Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, Volume 2

CHAPTER I.

Birth-Customs and Beliefs.

By far the most important and interesting contribution hitherto made to our knowledge of the birth- customs of the three wild races dealt with in these volumes, whether Negrito, Sakai, or Savage Malayans, is contained in the remarks of H. Vaughan-Stevens upon the means by which (according to the Semang) the body of the living but unborn child is provided with a soul. The word "living" is used in order to distinguish between the "spirit of life" ("jiwa") and the soul (" semangat"), which latter (it may be helpful to say at the outset) is used throughout this book (as throughout Malay Magic) in the cultural sense of Tylor's definition (which agrees far more closely with our own mediaeval ideas of the soul than with its modern conception as transfigured by the ideas of Christianity). Although Vaughan-Stevens' account still awaits corroboration from explorers among the Semang (and is therefore printed in small type), it is none the less eminently credible, for the idea of comparing the soul to a bird, or of identifying it in some way with a bird, is of world-wide distribution,^ and is well known to the Malays, who call the soul the " pingai " bird, and in their magical

^ For references, see Rev. de FHist. des Religions, xxxvii. 385. VOL. II B

BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

notches is intended to signalise the arrival on earth of a new human being, since it is thus that Kari registers the souls that he has sent forth, by notching the tree against which he leans. These notches are called " tangkor." i

Trees thus " blazed " are never felled. Any species of tree may be a nametree for a child of either sex. The Western Semang, who live in clearings where there are no big trees, take such names as " Pisang" (Banana), " K'ladi " (Caladiuni or yam), " Kuang " (an abbreviation of Mengkuang), " Rambei," " Rambutan," " Durian," etc., for the most part Malayan fruit names, although they frequently also take the corresponding names in Semang. The Eastern Semang (Pangan) take only Semang (Menik) names, and in this respect have plenty of choice, as their dialect has a name for every species of tree in the forest. ^

The child must not, in later life, injure any tree which belongs to the species of his tree. For him all such trees are taboo, and he must not even eat of their fruit, the only exception being when an expectant mother revisits her birth-tree.

Among the Eastern Semang (Pangan) it was an ancient custom for an expectant mother to visit the nearest tree belonging to the species of her own birth-tree, and hang it about with fragrant leaves and blossoms, if she happened to be able to reach its branches, or deposit them at the tree's foot, if the tree was too big for them to be suspended. This, however, was mere custom, and in no sense compulsorj-.

The Soul-bikd.3

In depositing the flowers at the foot of the tree, she takes care that they are not laid upon the spot where the afterbirth had been buried. The reason for this (as given by the Eastern Semang or Pangan) is that the soul of the expected child, in the form of a bird, will recognise the tree by the aspect of this very spot, and will there wait until it is killed and eaten by the mother.

Even though the real birth-tree itself may be many miles distant, yet every tree of its species is regarded as identical with it. The bird, in which the child's soul is conveyed, always inhabits a tree of the species to which the birth-tree belongs ; it flies from one tree (of the species) to another, following the as yet unborn body. The souls of first-born children are always young birds newly hatched, the offspring of the bird which contained the soul of the mother. These birds obtain the souls from Kari. If the woman does not eat the soul-bird during her accouchement, her child will either be still-born or will die shortly after birth. To explain bodily malformation the Semang declare that the bird "chim-iui" or " til-til-tapa " must, when it was being killed, have fallen upon a kind of fungus called the "' tigress' -milk ' fungus"* (Mai. " susu harimau"), which is the young soul of a tiger which rests quietly in the earth until the tigress has cubs, when it springs up and is eaten by the tigress, who thus obtains the souls of her cub.s.^

The souls in the " tigress'-milk fungus " (" susu harimau ") ^ are always a pair, male and female, so that one fungus suffices." If the bird (" chim-iui ") falls upon one of these fungi the tiger-souls escape, and since they are in their natural state inimical to man, they remain so in the bird. Thus when the woman eats the soul-bird, the tiger-souls and the human soul battle together in the unborn body, which thus becomes crippled or dies outright. Yet even

• '"Tangkor" is probably a cock- ^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 114. neyfied spelling of " tangkok " = Mai. ^ " Susu harimau," in Malay = "takok " (notch). tigress' milk. In Semang =" napas-

2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 113. taiyo " or tiger-soul (V. -St.).

3 Ibid. 1 1 3- 1 17. 7 According to the Sakai (Blandas)

• According to Vaughan-Stevens it is as well as the Semang (Menik) the a "mushroom," but it is in realityUhe tigress always produces a pair of cubs " sclerotium of a fungus," z'Z(/£ Ridley, (V.-St.). The same notion is found S.V., which view is here followed. among the Malays.

NEGRITOS OF PERAK

when the embryonic human body dies in consequence of a fight of this kind, the victory as between the souls nevertheless remains with the one that is human. The tiger-souls in these fungi are not the souls of tigers already deceased, but newly-developed souls derived from a stock which Kari has created and scattered abroad upon the earth like seeds. ^

All creatures that are inimical to man obtain their souls from poisonous fungi, whereas harmless creatures obtain their souls from harmless fungi.

When an adult man (or a woman who is not pregnant) partakes of a poisonfungus, containing the soul of a harmful beast, the beast-soul attacks the human individual quite as violently as if the attack were made by a creature that was adult, but in the case of an expectant mother, the beast-soul attacks the soul of the un-born child because it is the weaker. If the soul-bird falls upon a poisonfungus, which contains a beast — the soul of some beast or reptile, other than that of a tiger — such as, for instance, that of a snake — the latter bites the body of the unborn child, but it is not certain whether the child will necessarily die or not. Some slight protection is afforded by the appropriate design upon the birthbamboo carried by the mother, this design being capable of repelling such attacks, although during the birth a tiger-soul thus repulsed may revenge itself upon the mother. Hence in cases of difficult birth the Puttos were always called in to assist, since they were able, by means of special charms, to avert these attacks as well as the others.

Phosphorescent fungi, such as give light by night, contain the unborn souls of night-beasts, and give out light in order to show the female where to find the soul she is looking for. Many kinds of beasts have many young at a time, and for these whole groves of fungi shoot up when required.

