note.
cised on the bamboos and rubbed over 4 The (Berlin) Museum possesses a
with charcoal. The Semang assert charm - tube ("gar") of Vaughan-
that often, instead of a knife, the tooth Stevens, which exhibits the upper
of a bamboo-rat, or " om " (Malay (peeled) node as well.
438 DECORATIVE ART n n
a smaller bore. To make it more portable, the tube (" ga"') was of small diameter, and several tubes were often carried at the same time, one fitting into the other. They served at the same time to contain the flowers and herbs that were required for warding off Diseases.1
The quivers (" go' "), which are closely related to the charm-holders ("ga "), were cut and carried in the same way, only the charm-tube was usually carried in the quiver, which latter was the larger of the two.
When they adopted the blowpipe of the Sakai, the Semang kept their darts in the " go'," 2 instead of adopting the highly specialised Sakai quiver — the Semang still retain a strong dislike to carrying anything slung around the hips.3 This is the reason why the darts are so much shorter than the quiver4 containing them, i.e. because it was once used for another purpose. The Sakai quiver had a soft wooden bed at the bottom to receive the dart-points, and for this (in the " go' ") the magic leaves and flowers were substituted. The Sakai quivers had a cap to protect the contents from rain ; but the Semang were prevented from covering the orifice, [because the effect of the magic flowers would in that case have been neutralised. But on the introduction of the blowpipe, the patterns, which (up to that time) had been incised upon the charm-holders, were transferred to the shorter portion (" yoh ") of the inner tube of the blowpipe. But although the lower part of the pattern (corresponding to the " chenel-us " or charred end of the charm-tube)
1 Cf. Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 131. " Quivers for blowpipe arrows."
2 The proper name for the quiver is 3 Cf. Z.f. E. xxv. 75.
"go'," or "goh," which latter is De 4 I.e. 28 to 30 cm. against the 35
Morgan's word for quiver ("carquois"); to 45 cm. of the quivers (without the cp. Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 171, under knot).
i ,,m. i3i NEGRITOS <>/■ PERAK
was occasionally more or less covered over by the resin thai coated the muzzle end, ih<- virtue <>! theh. inn was noi Impaired thereby.
Ii was evident at once that many oi the patter on the charm-holders (" g5/ "), which were originally designed for a bamboo of larger diameter, did not suit the reduced area available for them in the blowpipe. The muzzle part of the latter, therefore, *
shortened to correspond with the design.
The patterns now constructed are of varying length (as in Figs. 113, 114, [21, etc.), and further ring-lines are either added at the muzzle-end, or are omitted entirely ; even their pattern is varied. The blackened muzzle -end of the blowpipe was soon either altogether omitted or replaced by a band of varying width, formed by stripping the bamboo of its outer cuticle and smearing it with charcoal.1 It is still to be seen in many specimens between the main design and the muzzle-end.]
The general irregularities of design extend even to the East Semang or Pangan. The Kensiu, Kinta, Bong, and Belum tribes of the west coast have added designs of their own to the old patterns, and employ them merely as a form of decoration, both for the blowpipes and the dart-quivers that accompany them. [Many patterns of the charm-holders could not be adapted to the blowpipe tube, and hence were retained for the charm-tubes only. The same patterns were never employed in both sets, and hence the two sets (of charm-tube and blowpipe patterns) must be combined to form a complete series.]
1 See illustrations. The order in to Yi. Then come (3) the blowpipe
which they are arranged is as follows : patterns from I to 128, where 66A is
— (1) Quivers and charm-tubes inter- inserted. The arrangement is that of
mixed from A to Z, and (2) from Ai Vaughan- Stevens himself.
44o DECORATIVE ART part n
Classification of the Patterns (" Go " and " Ga ").1
The patterns of the quivers and charm-holders usually present such considerable divergencies (as compared with the combs) that there can be no question of dividing their patterns into chief panels (first and second) and subsidiary panels, as could be done with the combs. In the first place, their central or Disease - patterns, when identifiable as such by reason of their special size, are sometimes exactly the same (as appears in the case of Nos. 30, 54, 61, Ni, N2, and N3 ; Oi and O4 ; O2 and O3). The central Disease -patterns of these quivers and charm- tubes bear, it is true, identical names, but it is against different forms of the same Disease that they are employed. In the combs, again, any such varieties were always strictly separated when indicated in the design. In the second place, the central panels, apart from their size, are not invariably identical either for all (''go'," O3) or several panels (quiver Di, blowpipe No. 51) of the same pattern, not to mention the smaller panels oi other patterns. Moreover, very characteristic patterns sometimes occur even in the smaller panels (Oi, Ri). In the third place, we may note — and this is for the present the most important item — that the two panels in the same tube (corresponding to the first and second panels of the combs) are in many quivers and charm-tubes identical (O3, T2). They are also sometimes identical in different tubes (e.g. Nos. 30 and 36 ; 54 and 71).
[Lastly, there are (apart from the central patterns and the first and second panels) special designs that are
1 In original " gor " and "gar." Taken from Preuss in Z.f. E. xxxi. 191-195 seqq. For lists of the patterns, v. App.
i hap. i\ NEGRITi \K 141
never repeated throughout the entire range oi the* harm patterns (e.g. N 1,66,124,01), The first an >nd
panels so insisted on do not, therefore, ; the
1 advantage o\ er the otfo The aforesaid vai tions from the comb patterns receive considerable emphasis (in spite, of the general similarity ol the arrangement in both cases) as soon as one takes the patterns in which the central panel, being ol the same.
• as the nst, cannot therefore be distinguished with
ainty. The abovc-clescrihed patterns almost all belong to Class IA (see above) ; and the following come partially under I A, 'nut mainly under ID, which might be expected to exhibit more or less similar patterns in all the panels. Hence we can maintain with certainty that, even if it were admitted that the patterns on the tubes contained flower-designs (in addition to the Diseases there represented), they are not at all events based upon the system employed for the combs.1 Moreover, it is certain that this logical system is not primitive,2 but is the result of a development at w-hich, from the endlessly varied patterns of the tubes, we can perhaps guess, but oi which scarcely any stages can be clearly determined.
[It is well known that the Semang hold that the tubes with mere ring-lines (quivers A, B, and C ; blowTpipe No. 50) take precedence of all tube patterns as a foundation for the arrangement of the charm patterns by the Puttos. The original
1 It is quite incomprehensible why that Vaughan-Stevens occupied himself
Vaughan-Stevens, even in the tube with the comb patterns first, and found
patterns, should hold so strictly to the a solution of them tolerably satisfactory
system of "was" and " pawer," as it to himself. — Note by Preuss (loc. cit.). is impossible that he should have heard 2 There is, I think, no doubt that
anything positive about them from the the logic of the system was introduced
Semang. The only explanation is by Vaughan-Stevens.
lorm of these designs is said to be the charm on the arrow - quivers against lightning (see p. 400).] The quivers in the Berlin Museum usually show from five to seven triple ring-line groups, just about equi-distant from one another ; where there are six groups there is often a wider space left in the centre (see Illustrations). Apart from the number of groups, these two kinds correspond in fact to the commonest arrangement of the panels on the tubes and combs, and even quivers D and E might be here reckoned. Even a simple ring-line group, possessing no specific import, acts as a general charm against Diseases (quivers B, C). There then follow single and double hatchings wTithin the groups of ring-lines, the panels themselves being left vacant (quivers G, Mi to M3, blowpipe No. 50, etc.). Lastly, the same simple figure may occur in all panels or in the second panel of any particular pattern (quivers I, O3, Ti, blowpipes ^y 47, 49, etc.). This fact may remind us either of the charcoal stripes with which sick persons bedaub the diseased parts of their body in order to recover, or the special signs which the Puttos employed in like fashion (see above), and which may be regarded as forming the series of ring-lines, which appear to be greatly multiplied here, without any clear object. As soon, however, as the work of differentiating the patterns of particular panels is approached, our difficulties begin, as positive data are completely wanting, and no panel (with the exception of the middle one) is in any way more prominent than the others.
The undivided patterns intended as charms against serious Diseases, which cover the whole tube, seem
i ha] NEGRITOS OF PERAK
to make it certain that the simpl
been accompanied by the complicated reprea mtatio
of 1 lisea These two extremes simple rii
and complicated designs form the foundation oi the
subsequent development,
[Onlj with n gard to the occasional Semangpract i< of inserting a pattern in the centre panel and leaving the rest free, a conjecture may perhaps be offer The centre panel, like the original scheme oi the ring-lines on the arrow-quiver, is generally indistinguishable from the other panels in respect ol its
e (not to mention the blowpipes, where the design is generally much crushed together). It is also often quite indistinguishable from the rest in respect of the special import attached to the general pattern. It is therefore quite possible that its size, even when unusually large, is not of any special import, and that it was only at a later stage that it was reserved for the chief Disease-pattern, as indeed we find to be the case to some extent in the tubes and uniformly in the combs. One stage of its development appears to be marked by a simple yet specialised central pattern, to which other panels (with pairs of incised lines) are added at the top and bottom (see, e.g., N i to N3, Oi, Ri, R2, T2, Nos. 29, 30, 36, 51, etc.).
Again, in the description of the patterns emphasis is often laid on the fact that the size of the vacant centre panel is a matter of entire indifference. In the blowpipes (as has been said) it is usually so crushed together that a group is formed of the ring-lines which serve as boundaries, and the alleged importance of the size of the centre panel appears to be a mere fancy. On the other hand, its separating effect is always recognised and never forgotten, even though a
particular pattern may be no longer distinguishable from one with the incised centre panel. Now Vaughan- Stevens in one place says that patterns with vacant centre panel prevail against epidemics, and further, that epidemics in the drawings are expressed by two complete and undivided patterns, separated from each other by ring-lines, the upper design being intended to protect the men, and the lower the women. The examples cited — 96, 97, 101, 105, 109 — all belong to group IB,1 and therefore possess a blank centre panel. It is only with respect to one specimen (quiver H2) that any further explanation is required, as in the quivers the large centre panels are not compressed to the vanishing point. It may be conjectured that these blank centre panels in every case are only intended to separate the men's and women's patterns from one another, but that in certain cases (as in that of an epidemic which attacks men and women alike), when it was not thought necessary to cut special comb patterns for the women, the purpose was remembered. In fact there is actually a quiver (Wi) with an empty centre panel, purporting to protect men and women alike from a Disease common to both of them.2
The following are the considerations which lead us to this conclusion. Vaughan-Stevens says 3 that the Diseases which may attack both sexes are, since the women as a rule are not far from the men, warded off by the patterns of the men's quivers and blowpipes. Hence the women, as a rule, do not employ any quivers as charms, although there is no rule against it. We see, however, that the charms against epidemics, and indeed even the charm on quiver Wi, contained separate and varying charm patterns both for men and
1 Z.f.E. xxxi. p. 152. 2 lb. p. 171. Quiver Wi. 3 Z.f. E. xxv. 75 f.
, n if, ix .\v GRITOS <>/■ /'/ RAK
women on tl»<- same quiver, We also Bee thai vari< I ol quivers F and G are allotted to the women by w; oi compensation for the fact thai the) have their leventy main Disease patterns (not reckoning the varieties) on their combs, and thai these latter only include the Diseases wind) may attack them alone.
Should we not then inter th.it men and women as a
rule have always had different patterns for Di
common to both? tor it is scarcely to he suppoi
that the seventy, or perhaps one hundred and forty,
Diseases of" the women should be all absolutely different from those of the men (cf. quiver II). So the patterns of the quivers and blowpipes, if they were to be efficacious for both sexes at the same time, must possess two patterns, and these would be the tubes with the centre panel left blank. In this connexion quivers H and O are especially striking. In quivers F, G, and H the pattern is called " hu-ju-weg." Quivers F and G possess no dividing centre panel, and have special quiver patterns for the women. Quiver H has not got it, and therefore shows the division alleged above. Quiver O has an empty centre panel, with exactly the same pattern at top and bottom, though in reverse order.1]
Even, however, if this idea is right, it does not help to make the signification of the patterns any more comprehensible. The comb designs would, however, appear to be an imitation of the men's quiver patterns, with a broad incised centre panel. [The signification of the latter was said to be explained by the patterns of the ancient "gi." The
1 The patterns of the tubes are never only exception. It is a simple pattern,
directed against Diseases which by their Thus no proof of the point at issue
nature can only attack the man. Si (apart from quiver Si) is possible in
against disease of the testicles forms the this direction.
first and second panel patterns were new additions, and the other (narrow) panels were taken over as mere meaningless additions to the patterns of the men.
There do not appear to be any fundamental differences in the outer arrangements of the quivers, charm-tubes, and blowpipes. The alleged reduction of the charm -tube patterns on the blowpipes may show that the omission of particular panels did not have much effect. Classes IE and IF of the blowpipe patterns are of special importance, since, in contrast to the quivers and charm-tube patterns, they exhibit entire panels, and even entire designs, merely filled up with dotted figures. It might be inferred from this that after the charm-tube patterns were transferred to the blowpipes a fresh evolution of patterns took place.] In the blowpipe drawings we do not find spirals instead of the ring-lines, as in the case of the quivers and charm-tubes.
The names of the tube patterns do no more to help their interpretation than those of the first, second, and fifth comb panels (" tin-weg," ''was," and " pawer "). In four of the names of the quivers and charm-tubes (N, S, Vi, Xi) are to be found expressions for certain parts of the body (the Diseases affecting which, according to Vaughan- Stevens, are supposed to be warded off by means of the patterns). Sometimes, however (besides the name of the pattern), the actual name of the Disease itself is given, and one of these Disease titles (Pi) actually refers to the affected part of the body. Moreover, the name for quivers D and E (" lasai ") must (according to Vaughan -Stevens) be derived from the black ring-lines of the design ; and, besides, the patterns, which possess the same name and ward off similar sicknesses, in some cases are of
CHAP. l\
NEGRITOS i >/■ I'l.i
identical form, but not unfrequentl) arc entirely different (see quivers I i and [2, I < 1 and 1 »2, etc.), On the other hand, the almost id< ntical patterns oi quiv< ('1 and c.\ which are both evidently directed aj a similar I disease, have quite different name Th<
itradictory observations may be taken to prove that the names of the quiver and charm-tube patterns must have been strung together from conflicting souro Among the names o\ the blowpipe pattern urs
"pong," which Vaughan- Stevens (as in the case of
comb 1 ") translates " lever." Whether the Other names which are not translated also denote- I)i must remain undecided. Every pattern here has a special name. There are, indeed, many points of connection with Professor GrUnwedel's glossary ; but in the entire absence of more definite knowledge as to their meaning it is not worth while to follow them up.3
1 Cf. also the names and patterns of " goh," Ki and Iv2.
2 Z.f E. xxv. 87.
3 Out of the five categories mentioned, the frequent complete agreement of names, without their patterns betraying any special similarity, is very striking. They run as follows : — " alteg " (blowpipe 32), cf. "alteg'' (second panel of comb 49) ; "bil-uing" (blowpipe 78), cf. " biling " (" billing," second panel of 19N, etc.); "buing" ("boing," blowpipe 74), cf " boin " (first panel of 30), " boing " (second panel of 17B, etc.); "hili" ("hillee," charm-tube Z), cf. "heli" ("h'lee," comb 63); "Is" (blowpipe 81), cf "Is" (second panel of comb iE) ; " let-tud " ("lettod," quiver P2), cf "let-tod" (first panel of 7C, etc.) ; " lig-boid " ("ligboid," blowpipe 89), " lig-bui " ("lig- boi," blowpipe 75), cf. "lig-boig" (second panel of 16 A, etc.) ; "pa-ham " ("pa-hum") (blowpipe 56), cf. "pahom" ("pa-herm," second panel of iF, etc.); "pasir" (blowpipe 12), cf. "pasir" (first panel of 12 A, etc.); " pellg "
(blowpipe 39), cf. "pellg" (comb II) ; " pen-al-dung " (" pen-ul-doorng," blowpipe 30), cf. "pena-long" ("penalong," second panel of 15A, etc.); "sob" (quiver C2), cf. "sob" (second panel of 50H, etc.); "tak-kor" ("tukkor," blowpipe 92), cf. " tekor " ("tukkor," comb 60); " tls " (blowpipe 35), cf. "tls" (quiver Ci) ; " cheg-la(r)pun " (blowpipe 5), cf. " chig-la " ("chiglar," comb 52); " chel - chinin " ("chel chineng," quiver Q2), cf. " chin-eng " ("chineng," second panel, 22C, etc.) ; "toig keling," quiver Ni), cf. "tu-eg" (blowpipe 24).
Other names agree with the expressions for the " gu' " (v. p. 104 f. ). "jelabor" (blowpipe 30), cf. "jelabo" ("jelabor," "gu'," I21, a mythical animal) ; " kang-kung " (blowpipe 98), cf. " kangkung " ("gu'," I20, a mythical monster) ; " keli-char " (comb 62), cf "klichar" ("gu" III3, IV. a flower) ; "sinai tepis" ("seni tepees," blowpipe 117), cf " sinei " ("seni," " gu'," I4, a rattan whip).
448 DECORATIVE ART part n
This list might no doubt be considerably increased if parts of the various expressions were compared. In the complete absence, however, of Semang texts (and hence of any knowledge of their grammar) this partial agreement would not at present count for much. It may, however, be concluded from the above list that the names of the quivers, charm-tubes, blowpipes, and combs must be taken in close relationship with those of the first and second panels, so that the flowersymbolism of these patterns appears all the more mysterious and obscure.
MYTH-BAMBOOS AND OTHERS.1
[The "gu' " is a bamboo tube which is described as having served originally for preserving records of every description, and as having been in the first instance known only to the Puttos. The entire mythology (and history ?) of the Semang is said to have been engraved upon them, and some of these remarkable records yet remain in the possession of the descendants of the ancient Sna-huts. These same bamboo tubes served, apart from their mythological significance, to contain the magical and medicinal implements of the Puttos, and were accordingly plugged at the orifice with wood or bark-fibre. The four myth-bamboos here described come from the E. Semang or Pangan on the east coast of the Peninsula.2]
1 The word "gu'" is undoubtedly hoot," " k'ngoin," "lee-eg," "aiee,"
identical with the word "go'" (in " ken-achole," " pinjor tadook,"
some dialects "gu"') which we have " Kiee," "Play," "Chinnoi," "ke-
had already, and merely signifies, as nigh," "kelos," "seni," " kabote,"
explained above, a bamboo receptacle. "jug," "Chilleg," "Jelabor," "Cham-
The names which here occur were spelt par," "Challog," "Semi," " sin-goie-
by Vaughan-Stevens as follows: "Guh" bewar," etc.
(pronounced "goo"), "Puttow," "Sna- 2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 104.
chap NEGRITOS OF PERAK
Bamboo No. \ with incised Mythological D ■ .' Length <>l the original 45 cm.
- The "lotong" monkey (u2Lii" — SemnopithecH ),
- " Penjok tacluk."
- " Kenaij " (" kenigh " sict ? M kfinaii ").
- " Seni."
5- "Jag-"
- 4t Kelos."
- Kari, the Thunder-god.
- Simei.
- Pie.
- Sna-hut.
- u Kla-to-ong."
12, 13. " Sin-goi bewa " or " kampil."
14, 15. " Chileg langwe."
16, 17. " Sin-goi bewa" or " kampil.
- Kari's throne and " kalcheng.
- " Kanteh."
- " Kangkung."
- " Jelabo'."
- " Kangkeng." 22,. "Champa'."
- Champa's spear.
- "Chalog."
- Chalog's spear.
This bamboo is subdivided by the usual ring-lines. ~
The topmost panel contains an unfinished drawing
of a monkey called " aii " (Malay " lotong "), for
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107-124. the holes are sealed with resin, but
2 When a spiral is substituted for these holes, of course, are entirely these ring-lines, it is called "li-eg." devoid of significance (see Z. f. E. In some cases the " gu's " have been xxv. (1893) 71 seqq.
gnawed into by mice, in which case
VOL. I 2 G
45o DECORATIVE ART part ii
which see Bamboo 3, but why this figure was left unfinished is unknown.
The second panel is called " kenachol " (" kennachole "), this name denoting, however, the panel itself and not the figures inscribed upon it. The figures in each panel will be taken from right to left, beginning with Fig. 2. This figure and those following represent objects which hang above the judgment throne of the Thunder-god Kari ("Kiee" = 11 Kayi ").1 The Semang call this figure (No. 2) "penjok taduk." The first word means loin-cloth, and the second " pendant flower decorations."
It is difficult to explain exactly what is meant by the expression, unless it may either be taken to signify loin-cloth and flower-pendants (the conjunction being omitted, as is so frequently the case in these dialects), or unless the " taduk " may be some unknown or fabulous material, in accordance with the explanation given to Vaughan-Stevens.2 Kari alone (according to the Semang) makes use of this material, which, like everything else he possesses, is prepared by the Chin-oi (" Chinnoi "), a race of people who never die.
The object represented by Fig. 3 is called by the Pangan " kenaij ' (" kenigh " ?), a term which is of uncertain meaning. In the case of the women's combs, it denotes the representation of the Disease against which the charm pattern is devised, but it was also applied to anything bright and glittering, e.g. a sunrise or sunset, lamps, rings, and even provision tins ! It does not seem to mean " light-
1 This god, who is himself portrayed play a large part in the traditionary by Fig. 7, is the chief deity or Thunder- accounts of Malay regalia, and this god of the E. Semang or Pangan. may be the case with the Semang too ;
2 Fabulous objects and materials V. -St. iii. 106; v. pp. 455, 511, infra.
»
ml
f#4
taws'
«w«rt 1 1
•mum
WW
iWP"
wt
#i
Wa
#*4
w
HHippi
mi
m
WW
f#tl
"0^
f/w%*
MM
NfpPI
unto
mm
mm
•Mil
uuiUltt
w/ww.
/
mm
WNpmttt^ tow*
/
x :
C 3
chap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK •: I
ning," however, for the usual Semang word for lightning is " kelos."
Fig, .} is called "Sinai' ("Seni"). These are
rattan whips, the emblems oi kari's servant, Sinai,1
used to whip the winds with, whenever they refused to obey his master's commands. Sinai is himself a wind, ami invisible to all hut Kari. Sinai has a whip in cither hand. The winds do not sit beside Kari, hut have a place assigned to them in the clouds below him, at a place called " Kabut " (" Kabote ").'- The winds which refuse to obey Kari are represented by the figure left of Fig. 4 ; the slanting, waved lines represent the winds, whilst the side lines represent their prison, where they await Kari's sentence.
The beaker-shaped figure (No. 5) which follows is called "jag," and represents a wild fruit on which Kari feeds ; it was not known, however, whether the fruit is represented by the entire figure or by some portion of it ; it was only known that the Puttos intended it to represent a fruit.
All winds are here personified ; they are living beings, servants of Kari, but invisible to all but him.3
The next rows (3, 4, 5, and 6) were called "n'nam."
The zigzag line (Fig. 6) represents Kari's lightning. Whenever he is wroth and wishes to strike any one, he sends for his servants, who bring him a flower which only grows at Kari's dwellingplace, and which consists of a spike of bell -like flowers. Kari then leans forward on his throne and
1 Vaughan-Stevens' spelling of this 2 Mai. "kabut," or darkness; cf.
name varies greatly : Sin-ai, Chin-ai, Newbold, ii. 423 ; V.-St. iii. 106. Sinnoi, Chinnoi, etc. 3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107.
452 DECORATIVE ART part n
shakes the flower - spike over the sinner, whereat, just as when flint strikes steel, the lightning darts whithersoever Kari desires it. Then from the belllike flower - cups themselves, as they strike against each other, comes the far-rolling sound of thunder, whilst the mightier detonations of the storm are the voice of Kari's wrath. The echoes which reverberate in the mountains are the answers of Pie, his fellowdeity, who remonstrates with him. In the illustration the flower is not visible, but only the universal zigzag symbol.
The Semang have an intense dread of lightning, their charm against which, employed (it is said) at first by " Pie's command," consists of three ringlines, incised on the quiver at short intervals.1 These ring-lines were made in the first instance by the Puttos, but that is all the Semang know about them, though they trust in them blindly.2
Fig. 7 represents the god Kari. He is not always depicted in this form, but invariably has with him as his attribute the zigzag line which represents lightning.
Fig. 8 is Simei, the daughter of Pie.
Fig. 9 is Pie.
It is difficult (says Vaughan-Stevens) to say in what relationship the E. Semang (Pangan) consider their two gods, Tuhan and Pie, to stand to Kari, or whether the two former are modern accretions. It is certain, however, that Kari represents the highest power, and that Tuhan, as well as Pie, is compelled to obey him.3
Fig. io represents a Sna-hut.
1 See, however, p. 400, n. I, other method of stopping lightning was ante. by means of blood-throwing.
2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107. An- 3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 109.
cha?. ix NEGRITi \K
The black indentations below these figures i
present the rattan mats on K.iri ', lloor, whii.h wv
made for him by the Chin-oi or Sinoi.
Fig. it \\ the fourth row represents the tree against which Kari's chair leans. In the branches of
this tree tarry the still unborn souls, and on its trunk
Kari cuts a tally for each new-horn Semang. This
tree is called " kla-tO-Ong," and is full of blossoms.1 The figures hanging on the right of the drawing are the fruits of tin; tree which are eaten by Kari.
Next follow Figs. 12, 13, 16, 17, which comprise the flowers "sin-goi bewa" or "kampll" ; and Figs. 14, 1 5, which represent the flowers called "chileg langwe."2
Fig. 18 represents Kari's judgment-seat, consisting of a short plank which rests at an angle against a tree. The wavy lines between the branches represent " kalcheng," i.e. fruits which are eaten by Kari, and which his servants have set before him. The waved line above the seat represents the flowers called " sin-goi bewa," which are suspended behind the throne on which Kari sits to judge the dead.3
In the fifth row, Fig. 19 represents a gigantic spirit called " Kanteh," which resembles a Semang. His office is that of door-keeper of Paradise, and it is he who restrains the souls of alien races from entering into that part of Paradise which is assigned to the Semang.
Beside him stands (at his left hand, Fig. 20) a powerful animal, called <( Kangkung," 4 whose task it is to keep tiger-souls out of heaven.
Next on the left comes Fig. 21, an animal called
1 See p. 455, infra, where " klatorr' 3 lb. p. 117.
is a fruit. Perhaps " klatung " is right. 4 Possibly the loris or Malayan sloth ;
2 V. - St. iii. 112. Cp. Bamboo which is in the front rank as " magic. " No. 3 (p. 457, infra). lb. p. 122.
454 DECORATIVE ART pari n
11 Jelabo'," whose function it is to keep the souls of wicked Semang from entering heaven.1
Next again on the left (Fig. 22) is a beast called M Kangkeng," which keeps out the souls of snakes and scorpions.2
In the sixth row follow Figs. 23 and 25, the last of which has been unavoidably cut in two in obtaining the illustration. Fig. 23 is a dark-complexioned gigantic spirit "Champa'" called "Abang" (Mai. for " elder brother"). No. 25 represents his brother " Chalog," who is called " Adik " (Mai. for "younger brother "). The latter is placed under the former's authority, and both are the joint guardians of Tuhan's heaven, Tasig.
Figs. 24, 26, 27 represent the bamboo spears of these two brothers. The zigzag figures between 26 and 27 are the lightning - carrying flowers, which belong to Kari, and whose custodians are the two gigantic spirits just mentioned.
The last row, or " name "-row, which is called " chor " ( = name ?), is always placed at the end of the bamboo, and is covered with a uniform pattern. Its decoration varies according to the other patterns on the bamboo, but its real significance could not be explained. Vaughan-Stevens regards it merely as a sort of finishing touch to the rest of the figures.3
Bamboo (" Gu ") No. 2. Height 41 cm.A
Here, too, the order of the figures is fixed, but no definite explanation is forthcoming of the slanting line in the topmost panel.
1 The nearest Semang animal-name 2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 122.
known to me is that of " telabas " (?= 3 Ibid. p. 124.
dial, "telabah1'), the Malayan sun-bear. 4 Ibid. pp. 124, 125.
ckaf. ix NEGRITOS "/• PERAK
The first row ol figures is called t< hoi,"
as in Bamboo No. i .
Fig. i represents a sleeping chief (Putto) in the of receiving (in a dream) a communication from Pl€, who acts as Kari's go-between whenever the latter wishes to communicate with the great chiefs (Puttos).
Fig. 2 represents a fruit called M klaton," which the great chiefs or Puttos were in the habit of eating.
Piga« 3i 5» ° arr flowers called " klai-yau ' (4< kli-yow "), Cl bi-chu-ring " (" bee-choo-ring "), and 11 yawel " ("yowell"); and Fig. 4 represents a spear called "at" ("art"), all these representing the insignia of the great chiefs' power.
Fig. 7. The smaller part of this figure at the top represents the mallet employed in the manufacture of bark-cloth, the larger part of the figure at the bottom represents the bark-cloth itself.
The following panels are called " n'nam," as in Bamboo No. 1.
Fig. 8. These represent " taduk " flowers {cf. Bamboo No. 1, Fig. 2), p. 450, ante.
Fig. 9. This object is called " bu-hu " ("boohoo ") ; it represents a special kind of bark-cloth which only the great chiefs wore.2
Fig. 10 is a magic stone pillow, called " sni-ding," on which the great chief lays his head when he washes to get information by means of dreams.
Fig. 11. A Putto asleep writh his head resting upon the pillow (Fig. 10). 3
Fig. 12. A mat called " chi-on," only used by the great chiefs. It was manufactured from rattan
1 Seep. 453, ante. of Mai. " buluh " = bamboo. Cp. p.
2 Quai -c from Sem. "buyu" = Mal. 510, infra.
" mengkuang," or rather a corruption 3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 124.
(" rotan sega "). This figure, together with Figs. 10, ii, signifies that the Putto is receiving instructions in a dream how a mat is to be made.
Fig. 13. " Angkel," a magic pillow made of wood which serves the same purpose as the stone pillow represented by Fig. 10.
Fig. 14. A great chief asleep with his head upon the wooden pillow (Fig. 13).
Fig. 15. A spear-point. This figure, together with Figs. 13, 14, signifies that the great chief is dreaming how a spear-point should be made.
Fig. 16. A sleeping chief (Putto). By his side (Fig. 17) is his servant (Hala).1
Fig. 18 represents two large black stones, which the great chiefs or Puttos lay together at an angle, so as to form a V-shaped trough, into which their magic Mowers and other materia medica may be put.2
Fig. 19. A tree -bark filter and a water-vessel, signifying the pouring of water over the ingredients, so that it passes through the filter into the vessel in question, which is placed on a sort of stand (Fig. 20).3
Fig. 16 represents a Putto dreaming of sending his servant (Fig. 17) to gather flowers and herbs for medicines and to prepare them for use. The servant is shown pressing down the flowers into the trough formed by the two stones described above.
Figs. 21 and 22 represent flowers called " tu-ag " and "jampong," the ashes of which are used medicinally.
1 In Semang " Hala "=" medicine- chiefs (Sna-huts) of the Pangan use man." bones and teeth, which they grate on
2 Among the medicines of the Puttos a stone with a little water, as also the love-potions were also mentioned to Sakai do. Cf. V. B. G. A. xxiv. (1892) Vaughan-Stevens ; but the ingredients 468.
could not be ascertained. The lesser 3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 124.
chap, ix NEGRITOS Of PERAK 457
The last row with the ornamental border ia called
" i hoi," as in Bamboo No. i.
saun
Bamboo ("GV") A'<>. 3, Length \o cm.
- "Tinjo" or "Tin-jui' ("Tinjoe"), a kind of an. " Sin-goi l)rwa," the name ol a flower.
- Kll-cha."8 44 Chig-eg." M Ah." 4 11 Sin-goi bewa."
Fig. 1 represents a terrible kind of saurian, with jaws shaped like those of centipedes, but which in length are equal to the human arm. It is called 44 Tin-jui." No one knows where the creature lives, yet the great chiefs (Puttos) were able to conjure it up. Directly they were angry with any one they called this beast, which killed the evil-doer.5 Since the Puttos have disappeared, no one has seen this saurian again.
Figs. 2 (6) and 3 are flowers called 4' sin-goi bewa" and 44 kli-cha," which were of avail in exorcising the reptiles represented by Figs. 1 and 4.
Fig. 4 represents a creature called 4' Chig-eg," which performs the same functions as the " Tin-jui," but only kills women.
Fig. 5 depicts the monkey called " Aii " : a longtailed monkey resembling the Semnopithecus or 44 lotong." When the winds sent by Kari as messengers to the earth do not make sufficient haste, Aii comes and chastises them with rattan whips.6
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 125, 126. 5 Evidently a "sending"' of some
2 See p. 453, ante. kind. Lizards are often closely con-
3 In original " kli-char " (sic). nected with magicians.
4 See p. 449, ante. 6 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 126.
4 5 8 DECORA TIVE AR T
TART II
Bamboo (" Gu' ") No. 4. Height, 41 cm}
Bamboo No. 4 is of quite a different kind from the foregoing. The designs upon it only represent " kli-cha " flowers. When the great chiefs or Puttos laid these flowers in water, they could drive the poisonous sea-snake " Ikub " back to the bottom of the sea.2
BIRTH-BAMBOOS (" TAHONG ").
[The " tahong M is a bamboo tube which is worn secretly under the girdle by expectant mothers. The interior of the tube, when each extremity has been stoppered, is used to contain flint and steel for making fire and so forth. The main part of the pattern consists of two portions, the upper part of which consists of zigzag ring - lines, which serve as a charm against nausea and vomiting ; the lower part contains a number of rows or columns, each representing one of the stages through which the woman has to pass from the moment of conception till the birth.3
As mentioned, the " tahong " is carefully concealed by the Semang women under the girdle, and may not be seen by any strange man. The husband cuts the
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 127. column-lines (at the end of the black
2 I.e. "Ikub Lingang " ( = Mal. chevroned line) represent the child in " ular berang"), a sea-snake of a kind the womb. The black chevrons form believed to be most venomous. In the connection between child and case a Semang wished to employ these mother, the latter being represented as flowers, they did not receive their much the larger. At the right extremity magic power until he received the of the vertical chevroned line is a row " gu' " as well. Vaughan-Stevens, iii. of discs, on the side of the mother, 126. which represents the loss of blood by
3 It is difficult to fix these stages the tearing of the vessels at birth {ibid.). accurately, as the Semang people often [It is perhaps worth while adding made mistakes in locating the exact that the word "tahong" is curiously position of the ailment. The following, like Mai. "tabong, " a bamboo tube — however, is certain : the ring -like a fact which raises some doubt as to marks at the point of one of the the genuineness of the word. — W. S.]
. II \ I
VI GR1T0S Oh ri RAK
pattern, and an enceinte woman who la< tahon
is regarded l»' other Semang women in much the same way as .1 mother without .1 wedding ring would be regarded in Europe.1
The patterns of the '• tahongs " differ but slightly inter se , according to the skill oi the men who engrave them. One of the lesser chiefs (Sna-hut) is in possession oi' the orthodox pattern, and is always in a
position, in case he is asked, to produce the accurate
design.1
The patterns given in the accompanying illustration are not, according to Vaughan- Stevens, altogether correct. He therefore supplies a commentary.8]
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 115. 2 //>.
3 The corrections run as follows : —
'• In 1 " there should he "a straight^
horizontal hand of double-lined, gableshaped figures, which do not run spirally round the hamhoo as in the case of No. 2. The ends should not he closed. In 2" there should be "four .if bands of double -lined, gable - shaped figures. In 3 " there should be 11 the same pattern as in the case of No. J ; only that there should be single-line figures instead of two. In 4 " there should be "a horizontal row of singleline figures (as in 3) as termination of the upper part of the pattern.
" In A" there should be "a cross-line of disc-shaped figures. B, These patterns should have right - angled hatching. C. The upper and under part of this pattern consists of different figures. The upper discs under the ring-like pattern resemble those of B ; those running down below A should wind in sinuous curves from one side to the other. D. The > three-cornered figures ought to be exactly opposite ; the disc-like figure at A ought to end at the centre of the angle. E. The exact number of the thick black chevrons on the vertical lines, as well as the adjacent short vertical strokes, is of no special consequence. F. The same pattern as in A, but in a vertical
direction ; the two middle ones are correct, and show what the rest ought to be. 6", II. Should have right-angled
hatching ; at //the right angles become larger as they approach the corners. /. These figures are exactly like those at By but above the disc -figure at A there should only be two figures, of which the lower is considerably longer than the upper. K. The crescentshaped figures should be one behind the other, so that the point of the upper is covered by the end of the lower one. L. A part of these figures should show right-angled cross-lines. M. These figures differ at the top and bottom, but all should be regular crosses. The lower figures should have the points of the inner square on the vertical margin-lines. N. The crosslines of these figures should be right- angled. 0. The pattern above the disc-pattern at A is incorrect. The gable-shaped, one-lined figure over the disc should be obliterated. The square lying uppermost should have above a one-lined, gable-shaped figure with a short one-lined under-piece, the other being triple-lined, forming a double strip, so as to pass into the second figure without any dividing line at the top of the second square. All other lines of the lower square are double. The third square must be extended towards
BURIAL BAMBOOS.1
[The " penitah " or burial bamboo is a bamboo tube covered with incised patterns which is buried with the deceased, whose soul is supposed to take it to the judgment throne of Kari. If the dead person has been very wicked in life, his tribal chief or Snahut, who alone is in a position to cut the patterns on the burial bamboo, refuses to do so, and the soul which, when interrogated by Kari, cannot produce its own burial bamboo is condemned. The power that the chief (Sna-hut) exercises in consequence of this belief is boundless.
The engraved patterns differ for these chiefs (Snahut) 2 according to the sex and age of the deceased ; that of the Sna-hut himself differing from those of the other members of the tribe. The Puttos or greater chiefs, too, had their own " penitah " pattern, but this is no longer known to any one. Vaughan- Stevens failed to obtain a detailed explanation of these patterns, and all he could make out was that the pattern assigned to the chiefs or Sna-hut had reference to their functions as medicine-men, and that it had been assigned to them by Pie and the greater chiefs or Puttos.
The burial bamboo of the men is always a larger and longer tube than that of the women. Formerly it always bore a name-mark ("chor"), but now it is usually made without any such distinction.3
The very different patterns which are in use for
A, in order that the space may be filled — Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 1 16. out." All this maybe true, but see, x Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 1 19-123.
however, remarks on p. 404 as to the 2 See illustrations (ib. p. 119).
essential irregularity of these patterns. 3 lb. p. 120. Cf. A in the illustrations.
;
Z
0 ~
—
—
A B
Vol. I. /. 461.
J 'anghan-St evens.
Tube ("Gor" and "Gar") Patterns, Plate I. (Z.j. E. xxxi. 1421.
, hap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK \6\
the grown women are believed to be the invention oi the goddess Simei.1
The l)in*i.'il bamboo is inserted in the dead man .
girdle. The expression tO "receive a priiitah " i
equivalent to u dying." l
The following is the list oi these burial bamboo collected by Vaughan-Stevens : —
(i) That of a Semang Sna-hut. I [eight 37 cm;
(2) That of a man. Height 40 cm. The hatching of the figure A is a name-sign ("chor").1
(3) That of a married woman. Height 35 cm/'
(4) That of a boy. Height 3 5 J, cm. That the two hatchings in the middle are to be regarded as name-signs is very probable, but this is not quite clear from the notes.0
(5) That of a girl. Height 38^ cm.7 (identical with "Gu" No. 2).]
BLOWPIPE PATTERNS.8
The list of the old blowpipe patterns was described by the Pangan as being practically complete, but plenty of modern ones certainly exist, to say nothing of other patterns of the quiver and charmtube types. The topmost line of the pattern of the latter always coincides with the upper edge of the bamboo, the lowest with the commencement of the peeled portion of the tube (muzzle-end or " chenelus "). The blowpipe patterns, on the other hand, with the exception of the first eight, were originally
1 V.-St. iii. 120. See accompanying 3 Ibid. p. 118. 4 Ibid. p. 119. illustration, which differs completely 5 Ibid. p. 120. 6 Ibid. p. 121. from the others — those of a man, a boy, "' Ibid. p. 123.
and a girl {q.v.). s Z. f. E. xxxi. 162-164. For list
2 Ibid. pp. 118, 121. of patterns, v. App.
462 DECORATIVE ART part n
taken from bamboo tubes, on which the patterns of the original blowpipes had been copied. The upper end of the design is always remote from the mouthpiece, i.e. from the bearer ; ' whereas the first panel or "was" end may, as already mentioned, be either above or below, and its exact position in each design will be given in accordance with Vaughan-Stevens' statements. No portion of this tube is peeled (" chenel-us "). Hence the uppermost and the lowest line in the design coincides exactly with the upper and lower extremities of the tube.2
[It is impossible to give so much space to the description of individual patterns as is done by Vaughan-Stevens. The reader must ascertain from the design on his own account the differences between the various pattern-bands, as well as the " peculiarities " of each individual band. For in these Semang patterns it is a cardinal feature that where a figure is repeated at intervals, there always occur some slight modifications (e.g. in the matter of the hatching, etc.) of the exact design. Hence the position only of any such peculiarities will be given. The number of the figures in any particular "row" or panel appears to be a matter of indifference, and to depend upon the
1 In making his corrections of the exaggerated demand for geometrical Semang drawings Vaughan - Stevens regularity, which the original patterns himself (as his editor quite rightly themselves never show, must awaken points out) is not free from errors. many doubts. It is true that so much Moreover, as to Vaughan-Stevens' ob- accuracy must be claimed for the observation that the Semang knew no rect patterns as may be necessary to semicircles, he himself allows that it keep all the manifold figures distinct, is extremely difficult for them to cut but in consequence of Vaughan-Stevens' curves on the bamboo, though semicir- insistence on "accuracy" one often cular curves are, in fact, very numer- asks one's self in vain, Does such and ous. One might perhaps expect that such a figure belong to the essence of a wild race should hesitate to attempt the pattern or not ? to draw semicircles, but the idea that 2 Z. f. E. xxxi. 163. For an exit "anxiously avoids" them is absurd, ception see, e.g., Nos. 5 and 7, com- and untrue as well. Moreover, this pared with the original blowpipes.
' r
'/ ■
■ ..'■
■ H
■/ :■
yk/A/A/A/A/i
wmmm
i
UlXllllllIll: Illllllll 1 i j 1 1 1:
I*
a
{EEEEEEFS*
^JILI'.I.SJ*
I-I f -I T T T -T -TT T T T T T T
AAJAA aa AA KJLkAAJu(
-10
l W. I. />. 462.
Vaughan-Stcvens.
Tube ("Gor" and "Gar") Patterns, Plate II. [Z.f.E. xxxi. 143. 1
[ AAAAA^AAAAA^g
AH
I 'avghiui-Stevcns.
Tube < " Gor " and "(;.\k"i Patterns, Plate HI. (Z.f.E. xxxi. 1441.
Vol. 1. t>. 46-,.
i HA, NEGRITOS OF PERAK
actual circumference ol the bamboo and similar circumstances. It is not always possible to tell whi figure is the real subject ol a panel. Where, however, nothing is said to the contrary, it may generally be taken to be the figure furthest to the left in each of the designs. Main panels, however, have only one pattern throughout, and hence an irregular figure
inside the same is no "peculiarity' in the alx> intended sense, and will only occasionally I)'- mentioned in the description.1 Between a u pecu- liarity" and such an irregularity there is a great difference from the Semang point of view (see No. 40). Besides these two there is a third kind of "deviation" or differentiation (see No. 96 and No. 112, etc.)." Where there are only spirals instead of the ring-lines, the exact position of both extremities relatively to the figures represented is always exactly determined. In the case of the repetition of figures in a band, the beginning or the end may occur either to the right or left or in immediate coincidence with one of the figures, the aforesaid " peculiarities " occurring relatively to a definite figure (see, e.g., spiral 2 in charm-tube M). T2 may perhaps be taken as an exception, as may be inferred from its design.]
The widths of the various pattern-bands or panels are not arbitrary, but stand in a certain fixed relationship to one another, very much as is shown by the designs. The exact width, however, of the central panel (when it is left free) is of no consequence, and hence the Semang generally commences to cut the pattern at the top and bottom first, and so gradually
1 Z.f.E.yloc.cit. It must therefore 2 In the designs, however, no
be presupposed that the differentiations difference can be seen between a
not mentioned by Vaughan - Stevens "peculiarity" and a mere " irre<ni-
belongto the class of mere irregularities. larity." See No. 45.
464 DECORATIVE ART part n
works towards the middle. On the other hand, the design for the central panel is usually the first part to be incised by way of a commencement. The various kinds of cross-lines have already been partially described in connection with the comb patterns.1 [The following rules, however, have also to be observed. The not uncommon figure a must never be hatched at the point of intersection.2 The right-angled crosslines are scarcely ever inserted, except where they can be given their full length (see figure b). Exceptions may, however, be seen in quiver A2, part 3, in 8 and 9, 1 1 and 1 2 (lines counted from the left). Special attention should be given to the cross-lines of two pairs of parallel lines in and about the space formed by their intersection (see, for instance, figure b, as well as quiver O, quiver Q, parts 3, 4, and 6). To these should be added many other kinds of cross-lines which help to produce a difference in the patterns (e.g. parallel and slanting cross-lines). The effect of these will become evident through a closer consideration of the designs. Their number is usually quite arbitrary.] Very short strokes have the same significance as dots : they are produced by means of a blunt-pointed knife (see, e.g., No. 24). The broad black stripes and figures of the designs here given are produced in the originals by peeling the part and colouring it black.3
Classification of the Patterns?
If the general arrangement of the blowpipe patterns is compared with that of the quivers and
1 See Z. f. E. xxv. 85. nately only too typical of the hair-
2 These so-called " rules " — to taboo splitting character of much of Vaughanthe cross-hatching of a point, and to Stevens' work.
say that a line may only be inserted 3 Z.f.E. xxxi. 164.
when there is room for it — are unfortu- 4 Ibid. pp. 147-159.
XXX
urn
;,. . .
/NIAVAV r
AA_ TTT
/ava ma -
AA /A/A A/A
a;
XXY
iiiimiiiMin uiuuiumu..
¥ //
VVV
K>XOX
^ W.' w 1 AAA
\y\T-r
£/
^
/7
Tu
/ 'augJian-Stczens.
be ("Gor" and "Gar") Patterns, Plate IV. (Z./.E. xxxi. 145.
Vol. I. /. 465.
I raughan-Stt vens.
Tube t " Gok " and "Gar") Patterns, Plate V. [Z.f.E. xxxi. 1481.
chap, ix VSGRITOS OF PERAh
charm-tubes, their similarity is evident, in spite ol the differences between the individual patterns.1 '1 he
Semang themselves appear tO classify both kinds Ol patterns in the same general groups, and although this grouping was frequently undertaken by wid<l\
different members of the race, it has always remained
essentially the same, even though the assigning ol individual figures tO particular classes may have varied. In the case of the blowpipe illustrations Vaughan- Stevens has adopted this classification, though in the case of the "go' ' and "ga'' he has only occasionally referred to it.'2
The blowpipe patterns, called " tenwad," maybe separated into two types — (a) that of the majority, which, as possessing ring-lines, have each band or panel of figures separated from the next, and (6) those which have these lines at the extremities alone (see, for instance, Nos. 18, 21, 23, 44). In the first class, subdivision I A (see, for instance, Nos. 29, 30, 36) contained the chief " motive " in the central portion (called " betud "), just as the combs contained the pattern representing the Disease in the central panel, and above and below this came alternate rows or bands of figures and ring-lines. Whereas, however, on the combs the central (or Disease-pattern) is
1 Vaughan - Stevens here expresses "go'" as dart - quivers. Cf. also himself thus: "Others (sc. designs) V.-St. iii. 136. This is due to the fact could not be reduced (sc. to ' sumpitan ' that V. -Stevens evidently found no real size), and consequently are retained difference of pattern between the " go' " as ' gor ' or « gar.' " Thus " go' " and and the " ga'," whilst his account of the " gay so far as the derivation of the development of the arrow-quiver (" cha- "cha-nam-pah-i" is concerned, are used nam-pah-i ") rests upon tradition alone, without distinction. See below, where 2 Of the following classes IE to V. -Stevens, after comparison of the IG there appears at all events in "sumpit" and "go"' patterns, declares the "go"' and "ga"' a much more that the " cha-nam-pah-i " is developed limited number than on the blowout of a "go'." In another place pipes. For Class IIA and IIBofthe V. -Stevens includes the " ga' " with the " go'," see below.
VOL. I 2 H
466 DECORATIVE ART part 11
of relatively great width, the corresponding central panel of the blowpipes frequently seems to be narrow.1 [Subdivision IB of the same class has an empty space in the centre corresponding to that to be seen in quivers Li, F2, etc., whereas a space of this kind does not occur on the combs. This characteristic is one of a kind that does not usually strike the eye. When, indeed, the design of the long charm -tube (" ga' ") was adapted to the shorter portion of the blowpipe-tube (" cha-nam-pah-i "), the meaningless blank centre space, the existence of which was only due to the rule that the pattern must cover the entire bamboo, was either altogether omitted or reduced to the space between two ring- lines. If any one wished to make the intervals between the ring-lines as wide as the vacant middle space (see, for instance, No. 56), there would be no rule to hinder him, but only custom. Hence it is difficult to know whether any particular figure belongs to this class,*2 and Vaughan-Stevens himself was doubtful how to classify No. 75 until a Semang cut the design for him on a charm-tube (" ga' "), leaving the open space in the centre. It belongs, therefore, to the same type as No. 56, except that the latter blowpipe pattern may be classified with yet another group on account of the dotted lines of the design, as we shall see. Since the vacant centre space in No. 75 was only
1 Z.f.E.y I.e. 152. Only comb 20G does not appear to be any precise rule,
has also a small, scarcely prominent as other variations are also admissible, central panel {Z.f. E. xxv. 94). Hence 2 Confusion with class IA is especi-
it is frequently impossible to establish ally easy because of the want of pro-
the"betud." minence given to the " betud. " Again,
Of the remaining panels there may the non-multiplication of the ring-lines
be either four above and three below, ("kening-uin "), which one would
or three above and two below, or in expect to find there upon the omission
the case of a long "cha-nam-pah-i," of the vacant centre space, does not
five above and five below. But there point to the omission.
I'ol. I. />. 466.
Tube ("Gor" and "Gar") Patterns, Plate VI. (z.
Vaugh
[Z.f. E. xxxi. 14c, i.
*.. .•"•■'.■.:"•..'• ••..•'■..•'
T '•. ."T .-". .-._
'^1 i ^ ^
Specimens of "Sumpit" Patterns, Plate VII. (Z.f. E. xxxi. 150
l 'ol. I. p. 467.
I'aughan- Stevens.
(MM'. I\
NEGRITOS Ob PERAK
'-7
bounded on each side by a ring line, there was no indication when 1 1 1 < - space was omitted. Blank panels in general sure called "picheg," with tin- name for the panel in question prefixed.*]
This class IB is used lor protection against any
form of epidemic, whether severe or light.1 In another
place, however, Vaughan-Stevens restricts the patterns
employed against epidemics to a special subdivision of Class 1 B, On this point he says that a Disease which we should call an epidemic, and which, though it only appears occasionally, attacks all or many at the same time {eg. influenza, small-pox, and cholera), is signified by Nos. 96, 10 1, 105, 109 of the blowpipe patterns and by quiver H2, in which cases a design (usually, but not always, of identical form for both halves) fills the entire space, and is only divided into two parts in the centre by means of ring-lines. The upper half is for the men, the lower half for the women. This class, moreover, is not represented upon the combs, since the Disease attacks both sexes equally. No. 97 at first sight appears an exception, but the single black cross-line of the lower half is not a ring-line, since these are invariably at least drawn in pairs.4
[Apart from these two subdivisions, there is a yet further subdivision of the first type.5 IC is of avail against Diseases which appear at different times and in different forms and in different parts of the body.]
1 See the previous note. Z.f. E.,/.c.i$2. Cf. ' ■ was picheg " on the combs {Z.f. E. xxv. 81).
3 But the Diseases against which the " ga' " and " go' " patterns (which possess a vacant centre space) are said to prevail are not epidemics.
4 Loc. cit. 153. Cf. also L II.
6 In what follows Classes IC and
ID appear to be arranged under I A ; IE and IF, on the other hand, as far as externals go, are not precluded from being grouped with Classes IA and IB {cf. No. 56.). IG shows, moreover, an approach to Class II., in respect of the general arrangement of the patterns (see Nos. 73, 77, S8).