The West Semang no longer believe in the soul-bird, and even employ the bird itself as food ; but the East Semang (Pangan) only kill the bird on behalf of their women-folk. In addition, they believe that the souls of Malays, Chinese, and Siamese were obtained from another kind of birds corresponding to the physical peculiarities of these several races. Before they leave the presence of Kari the souls sit in the branches of a big tree behind his seat and there wait until he sends them away. What their shape is the Semang do not know ; they only know that it does not resemble the human form, and that this latter is only attained in the body. After the death of their human embodiment the souls which possess a human shape can no longer return to Kari to pass into new bodies, but have then to wait in a different place. Since the soul never dies, the soul-birds themselves do not die until they have fulfilled their mission ; nor can they be shot by mistake ; the arrow will miss them, until their predestined slayer should happen to shoot at them.^

According to another tradition, the souls of fish are contained in riverside grasses and bushes, every species of fish having its corresponding species of plant. The same is the case with sea- beasts. Birds fly behind the mountains when the sun goes down and into the country of the Sen-oi ; there they eat certain unknown fruits, and in this way obtain souls for their eggs. The only exceptions are the birds called " chim-iui '' and " til-til-tapa." These need no souls, since they themselves are human souls in the visible shape of birds. When they require life for their eggs, i.e. when they are ready to fetch more human souls, they eat the fruit of the man's or woman's birth-tree, as the case may be. When one of these birds dies a natural death, it is because of the death of the child in the womb, but opinions are divided as to what may be the fate of such an undeveloped soul. Some, however, think it returns to Kari, and becomes reembodied in another bird, the eating of whose flesh brings twins to another Semang woman, just as if she had eaten the soul-bird with an egg.

W^henever an East Semang (Pangan) dies, his birth-tree dies soon after. If,

' Vaughan- Stevens, iii. 114. '^ Ibid. p. 114.

BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

however, the tree dies first, this is a sign that the owner's death will follow. Hence big and strong trees are selected as birth-trees. And when one Semang kills another, except in war, he avoids the other's birth-tree, for fear it will fall on him. '

The Birth-bamboo. 2

The birth-bamboo (as has already been said), is an internode, or hollow shaft of bamboo (minus the knots or "joints") which is covered with magical designs intended to serve as charms against sickness and nausea, and is carried by pregnant women, hidden under the girdle, in order to prevent any strange man from seeing it. The magical designs on it are incised by the husband, and an enceinte woman without a birth-bamboo is regarded in much the same way as a woman in Europe would be who lacked a wedding-ring.

The patterns of the birth-bamboo represent the child in the mother's womb. They are described more fully in the chapter on " Decoration."

Within this receptacle (the birth-bamboo) the expectant mother keeps the bird, her eating which is believed to introduce the soul into her unborn child. The expression used by the Semang of Kelantan to describe a woman who has hope of offspring is " machi kawau," i.e. "she has eaten the bird."^ The flesh of the bird in question, however, is not ealen all at once, but piecemeal, being kept in the birth-bamboo and replaced when eaten by one or two bones, until the child is born, when they are thrown away.

" Til-til-tapa," tlie bird which brings male souls, is the smaller Argus-pheasant ; that which brings female souls is called "chim-iui," [which probably stands for " chim yui," or the "bird that brings" (the soul)]. Twins arise from eating the soul -bird with an egg. In such a case there is only ont- birth-tree.*

The severance of the cord may be effected either by one of the women or by the child's father. It is performed upon a block of soft "jelotong " (" juletong") wood called " potong pusat."^

No implement of iron may be used for the purpose, a bamboo knife called "sembilu"*' being the instrument generally used, though knives called " tapa " ("tappar")^ are also manufactured (for this purpose exclusively) from the leafstem of the bertam-palm. In former times a white (spiral) shell was employed.

The East Semang (" Pangan "), like the Sakai, sHng their children from the bough of a tree, when they are working close by, but not when they are working at any great distance.^

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. Ii6, 117. place Vaughan-Stevens described these

2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 115, 116. knives as being made from the stem of Cp. Griinwedel in V. B. G. A. xxiv. the bertam-palm, in another (as here) 466, 467. from the Blatt-haiit or leaf - stem

3 Literally, "catbird." (midrib of the leaf). The latter is of •* Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 116. course correct, the bertam being, as ° This is a Malay expression signify- Bartels rightly remarks, a stemless

ing " cut navel " {i.e. cut navel-string), palm. He adds that the Semang call

which of course is a name describ- this palm "chin-beg," that Vaughan-

ing the action, not the implement. Stevens had sent five specimens of the

•^ According to Vaughan - Stevens "tappar" {v. Fig. 6), ami that they are

" semilow " {sic) which is merely the narrow slivers sharpened at the point

Malay "sembilu," a "sliver" or like a pen-knife, and measuring from

"splinter," mis-spelt and slightly 16.2 cm. to 19 cm. They are all of

modified in course of borrowing. Semang origin. Z.f. E. xxv'\. 190.

' Bartels here remarks that in one * Ibid. p. 201.

SAKAI OF PERAK

Tembeh.i

The Tembeh (Temia or Tummiyor) in the intervals between the times for feeding them leave their children by themselves on the floor of their airy dwellings.

Very often, however, they deposit them in a hammock consisting of a stretchedout " sarong" (Malay = cloth skirt, or wrapper) and sling them up under a screen of leaves, which can be completely constructed in about twenty minutes. This is partly done to set the mother free for cooking and preparing meals, but more so because such a position makes it pleasanter and more comfortable for the child, who is besides much better protected from the attacks of land-leeches, ants, centipedes, and scorpions. It is therefore prompted by care for the child, and is not due to any carelessness or neglect. At night the child's swinging cradle is never (even among the Orang Laut) suspended from a tree, for fear of leopards.

According to Vaughan-Stevens (iii. 102) the average number of children bor to a Tembeh cannot be put higher than two per man.

II. — Sakai.

A Sakai (Blandas) sage -femme is, as might be anticipated, more reluctant to give information about her art than even the magician, although the latter is far more secretive than the ordinary tribesman, the getting of information from whom is in itself a sufficiently hard task. The following account is from Vaughan-Stevens : - —

The sage-femme'' s house is easily recognisable, since it is invariably built on a level v/ith the ground, whereas all the other houses of the tribe are raised from 4 ft. to 6 ft. (1.2 m. to 1.8 m.) above the soil.^ If she has a husband still living (which veiy seldom happens), she has two huts, one of the ordinary type in which she and her husband live together, and the other which serves as her medicinehut and which is invariably built upon the ground. No man may on any pretence enter her medicine-hut or even approach it too closely, and even in passing it he must do so at a little distance. Women, however, may enter it whenever they happen to be invited, but children again are forbidden to do so, for fear of their doing some mischief.*

Nevertheless these huts are not intended solely for the sage-femme, since they also serve as a special retreat for women at child-birth, and the latter are allowed to remain there for fourteen days after delivery. In the days when the Sakai were more numerous, these medicine-huts were much larger.