468 DECORA TI VE A R T vx r t i i
A number of short pillar-like figures with other figures near one another in the central space are specially characteristic of this class of pattern. These more general charms are called " bihe " (" beehay ").] Above and below the central space are to be found spaces containing yet other figures. The blowpipe design No. 127 2 is an example; it corresponds to quivers Ai to A4, and also to combs 28A and 31.
In subdivision ID the spaces separated by the ring-lines, including the central space, are filled with an essentially identical figure.
The dotted designs or " pichod " were divided by the Semang into two groups, which Vaughan-Stevens distinguishes as simple and compound. In answer to his question why these designs, especially those in which there were only a few rows of dotted figures, were not classified with the designs which resembled them in arrangement, he was told that they were quite another kind of charm (" tankor " = Mai. " tangkal "?).i Class IE, a simple series of dotted figures, protects the owner against slight external injuries, and the complicated pattern IF against more serious ones. This latter was formerly cut by the Sna-hut themselves.
Finally, there is subdivision IG, of which the narrow bands or spaces, enclosed between one or several groups of ring-lines, contain double cross-lines. Those with single cross-lines are special marks of Class I.4
1 Cf. the Semang name " bie " bands above or below the central space
("beay") — which means "two" — (see No. 127) although included by
for the seventh space of the comb Vaughan-Stevens under IC.
pattern. 3 A talisman or amulet — dotted
- In the following table, however, figures appear to a small extent in all
No. 127 is introduced by V.-St. under classes, e.g. 95, 118, 125, etc.
I A, and Nos. 121 and 123 have no 4 Loc. cit. 157.
I
'''V'X i'f y'h. > »'
W {?>!
±9
X \AAA»
S6.
r55
■#
Vauzhan-St
Specimens of "Sumpit" Patterns, Plate VIII. {Z.f. E. xxxi. 151).
/ W. /. /. 468
mnriF,
xzxmp ; :
!»?
6i
n
nr
WWWfe '.,■'.. ...
VtaPfesiWtxiPfe
•v. .:•:'•. 2
7/
06A
Z
7f
IS
#&#$
zzz
.-• ■•■*•■ •■ >ys^~
i^VAVAN J ^a&nJ^iy
ySflT
7f
rf°xg»»<^.
- i^^r
zz:
III"!"'""" -
JFMW&
M«««<t"<<<
w^lk
fj%£&\
^in%p^%
S3
Vattehan-Stevens.
Specimens of "Sumpit" Patterns, Plate IX. [Z.f. E. xxxL 1541.
chap, ix NEGRITOS OF PERAK
[The csscnti.il Features oi this i lass, as declared b the great chiefs, are as Follows :
(i) The number and position of the ring-line
(2) The figure-rows or bands ol the "wis and
" pawer," as well as the I )is<\i'.<- pattern in all I .1 < and in some liibe-ligures. The ring-lines denote, in inverse proportion to their number, the seriousness or otherwise of the Disease in question.1 The tradition that the Putto only gave these rings as charms to protect the owner against lightning ' appears, however, to be an exception to this rule.
A few remarks may here be made with reference to the representation of these ring-lines. Three such parallel ring-lines when in combination [are called "keng-uin" or " kening-uin," but the ring-line proper is the middle line a, which should, however, be accompanied by both the others.3 The two outside lines are also ring-lines, and form the usual dividing band or border between each row of figures on the bamboos.4 If these two latter are compared to a full stop, the single line would represent a comma. The three lines appear in many drawings, but like the double, triple, and quadruple spiral ring-lines, the double/' barred,6 and doubly barred 7 ring-lines are employed in place of the original
1 In this case the shorter blowpipe dangerous, but which at the same time patterns as compared with the longer may be averted by charms, whilst the "go"' patterns must invariably re- upper line represents the harmless, the present more serious illnesses, since the lower the most terrible, which cannot ring-lines of the former are relatively be averted. Sic Vaughan- Stevens (iii. smaller in number than those of the 136). Cp. p. 400, //. I.
latter. This, however, is most im- 4 E.g. in " go'," O and T2. Spiral
probable. lines and rings are also used in com-
2 On the arrow - quivers and on bination as dividing lines of patterns, '•go'," A, see Vaughan-Stevens, iii. e.g. in " go'," A2.
136, and illustrations. 5 E.g. No. 117.
3 It corresponds to the sort of ° E.g. No. 99. lightning which is, to some extent, 7 E.g. No. 73.
47o DECORATIVE ART part 11
patterns, perhaps as a new kind of distinguishing mark, when the same figure has been specialised to such an extent that it is difficult to invent new variations. No one, however, knows now why the great chiefs originally chose these forms.
Again, a fundamental difference may be distinguished by observing whether the " was " (the upper figure) reaches to the edge of the bamboo (as in No. 79 and in quiver O), or whether a vacant space is left separated by one or more horizontal lines (as in No. 51 and in quiver P). The edge-line above the " was " plays the same part in the patterns of these tubes ("go'" and "ga'") as it did in the case of the combs, the only difference being that above the " was " there may be one or two bands of ringlines. This refers to the lower border and to the " mos "-line. The fact that the quiveriand blowpipe patterns show these same distinguishing characteristics, is supported by the assertion that the shorter portion of the blowpipe-tube (" cha-nam-pah-i ") was originally derived from a quiver pattern.1
The second class of these patterns contains two further subdivisions. The one (HA) goes with comb pattern 25 D, the Disease connected with which always terminates fatally except when averted by the patterns. Here, too, belong, e.g., Nos. 107, 112, 115, all of which are without the vertical lines which divide the entire pattern. In the second subdivision which possesses these vertical lines (I IB) the Disease is one which may cause death. The corresponding comb patterns are 25 A and 25 B. So, too, in the quivers both classes are present and both exhibit patterns either with or without the vertical lines referred to.
1 Z.f. E. xxxi. 157, 158.
M
W
tlXW
y V\V
SIS
8'G
IS aa :
S/A /A/A\ a
/AV/ AVA - AA
#*-
/ ~<>/. i. p. 470.
tor
Vaugkan-St evens.
Specimens of "Sumpit" Patterns, Plate X. (Z.f.E. xxxi. 155
m
i%i
12J5
J 'a tighan- Stevens.
Specimens of "Sumpit" Pattern.-, Plate XL {/../. E. xxxi. 156).
Vol. 1. />. 471.
M
Hah
Sakai I [airpins, Perak.
SAKA1 ( OMBS, l'l- u \K.
Hah
Sakai Combs, Perak.
Vol I. />■ 470-
IV'
Hale ( 'olfaction.
Bamboo Vessels used hv Perak Sakai.
Hale Collection. QUIVEK USED BY PERAK SAKAI.
Hale Collection.
Bamboo Vessels used hv Pkkak Sakai.
/ 'ol. I . p. 471.
CHAP. I\
SAKA1 Oh PERAK
47'
For instance, HI* is represented in quiver Pi, Si, and Xi; but Vaughan - Stevens was not able to obtain a pattern o!' IIA. The significance ol the patterns with regard to the course of the disea e is the same as that o\ the blowpipes. In both subdivisions tin- same figures may occur, although they
arc usually made smaller in 1 1 B than in IIA. The chief difference does not lie in the form of the figures,
hut in their general arrangement.1]
If these charm patterns, no matter of what class, are not worn till after the Disease has got a foothold, they do not help. In that case a decoction of the materials denoted by the figures" must be drunk by the patient. This rule applies alike to the patterns of combs, quivers, charm-tubes, and blowpipes.
II. — Sakai.
We shall now consider the designs on some musical instruments of the kind called " tuntong " (or, I think, more correctly, " tuang-tuang "), this being the only form of the decorative work of the Sakai that appears to have been studied by Vaughan-Stevens.
1 Z.f.E. xx \i. 1 58. In fact, however, there are in I IB quite different figures to those which are grouped under IIA, at least in the case of the blowpipe, and in Class IIB there is no sign of any special smallness of the figures.
The 129 patterns of the blowpipes are divided in the following way into the classes described : —
IA. 5, 13, 28, 30, 35, 36, 51, 53, 54, 61, 66, 67, 71, 76, 78, 82, Ss, 86, 87, 90, 92, 94, 100, 103, 104, 11 1, 124, 126, 127.
IB. 2, 7, 27, 34, 68, 84, 96, 97, 101, 102, 105, 109, 113, 116-118.
IC. 14, 121, 123.
ID. 8-10, 16, 20, 25, 33, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52, 58, 60, 63, 7o, 72, 74, 75. So. 99, 106, 108, 125.
IE. 11, 15, 17, 19, 26, 29, 31, 32, 39, 48, 55-57, 62, 66A, 79, 81, 85, 120.
IF. 12, 24, 38, 40, 43, 59, 64, 65, 69, 89, 93.
IG. 73, 77, 88, 91, 95, 119.
IIA. 1, 3, 4, 6, 22, 107, 112, 114, 115.
IIB. 18, 21, 23, 44, 98, no, 122, 128.
- Naturally it is quite different in the case of the fatal disease of Class IIA. Cf. Z.f.E. xxv. 81, 83.
STAMPER (" TUANG-TUANG ") PATTERNS.1
These "tuang-tuangs" were bamboo tubes closed at one end by the natural node or joint, but open at the other. They were decorated with magical designs, and were employed in the magic ceremonies of the Sakai. Two of these instruments were generally used together, and being held one in each hand were struck upon the ground from time to time in such a way as to produce musical notes. The account given by Vaughan-Stevens of the specimens he succeeded in obtaining is as follows : —
Bamboo No. 1 .2
[The explanation of the first of the patterns was that if the bamboo were held with the knot downwards, the two figures represented at the bottom would be seen to be those of a man and a boy, both of them in a sitting or rather in a squatting posture.
This explanation must be taken for what it may be worth, though Vaughan-Stevens adds that his Sakai informant showed him the exact posture that the bottom design was intended to represent, viz. that of a man (as has been said) in a squatting position, with the right leg drawn up and the right knee resting upon the knee of the left leg.
The line of chevrons just above this lowest design is explained as being formed by the angles of the boy's knee and ankle, which motives are repeated all round the bamboo in a continuous band (B).
So far, the explanation of this pattern appears to
1 For list, v. App. The same criticism 2 Z.f. E. xxvi. 146. Length of the
applies here as at p. 411, ;/. 2. original bamboo, 42 cm.
/ ravghan-
Bamboo Xo. i. — Charm Pattern of unknown use (For explanation see text, i
Original length. 4^ cm.
Vol. I. /• 472.
_
SS^^SS^^x-^^^^xx-^^^
Bl
7}nrnnmim7nmmn7mr/MWM/////^^^^^
f
u :
£ 'HT'nr-as*'
mm. ix SAKA1 OF PERAK 473
be the least convincing ol the series, there being no discernible reason for distinguishing this chevron from
any other. |
At C (Vaughan-Stcvens continues) is represented
a long fish-fence with a trap or "wed' in a river (Mai. " serok "), the wavy line in the centre representing the movements of a fish in the water. 1 he clotted straight line at C2 represents the posts of the fish- fence as seen from above. The other three parts are angles of the fish-fence. At D (Vaughan- Stevens was told) a man warming his hands at the fire was represented, the fingers of his two hands being intertwined, the figure thus produced forming the sign for " fire." But this explanation is not very convincing, and of the rest of the pattern no explanation whatever could be obtained.1
Bamboo ATo. 2.'1
Fig. 7. — The wizards' staff proper was a crooked bamboo. The one figured contains a charm against the vampire, apes (i.e. epileptic attacks), and the Argus pheasant (i.e. madness). On the uppermost internode is represented the figure of a house or rather perhaps fence (such as that already mentioned).
A ''vampire," according to the view of the Sakai, is not a demon — even though it is incidentally so called — but a being of Mesh and blood. The apedemon and the Argus-pheasant demon (" kuang ") are distinguished from it by the fact that the demons can come through walls and hedges, which the vampire cannot do. The dots near the figure of the fence
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 146. - Ibid. pp. 167-172.
474 DECORATIVE ART part ir
represent the upper extremities of the posts forming the fence, as seen from above. The projections at A in the fence pattern represent the feet of the vampire, and hence, indirectly, the vampire itself. The double row of dots running between the fence figures represents the vampire's loin-cloth or " chawat." ]
The next row shows (at B — B) the " seven bamboos " of the " Tabong " legend," which form a favourite subject for representation. Between these seven bamboos (all separate) there now remain the following alternate figures: (i) a bamboo -leaf or leaves, pointing upwards ; (2) the vampire's wings ; (3) a bamboo-leaf or several leaves, pointing downwards ; (4) clouds ; (5) the vampire's wings and body ; (6) a bamboo-leaf, pointing downwards ; (7) clouds.
The next division shows the figures on the feathers of the Argus ; the scale-shaped figure which is shown beside it in the illustration representing the scales on the feet of the bird. The fourth division contains the eyes on the feathers of the Argus pheasant's tail. The fifth division represents clouds, which, like the vampire, are emblematic of nocturnal life. The sixth division again shows the eyes on the tail-feathers of the Argus.
The seventh division represents the elbows of the ape, as emblematic of an entire ape. The dots shown above at C are the dots on the blowpipe-dart, and help to distinguish the figure from others, such as the elbow of an ape.
The broad stripes produced by stripping off the skin in the eighth division again represent bamboo stems.3
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 170. is possible that Vaughan - Stevens
2 This will be found in vol. ii. pp. may have fallen into some trap 213, 214. through misunderstanding his in-
3 Ibid. p. 171. Here again it formants.
chap, ix sakai OF PERAK 475
The figures in this field are: (1) a bamboo; (2) the vampire's claws, the double ro* oi dots between the claws again representing the "chawaf (or "vampir* loin-cloth); (3) a bamboo; (4) clou< (5) a bamboo; (6) the wings of the Argus pheasant; (7) a bamboo; (8) clouds; (9) a bamboo; (10) the vampire, hanging downwards; (11) a bamboo; (12)
clouds.
The lowest part of the stem of the instrument represents clouds and stars, as emblems of night, during which the demons are especially active.
It is with a musical instrument of this kind that the magician conducts the ceremony, his pupil meanwhile sitting behind him with painted bamboos, of which those portrayed at A and B are specimens. The one marked A is 48 cm. long, and has a diameter of 5 cm. ; B is 56 cm. long, and has a diameter of 3-A- cm. The patterns with which they are painted are given again unrolled at the side of this text, from a pattern made for Vaughan-Stevens himself.1
[These particular bamboos were said to represent in general the oldest form of this instrument. The figure marked A was said to show the hot fingermarks of Tuhan impressed upon the bamboo by way of ornament, while the seven bamboos are again said to be denoted by the peeled stripes.] From its shape the object at A must represent the chief bamboo at a " tuang-tuang " ceremony, and B the second one. The figures portrayed on the second bamboo represent two sorts of rattan, called respectively " riong " (or 11 rayong " ?) and " butong " (? " betong "), which play an important part in the preparation of the Pangan
1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 171.
476 DECORATIVE ART pari 11
arrow-poison. The figure is an ordinary representation of rattan ; the interval representing the tree round which the rattans climb. The repetition of the figures indicates multiplicity.
These two bamboos do not form a pair, but came from quite different localities. Vaughan - Stevens, however, adds that up to the time of writing he had not seen a painted pair really used. The shorter of the two is always held in the right hand.1
Of the many existing patterns of these instruments Vaughan-Stevens only succeeded in getting specimens of the following : —
Fig. 8. A charm to be used by men as a protection against scorpions and millipedes.
Fig. 9. Against mice and squirrels.
Fig. 10. Against ants.
Fig. 11. Against a skin-disease.
Fig. 12. Against the collapsing of houses.
Fig. 13. Unexplained.
Fig. 14. Against millipedes, a charm intended for the use of women engaged in searching for the fruit of the " salak "-palm.
Fig. 15. Against spiders supposed to be venomous.
Fig. 16. Against fish armed with poisonous spines.2
Fig. 1 7. Against animals which destroy the riceharvest.
Fig. 18. Against drought.
The first two of the following illustrations are taken from copies of designs incised upon bamboo staves by a Sakai who refused to part with the originals. The rest are originals.
Fig*. 8. — In the centre of the pattern is seen a
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 172. 2 E.g. "sembilang" fish.
, hap, ix SAKA1 OF PERAK 477
male Argus pheasant (" kuang ") with its two long tail-feathers covered with '*<\ The wheel ihaped
in. irks at A represent these "«< ., ' the di .< shaped
marks at l> its wings. To the left oi this bird is
portrayed a long, reddish -yellow millipede, its head
looking in the direction of the Argus's tail. The dotted lines running parallel to the millipede on its
right and left represent the tracrs that it lea
behind on the flesh of any person whom it attacks.
To the right of the Argus are shown two blue scorpions in the act of approaching each other. The object confronting each of their stings represents the swelling that forms in the flesh of any person stung by them. The female of this kind of scorpion is considered more poisonous than the male, and is said to produce double perforations when it stings.1 Hence the double row of dots at C denotes the effect of the female's sting, the single row at D the sting of the male.
The original pattern was incised upon one of these bamboo " tuang-tuang," and the interpretation given to Vaughan- Stevens was that, " since the Argus pheasant lives on scorpions and millipedes, its help is summoned against them by striking this bamboo upon the ground.'"2
Fig\ 9 (a copy like Fig. 8).3 — The illustration shows three rows of designs, separated by lines, which ran completely round the original bamboo. The man who copied this drawing for Vaughan -Stevens took only a half-stem instead of the whole, because it was easier to hold on the knee while the figures were being incised with the chopper ("parang ").
1 This distinction, perhaps, maybe 2 Z.f.E. xxvi. 173. For more con-
due to a tradition of the double-stinged ventionalised Argus patterns, v. Fast. scorpion. Mai. 17-26. 3 Ibid. pp. 174, 175.
47S DECORATIVE ART part ii
The central row is of special interest, as it shows how the Sakai draw elevations as ground-plans. The central figure represents a Sakai house, the structure being raised on posts and lashed together with rattan. The floor of these houses is raised, as a rule, two or three feet above the earth, is of split bamboo, and a roughly made wooden ladder leads up to it ; the interior is divided by a partition made of split bamboo slivers, tree-bark, or leaves. One of the rooms thus formed (at the back) serves as a bedroom for the married inmates, the other (the front one) being set aside for cooking purposes, as well as for sitting in, and for the reception of guests. At one end of this front room is a small square wooden box, which is filled up with earth to form the hearth. The two gable-ends of the roof are filled in with palmleaves (" atap ") fastened to light slats to prevent the rain from entering. The sides of the house consist of upright sticks, with horizontal cross-pieces, to which latter palm -leaves are fastened as before. Thus the drawing is to be explained as follows : —
A is the track leading to the house.
B is the house-ladder.
C1 the cooking-room.
C2 the sleeping-room.
D a doorway (without door).
E the partition.
F the hearth or fireplace.
G the side walls (except the front one).
H H the palm-thatched gables of the roof.
J the back gable-end.
The lowest panel with the dotted lines represents a rice-field (" padi ") near the house.1
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 175.
I
^ <o
«
5*r
^-.. •:.■■■■ .^/V
R3
Wj
Fig. 12. — Hut-Building Charm (to facilitate collection of materials]
Original width. 72 cm.
/ Taughan-Stevens. Fig. 13. — Charm for Driving away Demons.
Original width, 71 cm.
< map. ix SAKA1 < >/■ PERAh
in ilit* upper panel .uc represented at Fig. i the rice-stamper which the Sakai, like the Malays, use for pounding rice out oi the husk (a) is the rice mortar, (/>) the trestles supporting the rice stamper, (c) and (</)
the stamper as il falls into the mortar, and (r) the extremity of the stamper.
Fig, 9 portrays a tortoise ; Fig. 3 a frog.
Fig. 4 is the sieve used lor winnowing the rice
when pounded.
Fig, 5 represents a mouse ; Fig. 6 a squirrel —
recognisable by its bushy tail.
The entire design is a rain-charm, the effect of the rain being symbolised by a tortoise and frog, which enter the rice-field, the mice and squirrels which come after the rice (when it is already gathered in) being expelled thereby.
Fig-. 10. — Original drawing of a " tuang-tuang." l
The seven long stripes, where the outer cuticle of the bamboo has been peeled off, represent the seven bamboos already mentioned.2 The figures at A stand for a house-floor (an abbreviated symbol or emblem standing for the whole house.) The dots at the bottom represent the hearth.
At B are shown the bristles of a wild pig, which are introduced as symbolising game that has been slain and brought home. At D is the pig's carcase. At C are the ants which devour its flesh ; and at E the nest in which they live.
The general design is intended to keep the ants at a distance, and the bamboo that bears it is very often given into the charge of one of the children, who proceeds to strike it upon the house - floor whenever there is boar-flesh about, if ants are seen
1 Z. / £. xxvi. 177. - Cf. Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 129.
approaching. The Sakai believe that the hollow sound of the bamboo, together with the vibration of the floor-timbers struck by the instrument, will drive away the insects.1
Fig*. 11. — Original drawings of a " tuang-tuang " intended for protecting the person against two forms of skin-disease, one of which produces white leprouslike ulcers, and the other hard knobs on and under the skin. To take the bottom of the picture first (the open end of the bamboo being uppermost) — at A are shown a number of frog-holes in the banks of a river. The dots and lines represent these holes as they appear in the soft mud, some (at A) being under water, others (at B) above it. Above this figure, from which it is separated by a ring-line, are portrayed (at B) a number of frogs' legs, which are introduced as an abbreviated symbol of the frogs themselves, completely conventionalised. Above these frogs (at C) are a number of elliptical figures, said to represent rows of ant-heaps.
Other objects represented by these figures are (i) a Disease 3 whose effect is compared to the biting of ants, and (2) the torso of a victim of the Disease referred to.
Out of the ground (at D) grow creepers, which are represented (by means of interlaced lines) as climbing round the stems of trees, the short horizontal strokes between the interlacing figures symbolising the stems of the lianas. The still shorter strokes on the outer side of the interlaced creepers show if they are prickles and thorns, or (when they are mere dots)
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 176. 2 lb. pp. 1-77-179.
3 Probably Mai. " semut-semutan," or " cramp," lit. the " creeping of ants.'"
CHAT. I\
SAKA1 OF PERAK
the claw marks ol animals on the baric1 Directly under the nut; line, which divides this panel from the one above it, >"<' to be seen, between the lianas, four minute figures (numbered i t<> 4) which arc said to represent a bird, a butterfly, a caterpillar, and a tr frog respectively. The panel (E) above the ring-line represents various stages in the growth of a tn Reading this from right to left, we commence with the broad black stripe signifying the leafless treetrunk. To the left of this there follow live similar figures, which represent fully developed leaves. 1" the left of this again is a black stem, with leaf-drawing on the right side only ; these represent the young and undeveloped leaves at the top of the tree. Returning to the right of the panel, we come to a black stem with zigzag figures (yy) on each side of it ; these zigzag lines represent twigs.
The cross-hatched figure to the left of this latter stem (2 2) represents the extremity of the creepers (which are shown in the panel next below), and signifies that these creepers, starting from the ground, have reached the topmost branches of the tree.2
Still further to the left (next to the stem with the branches) is represented the topmost shoot of the tree with its leaves still undeveloped. The lower part of the tree is of some interest.
The broad part of the stem is portrayed by peeling off a thin strip of the outer cuticle of the bamboo.
1 In the German original, a sentence a case would necessarily run in a vert:-
here follows to the effect that the short cal direction instead of a horizontal
cross - strokes between each pair of one.
creepers represent two lines of ants, 2 Z.f. E. xxvi. 178. Some of V. -St. 's
which are portrayed as running up and explanations in this and the following
down the creepers. This statement, ten pages seem far-fetched, and should
however, conflicts with what goes im- be received with caution. He gives no
mediately before, as the strokes in such localities.
VOL. I 2 I
482 DECORATIVE ART part n
This treatment, however, is only continued up to a certain point, and then the stem shrinks suddenly together to a single line ; this is to signify the diminution in size of the tree towards the top. Above this panel there is a repetition of the pattern already described at C, but in this case the three rows of the pattern are explained as representing the spots on the skin caused by the Disease, these spots being described as resembling " melon-seeds," and as breaking out upon the head, the body, and the feet, thus necessitating the three rows of the pattern.
The topmost panel (above the one just described) represents fish-scales, which signify the leprous scales caused by the Disease, and which are again repeated in three rows, corresponding as before to the head, body, and feet of the patient. They are multiplied in order to denote that if not cured they will gradually spread over the whole body. Near the right extremity of this panel are to be seen a number of dots on the scales ; these are meant to signify the last stage of the disease, which is marked by incurable ulcers out of which blood comes. They are said to resemble the sores which come from wounds inflicted by the poisonous spines of a kind offish.1
The entire design is a survival of a charmpattern which was employed by the ancient Sakai magicians.2
Fig. 12. — Pattern of a " tuang-tuang " resembling Fig. ii, the open end of the bamboo being in this case at the bottom.3
1 There can, I think, be no doubt sented, too, may quite possibly rewhatever, from what I myself saw of semble the " bidara pahit," which small-pox on the east coast, and from the east coast Malays employ in their what I remember of native descriptions ceremonies for warding off the attacks of the symptoms, that this pattern was of the Small-pox Demon, a small-pox charm. The tree repre- 2 Z.f. E. xxvi. 179. 3 Ibid.
< map. ix SAKA1 OF PI RAh
I he hatching in the lowt Bf panel represem i the
wall oi a house, .is symbolising tin- house itself. I he figures A A sure partially burn! trees, which have remained standing alter the Felling and burning ol -» clearing. To the left <>t these trees (at B) is a
yroung " bertam "-palm leal placed upright (in its
natural position). At C is shown a branch or treestem forked at both ends, stems of this kind being used as props or trestles.
The next three figures to tile left of these are also " beriam "-leaves (one upright and two upside down), the upright ones representing the central or inner leaves of the palm, and the remaining pair the outer ones (which are forced outwards and downwards as the inner ones expand). At D there follows a tree (either blown down by the wind, or perhaps uprooted by human agency), which is shown lying ready for its stem to be split.
At E we have a leaf of the " langkap "- (Licuala) palm, such as is sometimes used for thatching in substitution for " bertam " (Eugeissona). Above this are drawings which symbolise house-building material.
a. This represents a creeper in full leaf. Whenever this creeper (which is used for the house-lashings) is pulled down from the top of the tree up which it has climbed, it falls in coils on the ground. These are symbolised by the duplication of the lower part of the figure.1
b. Left of this is the figure at b ; the lower part of which represents a kind of rough ladder by means of which the roof (of the half-built house) can be reached; half-way up comes a break showing the place where the roof is joined on, and above that we
1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 179.
484 DECORATIVE ART pari ii
see the roof-timbers, which serve here as a substitute for the ladder by which the ridge of the gable is reached.
c. The figure at c (representing the roof-frame ?) is in contact with the roof (6) ; the lower half represents the thatch-work (" atap ") of " bertam "-leaves.
d. Two rattans (cane-creepers) intertwined (together with their leaves) are seen at d (cf. Fig. 13).
e. At e we have rude steps which are ascended by the worker when he wishes to detach the rattans from the summits of the trees.
f. Joined to the thatch at f are small figures symbolising the freshly cut leaf and the slat of thatch made out of it.
g. The figure at g represents a long zigzag path, the windings of which denote the obstacles round which the cut " ataps " have to be carried in the jungle before they can be brought to their destination.
The complete design is a charm to assist the builder of a house in finding and using the materials he requires.
Fig. 13. — The tradition explaining the origin of this pattern is now, alas ! no longer current, and for each of the figures two different versions were given. This bamboo had descended from father to son for three generations, and was universally recognised as a charm - pattern intended to drive away demons seeking shelter on cold nights in the warm upper story or loft in the roof. The various figures of the pattern were still universally recognised — with the exception of some about which nothing certain was known, and which were only retained in accordance with ancient custom. All that could be remembered with regard to the tradition of this
- II A I'. IX
SAKA1 OF PERAK 4«S
pattern was that it was connected in some way with the " tabong " legend. Beginning at the open end of the bamboo, the second important figure was the rattan creeper, but the significance of the numero triangular figures could not be made out. Only in
one respect was opinion unanimous. The rattan re
ferred to shows fruit and leaves, and a whip will be seen in the same figure. Hence the conventional
forms of the rattan depend iii each case upon the i which is to be made of it.1
Fig. 14. — This is the original pattern ' of a " tuangtuang" which is sounded by those who are about to collect the acid fruit of the " nipah- " or thatch-palm (as well as that of a similar sort of palm called " k'lubi asam " in Malay) before entering the swamp in which they grow. These particular fruits are employed as spices by the Sakai. The palms in question resemble the " bertam "-palm in being stemless. The leaves grow out of the ground in a great tuft, and the rootclump itself, swelling gradually as the plant gets older, forms a small hillock in the swampy ground. These hillocks are full of scolopendra attracted by the fruit, which always grows upon a thick stem, suspended only a few centimetres above the surface of the ground. Because of these scolopendra the women are not allowed, as a rule, to pick the fruit, which is the business of the men.
The figures depicted at a in the top panel of the design are the typical " frogs'-leg " pattern, which are said to be always used as the symbol ofa" swamp."
The fact that the figures are represented both at the top and the bottom signifies that the entire region where the fruit grows is swampy. The panel marked
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 181. 2 Ibid. pp. 182, 183. 3 Nipa fruiicans.
^ represents the interlacing of palm -leaves amid vegetation of such luxuriance that a passage has to be cut through it with a chopper (" parang"). At each side of the pattern a simple zigzag line (b b) runs upwards. This represents a series of scattered root-hillocks belonging to the palms on the landward side of the swamp. The figures at c (the right-hand bottom corner of the design) represent a slight rising of the ground at the point from which the swamp has been entered. The panel next above d represents clumps of dead palm-stumps, the decay of which leaves an open pathway composed of earth that is soft on the top. Such a pathway, however, often conceals the pointed growing shoots of the palms, which, as they near the surface, often inflict severe wounds upon the naked foot, whereas in the case of living " nipah "-palms, which have a firm stem to support the foot, this cannot happen. It is on this account that the outlines of the hillocks are furnished with points on the inner side. When, therefore, the fruitgatherer walks across these hillocks to reach the interior of the swamp (as indeed he always does from the land side, rather than, like the Malay, in a boat from the water) the ground gives way beneath him and he sinks in. The surface of the hillocks is heaped with dead sticks and leaves, and if the fruitgatherer happens to sink deeper still till he reaches another hillock lying underneath, his foot is not unlikely to come in contact with sharp shoot -points below the surface (e). Farther on he comes to the great leaf-tufts and the " nipah " fruits, which latter look not unlike a gigantic bunch of grapes protruding from between the leaf-stems on the hillocks round the palm-clumps. The figure at f represents one
Fig. 14. — Charm to. send Centipedes TO SLEEP AND PROTECT
Gatherers of u Nipah "-Fruit,
Original width. _>6 cm.
Vaughan-S:
Fig. 15. — Charm against Venomous Spiders.
Oriszinal width, 28 cm
■*$fflte^fi^^
chap, ix SAJCAJ <>/■ PERAK
oi these bunches of fruit and that at g the hillock itself. Over this (at k) is portrayed a millipede, and at i the track of the same insect. The track ol the millipede as it creeps to and fro on the leaf-stems indicated l>y two drawings of millipedes looking in
opposite directions.
The object of the charm is to cause the " millipedes to fold their legs together and sleep," so as not to be able to injure any one engaged in plucking tinfruit. At the right side of the figure (at k) a sleeping millipede is shown.1
Fig*. 15. — Among the great variety of spiders in the Peninsula there is a poisonous one that spins its web at about a man's height in the jungle.'2 According to the aborigines, it is the male that spins the thread and directs the prey towards the female, who sits in the web guarding it.
The angles (called " elbows ") at the right of the pattern (a) represent tree- branches, and the female spider (the lower figure) is seated upon them. The female spider in this case has a superfluous leg, which extends to figure b at the left of the figure.
Such superfluous limbs are not unusual in the drawings of the wilder Sakai. They are not due to want of observation, but to want of calculation. The more Malayized Sakai would never commit such an error.3
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. p. 183. reckon the two additional legs, and it
2 Ibid. pp. 184, 1S5. did not occur to him to help himself
3 When Vaughan- Stevens saw the out by means of the other hand, mistake in the figure he pointed it out After two or three failures, he took a to the Sakai who brought it. The number of twigs in his hand, and laid latter, taken aback, counted the legs them on each of the legs of the figure by laying each of the fingers of one in succession. Then he caught a spider hand in turn upon each of the legs of and killed it, and compared it for some the spider. After thus counting up to time with the drawing without being five, he appeared not to be able to able to see clearly where the mistake
Other Sakai drawings of spiders have five legs, but in this specimen we sometimes see seven and sometimes eight. Perhaps the mistake may have arisen from copying an older pattern. The fact that the male spider (in the centre of the figure) has two rows of legs, instead of one, was explained as indicating that these spiders do not remain in one place, but run to and fro.
The Sakai believe too that the spiders have fangs or jaws like the millipedes, but that they are too small to be seen. As already mentioned, the " spider's feet " at the edge belong to the female ; the explanation being that the spider is supposed to have run along the thread.
Near one of the right feet of the female is to be seen a small round figure surrounded by short strokes. This is the young one, which the female is supposed to be tending.
The figure on the body of the male is incorrectly drawn, but has no significance.
The upper part of this pattern is of special interest. It represents the stony side of a hill — a locality where these spiders are supposed to be specially numerous.
The figure c towards the upper half of the drawing indicates a hill emerging into a sand-covered plain (like the plains which lie near rivers). Over this again rise hill-ridges, represented by a figure that appears to possess three separate types, denoting respectively (1) projecting rocky masses, (2) simple rocky or stony ground, and (3) water-courses.1
was. At last he tore off the legs of were not enough to go round. The
his victim, and laid them in succession only thing he then said was " silap "
on those of the figure, when he was (mistake),
highly astonished to find that there 1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 184.
i i.m (A .// 0/ PERAK
The dots denote " 1«m\ I or vci'/miioii, /
etc. Slopes covered with forest ar< al oshown, wnli their summits bare oi vegetation, The cun
| which reach to the centre oi the pattern repn sent
a ravine which is only wooded .it the upper part,
where the trees oi the surrounding jungle are shown.
1 he vertical lines are the trunks of the trees, the
curves | 5 | their branches, and the dots their leav<
The boughs at the right are leafless. Then follow
tWO columns of leafy trees, and a third (leafless) one with lianas, orchids, etc., growing upon its dead branches. Above these, at the rim of the pattern, the signs [^^] represent long rattans and similar creepers climbing from tree to tree.
The figure is the copy of a " tuang-tuang " pattern — a picture of the forest as the draughtsman had probably often observed it.1
Fig*. 16. — Like Fig. 15 this is only a copy of one of these patterns, with which the owner absolutelyrefused to part. The original was intended to serve as a charm to assist the women in catching small fish, and at the same time to afford them some slight protection against poisonous fishes. Towards the left, at the bottom, is depicted a big tortoise ; a little to its right, a small one and a rather larger one ; these three, which typify a male, a female, and a young one, are meant to symbolise the amount of the booty. In the extreme left-hand (bottom) corner is a fishing-rod, which is drawn upside down. The rather thicker black line represents the rod, the black spot near its foot the reel, and the thinner line the line itself. In the centre of the right-hand border are to be seen three rice-spoons of an ancient
1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 185.
490 DECORA TIVE ART part ii
type, consisting of a wooden handle with a bowl made from a kind of shell. A little to the left of these spoons stands a water-bird, the species of which could not be ascertained. It has, however, webbed feet and a pouch under its beak. Further to the left are two frogs. Above the spoons, in the right-hand top corner, stands a mangrove-bush, such as grows in the salt-water swamps. The central figure of the pattern is a rattan creeper of the kind called " manau," which frequently grows at the mouths of rivers. The vertical lines [==|==] are stems of this creeper with its formidable thorns, the cross - strokes its leaves. Between these two rattan-stems, and just above them, one of the prickly leaf-whips of the same plant is shown, the prickles being so formidable as to have earned from the Malays the name of " tiger-claws." In the left-hand top corner is depicted a scorpion, which serves as a sort of hieroglyph indicating the word " scorpion-tail," as the Sakai name these " tigerclaw " thorns.1
Fig. 17, like Figs. 15 and 16, is the copy of one of these instruments (" tuang-tuang ") with which the owner would not part. This pattern is intended as a charm to protect the growing crops and the plantations round the house from injury by animals. In the lowest (third) division of the pattern are to be seen — (1) the house itself, and (2) near the house (at A) a figure which looks like a ladder. This figure represents the steps, which consist of small logs thrown into the mud and dirt in order to make the soft ground passable. Around the house there is a field planted with sweet potatoes. The round white figures on stalks [ o] at B are the leaves of the
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 186.
, hap. i\ SAJCAJ OF PERAK
plant ; the dark ones the edible tubei The plant to the right at C is supposed to be growing, as it appear .. .u the loot of a slope, and the smaller one, shown upside down at the bottom (near I)), appears to be growing nw the hill. The Sakai Frequently clear the side o
hill for their small plantations and huts. The entire
landscape, indeed, is hilly, and the valleys are mostly so overgrown with vegetation that a successful clearing
Cannot possibly be made without good implements.1
The central division of the pattern is occupied by several kinds of plants, divided from each other by six dead trees, which arc denoted by vertical strok' Starting from the right, we see, in the intervals between these trees, (i) maize, (2) yams or "keladi" (C alodium), with their edible tubers, then three sugar-canes, which are throwing out (edible) shoots at the root. Next we again see maize and tapioca (" ubi kayu "), the latter with its edible roottubers ; then come two plants, one above the other, the upper one being a species of yam with tubers, and the lower one a banana tree with young banana shoots. The dots around the plants denote a considerable growth of grass. The uppermost part of the figure contains the animals against which this charm is directed. Above, at the right-hand corner, is to be seen a caterpillar, with a rat underneath it ; then follow (on the left) two monitors or "lace-lizards" (such as steal hens' eggs). Beside each of the monitors stands a leafy tree, representing the favourite hiding-place of these reptiles. The large trees, which are often left standing in the clearing, then form the hiding-places referred to ; the little strokes that cover each side of their stems represent the running up and
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 187.
A9z DECORATIVE ART pari n
down of these reptiles at night-time. In the lefthand top corner a tortoise with her young one is to be seen. The crescent-shaped figure is meant for a puddle, denoting the home of the reptile in question.1
Fig*. 18. — Copy of a " tuang-tuang," which the owner refused to sell. It serves as a charm to produce rain when a light monsoon (and consequent drought) is damaging the rice -fields. The figures [//////] represent rain driven by the wind, the strokes a violent downpour, the dots the drops ; [////] is the north-east, [///] is the south-west monsoon. The lines of rain indicated by these curves typify a tempest. The repetition of the rain-motive denotes " much rain." Near these rain-figures is a double row of tortoise eggs as symbols of the tortoise, which in its own turn represents moisture, wet, dirt, etc. Down the centre there runs a row of figures representing young "kepayang" ("piyung") fruits. The " kepayang " begins to develop its fruit when the rainy season commences, and its ripened fruit drops as the season ends — which explains the symbolism. There are certainly some kinds of " kepayang" trees that bring forth their fruits in other months, and the Sakai, when shown these trees, remarked that the rainy season was the season in which the "kepayang" trees of his ancestors ripened. What the real explanation may be is not known, but most probably the tradition of the Sakai is quite correct, even if one cannot explain it in every detail.2
Magic combs are also found among the Sakai, but little is known of them. They usually have more teeth than the Semang ones.3
1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 1 88. 2 Ibid.
s See, however, Martin, 703, and cp. p. 423, n. I, ante.
li»'«> I J :- —
Brit. Mus.
Kuan i ax Dart-Quiver.
(See al> > y. 313.) For rubbings of Besisi and Blan las blowpipe patterns, vide Appendix.]
I '<»/. /. /. 492.
Blagden. K i.ik.ip ( hamai " : tln> " >>kdi " (ornamental design on the blowpipe, Mai. " ukir ") is so called because it imitates the growth of the wild "sirih" or betel-vine (•• i hamai ").
Blagden. " Okeh le-it hubi," Mai. "ukir lilit ubi," compared to the intersecting branches of an '' ubi " (tuber).
Mantra Patterns.
Skeat Collection.
Bksisi Zoomorphs.
Centipede on Besisi flute, bought from the performer. Lizard on shaft of Besisi blowpipe.
(See also p. 309, ante.)
Vol. I. /. 493.
i ha] A VAGI >' U A KS AND SEA-G YP
| akun IN D O RANG I • : i .
.V, has already been pointed out above, no material is at present available which would enable to come to any conclusion with regard to the artistic work of the Jakun. The patterns employed both by the Blandas and the Besisi showed no appreciable d<-- parture from those employed by the Sakai. Yet it is perhaps worth while recording that the same practice that has been recorded among the Sakai of drawing
the part of a figure instead of the whole was certainly well understood by the Besisi, who were themseh the first to inform me of this fact, and who showed me many specimens of their work in which this principle was acted upon. The commonest Besisi zoomorphs were lizards, centipedes, and the " lotong," the longtailed "spectacle monkey" of the Peninsula, of which I have seen drawings both on their blowpipes and their quivers, and although as a rule it was only the bones, or in some cases the extremities ("jari" = fingers and toes), that were represented, every member of the tribe appeared to recognise them, without the slightest difficulty, as the symbol of the Semnopithecus. The pattern representing it bore some resemblance to a pattern recorded by Mr. Blagden among the Mantra of Malacca ; these latter, however, gave it the name of " krakap chamai," or " wild betel-vine shoots." Another pattern, which Mr. Blagden sketched at the same time, was called " le'it hubf " or " entwined tuber-shoots" ( = Mai. " lilit ubi "). But these, with a few Kuantan and Mantra patterns preserved by Vaughan-Stevens, form about all the material at present available.
CHAPTER X.
The Social Order.
chiefs, laws, and succession.
A striking difference between the three races is discernible the moment the question of social organisation is approached. The Semang have at present no organised body of chiefs, and though it is true that, according to Vaughan- Stevens, they possessed a set of superior chiefs called " Putto " (" Puttow " or " Puttau "), and a set of inferior chiefs called " Sna-hut," neither title has yet been recorded by any other observer, and all that we know at present from other sources is that the tribal heads of the Semang tribes were called " Pelima" ( = Mai. " Penglima"). The Sakai, again, appear to possess nothing more elaborate in the way of social organisation than the Semang, but among the Jakun of the south we have, under the tribal Chief or Batin, a series of subordinate chiefs called respectively " J inang," " Jukrah," " Penghulu," 4< Penglima " — a state of things which points to a comparatively great advance on the part of the race in the art of self-government. And it is also significant that the titles of the first three of these offices (Batin, Jinang, and Jukrah) are very rarely found north of Selangor, except perhaps in some of the scattered communities of the Orang Laut on the western sea-board of the Peninsula. It is, in fact, among these very Orang Laut
(iiap. n Gk SERAI REMARK
or Sci (akun thai this system oi tribal < hiefs and mbchiefs is most fully developed.1 in other words, we here have evidence that the aboriginal Malayan ra stands upon a higher social plane l ban either tin- Sakai or the Semang a tact which agrees very closely with the conclusions derivable from other grounds of comparison. This fact, however, will appear still more
clearly from the detailed descriptions of social customs to follow, i\o\ from the evidence of their possessing some knowledge of political boundaries a knowledge which both the Sakai and the Negritos fail to possess.
To sum up, every portion of the primitive social fabric reared by these tribes bears the clear impn of the child -like simplicity and trustfulness that lies at the root of their character ; and in no department is this more evident than in that which pertains to law and public order. The evidence discovers an unappreciable amount of crime, few laws, and still fewer hard-and-fast penalties fixed for the non-observance of the latter.
De Morgan considers that the laws of the Sakai should attract attention, not only from the fact of their forming a rudimentary system based solely on customs which, originating in the peculiar circumstances and habits of the people, have grown to possess the authority of a legal code, but also from the remarkable spirit of equality and fairness which this primitive body of custom exhibits, and which is calculated to produce a high impression of the intellectual worth of the race that made it, in spite of their having always lived apart from the civilisation of their neighbours.2
1 Most of the Jakun tribes have was inferior to the Orang Kaya, though
traditions of a great chief of their own, superior to the Penghulu, of whom he
superior even to the Batin {e.g. the had several under him. Misc. Ess., I.e.
Mantra, Misc. Ess. re/. Ind., Sec. Ser. p. 288. It is here, therefore, that we
vol. i. p. 301); and in the old consti- must look for the Batin's original status, tutionof the kingdom of Johor the Batin 2 De Morgan, vii. 419.
496 THE SOCIAL ORDER pari ii
They live as nomads in a densely forested region, in which, as a rule, they make small clearings or plantations, remaining in one place for this purpose during varying periods from about three months to a year, but never more. When they migrate and form fresh clearings they seldom move to any distance, but remain in the neighbourhood in order to gather the crops which come to maturity after their departure.1 Hence their hunting is also confined within definite areas.
They thus possess the characteristics at once of nomadic and agricultural races, shunning their more civilised neighbours, and only engaging in trade to an altogether negligible extent."
The most rudimentary of the social systems that obtain among these tribes is that of the Semang, who live under the simplest form of patriarchal government.
The Semang and Jakun chiefs have a kind of regalia."
I. — Semang.
Kedah Semang. — The chief of each Semang tribe is now called " Pelima " ( = Mai. " Penglima," the " Snahut" of Vaughan-Stevens). Proof is still required of the statement that there were till recently yet greater chiefs, who possessed a more extended influence and were called " Puttos." These, if they ever existed, seem to have now died out, at least in name, if not in function.
I was told that the last Big Chief (" Pelima Besar ") of the Kedah tribes was called " To' Pelima Chiak " (or "Old Chieftain Finch"). He was reputed to be invulnerable ("beketok," i.e. " pachydermatous through magic"), and hence had great influence. His tribe told me he once kept a Malay who had murdered a Semang
1 De Morgan, vii. 419. Semang); 510, 511 (of the Besisi) ; and
2 Ibid. p. 420. vol. ii. pp. 291 and 313, note (of the
3 See vol. i. pp. 450, 455 (of the Jakun of Jelebu).
cha] NEGRITi '.'> "/■ KBDAH
tied up to a tree for iwo to three months, until a blood-fine oi twentj three <loll.ii"'> was paid. I »»' Chiak (though even he died not long afterwards) was, moreover, the only Semang in the whole country who ever entered the presence ol the Raja ol Ked
In modern days tin- Pelima's authority is confined to his official relations with his people. He is, however, still the chief medicine-man ol the tribe, and actively follows his profession.1 His duties appear in fact to be practically identical with those oi the obsolete l\itto, his position and authority being practically those of the head of a family, which in this case is represented by a larger family, the tribe.
In Kedah the tribal chief of the Semang was called (as already mentioned) " Pelima," but in Perak the word M Penghulu " appears to be more general.
Laws. Crime among the Semang appears to be extremely rare, but I was given by the Pelima the following scale of fines. These, however, are less by way of illustrating the precise amounts which would be actually levied in each case than the general principles and proportions according to which the amount would be determined.
Theft of a blowpipe .... $5.00 Theft of a bow ..... 6.00 2 Theft of a shot-gun (European blunderbuss) ..... 10.00 Abduction of a married woman (nominally) ..... 40.00
1 As in a case of which I had was considered a greater offence than personal cognizance, cp. vol. ii. that of a blowpipe.
p. 230. 3 But this is a sum which no Semang
2 It is interesting to note that among would usually be able to pay; hence the this Negrito tribe the theft of a bow idea was probably taken from the law of
VOL. I 2 K
THE SOCIAL ORDER
PAKT n
This last was also mentioned, if I remember rightly. as the fine for murder. In default of paying the fine the culprit should be " flogged with a rattan," or " bound to a tree until he paid."
For cheating a fellow-tribesman a man would be fined, so long as he had money to pay the fine ; otherwise he would come in for a " thoroughly good scolding " from all the members of the tribe (in other words, he would have to run, on a limited scale, the gauntlet of tribal opinion).
Perak Semang\ — There were originally among the Semang (according to one account) thirty Big Chiefs or Puttos, but these have now all died out.1 Their duties were to choose the inferior chiefs from
the local Malays, with whom it would be the usual "blood-money" (to be paid by a murderer) ; in other words, it is the fine which has to be paid, if possible, in commutation of the death penalty. These fines are always, I believe, paid in kind.
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 103.
There is no confirmatory record of this title yet to hand, and it appeared quite unintelligible to the Semang of Kedah. If not Siamese, the word may be due to some mistake or confusion with some such word as the Malay " Dato'," which simply means big chief (lit. grandfather), and which in its abbreviated form "To"' is still commonly applied to Sakai chiefs as well as to Malays. On the other hand, this does not explain Sna-hut. [Blagden compares " patao," the "wizard" of the Jarai (Annam), who speak a Malayan language.] The full account given by Vaughan - Stevens is as follows : — " According to the Pangan, the Semang never had, at any time, a Raja or P-atin, or anybody corresponding to those functionaries. In ancient times the Puttos were highly esteemed as the religious teachers of the people, as well as rulers. Pie, the Semang deity, was
their chief; but whether he was a deity whose servants the Puttos gave themselves out to be, or a chief chosen by the Puttos, and who on his death was replaced by another Putto, could not be clearly ascertained. There were 1 many ' — some say ' thirty ' — Puttos, who met once in every eight months to consult. Each of these thirty Puttos had a district assigned to him. The Semang of each district chose a Snahut (roughly corresponding to the Malay Penghulu), who decided all local questions. The Sna-hut received his direc- tions from the Putto of the district, who gave his instructions in the name of Pie. The Puttos were dreaded in the highest degree as the messengers of the deity ; they formed a separate class, and were unmarried. When one died, Pie elected a successor from among the Semang. The command to move their residence on the fifth day did not apply to the Puttos ; they lived at Pie's abode, on the 'Jelmol' mountain, in the northern part of Perak, but are now no longer in existence. Only the Snahuts are still in possession of the charms against misfortune and disease, and of much other knowledge, which the Puttos have communicated to them " (Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 103).
chaf, \ NEGRITOS <>/ PERAK
among themselves, and to be teachers ol religion to their people.1
The) formerly had great power as prie or
lerers, and medicine-men.1 "The tribesman went to the Sna-hut, the Sna-hut to the Putto, the Putto to Pie, and Plr to Kari," ■ these last two being the two chief deities of the Semang.
De Morgan gives us the following general account ' of the social constitution of the Semang of Perak. The political and administrative organisation o[ the Negritos is, like that of the Sakai, exceedingly simple In every "changkat" or village there is a functionary invested with full powers, who is called by the Malays M Penghulu." These Penghulus are all of equal standing, and own no superior, whether in the shape of a Raja or any higher assembly. Hence each Penghulu has absolute authority in his own village.
On the occurrence, it is true, of any dispute between the villages, an assembly of the Penghulus of the villages concerned will take place, and to these may be added a few men who are specially well versed in affairs ; but these assemblies are altogether exceptional, and are only occasioned by the necessity of composing private interests.
Complete equality exists as between individuals, and caste is unknown. Even the chief is on an equal footing with his men, except when in discharge of his official duties.
To the foregoing it should be added that all their property is in common.5
1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 103. 4 De Morgan, vii. 420 ; cp. L'H.
2 Ibid. p. 109. ii. 558.
3 Ibid. p. 107. 5 J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 427, sea qiazre.
5oo THE SOCIAL ORDER pari n
II. — Sakai. Chiefs.
Perak Sakai. — The only functionaries of the Sakai are the Penghulus, of whom there is one to each village, who " is succeeded at his death by his eldest son, or by any one else whom he may have appointed, in default of a son, as his successor during his lifetime." l Over his tribe he has every right (but the capital one), but the enforcing of his authority is mainly due to his position.2
When a village migrates, the Penghulu conducts the migration ; if more than one village is established, the original Penghulu appoints a chief (from among his sons or relations) to take charge of each of them.3
The chief is the equal of his fellow - tribesmen, except when he is acting expressly on behalf of the common interests of his village.4
Of the Ulu Bertang (Bujang Malaka) Sakai, Dr. Luering writes me, that they do not employ the title of Batin, their chieftains being called " Seruyan." 5 The first " Seruyan " Dr. Luering's informant could remember was one Ba-Naun, who is now dead, as is his son Ba-Jelang. Ba-Naun had authority over all Chenderiang and Dipang.