^ Z.f. E. xxviii. 201. in order to distinguish it from other

^ Ibid. p. 164-197. houses and so protect it from trespass.

^ Ibid. Tp. 165. Various reasons were Vaughan-Stevens further remarks that

given to Vaughan-Stevens for this, e.g. the door (in this class of hut alone)

(i) that the sage-femme was old and was lower than the head of a grown-

weak; (2) that when the hut was built on up person, and that the walls and roof

the ground, the demons ("hantu") could were contracted in size and thick, to

not insinuate themselves under the floor. prevent men from seeing into it. More probably, however, it was so built * Z.f. E. xxviii. 165.

BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

The profession of the sage-femnie was to some extent honoured by her being freed from taking any share in the work of the tribe, although she nevertheless obtained her full share of the produce. One of her duties consisted in taking care of children of the tribe in the absence of their mothers, for although none of the children might formerly venture to enter, their mothers would bring them into these huts whenever they had jungle-work before them and had a burden to carry upon their homeward journey.

If the settlement did not possess a hut of this kind, the children were often slung up above the ground to keep them out of mischief. ^

The sage-fenwie was a person of little importance as compared with the magician, except when performing her official duties. Nev'ertheless, she shared with the magician the privilege of being allowed to put on the white points in the face-painting, it being held that any unprivileged person who did so would be killed by lightning.

Again, the midwives of the Sakai, Besisi, and Kenaboi tribes further had an identical face-painting which they were privileged to wear whilst discharging their functions, the pattern differing from the usual one which they wore in their private capacity. 2

Up to the commencement of confinement, the Sakai women make no change in the routine of their daily life. An enceinte woman is treated as being in a respectable and enviable condition ; she mingles openly with the men, even when in a state of advanced gestation, and apparently lacks any sort of perception of the propriety of retirement, though at the same time this publicity does not imply any immodesty on her part, or the least intention of making her condition known to the bystanders.^

When she has gone some months a Sakai woman girds herself with a band which is called "anu," and which is carried round the waist and fastened at the back." *

Among the Sakai women miscarriage in the third or fourth month was fairly general. Whenever this happened the remains were simply buried without ceremony.^

When a Sakai woman feels the first pang (" t'ran "), she lies down, and does not get up again until her child is delivered."

When her time has come, the sufferer lies upon her back with a cushion or bundle placed under the knees, so as to raise them slightly. A female friend (or the husband, when no other assistance is obtainable) squats down close beside her on the right. Another woman squats down at the sufferer's feet to receive the child, the latter resting her heels upon the floor and pressing them against the knees of this second assistant. '^

There is no professional ^ sage-femme.^

At the instant the cord is severed the child is given its name. The child is then washed with " merian " water, wrapped in a cloth, and handed back to the mother. 1"

' Z.f.E. xxviii. 1 66. ^ Bartels observes, that from the

2 Ibid. xxvi. 1 54 seqq. For further description it is clear that the second of information regarding the face-painting the two assistants does not squat but of the midwife and her charges, see must kneel upon the ground.

below, p. 48 (under " Body-painting "). * Bartels points out that this con-

3 Z.f.E. xxviii. 184. tradicts what we have already been

• Ibid. p. 185. told, viz., that Vaughan - Stevens

• Ibid. p. 186. obtained a good deal of his informa- ^ " Delivery " is called, according to tion from professional sage-femmes, and

Vaughan-Stevens, " anak kasih k'luar." that they possessed a special kind of

This, however, is merely bad (ver- hut.

nacular) Malay, meaning to "bring ^ Z.f.E. xxviii. 1S8.

a child forth " {Z.f E. xxviii. 1S8). i" Ibid. p. 192.

SAKAI OF PERAK

The sage-fonme possesses a special receptacle called "chit-nat," which serves at one and the same time for the purification of the child and its mother.

This "chit-nat" is a segment of bamboo, which has had a piece amounting to about half its circumference cut away both at top and bottom. The remaining halves have in each case been left, forming projecting spouts, which are rounded off at their free ends, and have their straight edges "toothed" or indented. One edge of each of these projections has six, and the other seven such indentations. The body of the tube is so chosen that the two dividing cuts are made next to {i.e. above and below) two adjacent nodes, one of which serves as the bottom of the tube, whilst the other (at the top) has been excised. The tube has a circumference of 22 cm., and a length of 56.5 cm. excluding, and a length of 76 cm. including, the two projections. These latter are decorated with two rows of zigzag lines, whilst two double longitudinal stripes run from end to end of the body of the tube. One pair of these double stripes is distinguished by horizontal cross-lines ; the other pair is connected by a zigzag line. Between the adjacent sides of two pairs of stripes further zigzag lines are intro- duced. The outlines are distinguished by black and white dots.^

A special kind of bamboo receptacle, which is equally decorated, is employed for filling the "chit-nat" with water (Fig. 11).

[Bartels remarks : "This bamboo is only 29 cm. in length by 13.3 cm. in circumference. At the top it is cut horizontally through the node ('between two adjacent internodes '), at the bottom just below the next adjacent node, so that the node forms the bottom of the receptacle. For half its circumference at the top it is cleanly cut, for the other half it is cut in sharp scallops. The upper portion (of the tube) is plain, the lower covered all round with black and white dots as big as peas. Vaughan-Stevens gives a description of the pattern which he says he found on this 'chit-nat,' but which, in fact, is not to be found on it. He must have confiised it with something else. His description, however, runs as follows: 'The figures on this " chit-nat " are the " riong" and " betong " (?) rattans of the Tabong-story. Commencing at the open end, the triangular figures are Tuhan's finger-prints. The flat [liegenden) crosses with the line bisecting them are the thorns of the " rotan bStong" ("butong"). This figure represents the "rotan betong," the spirals which run along it representing the thorns, and the cross -lines combine the idea of a quantity with that of a plant thus crossing itself. Above this in the middle is a row of "betong" thorns, and below that the "rotan riong." The latter's prickles are naturally much shorter. Spirals of white and black (or red) dots were scattered throughout the entire pattern, according to custom, but no explanation was obtainable.' "]

A very peculiar implement is employed by the Sakai (Sen-oi) for severing the umbilical cord. Three specimens in the Berlin Museum resemble what is called a "fox-tailed" saw, only that they are much smaller, their length being 8.4 cm., 9.3 cm., and 9.2 cm. respectively. They are cut out of wood, and have an elegant handle, which diminishes down to a small " talon "-like projection, united to a wooden blade, which is furnished on one side with rough saw-like teeth from 0.6 to 0.7 cm. deep. One of these knives has a double row of saw teeth. This implement is called "semika" ("smee-kar "), and is also used for decorating the "chit-ndt," as described above. ^