Then there are special titles given to the Sakai by the late Sultans of Perak. " My ancestors," said the same informant, " were made ■ mentri,' 6 and my proper title should be Singa' mentri " (" mentri " is a Malay title of dignitaries). Another title given by the Sultan was that of To' Sang, who died without children, and a
1 Women excepted. Z. f. E. xxviii. c This title was also given to the
- 234 De Morgan, vii. 420. chief of the Sakai at Slim. — Swett. in
5 I have no other record of this title. J.R.A.S., S.B., No. 5, p. 59.
chap, x AKAI 01 PRRAi
third title is Lda I'.i jangga. The last occupant ol tins latter iitl<- had a daughter, who is now alive and is married to Si [tarn, the elder brother ol Dr. I ,uering's informant Singa'.
Laws}
The penalty of death is reserved for murder,1 and the execution ol the murderer is permitted to the relatives of his victim, the weapon which is to be used being that with which the crime was committed.
As a rule the criminal escapes into the forest, where
he is pursued and killed, frequently during his sleep. Crimes of this kind (murder) are, however, so exceedingly rare as to be a quantiti ndgligeablc. The penalty for theft, which is equally rare, is exclusion from the tribe — "a sort of banishment." The man thus exiled has to fell and plant a new clearing at a distance from the settlement of his tribe, and if he refuses, is tied up to a tree and flogged with a rattan.
In cases of dispute (about women), or assault, the Penghulu (who acts both as civil and criminal judge) condemns the guilty party to pay fair compensation to his victim.
For enticing awray a married woman, the penalty is a fine of seven dollars " at the most." Among tribes which use money, the fines vary from one and two to seven dollars ; among the wilder tribes they are paid in kind (tapioca, rice, etc.).3
1 De Morgan, vii. 25 ; L'H. ii. 558. sidered a great crime, To' Lila told me,
2 The punishment of those who used and often gives rise to a fight. The the blowpipe to commit murder was guilty parties are made to pay a fine to especially severe ; the murderer being the husband, generally thirty dollars compelled to eat a portion of his each. (This well proves the enormity victim's flesh [no doubt in order that it of the fault ! ) The woman's fine is might poison him]. — Eth. Notizbl.'x. 10. paid by her father or brothers. I pro-
3 Cp. Br. de St. -P. Lias, p. 281, secuted my researches on the penal where we find: — "Adultery is con- legislation of the Sakai :
502 THE SOCIAL ORDER pari 11
Elsewhere De Morgan adds that in case of banishment the condemned party has to leave at two nights' notice, abandoning for ever, not only his property, but his wife and children. In serious cases the Penghulu always takes counsel with the elders of the tribe.1
Contracts}
The following is a summary of what De Morgan says about Sakai contracts : —
There is no form of actual sale among the Sakai, who do not use money or any substitute for it. Frequently, however, a form of contract is met with which consists in handing over some portable object, such as a blowpipe, in return for a promise to supply a family with food for a specified period. Thus a blowpipe and quiver with darts are valued at a fortnight's food-supply for a family, and a loin-cloth of beaten tree-bark (" t'rap ") is priced at a month's supply of food, and so on, according to the character of the object transferred.
Leases are rare, on account of the patriarchial system in vogue. The family takes the place of an artificially created society, and is usually numerous enough to cultivate its own lands without farming them out to strangers. Such land is, however, occasionally leased in return for a supply of food. Loans for one or more stated occasions are more usual ; e.g.
" ' And when a Sakai kills a man " ' He asks or buys.'
. . . ?' "' If he has no money ? '
" ' Never ! ' interrupted To' Lila " ' That does not matter, he is given
quickly. them. When a man from a distance
" ' When he steals . . . ?' enters the country, he has only to ask
" ' Never ! ' he replied, with the and is given food.' "
same energy. See Notizbl., i. 7-1 1, for further
"'What ! Are there no robbers?' information by Vaughan- Stevens, who
" ' No.' does not, however, specify from what
" 'When a man is hungry, and he localities he collected it.
has no yams?' * De M. viii. 224. 2 lb. vii. 424.
« hap. s SAA AJ <>/ PERAK
loans of knives, hatchets, and other obj< h the
Sakai cannot make themselves and obtain from the Malays as well as loans of hou learings, or crops. The Sakai are honest and always return a loan.
For all these contracts consent alone is n< try, and no regular form is used.
The "contract of donation is chiefly applied to some portable article, e.g* a knife. Similar presents
were those made by a son-in-law to his (prospective)
father-in-law.
Debts may arise, <•.<;., from tailing to return a borrowed article that has been lost, or from fin etc.
The debtor and his family work for the creditor for one or two months (according to the Penghulu's decision), the creditor finding them food. They then retire into the forest until their plantation is once more able to support them. A debtor is despised by everybody, and is derisively given, when a monkey is killed, the creature's muzzle as his portion of food. Sometimes the creditor is put by the Penghulu in possession of a debtor's crops.1
Property?
As has already been pointed out, the petty chief of each Sakai village (Pelima or Penghulu) has, as De Morgan states, every right but the capital one over the members of his settlement. His authority is enforced (like that of the father of a European family) by means of the influence derived from his age and position in the tribe, rather than by that of any legal sanction. The tribe, in fact, merely forms (as it were) a rather larger family circle.
1 De Morgan, vii. 424. 2 Ibid. p. 420.
504 THE SOCIAL ORDER PART ir
Individual property does not exist ; its place is taken by family property.1 So, too, cultivation is carried out in common, and the plantation is cultivated by all the members of the family under the directions of the father, extra work being imposed in default. The produce is shared between all the members of the family (and, perhaps, even with a few of their neighbours). What proves this community of cultivation, is the fact that as soon as one of the sons of the family takes up land elsewhere, he is excluded from his share of the produce of the plantation, although he is nevertheless very well received when he comes to pay a visit to his parents.2
Succession?
The order of inheritance is as follows: — (i) Descendants, (2) ascendants, and (3) collateral branches of the same family. The rights of the first class include representation, or the rights of the children of
1 On the other hand we have the however, he was not informed, the
following statements from Vaughan- woman's parents were held responsible.
Stevens : — " Women, though they If the woman had lost her parents, or
might not hold office, were allowed to if she were a widow, and gave her
possess land. At marriage such land [new] husband no information about
passed to the husband, the wife losing such debts, she was liable to be pun-
all title to it. But all durian and ished for her deceitfulness by a minor
other trees, if planted either by herself chief, but the creditor dared not press
or by her orders, were her exclusive his claim upon her [new] spouse,
property, and might be made over to since it was the creditor's business
any one whom she chose in the life- to see that the prospective husband
time of her husband. In such cases knew of it, as every marriage was
the tree was marked in the presence of spoken of far and wide before it
the chief with the sign of its new actually took place. The failure of
possessor (such signs consisting of an a crop which she had sold before-
incision), which varied with each in- hand might bring a woman who
dividual, and which was cut into the owned land into debt, and she was
bark of the tree thus disposed of. A unable to work off the debt as the
married woman ran no great danger men could, except by the protracted
of contracting debts. If she had any process of mat- and basket-making ; so
such before her marriage, the bride- that in the eyes of the Sakai, this was
groom was informed of them ; and if a [valid] excuse for her debt'' (Z.f. E.
the marriage took place, he himself xxviii. 168).
became responsible for them. If, 2 De Morgan, vii. 421. 3 lb. p. 423.
CHAfc N /A // "A SEl A V(70j?
the deceased to take his place in the bin ion. In default ol heirs bel< mging to any ol the thn referred to, the house and clearing are abandoned it accursed.
[f the deceased has died of an epidemic sickne everything is abandoned by his heirs, who fear thai the very soil or goods of the deceased may contain the germs of the disease,
Property rights arc collective, not individual.
This flows from the custom by which the Penghulu designates, in every case, the limits of the ground that each member of the tribe may occupy. Even abandoned land may not be taken up again without the consent of the tribal chief.
The result is that all the members of the tribe are guaranteed against dispossession.
Chiefs, Lazvs, Succession.
Selangor Sakai. — There is no trustworthy authority for the title of " Batin " as obtaining among the Sakai of Perak. Whether we may conclude that this title is not used at all in Perak is doubtful, but in any case the completest form of the Sakai constitution (and that one of Malayan origin)1 is to be found in the interior of Selangor, where the Batin is the chief of a group of Sakai villages, which as a rule are fairly near each other. Under the Batin are the Mentri or Jinang, Jukrah (or Jekra), Penghulu Balai, and Penglima.
The foregoing is probably the full list of these functionaries, but it very seldom happens that any
1 Letessier, p. 99. Both forms Jekra does not seem altogether certain, and the
and Jukra(or Jukrah)areused. The form form Jukrah may merely be an instance
Jukrah is explained as an abbreviation of popular etymology. All these titles
of Juru-krah, or "corvie officer" ( " super- are Malayan, and show the strong Jakun
visor of the corvee'1'1) ; but this derivation influence among the Sakai of Selangor.
506 THE SOCIAL ORDER part ii
group of villages has a complete set of them all at once. Some tribes have a Batin, Jinang, and Penghulu, others a Jinang, Jukrah, and Penghulu, others a Jukrah only, and so on.
Three of these six titles (Mentri, Penghulu, and Penglima) are used by the civilised Malays of the Peninsula, but the other three are otherwise only used by the Jakun, from whom the Selangor Sakai have clearly borrowed.
The title of Batin is hereditary and passes as a rule to the eldest son ; but if the Batin die without issue, and none of his close relatives happens to be a suitable person, the Jinang or Jukrah appoints as Batin some close relation of another Batin of the same tribe.1
The Batin is the executive, and at the same time the administrative, head of the tribe, although his methods of performing his duties are distinctly patriarchal in character. In addition to the duties already mentioned, he is required especially to insist on the enforcement of the tribal customs generally, and the selection of seasons and methods for the fishing of the river.2
A fine is the penalty most generally inflicted on the guilty parties, but for insubordination or serious crime it commonly takes the form of banishment from the tribe, or death by the kris, in conformity with ancient custom.3 Of these two forms of punishment
1 Letessier, p. 99. The rule among closely with what I myself was told the Sakai tribes of Selangor is on more than one occasion by the certainly as described, but vide Logan Jakun chiefs. But from the extreme in y. /. A. i. 275: "At the death of rarity with which anything of this a Batin his successor is chosen from his sort happens, I am somewhat insisters' sons." This is probably among clined to doubt whether the power of tribes under Rembau influence. inflicting the death penalty, which is
2 Letessier, p. 99. claimed by the Batins, was not borrowed
3 Ibid. This last statement agrees by the Sakai from the Jakun or Malays.
« map, x /a // <>/■ SI LANGOR
the former alone appears to I"- an original Sakai pi nee A small tribute ol ri< e (says Lcte isier) . paid annually to the Batin by the members ol the tribe. The finang is the representative ol the Batin on all occasions when the lattei is unable to 1"- present in person, and not unfrequently is tacitly allowed to assume the government of the tribe, without the eta tion of a Batin at all. " Mentri " is probably only the Malay equivalent of"Jinang."
The [ukrah is the petty chief who marshals the tribesmen (tor any necessary work that has to be performed in common).
The Penghulu (or P. Balai) fills the post of a sort of master of the Batin's household, and is also, generally speaking, his administrative officer. The Penglima (Letessier adds) is his executive officer.
Selangor Sakai. — Of the Sakai of Ulu Langat, Mr. Campbell relates that they very rarely commit such crimes as murder. He enquired (he says) what punishment a murderer would probably receive, and was told that he would be fined ten jungle-knives (" parangs "), ten hatchets (" b'liongs "), ten blowpipes ("sumpitans"), ten saucepans, and such-like. In a case of adultery the man was fined as for a murder, but he kept the woman. Very frequently no fine was inflicted for adultery, but the woman was simply taken over. But in any case, the woman was not punished. Mr. Campbell adds that he was told that there were no specific punishments for theft, which rarely occurs. Things taken out of another person's house were regarded as "borrowed, not stolen." In the case of a
On the whole, it is more probable, I seems pretty clearly to show. The
think, that the idea was borrowed from kris is certainly a Malay rather than a
the Malays, as indeed the method of Jakun weapon, and execution by means
enforcing it, by execution with the kris, of it is a typical Malay practice.
5oS THE SOCIAL ORDER i<aki n
hardened offender, the Batin would send him some miles away into the jungle to live by himself.1
III. — Jakun.
Blandas. — The Blandas of K. Langat have the same system of government as that of the Selangor Besisi. They have further, however, condensed the description of the limits of their jurisdiction in a series of proverbial or legal " maxims," which have all the force of a duly formulated, though unwritten, code, and which are invoked by their chiefs for the purpose of settling any disputes that may arise among them. The following are a few examples which I took down from the lips of one of their chiefs : —
- The laws of Batin Tanggong Gagah : 2 By hill and hill-foot, cave, hill-basin Lies the path, prevail the customs,
Of the kin o' the wasting millet.3
- The Batin and the Jinang tarry At the limits of full flood-tide ;
The Land-folk's chief frequents the hill-tops, His sway is o'er the upper Langat, His are the dues of yams and 'gharu,' ' Cherok,' ' los,' tin-sand, mine-paddocks ; 'Tis his to feed upon wild aroids, I lis are rattan and gutta taban.
- To the Batin of the Sea-folk 4 'Longs the bellying sail of palm -leaf, 'Longs the swirling of the oar-blade, Anchor dropped and spreaded awning, Clearing, felling for fish-fences, Hunting fish, and sting-ray spearing.
- The laws are at the top of the trunk, The genealogy at the bottom,
The laws of our chiefs follow the Raja's ruling.
- Where the wild-bees' nest swings, where the wait-a-bit creepers fall away from
their supports,
1 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 242. probably means " of the kinsfolk who
2 Said to be a son of To' Klambu, live upon millet " (instead of rice), this who lived and died at Tunggul Si being a custom of the wilder tribes. Jaga. 4 I.e. of the Besisi (as a Coast tribe).
3 The expression is obscure, but " Chtrok "' and " los " are unexplained.
i HA, SAV \GE MAI / rv 01 I LA VGOR
wi,ri, 1 1,, .ii, .mi . commence theii trickling*, where thi ' wd
, \ r cloter tog ther, \ii, ,, iii. , im.iI. i ro uV i ro il In ■ o i urd,
w ben the e Ind follow i through th< divide
\n,l ii,, .-I. .mi i follow 'i"\ 11 Into the vall< \ .
il,, ,,- through the iwarapt iplash-splaih p the chid of our tribe.
Another version of the Law, <>i .1 slightly different
i\ pe, ran as follows : —
( robang < iubin, Buluh Bona! ;
Round the Island ol Sum. Hi. 1,
Round the Menangkabaus' Island,
( lame we unto Pagar Ruyong,
Came vre i>> the land ol Jati,
( lame we unto Tanjong Pagar,1
( lame we unto Johoi Lama.
Toll Bombong* opened the Nine Rivera,
With Batin Chap, and Batin Maruii,8
Batin Lengges, Batin Bereh,
liat in Kantun, Batin Galang,
With old To' Klambu, Granny Heoi,
Batin Wat, and Batin Minah.4
Says the Law again : —
Where betel-palms grew thick together, Where coco-palms grew thick together, Where betel-palms their crests were waving, Where coco-palms their crests were waving, Founded we the Land Semujong/' Ruling o'er the Nine Streams' Sources, By the Fourfold States maintained, By the Fourfold Clans sustained. Thence we spread to the Pass of Bidai, Thence we spread to the Pass of Naning, Thence we spread to the Stream of Labu, Thence we spread to Granny Bern's. All the land's To' Bombong's country, He it was became To' Klana, Founder of the Land Semujong. Batin Galang wended seawards, Seawards wended and turned pirate, (■ranny Beoi and Batak G'rodok, Reaching Rawang, went ashore there ; At Rawang, Big and Little Rawang, Dwelt our Sires both big and little.
A collection of these Jakun records, which are
1 At Singapore. twelve of these Batins. See p. 5 1 3, ;/. 2.
2 This was the name of To' Klana :> The older (and accurate) name of before his inauguration ("belum di- the State that is now (I believe through lantik "). 3 Or Baruis. a white man's blunder) called Sungei
4 Altogether there were said to be Ujong.
5io THE SOCIAL ORDER part ii
comparable to those of the Rembau Malays, would prove of great interest.
Chiefs.
Besisi. — Among the Besisi of Langat the Batin is the arbiter of all disputes, at least of all such as are referred to him by the subordinate chiefs of the tribe. He also acts as priest at marriages, as magician, and as judge in cases of wrong-doing, the fines that he inflicts, in place of money, usually taking the shape of pieces of cloth ("sarongs," etc.) or cooking-pots (" kuali," etc.).1
The Jinang is their vice-Batin; the Penghulu Balei has charge of the tribal feasts and the holding of councils ; the Jukrah is the summoner of the tribe ; the Penglima the Batin's executive officer.
There are, I think, some grounds for believing the drum (which is not usually found among the Semang or Sakai) to be part of the insignia of Jakun chiefs.
The Besisi of Sepang more than once described to me a strange sort of head-gear which had formed the insignia of their lineal chiefs ; and I heard later from a local Malay chief that this head -gear had been, within his remembrance, in the actual possession of Batin Pah Kasat (a former chief of Sepang Kechil), who showed it to my informant, and who used to wear it on his head whenever the tribe met in council. My informant stated that this head-gear was made of some unusual material, which might have been some kind of manufactured tree - bark ; strands of this material (whatever it might be) were cunningly interwoven to form knots resembling the " buku bemban " (a kind of multiple knot) of the Malays. This headgear was called the Buluh Bohal (lit. " Bamboo of
1 Bellamy, p. 227, etc.
&
^ "
Skeat Collection. Model of Insignia of Besisi Batin or Chief.
A mystic knot (in foreground) of some unknown material. It is carried in the bamboo receptacle here shown upright behind it.
I'ol. I. />. 511.
chap x • VAGI MALA I S 0/ MALAi i
Bohal"), and descended direct aa an heirloom ("p£saka") from father to son in the male line. It w.i', not used, however, by any other than this one tribe, and although I offered great rewards, I was never able to obtain a sight ol it. Indeed, I was told that when the Batin who had owned it died, it was taken back to Selat Dumej in Sumatra.1
Mantra. The constitution of society was as simple
amongst the Mantra as amongst the Benua of Johor. Perfect equality prevailed. The Batin was not distinguished in his manner of life irom the others.
Of Batins the Mantra had Batin Palimei, who ruled in Jempul, Batin Chinchang of Johol, Batin Puchu of Batang Muar, Batin Kechi of Ulu Muar, and Batin Jedam (? Jadam) on the borders of Pahang and Muar. Each of these Batins had under him a Jinang, a Jukrah or Juru-krah, and an indefinite number of Penglimas and Ulubalangs. On the death of a Batin a successor was chosen from amongst the sons of his sisters.3
The Batin must be called to take part at the installation of every new Raja. This is because all rulers, from the Raja downwards, were first " instituted " by the Batin.4
1 Finding that there was no means described by Vaughan -Stevens (s.z:
of seeing the thing itself, I had a copy "penjok''), which appears, from the
of it made in cloth by one of the name "buhu" (sic, ? " buluh "), and
Besisi, on the understanding that the from the fact that "penjok" is a
copy was to be as exact as it was Semang-Sakai word for "loin-cloth."'
possible to make it. On the whole, I to have perhaps been a loin-cloth of this
am inclined to believe that Buluh Bohal very material. Vide p. 455, ante • and
was a place-name (Pin Sumatra), whence cp. p. 450, ante.
came a piece of bamboo "cloth/' 2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 330*.
which was believed to have been taken 3 Ibid. p. 275 ; compare Misc.
from the bamboo out of which the first Ess. rel. Ind., Sec. Ser. vol. i. pp.
ancestor of the race was said to have 301, 302.
issued. But cp. the insignia of Kari 4 Ibid.
512 THE SOCIAL ORDER PART n
In the work of government (added the relater), the Batin, in the forest, was guided by the ancient customs (" Selasila' "), or what used to be done from times of old ; the Penghulu, in his Hall of Audience ((< Balei "), by the written laws (" Berundang ") ; and the Raja, in his Palace ("Astana"), by equity (" 'Adilan ").1
Laws.
Crimes were very rare. Theft was unknown, and children were carefully instructed to avoid it.2
Property and Succession.
Mantra. — Amongst the Mantra the distribution of property on the death of the husband was as follows : the goods which belonged to the husband before the marriage went to his parents and brothers and sisters. Those acquired during the marriage were divided equally between these relations and his widow, who, however, was considered as a trustee for the children. The clearing ('Tadang") was inherited by her. On the death of the wife, in the event of her husband surviving, her antenuptial goods go to her children, and the goods in common are equally shared between the husband and the children, who leave their father and live with the nearest female relatives of their deceased mother.3
The Family.
Benua-Jakun. — The Benua family was an innocent and happy one, and mutual kindness prevailed on
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 327*. Penghulu 'Adilan = Mohammedan law. here = the chief of the State, Raja= 2 Ibid. p. 330*.
head of the confederation of States, and 3 Ibid. pp. 274, 275.
chap, x SAVAGl MALA KS 01 fOHOR
every side. The authority oi the father m > ab tolute, nor were the sons Freed from it even when they had themselves become the heads ol families. It i.
probable thai in the more purely nomadic ages the
family was less subject to be early broken up, and
that the patriarchal system prevailed to a yet fuller
extent. In the house, however, the husband
appeared more as an honoured guest than as its lord.
The wife had the entire management. A Benua
expressed their ideas on this score figuratively, by saying that the husband was the captain of the vessel (44 Nakhoda prahu ") and the wife captain of the house (" Nakhoda rumah ").'
Chiefs}
Benua- Jakun. — The boundary between the east coast State of Pahang and Johor intersects the Benua country ; the whole of the Anak Endau and the lower part of the Sembrong being in Pahang (and consequently under the Bendahara), and all the other rivers, including the Madek, on which the Benua are found, appertaining to Johor (so that they are, consequently, under the Temenggong). The authority of the Bendahara and the Temenggong, however, was little more than nominal, the affairs of the Benua being entirely administered by their own chiefs, each of whom had a definite territorial jurisdiction. The highest in rank and in nominal authority was the Batin Anak Setia, the descendant of the ancient (traditionary) Raja of the Benua. On the Endau, below the junction of the Sembrong and Anak Endau, resided
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 266, 267. into tribes, each under an elder, termed
2 Ibid. pp. 273-275 (quoted by De the Batin, who directs its movements Quatrefages, pp. 221, 222). See and settles disputes. In the states of also Newbold's account (vol. ii. pp. Sungei Ujong and Johol are twelve 392*394) : "The Benua are divided tribes, consisting of upwards of 1000
VOL. I 2 L
514 THE SOCIAL ORDER part ii
the Batin Hamba Raja. The Lenggiu, a branch of the Endau, was under the Batin Setia Raja, who was also their great executive officer ; his relationship to the Batin Anak Setia having some resemblance to that between the Malay Temenggong and the Sultan of Johor. The Sungei Selai, again, was under the Batin Shiga Dewa. The Sembrong in the vicinity of Tanjong Bongko' was under the Batin Setia Bati, higher up near Gagau under the Batin Jukrah, and still nearer its source under Batin Dewa Kasuma (?) and under the Batin Bentara. All these, except the two last, were within the Pahang boundary. The local Malay authority, who, in matters of government, possessed a nominal power, and whose relationship with regard to the Benua was properly that of the maintainer and regulator of the Malayan trade monopoly, was called To' Jinang. The Benua on the Batu Pahat and its branches were under the Bentara or Mangki (sic, ? Mangku) Pemanggun of Bekok. The jurisdiction of the Malay Penghulu of Batu Pahat had once extended to Ginting Batu on the eastern Sembrong, but since the waterways became obstructed the To' Jinang
individuals, under twelve Batins, who, limpei '), who succeeded his uncle, as mentioned in the account of these Breyk, a short time ago pro tempore, states, have the power of electing the until his son, now a child, be old enough Malay chiefs. [These twelve chiefs to take upon himself the direction of the were probably those referred to in the affairs of the tribe. The Blandas have Blandas traditions (v. supra).'] Under four Jinangs, viz. Pawampa de Cheyng each Batin are two subordinates, termed {sic, ?), Ampu Manis, ' Palsye ' (? Pa' Jinang ('Jennang') and Juru - krah Lesai), and Rumbong ; and two Juru- ('Juroka'), who assist the former in kras. The Besisi, one Jinang named his duties. A Juru-krah of the Besisi Mumin ; one Juru-krah, Sekanal ; and tribe, named Tenggin (?), from the one Poyang, Manan (' Mannan '). The interior of Selangor, and a Poyang functions of their Batin resemble those named Ambui, of the Blandas tribe, pertaining to the Malay Raja ; the informed me that the latter had four title of Jinang is equivalent to that of Batins named Baning ('Banning') the Malay Penghulu ; and that of the or the 'Tortoise,' Lunggeyng, Singa- Juru-krah to that of Mata-Mata. kuasa (' Singa-quassa') or the ' Mighty There is also a war chief called Lion,' and Pakat. The Besisi tribe Pelima, identical with the Malay Penghas one Batin only, Pa' Limpei ('Pa- lima."
i hap. x SAl \Gl MAI i ) 5 Oh fOHOR
oi the Endau had engrossed the trade oi the fohor portion of the Sembrong river, The Benuaoi Benut were under a Jukrah ("Jum krah") and a Batin. Each Batin had absolute authority within his own
jurisdiction, but he referred difficult <>r unusual cases to .1 Council composed pi all the Batins,
epting the Batin Anak Setia; and matters in which all the Benua wen- concerned appertained to the same Council. Their deliberations were said to be sometimes very prolonged, particularly in affairs of a novel character, when their knowledge of the old " 'adat ' did not supply them with any
icedents.
Laws,
Benua-Jakun. — Offences against property or person were, from the mildness of the race, of very rare occurrence. Crimes of all kinds might be expiated by the payment of fines, the sentences being invariably imposed, not in the form of coins, of which very few reached their hands, but in coarse Chinese plates or saucers (" pinggan "). Adultery was punishable by a tine of from 10 to 20 plates according to circumstances ; theft the same ; murder, which, however, seems to be almost unknown, by one of 60 plates. One-half of the fine went to the Batin and the other half to the injured person. If the offender failed to deliver the plates, he became the slave of his victim. Complaints were inquired into by the Batin, who assembled a number of the elders and consulted with them. The Batin was considered to be responsible for any property that was stolen. But he could not convict the thief without confession or direct evidence of the theft. No regular
1 So Logan, but no part of the and only part of the left bank of the Sembrong river is now in Pahang, Endau.
516 THE SOCIAL ORDER pari ii
tax was paid to the Batins, but presents were frequently made to them.1
Loans were freely given, but no pledge was ever taken. -
Property and Succession:
Benua-Jakun. — On the separation of husband and wife by mutual consent, their hitherto common property was divided into three parts, of which the husband took two and the wife one. On the husband's death, one-third of the estate went to daughters and twothirds to sons. On the wife's death, the goods in common fell to the husband's share.
Again, if the wife happened to own a clearing (" blukar ") it descended to her children, the father, however, being an usufructuary trustee during his life.
Chiefs?
Johop Jakun. — Each tribe was under an elder, termed the Batin, who directed its movements and settled disputes.
Under each Batin were two subordinates, termed Jinang and Juru-krah, who assisted him in his duties.
A fourth title was that of Pawang, but it was rather a title of honour than of jurisdiction, and indicated the persons who were generally charged with fulfilling the offices of physician and teacher.
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 274. {ibid.) that adultery is punished with
Of the Benua Newbold says (ii. death if the parties are taken in the act.
394, 395): "Capital crimes such as Cp. also Vaughan - Stevens in
murder are punished by drowning, by V. B. G. A. xxiii. 834. [The only im-
impaling, or by exposure to the sun, portant point is that for theft double
leaving the criminal bound to a Nipah restitution had to be made, etc. But no
{i.e. thatch-leaf palm) to perish from localities being given, it is quite un-
heat and hunger." [The penalties certain of what tribe Yaughan-Stevens
mentioned are all practised by the is speaking.]
Malays, from whom their institution is 2 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 285.
probably borrowed.] Newbold adds 3 lb. p. 274. 4 lb. vol. ii. 267, 268
« 'i \r \
SAVAGE MALA YS I >J fOHOR
5»7
The functions of the Batin resembled th< appertaining to the Malay Raja. The title ol Jinang was equivalent to tint of the Malay Penghulu, and tli.it of Jurii krah was applied to the inferior executive (police) officers. There was also a war chiel called Penglima.1
After the death of a Batin (or chief of the tribe) the eldest of his sons would he presented by his
nearest relation to the whole collected tribe, and would then he declared and publicly recognised the successor of his lather in the Batinship. If the people refused to declare him Batin, the second son of the late Batin would be presented ; and if this second son and his other brothers were refused by the people, a stranger to the family would be elected. -
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. p. 267.
-' Ibid. It is related by some persons that t lie Jakun have great influence in the respective Malay states where they are living, and chiefly in the election of Malay Penghulus in the Menangkabau states. Newbold too says the same, and confirms it by the following fact : — " A few years ago the late Penghulu of Sungei Ujong, Klana Leher, died, leaving two nephews, Kawal and Bhair. It is an ancient custom, prevalent still in the interior and, I believe, generally throughout Malayan nations, that when a chief dies his successor must be elected on the spot, and before the interment of the corpse (which is not unfrequently deferred through the observance of this usage to a considerable length of time), otherwise the election does not hold good.
4 ' Now it happened that Kawal was absent at the time of Penghulu Leber's death. The three Sukus and one of the twelve Batins took advantage of Bhair's being on the spot, elected him, and buried the body of the deceased chief. Against this proceeding the Raja di Raja and the remainder of
the elective body, the eleven Batins, protested ; a war ensued } which terminated in 1828, pretty much as it began. Kawal, however, by virtue of the suffrages of the eleven out of the twelve Batins, and by the support of the Raja di Raja, is generally considered the legitimate chief. In Johol the Batins have a similar influence in the election of the Penghulu."
It appears certain that in iormer times the Batins exercised such an influence in the elections of the Malay chief ; but we must say that they have at the present time lost a great part of it ; for in Johol, Rembau, and several other places they are so few in number that such a fact would be impossible, and the contempt which the Malays have for them, as well as their own natural disposition to tranquillity and peace, scarcely permit us to believe that such is the case now even for Sungei Ujong, where they are the most numerous. — -J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 270.
Vide, however, M. Lister {he. cit.) on the constitution of N. Sembilan, where this alleged influence of the Batins is confirmed.
518 THE SOCIAL ORDER i-ari ii
After the death of a Jinang or a Juru-krah, the Initin would appoint the eldest son of the deceased to succeed to his office. If, on the other hand, the Batin should find the eldest son of the late dignitary unfit for the appointment, he would nominate another of the same family, and only when there was no proper person in the family itself to fill the office would he then appoint some one outside it.1
Laws}
Jakun. — Though the Jakun were generally good, and little inclined to evil ways, they showed, notwithstanding, from time to time (though seldom) that they were in natura lapsa, like the rest of mankind, from whence the necessity of establishing laws amongst them ; though we can say, to their praise, that their laws rather prevented disorder than punished it. Their laws were not everywhere uniform ; each tribe had its customs and regulations, those here stated being those more generally received. They were not written down ; but might be expressed in some such way as follows : —
Murder and Assault?
If a person kill another without just cause, he shall be put to death.
If a person beat another, he shall be beaten in the same way ; if he wound him, he shall be wounded in the same way.
If a person insult another, he shall pay a fine.
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. p. 268. * Ibid. p. 267. 3 Ibid. p. 269.
i hap, x WAGE MALA \ S > >/■ fOHOR
Theft}
1 1 any person steals the property ol his neighbour, he shall return it. and pay a fine to the Batin.
[f a person has alread) itolen several times, the Batin shall confiscate .ill his property.
Ii it is recognised that a person is in the habit of stealing, he shall be killed; because it is not considered possible that a man who has given way to Such a habit can ever again become an honest man.
The laws about marriage and divorce, and the disposal of children, will be dealt with more fully in the chapter on Marriage. Suffice it to say, with regard to marriage, that they are strict monogamists, the penalty for conjugal infidelity being the capital one ; and that the laws concerning divorce provide for the return of the dowry by the defaulting party ; and with regard to children, that they cannot be sold against their will, whatever age they may be, but must be taken care of, on the death of both parents, by the next of kin.
Inheritance?
After the death of the parents the whole of their property shall be divided amongst all the children in equal parts.
To the foregoing account it may be added that if a Jakun man died in debt, his debts were paid to the extent of one half, the creditor losing the other half, even though there were property enough left to pay the whole. The balance went to the next of kin ; to the widow, if there were one, in preference to
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. p. 269. ■ Ibid. p. 270.
52o THE SOCIAL ORDER part ii
a grown-up son, but a man might leave his property to any relation he pleased.1
Chiefs.
Udai. — The Udai are described by Newbold as being " without either laws or any form of government,"2 but this statement must not be taken au pied de la lettre.
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
The Orang Laut system of chiefship seems to have been the same as that of the Jakun, the titles of the tribal chiefs including those of Batin, Jinang, Jukrah, Penglima, Hulubalang, etc. Even among the tribes to be found at the present day on the island of Singapore [e.g. the men of Kallang), these titles are still preserved, in spite of the close proximity and influence of Singapore itself.
With this exception, however, there is scarcely a single remark extant to inform us what were the actual methods of law and government as practised by the Orang Laut, though there can be little doubt that they were practically identical with those of the Jakun. With regard to the rule of succession to property, we may infer from Logan's remark about the Sabimba3 [that the father's property descended to the sons], that it was actually identical with the Jakun rule.
1 /. R. A. S,t S. £., No. 8, p. 120. 2 Newbold, ii. 381, 382.
3 See vol. ii. p. 116.
CHAPTER XI. 1 )eaungs with ( ) rHER R u
The most nomadic of all the wild tribes of the
Peninsula are certainly the wilder Semang, who seldom stay more than three days in any one locality, and spend their entire lives in the hunt for wild roots and game. These M cheery little hunters," as they have been well described, travel continually in the north of the Peninsula, but do not usually appear to go far southward, their journeys being generally confined to the interior of the States of Perak, Kedah, and Kelantan, the old Malay State of Patani, and a portion of Trengganu and Pahang (north of the mouth of the river Tahan).
Of the Sakai tribes of Perak Sir F. Swettenham remarks that the common idea that they wander at large all over the hills is certainly a mistake. Each particular tribe keeps exclusively to its own valley, and is frequently at feud with its neighbours on either side.1 Their habits are migratory within their own districts, but except when compelled by the oppression of the Malays or other causes they seldom leave their own valleys.'2
The Jakun or " savage Malayan" tribes, among
1 This does not mean that they actually go to war. 2 Swettenham, op. cit.
522 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
whom may be reckoned the Besisi (the most numerous of the Coast-Jakun tribes) are, on the other hand, in the habit of migrating to greater distances, such as, for instance, to Batu Pahat in Johor and to the Strait of Dumei (Selat Dumei), off the west coast of Sumatra.
One of the most important causes which contribute to these periodical migrations is their great love of fruit, especially that of the durian. The seasons at which this fruit ripens vary in different parts of the Peninsula, and the wild jungle -dwellers (when not forestalled by Malays), pass from one fruit-grove to another as the trees ripen. But the number of fruitgroves thus visited by any given tribe is always limited, and usually consists, I believe, of the very same series, no attempt being made to poach upon the preserves of other tribes ; that is to say, the Sakai would not visit a Semang fruit-grove or vice versa, so that their wanderings are thus confined within certain well-defined limits.
It has often been stated by way of demonstrating the low state of their intellect that the wild tribes of the Peninsula are unable to count beyond three. This statement, however, is somewhat misleading, as although they can only count up to three in many of their dialects, higher numerals are still preserved in some localities (e.g. in Johor), and there is besides sufficient evidence to make it very fairly certain that the Mon-Anam numerals up to ten (and perhaps higher) must have formerly been known at least to some of the tribes in question.1
Many of them can to this day count up to ten in Malay, their knowledge of Malay numerals being doubtless due to their practice of bartering jungle
1 Cp. C. O. Blagden,/. R. A. S., S. B., No. 27, p. 40.
chap v/ RAl REMARKS
produce with the Malays, From these latter thej have learned the higher numerals, retaining only, in
their own di. ileit, the names <)t the first three or lour1 of them, which ;ire all they would commonly require
lor everyday use among themselvt
I n the following pages w ill 1 ><• given a few exam] i
of the inhuman treatment that these wild tribes have suffered in the past at the hands of their Malay persecutors — a treatment of which several writers, among them Mr. Hugh Clifford — have- described the results in vivid and picturesque narrative.
As an offset to these cases, complaints of being cheated by the Sakai and Jakun are not infrequently made by Malays, and some countenance is even lent to these statements by the high authority of writers like Logan. There are, however, the gravest reasons for disbelieving, or at the least for heavily discounting, all tales of this kind, which it is never safe to accept without the strictest investigation. Having investigated a .good many Malay complaints of this sort, the present writer is convinced that in the majority of cases, at all events, there is as little likelihood of Malays being cheated by any of these wild races as there would be of the wolf of the fable being deceived by the lamb.2 The Semang are perhaps an exception.
The most carefully collected government statistics do not (as has already been stated in the first part of this book) bear out the idea that the aborigines of the Malay Peninsula are destined to be killed off by the kindness of civilisation. Their actual numbers
1 Cp. Clifford, J. R. A. S., S. £., bearing on the same subject will be No. 24, p. 18. found in an earlier chapter — that on
2 A good deal more information " Modes of Barter."
524 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES iart ii
(especially when the small but necessary allowance is made for wastage through the conversion of an increasing number to Islam) have certainly not decreased to any appreciable extent, and the position of all the tribes, as a whole, is gradually improving. The policy of reserves is obviously unsuited for a race in which the nomadic instinct is so strong ; to confine a head of deer in a buffalo-pen must needs be fatal to the deer. A just and strong government has already given them what they most required, viz. protection against their most powerful and aggressive compatriots the Malays. The raids of the latter, which were once so common, have now been rigorously repressed, the result being that the relations between the aborigines and their quondam persecutors are much improved, though the necessity for constant vigilance has not by any means as yet been superseded. In spite of the devoted labours of the missionaries — more especially those of the Roman Catholic persuasion, who find in the simple hearts of this wild and untutored jungle-folk the very best possible soil for the sowing of their seed — it is perhaps most probable that the ultimate destiny of the great majority of these wild folk is absorption into the Mohammedan population. On the other hand, the fact is, and it is but scant justice to acknowledge it, that rude and uncultivated as these people are, yet in some respects they are vastly superior to the races by whom they are likely to be absorbed — more honest, more truthful, less covetous, more free in every way from crime ; and on this account, as well as on others, they have a foremost claim on the consideration of the responsible Government.
cmap. m NEGRITOS <>/ PEHAK 525
I. Semang. Dealings with Strut
Semang*. The Negrito Uvea by his bow and bl pipe alone, .uid sleeps in a temporary lean-to shed in spots where game is plentiful. The Sakai affects to
look down upon the Negrito, while the latter is a
happy-go-lucky, cheery little hunter who looks down on nobod) .'
The Semang are very merry and lively, and even their women and young girls arc much less wild than those of the Sakai, and assail the traveller with all kinds of extraordinary questions.9
Kedah Semang". — A good many years ago the Bendahara of Kedah sent two of the Kedah Semang for the inspection of some of his English friends at Penang ; but shortly after leaving Kedah, one of them whose fears could not be appeased became very obstreperous, and endeavoured to upset the small boat in which they were embarked. The Malays, therefore, with their usual apathy and indifference to life, put the poor creature to death, and threw him overboard ; the other arrived in safety, was kindly treated, and received many presents of cloth and money. He was taken to view the shops in the town, and purchased a variety of spades, hatchets, and other iron implements, which he appeared to prize above everything else. On his return to Ian he built himself a small hut, and began to cultivate mace, sugar-cane, and yams.3
Pepak Semang*. — In exchanging jungle produce (of the intrinsic value of which they are ignorant)
1 Clifford,/. R. A. S., S. />'., No. 24, p. 14.
- De Morgan, viii. 297. :1 Anderson, p. 427.
526 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES pari ii
for cloth, the Semang are generally imposed upon by the crafty Malay, but they in turn, however, frequently impose upon the superstitious Malays, when they have no products to barter and wish to procure a supply of tobacco, by presenting them with medicines which they pretend to derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods, and which they represent as efficacious for the cure of headache and other complaints.1
I am told by Mr. L. Wray that the Semang of Upper Perak have large clearings in which they cultivate rice and other grains, and have quite good well-built houses. There are others who appear to live in a more nomadic way, but even these have houses to which they resort sometimes. They go at times over the mountains to Selama and to Kedah.
The tribes of Upper Perak are in the position of dependents to the Malays, and appear to have been so for a long time past. The Malays call them in and make them fell the jungle and plant up their ladangs, collect jungle produce, and do house-building, etc., for them. In exchange they give them salt, salt-fish, tobacco, knives, axes, etc.
They appear to have been hunted and enslaved less than the Sakai,2 but on the other hand their position has apparently affected them more than some other subject races, and they are untruthful, cunning, and unreliable to a very marked degree. Mr. Wray was once for three months living amongst them, and this was the conclusion that he arrived at, much against his will. It may not apply to the wilder Negritos.
1 Anderson, pp. 425, 426 ; cp. De Morgan, L' Homme, ii. 556, '- For an instance, see p. 530 infra.
i map. m SAKAJ <>/■ PERAK
II. Sakai.
Dealings with Strangei .
Perak Sakai. Clifford says,1 that m contrast to the Negritos, who live .is hunters in slight l<*an - to sheds, the Sakai live in houses, and plant as well as hum ; and adds Further that the Sakai tribes are, for
the most part, now split up into innumerable clans,
each consisting o\ a few families living in pla<
surrounded by the Malays, and thus cut off from communication with each other, these small clans being more advanced in civilisation, and at the same time more degenerate than their brothers the Sakai of the far interior.
De Morgan says that, thanks to their honesty, they can do without police, and that as often as he compared our feverish life in Europe with the peaceful existence (of the Sakai), the comparison always proved to the advantage of the latter.2
Hale, who saw a great deal of the Sakai people in Perak, invariably found them (where not demoralised by Malay intercourse) most kind and simple- hearted, and always anxious to do their best to assist any white man that happened to be in want of assistance. He found this, moreover, the general opinion amongst those who had had dealings with these tribes. As has already been stated in the case of the Semang, the Sakai in their natural state were given neither to lying or cheating, though, on the other hand, they themselves are often the victims of the most shameless imposture on the part of the Malays.3
1 /. JR. A. S., S. B.t No. 24, p. 14. 2 De Morgan, vii. 425 ; cp. VHomme, ii. 556-559. 3 Hale, p. 286.
528 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part n
Hale adds that, the Malays themselves cheated the Sakai most remorselessly. He was informed by one of his men that he could always get tin ore sufficient to smelt ten kati's [rather over 13 pounds] of tin for a jungle-knife (" parang") worth only thirty cents.1
They are a most peaceful race, and now at all events never make war on each other or go in for any sort of inter-tribal fighting. They are affectionate and faithful both to their family and friends, and will treasure objects which belonged to the deceased. - For the rest we may accept the statement that they are by no means stupid, but very much the reverse in all matters that even indirectly concern their own interests. They are incapable, however, of standing any prolonged mental strain, and their inventive faculties seem dormant rather than non - existent. When the occasion arises they are by no means wanting in resource.3
The Sakai of Perak (as Mr. L. Wray writes me) are quite independent except in a few places. They were, in Malay times, hunted like wild beasts, and when captured enslaved by the Malays. At the same time there seems to have been a certain amount of intercourse kept up between the two races in the shape of a traffic in jungle produce and tin ore, on the one part, and knives, axes, cooking-pots, salt, cloth, etc., on the other. A few isolated tribes are
1 I am not quite sure, however, Cp. also Montano (quoted by De
that some injustice is not done to the Quatrefages, pp. 226, 227): "M.
Malays in this particular respect, as Montano informs us that they never
Mr. Hale (p. 287), himself records make war on each other, and that the
instances in which articles were offered parents watch tenderly over their
to him by the Sakai at a ridiculously children, and will even when necessary
low valuation. deprive themselves of food on their
23 Hale mJ.A.I. pp. 291, 292. account."
chai. xi /A'.// OF Pi RAA
still to be found, Mich as the Sakai oi Blanja and those at Till. in Tiga ("Three Islands") in Bata Padang, both <>i which have maintained their in dependence though completely surrounded l>y Mala The Sakai are very Bhy, but are truthful and hoiv Those oi Batang Padang have lately taken to ^roin^ by the railway down to relok Anson to sell rattans, dammar, and other jungle products at better pri< than they could get From the up-country Malays. They are now beginning to show a fondness for dress,
and it is no uncommon sight to see a party of Sakai
women coming into the towns very much smarter
and better dressed than the average of Malay women.
Mr. Wray tells me that he has known several instances of Sakai living in Malay Kampongs in Larut and Kuala Kangsar, not as slaves but as independent land- and house-holders.
Before the emancipation of the slaves in 1882-83, there were many Sakai women in the houses of the Malays, and quite a considerable number remained after that date. The children appear to be treated just the same as the wholly Malayan members of the family.
Mr. Wray adds, that the Sakai of Perak, who are in touch with the Malays, employ the Malay numerals up to quite high figures, and are sharp in money transactions. In the eighties he saw an excellent instance of this at Batu Pipis in Kinta. In paying for some things he gave some coppers to a Sakai, who picked out a Sarawak cent and gave it back, asking for a Straits cent in exchange.
The following passage by M. Maclay gives an accurate picture of the hostile relations still subsisting vol. 1 2 M
530 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
in some parts between the Malays and aborigines.1 Maclay remarks that if the " tamer " Sakai are somewhat dependent upon the Malays, the " wilder" ones remain decidedly hostile to them, and never lose an opportunity of taking revenge on these foes of theirs, who by continually laying out new plantations diminish the territory of the original inhabitants, get the produce of the jungle from them for a mere trifle, and also, whenever they can possibly do so, capture their children in order to keep them or sell them as slaves. This man-hunting, which is now very rarely practised by the Malays, was formerly practised on a larger scale, and in many districts where numerous tribes of the original inhabitants used formerly to dwell, no traces of them are now to be found. The Malays, however, in spite of their superiority in all respects to these denizens of the jungle, are nevertheless very much afraid of them, and do not venture either alone or in too small parties into those parts of the forest which the wilder aborigines are known to frequent.2
L. Wray has remarked that Sakai tracks, whereever possible, invariably follow the bed of some stream, and there is thus nothing to guide anybody in attempting to follow them. This, he was informed, was intentional, and in times past wTas a necessary measure to prevent their being followed and hunted out of their mountain homes by the Malays.3
1 Maclay in writing of the Pangan, jurisdiction of the F. M. S. For an
whom he calls Sakai. J.R.A.S., S.B., instance in which six Malays were
No. 2, pp. 212, 213. It is, how- severely punished, see Maxwell in
ever, bare justice to the Government of J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 4, p. 46.
the British Protectorate to say that 2 Miklucho Maclay in J. R. A. S.,
the raiding of the aborigines by Malays S. B., No. 2, p. 213.
has been sternly repressed, whenever 3 J. R. A. S., S. B.t No. 21, pp.
the opportunity has offered, within the 163, 164.
\i SAKA1 0/ SE1 4NG0H
The " tamer " Sakai, on the other hand, even when exploited by the Malays, frequently stand on somcwh.it better terms with them. It is in this lighter vein that a French traveller in Perak (M. Brau de
Saint-Pol Lias)1 writes, is follows : —
"I approach an old man with a round, goodnatured face, white hair, and grey moustache and heard, and ask him his age.
" He smiles, hesitates a moment, and repli<
" 4 Sa-ribu ! ' ('a thousand ').
44 The Malays annoyingly break out into a great shout of laughter, whereupon I ask them :
"'Why do you laugh like fools? Perhaps he means a thousand months. Which of you can tell me how many years that makes ? '
44 They hold their peace.
44 I return to my Sakai. I am determined to clear up the point at once, and to find out if the Sakai, as I have been told, can really only count up to three.
44 4 Sa-ribu ! That is perhaps too much,' I say to the good-natured old man ; 4 it is too much. Let us see about how much it is approximately.'
44 4 Sa-ratus ' (4 a hundred '), he replies quickly.
44 4 That is still too much. Perhaps you mean sixty ? '
44 4 Yes, sixty.'
44 1 have not settled the point yet." '
Selangfor Sakai. — The nomadic instinct of the Sakai dies hard, even among the more settled tribes, and Letessier records the fact that many Sakai who had been enslaved and converted by the Malays have taken the advantage of the establishment of the
1 Brau de Saint-Pol Lias, pp. 251-253.
532 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part n
British power in the Peninsula " and for the most part gone back to their hunting of monkeys and wild pigs."1 Their wonderful knowledge of the jungle and instinct in finding and capturing game has been referred to elsewhere.
It cannot be denied that they are, generally speaking, dirty to an extreme as compared with the Malays, scarcely any of them bathe except when caught in the rain, and a great number of them, more especially the members of the inland tribes, suffer from some more or less advanced stage of skin disease, which is due, no doubt, entirely to their way of living. There is, however, a good deal of difference in this respect between the inland tribes and those near the coast who have come to a greater extent under Malay influences.
They are also often very lazy, and, as might be expected, improvident, both characteristics being due to the life which they lead.
In many respects the Sakai of Kuala Lumpur are far better off than their forefathers were in the days when Malay influence was predominant in the Peninsula. In those days, as Letessier says,2 they had no fixed abode. Hunted by the Malays, who stole their children, they were forced to leave their dwellings and fly hither and thither, passing the night in caves or in huts (" pondok "), which they burnt on their departure. " In those days," they say, "we never walked in the beaten tracks lest the print of our footsteps in the mud should betray us." For wherever the Malay perceived any indication of their presence, he would build himself a small shelter, and never
1 Letessier, p. ioo. Cp. Maxwell, J. R. A. S., S. £., No. I, pp. 112, 113.
2 Letessier, p. 100.
i hap. m SAKAJ <>/■ SELANGOR S33
leave it until he bad disco* er<ed tin- plat e ol ret n where they generally spent the night. Accompanied bj a lew accomplices, he would then repair to the sp at nightfall, and the party, concealing them • until
dark, would wait to commence their raid until the " 1 lill men " were asleep. The Malays would then fire several rifle shots, spreading terror and confusion in every family, whose breaking up made them an
easy prey to their assailants, who would promptly make a rush lor the spot where they heard the shrieks the women and children. The girls were, as a rule, at once knocked on the head, and the boys were carried off and sold as slaves. There is hardly a family that has not its own especial calamity to relate, the result being the profound aversion that they avowedly cherish for the Malay ; no hatred, however, exists nor desire for vengeance, as such a feeling would be incompatible with the extraordinarily peaceful nature of the race.1
Any act of vengeance, moreover, would be fatal to them, in view of their insignificant numbers and lack of means of defence. They prefer therefore to sacrifice the part for the whole, and this is certainly the only possible course open to them, so far as regards the loss of their property. Since the arrival of the English, however, they have grown much bolder, for as the government has always befriended them whenever they have chosen to make a complaint, they are now able to hold their own in spite of the unceasing menaces of their enemy.*2
By the Chinese, on the other hand, they are very much more kindly treated, and are consequently much
1 Letessier, p. ioi. 2 Ibid.
534 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
more at home with them, and deal with them in preference to the Malays.1
Finally, we are told by Letessier that what chiefly distinguishes the Sakai from the Malays is the natural simplicity of their manner. They have a childlike openness of speech and are scrupulously just in their dealings. This uprightness and simplicity is so visibly expressed on their frank and smiling countenances, that even when they are attired like Malays it is almost invariably possible to recognise them when encountered on a journey. Both their food and clothing are as simple as possible ; they find all their wants supplied by the forest.
Sakai of Ulu Langat. — Campbell, in writing of the Ulu Langat Sakai, states that their manners were simple, and that they were naturally liberal, and would share anything in their house with any one, and were hurt if their offer were refused. At the same time, they were neither spiteful nor vindictive, and though many of them had guns, they were not brave enough to hunt the elephant or bison, and were not ashamed to say so.
A curious feature of their hospitality, pointed out by Campbell, is that whenever asked to do anything they would at once comply, but would not as a rule offer to do it of their own accord.
On the other hand, they would not refuse any gifts that might be offered them, and indeed in most cases, would look for presents whenever a European visited their settlements.