The second of the two assistants now lays the patient upon a clean mat and then goes out. Her companion meanwhile takes the afterbirth, and (should the child prove to be a boy) ties it up in a cloth and suspends it upon a tree, where it is left. If, however, the child happens to be a girl, the afterbirth is buried somewhere without further ceremony in the neighbourhood of the house. The

1 Z.f. E. xxviii. 193. - Ibid. p. 191.

lo BIRTH-CUSTOMS AXD BELIEFS part hi

reason given for this difference of treatment is that the women are obliged to remain in the house, whereas the men lead an open-air life, and do not remain in one place like the women. ^

In order to accelerate her recovery the patient has for ten successive days to take a warm infusion called " merian sejok." In some cases a bandage of beaten tree-bark is applied in the same manner as the ordinary bark loin-cloth. This, however, is not always the case.-

For ten days she is forbidden either to drink, or wash in, cold water. For her purification she uses another kind of "chit-nat," though this too has to be filled from the bamboo receptacle described above. ■^

[Bartels adds, that this "chit-nat" is furnished, like the preceding one, with projections at each extremity which extend more than halfway round the circumference of the bamboo. The free edges are carved into elegant double curves. The bamboo is cut through, as before, in close proximity to the nodes, though in this case the receptacle is made from a piece of three internodes instead of one. The upper node and the three central ones are excised right up to the circumference of the bamboo, the vessel thus forming a simple tube as before. The fourth node is retained and serves as the bottom of the vessel. It contains a small hole which is, however, probably unintentional. Its length, with the projections, amounts to 177 cm., without them to 153 cm., and its circumference is 193 cm. The projections in this case are plain, but from end to end of the body of the vessel run two longitudinal stripes, one of which is barred with horizontal lines, the other is crossed by zigzags. Both bars and zigzags each contain four parallel and longitudinal rov.-s of dots, in the outer rows the dots being white, whereas in the two inner rows they are black. ]<

The extremity of the umbilical cord falls from tlie newly-born infant after a few days, and is then simply thrown away.

For a whole lunar month, however, the child is washed every morning with water out of a special "chit-nat" (Fig. 14), which is filled from the bamboo receptacle already mentioned.

[Bartels adds: "This particular 'chit-nat' differs from the rest in being furnished at the lower end with two long prongs. Each of these prongs measures 11.4 cm. in length by only 1.7 cm. in breadth, whilst the remainder of the vessel measures but 23 cm. in length, with a circumference of 13.8. This ' chit-nat ' is cut exactly like those which are formed from a single internode, except that it has no projection at the top, and in place of the projection at the bottom has the two aforesaid prongs. These latter are plain, but the remainder of the vessel is covered witii vertical rows of black and pale red dots about as big as the tips of the fingers."]

For the mother's purification a second " chit-nat " is filled (with water) from the bamboo filler, and the sufferer washed with a warm infusion of " merian."*

[Bartels adds: "This 'chit-nat' is the longest of them all. Like the former, it is cleanly cut round half of its circumference only (at top and bottom), and hence it possesses similar projections to those already described. These two projections do not exactly correspond to the same two halves of the circumference respectively, and hence their long axes do not meet, but run parallel to each other. With these project: ns the receptacle is 185.5 c™- i^ length, without them 157.5 cm., its circumference being 23.5 cm. The free edges of the projections are carefully carved and adorned with delicate indentations. In other respects, except that of ornamentation, it exactly resembles the receptacle already described. As regards its ornamentation, the projections are

' Z. f. E. xxviii. 195. the Malays.— Ridley.

• Ibid. p. 196. "Marian" is Dis- ^ ^T.y; E. xxviii. 196.

sochata bracteata, and is also used by * Ibid. p. 197. ° Ibid. p. 194.

SAKAI OF PERAK

decorated with cross -lines, which have oblique lines running between them, whilst a longitudinal stripe, interrupted only by the cross-lines, runs from end to end of the body of the receptacle on either side. As in other cases, the outlines are distinguished by black and white dots."]

Should the mother die during confinement, and the child be either still-born or die immediately afterwards, they are both wrapped in one shroud and laid in one grave together, the child being placed on the mother's breast, with its face downwards. ^

For the five or six days following her confinement the patient is only permitted to eat Caladiums or yams,- rice, and bananas. Chillies and hot highly- spiced broth are very strictly forbidden.

The mother, after delivery, is usually able to move freely about the house again within five or six hours. After three days she is fit to go out again as usual.^

The Sakai (Blandas) mothers often pluck out the wing and tail-feathers of young hornbills which the men have procured, and give their infants the quillends to suck. This not only entertains and quiets the children, but in some undefined way is believed to bring them good luck.^

For travelling short distances the children are carried astride the mother's hip.^ The Sakai sling up their small children on the hut-wall (in a basket or hammock made of bast ^) for two or three hours together, so long as there is no fear of tigers.^

For sleeping the mother lays her infant across her breast, taking care, however, to make the position as comfortable as possible for the child. ^

Of the fruitfulness of Sakai women, Vaughan-Stevens remarks that it appeared to be a general rule that out of about six children one would be still-born, and two of the remainder would die within the first three years.

Those women who have only one or two children, especially if one of the latter is born after a long interval, are, however, as a rule, successful with them.

The largest number of children (in one family), to take a single example, was sixteen, out of which twelve died before they reached maturity, and of these seven died before they were a year old. Five of them were boys and eleven girls.

Child-bearing generally continues up to the age of about forty-two years,

1 Z. f. E. xxviii. 196. [It is not Sakai ceremony described by Vaughanquite clear whether this refers to the Stevens as following birth is the Sakai or to some other tribe.] fumigation of the child by swinging it

2 Vaughan-Stevens here has "kadi," through the smoke of a large fire. See a mistake for " k'ladi," a kind of Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107.

yam. ^ Z.f. E. xxviii. 200.

'^ Z. f. E. xxviii. 197. " For a description of a Sakai ham- Bartels here adds that, as Vaughan- mock - cradle, see Vaughan - Stevens Stevenshas already told us that the Sakai in Z. f. E. xxix. 190. Vaughanwomen remain out of sight for fourteen Stevens attaches, however, a quite days after delivery, he may be speak- exaggerated importance to the fact ing here of some former custom. It that the pole from which the cradle may, however, I think, be safely said was slung was not made fast, but that there rarely is a fourteen days' oscillated to and fro on the top of the limit amongst any of these savage partition walls. This arrangement is tribes. The husband's difiiculties are, found in many parts of the Peninsula, in his wife's absence, so much in- and, so far from being at all extracreased, that he would certainly not ordinary, is simply due to the exercise permit so unnecessarily protracted a of common sense, there being no reason seclusion, even if the woman herself whatever why the pole should be made desired it, which she would certainly fast. not do. " Z. f. E. xxviii. 201. Z.f. E. xxviii. 201. Another ^ Ibhi. p. 202.

BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

though there was one case in which a woman gave birth to a child at fifty.' Elsewhere we are informed that the average number of children in a Sakai family is four.'^

Name-giving.

In writing of the " tuang-tuang" (" tuntong") ceremony as performed by the Sakai, Vaughan-Stevens says : "The children received their names from their parents in accordance with dreams, in which there appeared, for instance, either the floor of a hut, the track of a tiger in the jungle, a tree, insect, river, or the like."

According to the same authority, the name of each individual is represented by the pattern of the headband which he (or she) wears. His account, however, is neither altogether clear nor altogether consistent. He says: "The patterns painted on the headband (worn by the Sakai) represent the name of the individual. They are worn by men and women alike, but not by those who are unmarried, and who are not yet therefore entered into the tribe." ^

Name-burning.

The magician exercised great power over the tribe through the fact that he could deprive a recalcitrant member of the tribe of his (or her) "name." In such a case the magician went in full state to the house of the offender, and there solemnly burned the headband of the person concerned, who by this means was completely excluded from the clan. Should, however, the rehabilitation of the offender be desired, the medicine-man, after first painting a new headband with the same pattern as before, went (accompanied by all his colleagues then living in the settlement) into the house of the penitent, who afterwards gave a feast.

Formerly there were many figures for the patterns, which followed, however, no fixed rule. The objects represented were those offered by the jungle, but the exact forms were very much left to fancy, and the colour of the patterns was fugitive. The bands thus painted were only worn for one particular festive occasion, and were then thrown away.*

In speaking of some fifteen Sakai women, whom he saw at Kampong Langkor on S. Kerbu, De la Croix says that almost all of them carried a child astride of their hips.""

^ Z.f. E. xxviii. 202. because they very often accompany the

2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 102. men on the chase in order to bring

' Z.f. E. xxvi. 161, 162, where we home the booty or to seek roots on the

read: "As the painted headbands way; and whenever they stay at home

might only be worn on special occa- they are recognised by the demons,

sions, the black lines (or 'demon'- who have previously seen them in

lines) were not retained on the head- their husbands' company, as protected

bands of the lay members of the com- by the patterns of the latter" (!).

munity (of either sex), and only the red And yet again, on p. 162, we are

pattern with black dots was allozueJ." told that the women wore headbands

But, on the other hand, cp. p. 163, though only on occasion,

where we are told that ^'the women ■* Z.f. E. xxvi. 163.

wear no figures on their headbands, * De la Croix, p. 336.

CHAP. I SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 13

III. — Jakun.

Blandas. — Of the birth-customs of the Blandas no account is yet to hand. I have, however, at different times, when visiting their encampments, taken down some of the charms employed against Birth-demons, of which the following are specimens : —

Charm against the Langsuir.

Langhui, Langhua !

Your beak is stumpy,

Your feathers are cloth of silk,

Your eyes are " crab's-eye " beans,

Your heart a young areca-nut,

Your blood thread in water.

Your veins the thread for binding on cock's-spurs.

Your bones twigs of the giant bamboo,

Your tail a fan from China. ^

Descend, O Venom,- ascend Neutraliser,

Neutralise the Venom in the bones, neutralise it in the veins,

Neutralise it in the joints,

Neutralise it within the house, neutralise it within the jungle.

Descend, O Venom, ascend Neutraliser,

And lock up this Langsuir.

Descend, O Venom, ascend Neutraliser.

Whilst repeating this charm rub the sufferer ("sapu-kan orang sakit itu ") with the leaves or the root (" isi ") of the " kelmoyang." ^

The Langhui is a birth-demon corresponding to the Malay Langsuir (there probably being a close philological connexion, if not identity, between the two names). The Malay Langsuir is believed to be a demon which has sprung from the ghost of a woman who has died in child-birth. The description appears to fit some kind of night-hawk or owl.

Another charm which I obtained from the Blandas was indended to subdue not only the Langsuir, but

1 The idea is that a spirit may be ^ May be either ChamcEcladon, controlled if the elements of its (sup- Homalomena, or Alpinia conchigera, posed) origin are known. Griff. (Scitaminece) ; probably the

2 I.e. pain. latter = Mai. " lengkuas ranting."

14 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

the Bajang, a familiar spirit well known to the Malays and Blandas alike.

Charm against the Bajang.

OM, O Bajang Langsuir,

Thou sprangest from a woman that died in childbirth ;

O Bajang Langsuir,

Thou betel-quid of Baginda Ali.

The reference to Baginda Ali is due to the superficial Mohammedan influences, which have reached the Blandas through the medium of the Malays.

Yet another charm given me by the Blandas was intended for exorcising the Polong, a familiar demon which is classed with the Bajang and Pelesit of the Malays.

Charm against the Polong.

As the chisel is broken, as the adze-lielve is broken,

Broken in chisellifig this fallen tree-trvmk.

Even so break the bones of your jaws, the strings of your tongue,

And [only] when I retire, may ye go forward.

Ye who came from the sea, return to the sea.

Ye who came from the crags, return to the crags.

Ye who came from the soil, return to the soil.

Thence is it that ye sprang, O Familiar Demons.

The Pontianak is a birth - demon of a different kind, and this charm too I picked up from the Blandas.

Charm against the Pontianak.

O Pontianak, still-born one.

Die and be crushed 'neath the banked-up roadway !

[Here are] bamboos,' both long and short.

For cooking the Pontianak, Jin, and Langsuir.

Remain, Pontianak, among the Tree-shoots !

Remain, O Jin, among the Epiphytes !

And lodge not here, O Langsuir !

Lodge not here, O Jin !

Lodge not here, O Pontianak ;

' A comparison with Malay charms, a child who has died at or before birth,

from which this is evidently borrowed. The two bamboo- vessels, the long and

shows that "buloh'"( = bamboo) is prob- the short, are naturally required, the

ably the correct reading. The Lang- long one for cooking the liver of the

suir is, as has been said, the ghost of mother, the shorter for that of the

a mother who has died in childbirth ; child, the "Jin" being probably inter-

the Pontianak or Matianak, that of polated. Cp. Malay Magic, p. 320.