Their mode of trading was very simple, and they never got the best of a bargain.2
1 Letessier, p. 99. 2 Campbell, p. 240.
chap, xi SAVAGE mm a YS Oh SELANGOR
III. | \i.i v
Besisi. Like many wild races in other part,, tl are reticent and sh) ol Grangers, and will frequently hide in the jungle or up trees when a white man visiting their settlement for the first time. This shyness, however, wears oil much sooner than it does with the Malay, so long as the) are Well and justly treated , in lact, in many cases it soon entirely disappears.
Their ignorance not unfrequently takes a form which though natural enough in itself, appears « ceedingly comical to a European.
Batin Tirus of Telok Pulai once asked Mr. G. C. Bellamy if he could take off his boots. He apparently had an idea that the white man was born with boots on. Mr. Bellamy asked him how old he was, and although he was a great-great-grandfather, his reply was " More than ten years old" ("Sapuloh tahun lebih "). He put the same question to the Jinang at Sa-jangkang, and received a similar reply.1 I myself have had exactly similar experiences.
The Besisi are to a man most hospitable and liberal, and their sense of gratitude is far more developed than is the case with the Malays. Mr. Bellamy adds that they never forget a kindness, and always remember the ' Tuan ' (White Man) who visited them on such and such an occasion.2
If treated properly, they will do almost anything to oblige. On several occasions Mr. Bellamy had to use them as guides through the jungle, and all that he had to do was to state his requirements, when, without any hesitation or bargaining for wages, they at once afforded him the assistance required.3
1 Bellamy, p. 228. - Ibid. 3 Ibid.
536 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
Mr. Bellamy adds that although they hold such a low position in the scale of society, yet they are perfectly happy and contented. Their earthly bliss is contained, as they themselves will tell you, in " eating, working, and sleeping," and they ask for nothing more. Meet them where you will, either in their wretched huts, in the jungle gathering fruit or honey, by the seaside fishing, or anywhere else, they are always ready with a cheery response to your salutation.1
It is certain that they have never possessed an alphabet of their own, though they do possess the tradition of a sacred volume (" Kitab " 2) which is said to have been destroyed by fire many years ago.
But to describe them as children, or to assume that their brain is in a state of arrested development, is by no means an adequate statement of the case. They will work very hard and very rapidly for short intervals, even on their own account, and when " sweated " by the Malays who compel them to collect jungle produce, etc., they will often work, literally like " slaves," for a long while together. The fact that they have picked up agriculture when they might have got sufficient to supply all their wants from the forest, and had been in the habit of so doing for hundreds of years, shows that they are not incapable of progress. I have even known a small group of Besisi families take to the planting of Liberian coffee, whilst others have leased land from the government, have done road -work for government officers, and have even acquired such industries as that of the blacksmith. I think, in fact, that it can safely be said that the Malays can do very little that the Besisi, if taken young enough, and with equal advantages,
1 Bellamy, p. 228. 2 Ibid. p. 227 ; and cp. 378, 391, ante.
. mm SAVAGE MAI i YS <>/■ I I ANGOR \yi
could not acquire; though certainly tl oi them vli«> have been spoilt either by opium smoking or other M.il.ix or ( hineae vices, can hold their own with their
achers in .1 contest ol misapplied wit All the facts help to bring out what I believe to be the m< salient characteristic of these tribes, viz., their unrivalled power of adaptability.
Jakun of Sungei Ujong\ — The [akun ol Sungei Ujong were till recently on no better terms with the Malays than the aborigines of Selangor and Perak.1
At a Malay wedding-feast in Sungei Ujong, some of the Jakun guests (of whom nearly one hundred were present) informed the Rev. M. Iiorie (a French Roman Catholic missionary) and Mr. J. R. Logan how unhappy they were in that place, and what bad treatment they experienced from the Malays, so much so that only a few days before several of them had been killed and wounded by order of the Malay chief. They declared that they intended to escape over into the Company's territory, where they hoped to find more tranquillity and assistance ; and asked the Europeans to take them with them. Two of them offered themselves as servants for ever, or rather as slaves, as they intended not to receive any pay. This was a great mark of confidence, since by so speaking they took their lives in their hands, for the mention of their design would have undoubtedly been the cause of some fresh order for killing the first authors of this resolution, which would have been called a conspiracy. These requests were not acceded to, but some advice was given to the aborigines, the Europeans of the
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 280. The S. the tally-stick as amnemonic when they Ujong tribes, who are no better at want to calculate, v. Knocker, Journ. counting than others of their race, use F. M. S. Mus. vol. i. No. ii. pp. 60-61.
538 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
party intending to return again to the place after a short interval.1
Mantra. — The Mantra of Malacca have suffered like other aboriginal tribes from the raids and incursions of the neighbouring Malays, their most implacable foes being the members of a Malay tribe called Rawa. This people are natives of a country in Sumatra called Rawa, Rau, and Ara, lying immediately to the north of Menangkabau, and penetrated by the large but scarcely navigable river Rakan. They are distinguished for their trading character, and, as traders and settlers, they have for a long period, but particularly during the last twenty or thirty years, annually repaired to the Peninsula opposite, sometimes by way of the Rakan, but more generally by the river Siak. They are bold, persevering, and thrifty, qualities which have long enabled them to engross the principal internal traffic between Malacca and Pahang. They always go well armed, but the chief source of their strength is their social spirit, which leads them to make common cause against those who have injured any of their nation. They are now settled in considerable numbers in Rembau, Sungei Ujong, and the western part of Pahang, and their numbers and power yearly increase and become more formidable. Seven months before the time of Logan's (present) memoir, large bands of them, under one Bata Bidohom, who was reputed invulnerable, attacked the Mantra in several places, killing many of the men and carrying away more than a hundred of their women and girls into Pahang, where they sold them as slaves. The Rawa declared that they would hunt down the Mantra everywhere and deal with them all in the same way,
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 280, 281.
I iia. f| .}>,/ MAI A YS Of MAI A< > A
in consequence ol which the greater number oi Mantra left their houses and became scattered far and wridc about the country.1
At the s.unc time it must not be forgotten that the enmity of the Malays is often limited considerably by a superstitious fear of their victim
Amongst the Malays themselves the " tuju," or
Pointing charm, and other supernatural arts are also
to some extent practised, but their practitioners are
considered interior in power to those of the aborigines.
The very circumstance of these tribes remaining unconverted is probably a principal cause of the belie! crediting them with the possession of unhallowed powers. In no country where new creeds are received is there a total immediate abandonment of the ancient ones. So long as the existence of the old gods and demons of the land is believed in there will always be multitudes ready either to ask their aid or deprecate their wrath, in spite of the fact that they believe it sinful to do so. To this day neither Hinduism, Islamism, nor Christianity itself have totally extinguished the ancient superstitions of the countries where they prevail. And this same unreasoning fear of the aborigines has doubtless in numberless cases operated more powerfully in their defence than the best of laws could have done.3
Of the visit of a party of Mantra to Singapore, Logan has left a most interesting and valuable account.4 On the occasion referred to his Malay writer (one Inche Mohammed bin Haji Abdul Fatha, whom he had sent to Malacca to collect additional materials for a comparison of the languages of the aboriginal
1 J. 1. A, vol. i. pp. 328*, 329*. * 3 Ibid. p. 3 28*.
4 Ibid. p. 332* seqq.
540 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
tribes) informed him that he had brought a party of Mantra to his house in Malacca, and thought he could induce them to visit him in Singapore, so that he might be enabled to gain more thorough knowledge of their character and condition. The party in question had moved into British territory some time previously, and had settled at Rumbiah on Mr. Westerhout's land. Logan requested Mohammed to bring them to Singapore, and they arrived there on the 1 6th of October and remained till the 7th of November. The party consisted of a Mantra named Pawang and his wife, a second man named Parut and his wife, and a third man named Tala.
They hesitated much about undertaking the voyage, as the members of this race, like all the tribes of the interior, have a hereditary dread of the sea, and no Mantra had ever ventured upon it from time immemorial. When they came on board the "scotchy" they were at once placed below, to prevent their being frightened by the waves and the motion of the vessel. They soon became very sea-sick, and it was not till the boat was opposite Pulau Pisang that one of the men had so far recovered as to venture to rise and look round. But no sooner did the rolling waves meet his sight than he was seized with fear, and plunged below the deck again.
When they took up their residence in Logan's compound they were at first a little reserved, although they had evidently seen Europeans frequently. On the second and third days their principal employment, while their poisoned arrows lasted, was to shoot birds, and they soon discovered more species in the " kampong " than we had ever observed ourselves. On the second day they had depopulated all the trees. Amongst the
. mm. XI 5 // AG1 MAI A V i 0/ MAI |
spoils which they seemed i<> prize most were two om and a colony ol bats. The latter thej Beized upon with great glee, carried at once to their house, broiled slightly, and devoured. Nothing being now left n the compound, Logan took them next evening along the Garden Road, hut they <li<l not succeed in getting any birds, and this mad'- them think Singapore a poor
Country. Some clumps o~ jungle on the hills beyond Mr. Caldwell's villa redeemed it a little in their ey< and they were anxious to reach them, hut disliked
having to cross the swamps. Logan offered togi
them a small plantation if they would remain in Singapore, pointing to the sugar-canes and fine Iruit-tn in the Chinese plantations on the side of the road. They said they could not live where there was so little forest, and as for plantations they could make clearings of their own in Malacca. They pointed to Said Omar's and Mr. Dyce's hill, and asked what was the value of such a house with the hill and trees around it. When told that it might sell for 3000 dollars, they expressed the liveliest astonishment. Shortly afterwards, when Pawang was describing the mountains of his country, he was asked for what price the Mantra would sell Gunong Berembun. He hesitated, looked at Mr. Dyce's hill, and at last said, " Ten godowns," i.e. store-houses (" sa-puloh gedong ").
Of all the sights that they saw in Singapore, the Chinese Temple pleased them most. But after having visited the town, Telok Blanga, Seglap, and some other parts of the island, they declared that Malacca was a much finer place.1
The three men differed considerably in disposition. The most remarkable was Pawang, who displayed
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 332*, 333*.
542 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES i \rt ii
much sense and firmness in his character, and a slight degree of pride and reserve in his manner. He was looked up to by his companions as a man of superior ability and knowledge, and his reputed skill in natural and supernatural medicines made him an object of much attention to the Malays in the neighbourhood, who invited him to their houses and visited him, to solicit herbs and charms. The women in particular regarded him as a magician of undoubted art, and many, on first approaching him, threw themselves at his feet. His head was decidedly intellectual in its formation.
Parut was a picture of indolence, good-nature, and contentedness. He seemed to enjoy what the passing moment brought, without any intrusion of thought or care.
Tala was also good-natured and indolent, but more lively, and not without a little humour. He was exceedingly fond of raw brandy, and, when slightly elevated, danced, sang, and played on his flute — a mere piece of bamboo with some holes in it. On the third evening he was seized with melancholy, his thoughts reverted to his absent wife, and he sat for some hours by himself drawing plaintive notes from his flute, and singing of her, by turns, wThile the tears coursed down his cheeks. His temperament was much more excitable than that of the others.
The women were good-natured, and one of them, Pawang's wife, was even lively. Whilst their conversation was characterised by an Old Testament simplicity and unreserve, their manners were in every respect modest.
The impression which they made upon every one who saw much of them was very favourable. In
i hap m I VAGI MAI I ) i 0/ MALAi CA
manners the) w ere s< »ti . simple, i andid, and, al l he same time independent. Their whole conduct m. iikcd by a tone ol propriety and good sen I bej showed .in entire absence oi obtrusiveness, greedine deceitfulness, intolerance, or any other ol the vv which so often mar the effect of the good qualities possessed by many of the races who inhabit Singapore,
In a word, they were perfectly well behaved, and inspired a trustfulness and liking which are not often awakened by Asiatics in the breast of the European.1
Within a fortnight after Logan had wished them a safe voyage back to Malacca, and promised to visit Gunong Berembun under Pawang's guidance, a rumour reached him that the trading boat which carried them away had been wrecked and three of them drowned. This most painful intelligence was confirmed, and the satisfaction that he had anticipated when bringing these notes to a close, from the hope that some attention and sympathy might be drawn to the race, was embittered by the reflection that the resolution of his simple friends to overcome their natural dread of the sea had proved a fatal one to them. It appears that stormy weather was experienced from Pulau Pisang to Padang. When off the latter place, on the 14th, the boat being much damaged and the wind rising to a gale, the Malays made for the shore. They had nearly reached it, about nine o'clock at night, when, dreading that the boat would be dashed to pieces, the crew prepared to leap overboard, and wade to the land. Tala and Pawang's wife were afraid to do so, but his sister and Parut, her husband, consenting, Pawang fastened them to himself by their waist-bands, saying that they would
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 333* 334*.
544 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
live or die together, and then they all plunged into the waves. They sank at once, for it was deeper than they had believed, and the bottom being a stiff mud, they never rose again. Next morning the Malays, who had succeeded in reaching the shore, saw the boat still holding together, and, on going to it, they found Tala and Pawang's wife alive in it. The survivors procured a boat and arrived at Malacca on the evening of the following day.1
Jakun of N. Sembilan. — In contrast to the bad treatment of these tribes is the position of the aboriginal element in Rembau, of which the late Mr. M. Lister has informed us that the " Batins " or chiefs were, according to ancient usage, closely connected with the Malay tribe from which the Penghulus of States were in nearly all cases elected. The four principal Batins were those of Ulu Klang, Sungei Ujong, Jelebu, and Johol. They had a strong voice in the election of the Mohammedan Penghulu. The cause is apparent. The Menangkabau colonists married the daughters of Batins. Their children were Mohammedans and their female children (in accordance with Menangkabau law) inherited and became the origin of the " Waris " or tribe of 11 Beduanda," which was declared to be the inheriting civilised tribe, whilst at they same time they still had to recognise the Batin or Jakun's powers in the mountains and forests, and preserve their position and identity in connection with the ''Beduanda" tribe.2 Hence came the custom of female inheri-
1 J. /. A. vol. i. pp. 334*, 335*. and other Malay pirates occupying a
2 The reason for this striking dif- coast -line, as in the case of Selangor ference in the treatment of the Rembau and Perak, driving back and taking as aborigines are stated by Mr. Lister as slaves the non-Mohammedan aborigines follows: — " First and foremost it must of the Peninsula termed 'Semang,' be understood that instead of Bugis ' Sakai/ 'Jakun,' and 'Waris Laut,'
chap, . SAVAGE MALA » I '/ VBILAN
tance, and according to Menangkabau custom a man cannot marry in his own tribe, that is, in the tribe oi his mother, Hence .1 Beduanda man must marry into another tribe, and his children b ilong to the tribe ol
tin- mother.1
It is often most interesting to converse with Batins and [akun chiefs on their traditions and laws, especially in tracing the connection with the Malay Mohammedan customs. A Batin will invariably tell you that all the forest and waste lands — called by them " Gaung," " Guntong," " Bukit," " Bukau," as inclusive; of everything uncultivated — belong to them. This is by origin correct; but there is at the same time no doubt that they have parted with their rights to the Mohammedan tribe of Beduanda in all cases of government, concession, and taxation. Still the Dato' of Johol pays to the Batin of Johol a proportion of the revenues derived from waste lands through his minister the Jinang of Johol, who is, so to speak, minister for the aborigines. The Batins often collect themselves where the Beduanda are remiss in doing so. For instance, in Muar (i.e. on the reaches of the Muar river above the Segamat boundary), Batin Gemala, who is the principal Batin of Johol, declared that he collected a fee that he called
the people of Menangkabau who countries in which they might quietly
penetrated into the Negri Sembilan settle and make their home. Now it
vid Malacca or the Muar river came is more than probable that all these
as settlers. They came in search of settlers came from the interior of
pastures new, possibly on account of Sumatra. They were accustomed to
troubles and disturbances in the State mountains, hilly districts where existed
of Menangkabau in Sumatra, just as rich alluvial valleys, in which they
we did in leaving English shores for knew they would find soils fertile
the continent of America. They were and easy of irrigation " (/. A\ A. S.,
no Rajas or warriors on the look-out .9. B., No. 22, Dec. 1890, pp. 299,
for conquest and plunder, but merely 300).
peaceful immigrants from Sumatra, * J. K. A. S., S. £., No. 22, p.
who hoped to find fertile and rich 302.
VOL. I 2 N
546 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
" penchong alas " from the Malays who collected jungle produce. The amount of the fee was insignificant, being one dollar per man once in three years. He declared with pride that this was the " penny-box of the man of the woods."1 The simplicity of this form of taxation was most curious, and shows the freedom from guile of the aboriginal mind. He was attempting at the time of this meeting to collect this fee for the past three years, not in advance. Lister tried to assist him, but the attempt was vain. He was somewhat indignant at the falseness of the Malay ; but for his own part, Lister was not astonished. In talking of his position with reference to the Dato' of Johol, he said that as between him and the Dato', " custom cannot be altered, agreements cannot be changed, alliances cannot be revoked." 2 This is a very beautiful expression of Malay fealty and loyalty. Sometimes a Batin or Jurukrah, who is minister to the Batin, is very indignant. He will say, " the Penghulus3 get thousands of dollars now in selling our forests." Then it is explained to them how necessary it is this earth should be developed. They are informed that they are not able to govern or regulate such things, and that they cannot truly claim the forests as being theirs ; but that what they can claim is to have all that they require for their maintenance from the forests. They will then reply that this is quite right, and that they are really perfectly happy as long as they have forests reserved to them, and that they do not know what to do with money. They are delighted with presents of tobacco, stuffs, and other trifles. If
1 "Peti duit orang utan." "Alas" is an obsolete Malayan word for "jungle." 2 " Adat tiada berubah, perjanjian tiada beralih, setia tiada bertukar."
3 I.e. Lesser chiefs.
chap, m SAVAGE MALAYS "/■ ,\ SE MB J LAN 547
you give them monej they generally ^«> home to the forest and bury it, never telling any one where, that on theirdeath it Is lo I here was one man who liked getting money, and he alwa) i came alone to
Lister to ask for it. He cawu- .dime bo as to be able to bury the money without difficulty. II'- had evidently .1 craving for silver, and experienced the
satisfaction of a miser in knowing that he had money, though he did not make use of it.1
'ldie conversation o( the Jakun is full of proverbs, and they constantly quote sayings which have certainly become Malay, but which often and often are unknown to Malays of the present day. It is a usual thing for a Malay to exclaim when a Jakun is talking, " How clever he is at talking!"2 and to look at him in admiration. The Malay, however, knows the Jakun's intense simplicity ; and if he wants any advantages from him, he will get all he requires. He will also laugh at him, though in a friendly chaffing way, and it is often amusing to hear the Jakun get by far the best of the laugh.3
The Jakun never object to the collection of revenues by British officials. They say that the English know how to do it, and that they do it rightly, and that it should be so ; but they say the Malays know nothing about it, and that when money comes into a Malay country it makes nothing but difficulties and trouble. They are lookers-on, and it is hardly necessary to say howT correct their views are.4
A Jakun has the greatest dread of a grant for land. Nothing will persuade him to take out a grant, and if pressed (which in the Native States is
1 3 4 /. fi. A. S.j S. B., No. 22, pp. 302, 303. 2 " Pandei s'kali chakap."
548 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
unnecessary), he will leave the country and travel away into the mountains of the interior. Anything binding, any direct taxation or registration, drives him away.1
The real objection of the Jakun to taking out grants for land is because of their custom that if there is a death in the house, they must leave the place and settle elsewhere, generally many miles away.2
The origin of the land tenure in Rembau is very curious, and probably unknown in any other State of the Malay Peninsula. When the original settlers arrived they ingratiated themselves into the good graces of the aborigines, and first of all, no doubt, got free gifts of forest land from the Batin. Later on there probably was competition for waste lands in fertile valleys, and presents were given to the Batin of the land. This resulted later in the sale of land to the Mohammedan settlers. The price was a knife or a weapon, a piece of cloth or some article valued by the Jakun ; but it became an actual sale. According to Mohammedan law, land cannot be sold ; it is God's land, and man cannot sell it. Thus here we have distinctly the aboriginal origin in the sales of waste lands. Later, as the Mohammedans became powerful in the country, the Mohammedan tribe of Beduanda took up the sale of waste lands and made considerable profit by it ; and during the last twenty years the Beduanda chiefs have sold waste lands of, say, three or four acres in extent, for eight and ten dollars and sometimes more.3
As this custom was against the Mohammedan law, it was easy for the government to put a stop to an
1 2 3 j% Rm A% S., S. B., No. 22, pp. 303, 304.
i hap, m SAVAGE MALA I 5 OF N SI \fBJl I
usage which caused many disputes, much trouble, and <\ en bloodshed in the country
In an article printed in this same fournal (i 9) Lister gave the dry Facts in connection with the origin of their constitution. The tribes are governed by the " '.Vl.it Perpatih," and by the customs derived from the aborigines. With the Raja Family this is not the case, and the "'Adat Temenggong" governs
property and inheritance
Here again is a case that has only been referred
to as having created ill-feeling, but which illustrai the Batin's influence in State matters. Batin Gemala,
the principal Batin of Johol, who lived some miles in the interior on the left bank of the Muar river, was induced, in consequence of a number of his people becoming Mohammedans and of other Mohammedan settlers arriving in the reaches (" rantau ") of the Muar river above Segamat, to consider the advisability of bringing forward a Penghulu.3
The Penghulus of States having by origin been brought into office by the Batin, this was no doubt constitutionally correct. Batin Gemala brought the individual whom he had selected to the Dato' of Johol in order that the Dato' should recognise this new Penghulu-ship. The Dato' of Johol did so. He thought it would conduce to a settled population in Muar, where formerly, as on many other rivers, the people of the " reaches " had been nomadic, moving from reach to reach and never permanently settling. The Penghulu of Ladang, however, whose ancestors before him had always ruled this district under the Penghulu of Johol, was much annoyed at this new departure, and the result was quarrels and jealousies.
1 - 3 /. R. A, S.t S. B.y No. 22, pp. 304, 305.
55o DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
When the Penghulu of Muar subsequently died, the Dato' of Johol would not make further experiments in accepting a Batin as Penghulu.1
Berembun Tribes. — The great superstition of the Berembun tribes is their best safeguard against their equally superstitious though more civilised neighbours. The Malays and Chinese of Malacca, with few exceptions, but especially the Malays of Naning, Rembau, and the other States of the interior of the Peninsula, have implicit faith in the supernatural power of the Berembun Poyangs, and believe that many lay members of the aboriginal tribes are imbued with it. Hence they are careful to avoid offending the Berembun tribes, because although the latter do not attempt, at the time, to retaliate, or even use threats, they are believed nevertheless to have taken the offence deeply to heart, with the intention of revenging themselves, sooner or later, by occult means. Moreover, the Malays, when they have the opportunity, resort to the Poyang for the cure of various diseases, with which either they themselves or their relatives are troubled. A third motive, viz., revenge, also not infrequently sends the Malays to the Poyang, whose power is invoked with the object of causing disease and misfortune, or even death, to any one by whom they have been injured.2
War in all its forms is quite unknown to them.3
Benua-Jakun. — But in order to understand thoroughly the relationship between the Benua and the Malayafurtheracquaintance with the Benua is necessary.
To commence with, the Benua who is not well supplied with the necessaries of life in considerable
1 /. R. A. .9., S. £., No. 22, pp. 2 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 328*.
310, 311. 3 Ibid. p. 273.
i iim MAI A ) S i '/ fOHOR 551
variety has nothing but his own indolence to blame. As in other communities! the condition ol individuals varies much, The active and persevering do not grudge their labour to render themselves and their families comfortable. Their clearings are well sto< I with vegetables. Their families are clothed. They have their fishing-hut and canoes on the river, and their durian-grove and hut in the forest, and they and
all about them are cheerful and even happy. And yet they never have any other capital than their industry. Others again have! not a tithe of their comforts, but are so reconciled to their own indolence and its results, that they are contented with their lot. I soon found that a large house and a sufficient supply of clothing were certain evidences that the head of the family was endowed with a superior measure of intelligence and cheerfulness. Where all are on an equality, accumulated capital wanting, and hardly anything inherited but the common right of taking the produce of the forest, personal advantages are the only ones known. He who has most intellect and activity fares the best.1
The good-humour and cheerfulness of the Benua are amongst their most striking characteristics. Their minds are free from thought and free from care. They are timid, but at the same time perfectly independent, and, whilst entirely exempt from all servility of manner or address, and wanting in that peculiar courtesy which distinguishes the Malay, they are thoroughly respectful.. Though in address they are abrupt and open, they have the same natural softness of manner and unwillingness to offend which characterise the uncontaminated Malay.
1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 266.
552 HEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
Their plainness and modesty of manner is accompanied by a mental candour and truthfulness which the Malay regards as barbarous simplicity, but which must attract the sympathy and good- will of the European in a strong degree, and place them in his estimation far above all the more civilised Asiatic races with whom he is familiar. Amongst the Benua he feels as if the oppressive moral atmosphere which surrounds him elsewhere, were exchanged for a pure and elastic one, in which he can once more breathe freely. The simplicity and openness of their minds, combined with their freedom from vanity, levity, and any overweening pride, communicate a tone of sense to their conversation. In their personal habits the Benua are as cleanly as the Malays. Their paucity of dress even gives them an advantage in this respect over the Malay. They scrupulously wash and clean every article of food before cooking it, and reject meat that is at all tainted. The ground below the hut, as with the Malays, is made the receptacle of all the vegetable ddbris of their cookery and repasts, but it is free from the noisome smell which surrounds the dwellings of the Jakuns. The dogs live in the hut, but are cleanly and receive their share of wholesome food. In respect of the personal appearance of the Benua, it is said that the sensual predominates over the intellectual in the expression of their countenances. In their manners they are perfectly modest, while familiar and open, and although both sexes at all ages freely associate, I did not observe anything that could have led to the supposition that there was not the strictest reserve amongst the unmarried, and fidelity amongst the married.1
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 267, 268.
i kaf, m WAGl MAI I KS Oi fOH
To this imperfe< I sk< tch ol the < hara< ter ol l he Benua it should be added that although le l ive
in their feelings than the Berembun tribes, who pride takes offence .it the least appearance ol a slight or assumption of control, they would probably show themselves reserved, unsocial, and even sullen if tl
were HOt treated with kindness and respect. They
are less distrustful, less changeful, and more robust in
their character than the Berembun tribes, who require
to be humoured like children, and, if they are not 80 treated, easily convince themselves that they are wronged, neglected, or treated with a want of consideration. Like children, too, they are very suscep- tible to ilattery.1
It is this excessive sensitiveness both to flattery and slight which seems to supply that psychological link between the aborigines and the Malays, which at the first contemplation of the great difference between them, seems to be wanting. Civilisation has deprived the Malay of the openness and simplicity of the Benua, and hardened him. But although he has substituted for a total want of manner one of the most strongly marked manners possessed by any race, his pristine sensitiveness is covered, not conquered. It is indeed the secret of much that is peculiar in his social deportment. That art of putting everything in a pleasing point of view, of softening and concealing the natural asperities of a subject under discussion, of rendering even that which in other hands might wound the self-love of the person addressed, the medium of a compliment — an art in which the well-bred Malay is unsurpassed and which the combined softness, frankness, and simple dignity of his manner so
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 267, 268.