CHAP. I SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 15

Lodge not here, O Deep-forest Demon !

Lodge not here, O Jungle Demon !

O Jungle Demon, return to thy jungle,

O Deep-forest Demon, return to thy Forest-depths.^

The last of these charms collected from the Blandas was employed for exorcising the " Cauldemon," when the caul was being removed.

Charm against the Caul-demox.^

Shoots of Salak-palm, shoots of Ranggam-palm ;

Caul like a bridle. Caul like a casting-net ;

Caul that art bound, now be thou loosened ;

Caul that art tied up, be thou unloosened ;

Caul that art noosed, be thou unloosened ;

Caul that art anchored, be thou unloosened ;

Caul- fiend that lodgest here, be thou unloosened ;

O fiends and devils, be ye unloosened ;

O fiends from the Forest-depths, be ye unloosened ;

O fiends from the Per'pat Rock, be ye unloosened ;

O fiends from the Banyan Hill, be ye unloosened ;

O fiends from the Kempas-tree, be ye unloosened ;

O Caul-spirit, Demon that cam'st from the ocean,

From Levin and Lightning, from drizzling and mizzling Rain,

Return to Malim Putih, to Malim Sidi.-'

'Tis not by me that this caul is unloosened,

But by Malim Tutih, by Malim Sidi.

Besisi. — Among the Besisi (of the Kuala Langat District) the traditional hire of the sage-femme was two dollars in money, "or a white jacket." If no person of professional experience was obtainable, her place would be usually taken by the invalid's mother or even her husband. The mother's mosquito-curtain was decorated all round with the leaf-hangings used on all ceremonial occasions, and when the child was born the mother underwent a ceremonial bathing, and would then be brought out from time to time and seated with her back to the fire and kept extravagantly warm — " roasted," as it is called, a practice which is found among the Malays. An infusion was also made

^ Cp. i. 153. 2 -phg Caul-demon was believed to lick up the sufferer's blood.

^ Both known to the Malays in connexion with To' Batara (or"Petala") Guru, the Malay name of Shiva (see Malay Ma^c, p. 85).

1 6 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

from the roots of a creeper called " akar merian," ^ and was administered to her as a potion, and this course was continued for about five or ten days, after which the woman would resume her ordinary avocations.

Mantra. — Upon the birth-customs of the Mantra Borie remarks that their children are delivered and cared for in the usual manner ; a few days after birth the head of the child is shaved ; it is not the object of any superstition until it is old enough to be able to distinguish its father and mother. If the child is ill they rub it with lime and turmeric. As to the mother, she remains in the house several days after her confinement. When she is strong enough to resume the ordinary occupations of the household, she must first purify herself by bathing, and by doing so she acquires the right to re-appear.-

In addition we are told by Logan that when a Mantra mother was in labour, a cup of water was charmed and administered to her. The juice of certain leaves ("pamanto" and "pamadam") was given to the child, while a charm was repeated.^ A name was given to the child at the moment the umbilical cord was cut, and this was retained until marriage, when a second name (" gelar ") was bestowed, which was ever afterwards used in lieu of the first. These customs, however, were not inflexible. The birthname was sometimes superseded (as being unlucky) before marriage, when misiortunes happened to the child, and the second name of the parents frequently gave place. to the name of the eldest child with the

• Dissochata bracieata. which is in the Mantra dialect, is

• Borie (tr. Bourien), pp. 80, probably not quite accurate, and the

81. sense is therefore uncertain, though a

2 Logan's version of this charm, good deal can be made out.

CHAP. I SAVAGE MALAYS OF MALACCA 17

prefix Pa' (Father) or Ma' (Mother). The latter was considered a peculiarly pleasing mode of address, parental feeling being no doubt found, in many cases, to be stronger than personal vanity. A similar custom prevailed amongst the Malays of Naning, Rembau, and the states of the interior, and had been probably imported from Sumatra, from whence this portion of the Peninsula was directly colonised. In this connexion Logan observes that the importance of proper names in carrying us back to remote times in a people's history, is well known to the antiquary in Europe. Amongst those aboriginal tribes of the Peninsula whose native language has nearly disappeared before the modern Malay, the inquirer often finds in the names of places and men the principal monuments of antiquity. It is probable that these names are really words of a language once spoken, although the significance of most of them has been lost.^ The examples of names which he collected (and which included the names of all the relatives and acquaintances of his informant) Logan regarded as an additional proof of the fact that neither Hinduism nor Islamism has impressed these tribes, save in some cases in a slight and superficial manner. No people ever zealously embraced these religions, without the names of the gods of the former and the prophet and apostles of the latter being largely appropriated by them. Lists of Malayan names exhibit many Mohammedan and a few Hindu ones, but the greater number are pure Malayan or ante-Malayan.^

Finally we have evidence of the Malayan practice of " roasting " the mother in the statement that the

1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 323.* 2 j()ici. pp. 323,* 324.*

VOL. II C

1 8 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

Mantra placed the wife near the fire in order to drive away the evil spirits who were believed to drink human blood whenever they could find it/

Benua-Jakun. — Of the Benua we are informed that the wife's mother generally acted as midwife, but when absent the husband himself supplied her place. At birth a string to which pieces of turmeric, "bunglei," etc., were fastened, was bound round the neck of the infant as a charm. During the third month of pregnancy the magician or " Poyang " visited the mother, performed certain ceremonies, and bound a charm round her waist in order that all might go well with her and the child. On the occasion of the birth of the first-born child a feast was generally given by the tribe.^

By Vaughan-Stevens we are told that the magician attending at a birth crouches beside the reclining woman and massages her, repeating an incantation as he does so. ^

From the same authority we learn that a decoction believed to alleviate birth-pains was made from three roots the "white" and the "black ramuyan," and the " peranchu," which are boiled and administered as a potion. Vaughan- Stevens adds that the Benua women were, as a rule, three days in labour ; and that after delivery they were required to lie down for ten days, during which time they were attended by other married women. One child out of ten in the present generation was said to die within three days ; and nearly half the remainder (especially the girls) before puberty. The supply of milk from the mother was very small indeed, and the child continued to suck until the mother's breasts were dry.*

The knife used by the Benua for severing the umbilical cord was made from the hard exterior of a segment of bamboo. It was a sb^ er measuring 36. 5 cm. in length by I cm. in breadth. At one end the sliver was indented and truncated just above

1 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 270, 271. This continuedat inter^•als until the accouchepractice is also found among the Besisi ment is over. In protracted cases, the \q.v. ante, p. 15). woman is laid upon her stomach, and a

2 J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 270, 271. Cp. fire kindled near her to excite the pains. Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 406-407: "No In order to facilitate the expulsion of assistance is rendered, except occasion- the afterbirth, she is made to stand over ally by the husband, if present, during the fire. Seven days afterwards, the the act of parturition ; not even by one mother performs ablutions, and returns of the sex ; nor is any preparation made to her conjugal duties." "Puar" is to alleviate the pangs. . . . An extract the name of many wild gingers {Scitaonly, procured from the root and leaves niinet?) : see p. 13, n. 3, ante. For "sa- of a shrub called, by the Jakun, luseh" read "salusoh," cp. p. 25, /^//ra. 'saluseh,' or ' puwar,' is given towards ^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 143.

the end of the period of gestation, and * V. B. G. A. xxiv. 468.