554 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part 11
well second, — is the growth of this very sensitiveness. He soothes and flatters others that he himself may be soothed and flattered. The command over his own passions and feelings which he has obtained renders courtesy and politeness habitual, but has veiled, not subdued, his Benua nature, and the sense of wrong, when not relieved by speedy revenge, sometimes preys upon his mind till he is goaded into fury, and moodiness becomes madness. It is another result of the inherency of the Benua disposition that many Malays, who have not the sustained animal spirits or firmness required by the civilisation and position which the race have obtained, are disposed to a degree of melancholy which sometimes becomes sullenness. Let the Benua be drawn from his seclusion into intercourse with other nations, and his character will be emboldened and hardened by the change in his habits, and unless a more powerful and spiritual religion than that of the Malays should elevate him in character as well as in civilisation, we may see him bring the kris to the aid of his spells, and substitute the "amok" for the "tuju." As yet the race sits happy in the ethnic nursery, unconscious of the progress of events which must force it from its child- like ignorance and peace, and teach it to know the corruption and the strife which nations of larger growth have found in civilisation.1
The Benua occasionally embrace Islamism, but although attachment to their old habits and pride in the antiquity of their race combine with their want of regard for the Malays in rendering them averse to this conversion, the Malays are persuaded that
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 269, 270.
< map, \i WAGE MAI A v Ok fOHOR
they will ultimately l><- entirely amalgamated writh them. This ii> .1 fate which every consideration <<t humanity and religion urges us i<> endeavour to avert. As yet ill'- Benua preserve much <»i their natural openness and honesty oi character, and their whole
disposition is such as t<> giv( HCC that they
would prove willing recipients <>t Christianity, were
it presented to them in its purity and simplicity. Were an intelligent and kindly missionary I tie
amongst them, the superiority of his character to that of the Malays would speedily gain for him the influence and authority of a father. A great improve- ment in their condition might be brought about by merely placing their intercourse with the Malays upon a j uster footing, to accomplish which the influence of the Singapore government and the authority of the Temenggong (the Sultan of Johor) would, it may be anticipated, be readily accorded.1
To compare or contrast the aborigines of the south of the Peninsula with the Bataks and the Dayaks and the Malays, it need here only be remarked that the character of the first three races mentioned is essentially the same, and that it may still be recognised even in the Malay.'2
The Benua has less development of intellect, and less corruption of the passions. Natural influences are with him greater than artificial ones. Every individual and every family lives rather in the pure and fresh presence of nature than of men. Detached in family groups in the forest, Malay corruption, which would long ago have reduced them to its own dye if it could have operated on them en masse in villages, has found no assailable point. The absolute-
1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 291. 2 Ibid.
556 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
ness of the influence of the family, and of simple and solitary pursuits, has also prevented the internal growth of vices. There is no outward influence to counteract it. Society in its turn contains no institution or principle that can interrupt its harmony. Their character and habits afford no room for any disturbance of the equality that reigns throughout the whole country. Hence there is no appreciable social strife or ambition.1
As has been said, both the Bataks and most of the Dayaks preserve the Benua character at bottom ; but, unlike the Benua, they have elaborated their superstitions and their social habits, and have acquired some vicious propensities, such as gambling, and the unnatural customs of head-hunting and cannibalism, though it is undeniable that the Bataks as a race have a greater prevalence of social virtues than most European nations, and that truth, honesty, hospitality, benevolence, chastity, absence of private crimes, are here found actually to co-exist even with cannibalism.2
The Benua nature, as we have already had occasion to notice, is also very recognisable in the Malays, although the pride and pretension engrafted upon it by Mohammedanism, the bold and active part which they have played in the modern history of the Archipelago, and the influence of courts formed on the Mohammedan model have obliterated much of its simplicity and all its artlessness.3
War is unknown to the Benua, as it is to the Berembun tribes. The Menangkabau Malays are rapidly increasing in the portion of the Peninsula occupied by them, and are even spreading over the
1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 292, 293. - 3 Ibid. p. 293.
WAGE .1/ // A K! <>/■ JOHOR SS7
interior of Pahang, and, from their ( hinese like habit of combining for mutual ends, are growing formidal to the Pahang Malays. It would appear that they deal more harshly with the aborigines than the Mala) i of the Peninsula, for they are recorded to have formerly attacked the Mantra and killed some oi their Batins. This proceeding drove many Mantra families from the neighbourhood, and small colonics found their
way into the British territory at the hack of Malacca, and other places. The Mantra say that they found resistance in vain, because, the Menangkabau Malays were armed with muskets, and had learnt the use of antidotes to the ipoh poison, so that the slender darts of the blowpipe inflicted but little injury upon them.1
Every outlet from the country of the Benua is occupied and guarded by Malays, who, by preventing the free access of strangers and working upon the ignorance and fears of the Benua, keep them imprisoned in the interior of the country. Having thus effectually locked them up in the jungles, they prey upon them in a most unscrupulous manner. It is probable that if the character of the Benua had been weaker they would have been long since reduced to direct slavery. But although timid and unwarlike, they have stubborn notions of right and wrong, and any attempt at compulsion is met with an obstinate resistance. The Malay, therefore, respects the independence and the customs (" hadat ") of the Benua, adapts himself to his notions, and has recourse to craft and cajolery to attain his ends.2 He treats his victims with a great
1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 273. MS. which was forwarded by one of
- The following passage, explanatory the Selangor chiefs, and purports to
of the customs of the Benua, is trans- be the answer given by the four chiefs,
lated from a copy of an old Malay or Neneks (i.e. " elders,'" lit. grand-
558 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES l art ii
.
show of respect and kindness, and cheats them to their faces in the most courteous and friendly manner. Though he himself dreads the power of their Poyangs, he is well aware at the same time of the influence of his bolder and more energetic and reckless character on the Benua, and, when occasion requires it, talks of his good-will being abused, of the inadequacy and dilatoriness of the return that is being made to him for his advance, and hints that if his debtor does not prove more diligent, he will not be able to restrain his anger.1
Jakun of Johor. — The Jakun tribes are entirely inoffensive, having an excellent temper ; they are generally kind, affable, inclined to gratitude and to beneficence. Hospitality is much practised amongst them, not only towards other Jakun but towards any stranger who reaches their habitations. All Indian nations are much inclined to begging ; and anything they happen to see that pleases them they ask of the owner, when they know that there is no means to steal it, and sometimes their demands are so frequent and repeated as to appear very importunate. The Jakun, however, are not so ; they differ much in this respect from other Indians ; they are liberal and generous. When visited they very seldom ask for
fathers), who were summoned to the lofty branches, where the ' Kempas '
presence of Mahomed Shah, king of links its knots, there we love to
Johor : — sojourn. Our weapons are the blow-
" We wish to return to our old pipe ('temiang'), and the quiver of
customs, to ascend the lofty mountain, arrows imbued in the gum of the
to dive into the earth's deep caverns, deadly ' Telak ' (sic). The fluid most
to traverse the boundless forest, to delicious to us is the limpid water that
repose, with our head pillowed on the lodges in the hollow of trees, where
knotted trunk on the ' Durian ' tree, the branches unite with the trunk ;
and curtained by ' Resam ' leaves. To and our food consists of the tender
wear garments made from the leaves shoots of the fragrant 'Jemantong'
of the ' Lumbah," or ' T'rap ' tree, and the delicate flesh of the bounding
and a headdress of ' Bajah ' leaves. deer." — Newbold, pp. 394, 395.
Where the ' Meranti ; trees join their 1 J. I, A. vol. i. p. 285.
chap, m - I AGE MAI A I Of /<>//<>/:
anything, and will never refuse what is islced From them ; and when after asking their visitor r< to
(.ike anything, they will press him todo Th
very seldom have quarrels among themselves, and their disputes are usually settled l>y their Batins or chiefs without any display <>t malice or fighting. Their laws allow of punishments for several sorts of" crime,
but the Batin seldom has occasion to apply them.
Candour and honesty, qualities verj rare in India,
and perhaps so in all Asia, are notwithstanding found amongst the Jakun. It is remarkable that they abhor lying and thieving, not in words as the Malay, but really and in practice. They are never known to steal anything, not even the most insignificant trifie. These remarkable qualities have on more than one occasion induced persons to attempt to domesticate them, but the result has generally been the disappearance of the Jakun upon the slightest coercion. A Mr. Lewis, formerly Assistant Resident at Penang, had for some time a Jakun family in his house. They appeared at first to be very glad of their position, but having been one day employed in some servile work, they fled away and appeared no more. The reason is that the Jakun are extremely proud, and will not submit for any length of time to servile offices or to much control. This, if it was a defect, was the only one that Logan remarked in them. 1
Europeans are known to the Jakun, as a rule, by report only, the greater number of them having never seen a European. But on account of the great number of Chinese in the Peninsula, few of them are unaware of the existence of China ; they are told, too,
1 J. I, A. vol. ii. pp. 266, 267.
r 560 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part 11
of Bengal, of Sumatra, and of Siam ; these are the boundaries of their knowledge in geography. Their science in astronomy is yet more limited ; they see the sun rise and set every day ; that the moon sometimes appears, sometimes not ; they use the light of the heavenly bodies when present, and sleep when it is dark, but they have never noticed or inquired about the course of the stars ; they scarcely know how many days go to the duration of a moon, nor how many moons go to a year. They are not at all aware even of their own age, or of that of their children ; such observations appear to them mere superfluities as being not required in their way of living.1 Their ignorance of such matters, however, may be less surprising when we remember that those of the Malays themselves who live in the interior of the Peninsula are not aware of all these things, and that on these subjects many of them are no better informed than the Jakun. A thing in which the Jakun (especially those of the Menangkabau States) are truly skilled, is the art of using the blowpipe and poisoned arrows ; as has been pointed out in speaking of their weapons. They have no knowledge of writing, nor do they make use of any symbolical signs.2
Both the intellectual faculties of the Jakun and the knowledge they evince are very limited ; the reason of which is probably, however, not so much the defect of their intelligence itself, as the want of the necessary means to develop it. The Jakun are indeed very ignorant, but are also certainly capable of acquire-
1 " The Jakun are entirely ignorant the decimal calculation, the natural
of the first principles of mathematics, indigitation, is adopted by them in
nor do they know the simplest rules of ordinary use.'" — Newbold, ii. 394. arithmetic. The mathematical instru- 2 J. LA. vol. ii. p. 251.
ment which probably gave origin to
« bap, m ' VAGE mm A Y "/■ fOHOR
incut; the) are endowed with a Bound mind, a right judgment, and a good memory, \<-\ are seldom if ever either ins. me or idiotical; all are more or l< intelligent, and have all their intellectual faculties in
a sound state, corresponding t<> the common and
ordinary rules of natut There can I"' little doubt
that if they we're to receive the same care that is
given to European children, they would become
equally intelligent, and possibly more susceptible of a good education than a great part of the natives of India.1
Relations between Jakun and Malays.
When these two races, whose common origin is in many respects clear, are compared, it is hard to avoid a feeling of astonishment on perceiving so remarkable a difference between them. The dissimilitude in their physical appearance is very slight when compared with that which exists in their manners, customs, and moral qualities."
The Jakun and Malays, so different in many points, are notwithstanding similar in some respects ; both are ignorant and consequently superstitious. In these two points they resemble each other, with this difference, that the Malays are ignorant and pretentious, whereas the Jakun are ignorant, but awrare of their ignorance ; and though they are proud and independent, yet they think that others know better than themselves and thus easily endure to be taught. Moreover, though both races are superstitious, the Malays are certainly more so than the Jakun ; and those of the Jakun who have the least to do with the
1 /. /. A. vol. ii. p. 248. a Ibid. p. 274.
VOL. I 2 O
DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES
PART II
Malays are at the same time the least superstitious.1
The Jakun hates the Malay, and the Malay despises the Jakun. There is a natural and uncontrollable antipathy between the two races ; but they stand in need of each other, and their mutual intercourse is indispensable. The Jakun launch out into incessant complaints against the Malays, as being bad people, cruel murderers ; 2 and, what is no less
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 275, 276.
2 Some few years back the Jakun on the Endau, that is to say, the Endau, Sembrong, and their tributaries, were in comparatively comfortable circumstances, procuring the produce of the jungle for traders, and receiving the ordinary returns in kind, or planting tapioca, sweet potatoes, sugar-cane, and plantains ; they finding Johor rule comparatively quiet, rather took to the Johor side of the Endau, to the annoyance of the Pahang authorities. These latter in their jealousy issued an attractive but deceitful proclamation intended to draw back the runaway Jakun into Pahang territory, on pretence of celebrating some ancestral feast, but in reality with the intention of enslaving them ; the Jakun were induced to go into Pahang, but got wind of what was likely to happen in time for some of them to get away. On another occasion some Pahang Jakuns crossed over into Johor territory ; Che Ngku Da of Pianggu, who is the local chief on the Pahang side, ordered them to return, and shot one of them who did so ; nor are the foregoing solitary instances of the inhuman treatment suffered by these tribes, as by similar tribes in the north of the Peninsula, at the hands of the Malays ; but it is needless to multiply instances, the fact that it is systematic is already sufficiently well known and authenticated, though it has been hitherto allowed (except in Perak) to remain an unnoticed fact. What is required is that steps should be taken
to make the ruling powers in Malay States aware that we can no longer view with indifference any toleration by them of misconduct by any of their subjects towards the aborigines residing in their territories, and that we shall expect severe measures to be adopted against any one offending in this way.
The Malays of Johor, though they have not imitated the brutal conduct of the Pahang Malays, have nevertheless taken advantage, though not perhaps more than is natural, of their superior position in their dealings with the Jakuns. They do not give them the fair market value in kind for the jungle produce they receive from them, and are not content with an exchange which brings them less than 100 to 200 per cent profit ; by this means they keep the Jakun constantly in their debt ; he has learned wants now which he has to work so hard to satisfy that he has little or no time left for the cultivation which would formerly have kept him in comfort ; still more is this the case, where they are forced to work for a local Malay official, not at the ordinary rates of exchange in kind, but merely for sufficient rice to keep body and soul together, while they toil to satisfy his grasping greed. Treatment such as this elicits comment even from the apathetic Malay, especially when he is a fellow-sufferer, perhaps a constable on a station drawing a monthly salary, which he seldom if ever enjoys the sight of, though it is, no doubt,
CHAP. Kl WAGl MALA VS <>/■ JOHOR
criminal in their eyes, thi< pilfi rei i, and liai
Some of them made the sensible remark that the numerous " s£mbahyangs," or prayers of the Mala) •. could not be of anj use to them so long as they remained addicted to so many vices; but they took great care before thus expressing themselves to look
about, for they knew that it' any Malay should chance
to overhear them, they would not remain long uninjured. But the Jakun not only hates and abhors the Malays, he tears them as well ; and what mal. his position yet more irksome, is the necessity he is under of being obliged to trade with them. The 44 dammar " and other products he finds in the forest cannot be disposed of except through the medium of Malays, and this establishes a daily intercourse between them. But what is really surprising is that in these communications they always remain on good terms, and that although the Jakun is rude and wild, he yet knows how to give the Malay de Veau bhiite de cour, and habitually keep great harmony and peace in his relations with them. But if the Jakun hates and fears the Malays, the Malays in return both despise and fear extremely the Jakun. The Malays consider the Jakun as infidels (" kafir "), and therefore despicable, and as being in a rank only a little higher than animals ; but on the other hand the Malays themselves are superstitious in the extreme. For Malays, everything they do not understand is a mystery ; everything not common must be endowed
transmitted regularly from Singapore. taught them the value, but which was
But this is merely by the way, an not originally in their list of articles
illustration of personal characteristics of food ; they have gone so far as to cul-
which do not end with the Jakun. tivate it for the last thirty years when
The Jakun cannot now get on with- allowed the needful leisure. — Hervey
out rice, of which the Malays have in_/. R. A. S., No. 8, pp. 120-122.
564 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part n
with extraordinary virtue ; and consequently, to a Malay, a Jakun is a supernatural being, endowed with supernatural power, and with an unlimited knowledge of the secrets of nature. He must therefore be skilled in the arts of divination, sorcery, and fascination, and able to do either good or evil according to his pleasure ; his blessing will be followed by the most extraordinary success, and his curse by the most dreadful of disasters. Whenever he hates a person he turns himself towards the house, and strikes two sticks the one upon the other, and thereupon, whatever may be the distance between himself and his enemy, the latter will fall sick, and even die if the Jakun perseveres with this ceremony for a few days' duration. Moreover, to a Malay the Jakun is a man who, by his nature, must necessarily know all the properties of every plant, and consequently must be a clever physician, a belief which explains the eagerness of Malays who are sick to obtain their assistance, or at least to obtain some medicinal plants from them ; and these they must obtain on any terms, because they are necessary for them to preserve their life. It is unnecessary that a physician of this sort should actually visit the patient's house, since he knows everything, he can give in his own house the proper remedies to cure the sickness. He is also gifted with the power of charming wild beasts, even the most ferocious. Such are the effects of Malay superstition ; and this is the reason why though they despise the Jakun they at the same time fear them, and will in many circumstances refrain from ill-treating them.1
But if the Jakun hates the Malays and fears them, it is certainly not the result of any natural timidity,
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 272-274.
. hap. xi SAVAGl MALA I S I '/• JOHOR
for they do not do so towarda other nations ; they do not dislike the Chinese, and thej have a remarkable sympathy for Europeans, and plao unlimited trust in them after a single interview. The reason is that Europeans generally show .1 security and frankness in their conversation which by its great contrast with the deceitfulness of the Malays at once catches the hearts o\ this childlike race. They love the European, and attach themselves to him as soon as they know him, and the slightest good office received from him is the source of the most unbounded gratitude.1
When Favre was journeying in Johor, every time a Jakun settlement was reached, and one of the houses entered, one of the women of the family would at once take a basket, disappear, and a few minutes after reenter with some yams or other vegetables, which were cooked and offered to their guests about half an hour after their arrival. When next day a few small articles were offered them in return, they were received with some appearance of shame ; so much so, that it was necessary to explain to them that they were not intended as a present, but in settlement of a debt ; and that they were merely offered according to European custom, by which a traveller must always give something to the owner of the house where he happens to have slept. On the contrary, whenever a Malay house was entered, the chief of the family, persuaded that this was a lucky windfall and not to be lost, would at once commence by every imaginable means to speculate upon his guests ; hence the exaggerated difficulties that would bealleged against continuing the journey, which was made to appear impossible for want of coolies, guides, etc., the significa-
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. pp. 277, 278.
566 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
tion of which was that, " If you do not give me a substantial present, you shall not pass farther." The traveller may give as much as is in his power, but yet this will never be sufficient. The actions of these Malays generally show low and sordid sentiments, whereas the Jakun are naturally proud and generous.1
Udai. — The Udai are said to be of more savage habits than the (purer-bred) Jakun, prefer following the chase to the drudgery of agriculture, and are described as being without religion,2 laws, or any form of government.3
They have no knowledge of letters, and are accused by the Jakun of devouring their dead and of cohabiting with the beasts of the forest, particularly the siamang. They go nearly naked, never wash their bodies, wear no covering for the head, and use the blowpipe, poisoned arrows, and sharpened palmwood stakes as spears.4
Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.
Orang Laut Sletar. — Thomson describes the Orang Sletar and their kindred tribes as wild, ignorant, and indolent.5 Such sweeping criticism of unknown tribes, however, is seldom of any real value, and is not infrequently very far from the truth. The following detailed description of his visit to the locality in which the Orang Sletar lived is infinitely more valuable in enabling us to form an idea of the race with which we are now dealing.
One day, when anchored close to the shore, several small boats and canoes were seen skirting the man-
1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 275. 2 I.e. in the popular sense of the term.
3 Newbold, ii. 381, 382. 4 Ibid. * J. I. A. vol. i. p. 346*.
chat, m mai i VAA SEA GYPSI1
-- ■
groves and slowly approaching, These proved to b • two families of the Sletar tribe. After careful ex«
animation it appeared that they were known to the
Malays as " Orang Utan Sletar." On their first
approach it was difficult to avoid being struck with
the extreme squalidness ol their appearance, united
as it was to a dull insensibility to what was going forward, a marked contrast to the pertness of their Malay conductors, who assumed over them an air of superiority and command which is never witnessed in Malays when in the presence of Europeans alone, and which at once afforded a convenient standard for judging of the place which the Orang Sletar should hold in the ranks of civilisation. The families consisted of two men, three women, and several children of both sexes. They were at first exceedingly shy, and could with great difficulty be prevailed on to speak, but by kindness of treatment, and some trifling presents, the men were induced to throw off a considerable deal of their reserve, so much so that they daily visited the gunboat, bringing fish and a few birds for barter, and since a system of fair dealing with them was strictly maintained by the commander and his crew, they promised always in future to visit the gunboat to supply such necessaries, should she ever enter their neighbourhood again, and to tell the people of their tribe to do the same. As the result of the visit of the gunboat they were well supplied with many necessaries (luxuries to them), such as rice, tobacco, and cloth, in consequence of which they took great trouble in procuring what the gunboat's company were most in want of, viz. fresh fish, and her departure, it evidently appeared, was attended with considerable regret on their side. On better acquaintance, when
568 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ii
asked why they always used to run away before the gunboat, their simple reply was, that they were afraid they would be carried off to Gallang, a place noted for the fierceness of its pirates, of whom they bore a great dread.1
On likenesses of two of them being taken (those of a man and a woman), the man sat with great steadiness and composure, and seemed perfectly aware of the meaning of the process. When the sketch was completed and shown to him it elicited a slight smile. With the other subject, however, considerable difficulty was encountered. She at first hid her face beneath her shaggy matted locks that strayed in wild abundance over her shoulders, and would only now and then venture a glance at the operations of the pencil. No persuasions would induce her to show her face, till at last her young child was given her, when she took up a position natural to a mother, and the sketch was accordingly soon completed.2
Opangr Laut Sabimba. — Thomson describes theOrang Sabimba as forest nomads, possessing no boats or canoes, even of the simplest construction, and as regarding the water " with a degree of terror." 3 To this he adds that they show a great detestation of the Chinese, removing always from their vicinity.
Elsewhere we are informed that their personal appearance is, to say the least, pleasing ; the wellformed features of the young and the contented placidity of countenance of the old seem at once to show them to be an improvable race. Unshackled with the dogmas of Islam, and child-like in their perception
1 /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 341*, 342*. - Ibid. p. 342*.
3 Ibid. p. 347'". This statement, however, is evidently due to some misapprehension.
, hap, \i MAI A YA \ U A '• \ PS/1
of the things of t i i i ^ world, the) stood .1- it wen on the threshold <>i such a Faith as Christianity pr< in its most humble, primitive, and purest form. I heir address was open and simple, their demeanour re spectful. Yet the Malays spoke oi them as being little better than baboons, and treated them as a class much inferior to themselves. The Malay women ol the house iii which Logan was sheltered ordered about
their less fortunate sisters in a manner not to he mistaken, and this was allowed as a matter ol course. It
afforded considerable amusement to see how the
Malay women disposed the limbs, straightened the face, and directed the eyes of a female that was persuaded to allow herself to be sketched, and when she had been placed in a position pleasing to themselves, they seated themselves where they could best gratify their curiosity.1
Orang- Laut Akik. — Of the Orang Akik it is stated that they were expert divers and fishermen, and frequently made long voyages in their fragile vessels. They built houses, erecting temporary sheds (or " bagans ") along the coast whenever they had occasion to go ashore to build boats, mend nets, or collect dammar, wood-oil, etc. Otherwise they resided along with their families in their boats for months together, employed in fishing, collecting Agar-agar (the Zostera of Linnaeus), beche-de-mer (trepang), etc. When the season or state of the weather did not permit this, they employed themselves in collecting wood and porkoil ; 2 in making boat-awnings (" kajangs "), nets, sails, cordage, and so forth.3
The Orang Akik were excessively proud, looking
1 J. 1. A. vol. i. pp. 349'-, 350*. 2 Probably hog*s-grease. Seep. 241, n. 2. ante.
3 Newbold, ii. 413, 414.
570 DEALINGS WITH OTHER RACES part ll
down upon the Malays as an inferior race, and disliked theterm "Rayat" (or " subject") usually applied to them. Like the (Land) Jakun, they were of a restless turn of mind, and impatient of all control, but passionately fond of music, especially that of the violin. In handicrafts they were remarkably ingenious, particularly in boat-building. They considered the (Land) Jakun as their superiors, and showed them great respect. It was said that though a Jakun could take an Akik woman to wife, the Akik were not permitted to marry with the Jakun females.1
The Charge of Piracy against the Orang Laut.
It has often been questioned whether the Orang Laut of the Johor coast have been rightly charged with the crime of piracy, and it certainly is very highly probable that some part of the burden of the charge is due to their being confused (as Orang Laut or " sea-gypsies,") with the Illanum and other more powerful and formidable tribes of the Archipelago. Yet it must be noted that Begbie in his table of the Maritime Tribes of the Empire of Johor (pp. 271-273 of his Malay Peninsula, published in 1833), specially distinguishes for their piratical propensities the tribes of Sekana, Gonwn (?), Booroo, Kondoor, Tumboosoo, Laboo, Temiang, and Gallang, of which all but three were ruled by a Batin of their own. The fact is that the Johor " sea-gypsies " formed but a limited and somewhat insignificant section of the Orang Laut, and were probably only piratical in a very small way.
1 Newbold, ii. 413, 414.