CHAP. I SAVAGE MALAYS OF JO HO R 19

an internode ; at the other end it was cut through at right angles to its axis and sharpened at the edge. Vaughan-Stevens adds that the operation was performed by a woman of the tribe without any special ceremony.'

Name-giving.

Names are sometimes given at birth, but in such cases are changed at the age of puberty.^

TreatTuent of Children.

Benua mothers carry their children in a sHng of bark-cloth, which is passed over the child's back, over one of the mother's shoulders, and under the other, the ends being knotted.^

When the child is too small to hold on by embracing the mother's neck with its arms, it is carried behind her back, with its legs clasping her body. It is never carried on the hip, except in cases where the practice may have been learnt from the Malays.*

The food (of the Benua children) was eked out with hog's grease from about the third or fourth day of their existence. This might be owing to the habit of not weaning children till they were two, three, or even sometimes four years of age. It was no uncommon spectacle to see an infant of a few weeks and a fat nursling of two years at the breast together. Indulged as the children were during their infancy, they had no sooner arrived at an age when their labour was of the least use, than they were made to assist their parents

1 Z.f.E. xxviii. 190. In the same "^ J. I. A. vol. i. p. 271.

context a wooden knife, assigned ^ Z.f. E. xxviii. 201.

to the " Orang Utan," and used for the * Ibid. But this begs the question,

same purpose, is described. It had the If the Benua -Jakun, as there seems

general shape of a common kitchen every reason to believe, are mainly of

knife, and measured 26.5 cm. in length, Malayan origin, there seems no reason

its blade was 1.6 cm. in breadth, and why the custom should not be in-

the back of the blade was 3 cm. thick. digenous among them.

BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

in different employments. The effect of this training was that the young Benua men and women were highly robust and active compared with the Malays, and capable of enduring with cheerfulness an amount of labour from which the latter would shrink/

Jakun. — We now come to the Jakun, properly socalled, of whose birth-customs, Captain Begbie, an old writer on the Peninsula, observed that when a woman was in labour, the Jakun took a round piece of wood, which they fastened at both ends in a shed. The woman was laid upon this, face downwards and pressing upon the abdomen, until the child was born. Meanwhile the husband kindled a fire before her, which was supposed to be of essential service, and performed the office of midwife ; and after the child was born, the woman was put close to the fire. To this account the same writer added that the Jakun named their children simply from the tree under which they happened to be brought forth. ^

On the other hand, Favre has recorded that no assistance was ordinarily given to lying-in Jakun women ; their physicians or Pawangs were not permitted to appear in such circumstances, and midwives were not known amongst them. It was reported that in several tribes, the children, as soon as born, were carried to the nearest rivulet, washed and brought back to the house, where a fire was kindled, upon which incense or benzoin was thrown, when the child was passed over it several times. Favre adds that we know from history that the practice of passing children over fire was in all times much practised among heathen nations ; and that it is still practised in China and other places. A few days after the birth

' J. I. A. vol. i. p. 267. - Begbie, pp. 13, 14.

SAVAGE MALAYS OF JO HO R

of the child, the father gave him a name, which was usually taken from the name of some tree, fruit, or colour.'

Food-taboos.

A considerable number of food-taboos are found among the Jakun ; e.g. among the tribes dwelling on the Madek River in Johor, of whom D. F. A. Hervey has related a curious superstition that prevailed among them, which, so long as the children were unable to walk, prevented their parents from using as food certain fish and animals, but as soon as the little ones had acquired the use of their legs, this restriction was removed, and the parents were once more able to indulge in what had so long been forbidden ("pantang "). Should this superstition fail to be complied with, and should any parent eat of any of the forbidden creatures during this period of restriction, the children were supposed to be liable to an illness called "bCisong," which arises, according to the Malays, from " swollen stomach " (" prut kembong ")." The following was the list offish and animals which were forbidden under the above circumstances : —

Fish. — The " nom," the " begahak," the " sengarat," the " toman," and the " sebarau."

Animals. — Deer of all kinds, both the sambhur (" rusa ") and roe-deer (" kijang ") ; chevrotins, e.g. the mouse-deer ("p'landok"), and the " napoh " ; the wild pig (the " jokot " and the " babi ") ; fowls and eggs ; the lace lizard ("biawak"), the large water-lizard ("gSriang"); the land-tortoise (" kura-kura "), and a variety of the preceding called "baning," which is larger

1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 264. dropsical inflammation of the stomach

^ Hervey describes this as a species (ascites), the symptoms being accurately of diarrhoea. It is, however, rather a described by the Malay phrase.

22 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

and has a flatter shell ; the " biuku," resembling the " penyu tuntong " i^sic, ? the freshwater turtle), a small tortoise called " jahuk," etc.^

The rest of this account of Jakun birth-customs is taken mainly from the German publications embodying the work of Vaughan-Stevens.

BlRTH-CUSTOMS.2

Enceinte Jakun women, unlike the Sakai, withdraw when strangers (even if members of their own race) are present, and hence, though not perhaps intentionally, they attract much more attention than the Sakai women, who do not trouble themselves about their condition.^

A Jakun husband, if he can avoid it, never goes out of the sight of his wife, when she is in this condition. This circumstance often causes difficulties when men are wanted either as bearers or guides. Through the presence of the man the well-being of the child in the mother's body is believed to be somehow furthered.

A Jakun woman during pregnancy occasionally carries with her a shell-shaped piece of wood to protect her unborn child.'*

Another Jakun custom was that a bundle of ijok (" ejoo") fibres were hung up in a public place, in order to warn passers-by that there was a woman in travail in close proximity. These ijok fibres consist of the black fibrous covering of the base of the leaf-stalk of the sugar-palm (Are?!_g'a). Bundles of these fibres, as big as a child's head, were always kept by the women in readiness for such a purpose. Any man who saw this sign would at once turn back again. ^

The treatment of the umbilical cord consisted in measuring it off from the child's navel to its knee, and there tying it fast with a string (preparatory to severing it).^

• y. A'. A. S., S. B., No. S, p. Bartels does not seem to have quite

1 20. caught the point of Vaughan- Stevens's

2 Z. /. E. xxviii. 185-198. remarks here. The meaning of the

3 Vaughan - Stevens adds that the passage (as personal investigations have Jakun women during pregnancy are in shown) is that the exact point at which no way restricted as to diet. This the cord ought to be severed is deterstatement, however, is certainly in- mined by measuring off it a length correct, the fact that their diet is re- equal to the child's thigh-bone (hip to stricted having been observed by D. F. knee) — this standard of measurement A. Her'ey and others. giving the point required. I may add

Vaughan - Stevens seems to have that it is not at all clear from the conconsidered this "shell -shaped" piece of text of what tribe Vaughan-Stevens is wood as something unusual, but there here speaking. The remark has been can be little or no doubt that what he introduced with other matter concerning saw was the ordinary "waist ornament" t^he O. Laut, but evidently in error, (shaped like a fan-shell or a heart as as it contradicts the statement about the the case may be, made either of wood, O. Laut on page 191 (line 18). It coconut-shell, or silver, according to must, however, as it is identical with the parents' means) that is worn by the Malay custom, either refer to some female children up to the age of five Malayizing or Malayan tribe, probably or six, and which may easily have to the Jakun. I think, indeed, there been carried by the mother as a can be very little doubt that it refers to charm in anticipation. these latter, as it thus gives effect to ^ Z.f.E. xxviii. 1 88. the otherwise pointless remark on " Ibid. p. 189. page 191 of the same passage.

CHAP. I SAVAGE MALAYS OF JOHOR 23

If the child be a boy, the umbilical cord is then tied to one of his father's " throwing stones," preferably to one with which his father has already killed an enemy. It is then dipped in sea-water and washed, and hung up to dry in the smoke. When dry it is carefully guarded, together with the stone, until the boy is grown up. At his marriage the stone is made over to him to be carefully kept, since such a stone never misses its mark.i

Sex Omens.-

In order to ascertain the probable sex of an expected child the Jakun women wait until they dream of a certain number, a circumstance which invariably occurs, since they retire to rest filled with expectation of it.

For the (successive) number of nights thus dreamed of (commencing with the next night that follows that of the dream onwards), the woman sits up the whole night (in company with as many female friends of riper years as she likes) until (between sunset and sunrise) she hears the cry or note of some particular bird or beast. The first cry plainly heard by the entire company decides whether the expected infant is to be a boy or a girl. If the cry is heard on the right side of the company, it will be a boy, if on the left, a girl. If, on the other hand, the cry clearly comes from the front and not from the sides, great tribulation prevails, since the child will not live to grow up. Since, however, the wish is father to the thought, this is seldom, if ever, reported as occurring. But worst of all is the cry heard from behind, which indicates that the child will either be still-bom or will die shortly after birth. In such a case an exclamation of pain from all present wams the husband to rise and drive away the unwelcome originator of the cry. When this has been done and the cry is heard again either on the right hand or the left, the danger is averted.^

Since, however, according to the older rules, the houses of the women always had the sea behind them, the younger people would declare positively that it was the sea that had made the noise in question, and that the women had made a mistake. Or else the husband entered his boat and rowed in the direction of the cry, and since it could only have been that of a bird, he hunted it back for some distance towards the side, so that it might be heard from the side again, and the expectant mother might be calmed. The husband had the power of averting the evil, so long as he only drove it sidewards away from the front, should it happen that his wife would not accept the well-meant fictions of her female friends, to the effect that the cry came from the required direction.'*

If, as may be taken for certain, the Jakun once really believed in these omens, they have certainly outgrown them in most cases at the present day. It is quite possible that they may still trouble some of the women, but from the fact that these well-meant fictions on the part of the woman's friends are admitted to be such, it may be inferred that the retention of the ceremony at present has little more than the strength of ancient custom. Moreover, its retention may perhaps be further favoured by the fact that on the following day there is given a small feast to which all the neighbours are invited. This feast is called the " Little Forage," whilst the richer and more complete banquet which follows the birth of the child is called the " Big Forage." The marriage feast again is called, inter alia, the "Double Forage," and the funeral repast the "Last Forage."^

Before leaving this subject it is interesting to record the Jakun belief that phosphorescent jelly-fishes in the sea were the wandering souls of men awaiting the impending birth of a child in order to try and enter its body.''

The practice of abortion was well understood by the Jakun women. It was procured in order to avoid the labour which the bringing-up of the child would entail. It was, however, very seldom practised, for if it was discovered by the

1 Z.f.E. xxviii. 195. - Ibid. p. 185-187. ^ Ibid. p. 185.

• Ibid. 5 jf^id. e jud. p. 187.

24 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

husband, he had the right of giving his wife a sound drubbing with a club, and if in such a case he accidentally killed her, he was not brought to justice for doing so. In the case of a premature delivery, a sort of council of sage-femmes or elderly women might be called to try whether the woman had procured abortion. If she were found guilty, she was delivered over to her husband for punishment. He was not, however, compelled to punish her, and if he forbore, she escaped without a penalty. 1

When an unmarried Jakun girl had recourse to procuring abortion, she entirely lost all position and status in the clan. She was despised by the other women, and scorned as a bride by the men ; and finally she exposed herself to the disgrace of being chastised by her parents. ^

No cranial deformation is practised by the Jakun. " The heads of the children are left in their natural shape and are not compressed in any way." ^

The average number of children born to a Jakun is three.''

Treatment of Children.*

The Jakun never leave their little children alone, as the other tribes do. Wherever the parents go, the mother carries the child, the father helping her when there are several children, and she has no female relation or friend at hand to assist.

The Jakun women carry their children slung at their backs in a sling made either of cotton stuff or bark-cloth. The sling is passed round the lower part of the child's body and back and over the mother's breast, an additional strip being frequently passed round the mother's forehead.

The child's legs art turned upwards towards the front, in line with the mother's hips.

If the child wants to suck, it is pulled round to the breast, and not fed (as among the Sakai) by throwing the breast over the shoulder — except perhaps in a very few cases when the breasts of a Jakun mother who has given birth to a very numerous progeny have become abnormally developed. A Jakun child may also be seen sucking with its head pushed forward under the mother's arm.

The Jakun women declare that in former times they never carried their children on their hips as the Sakai and Malay women do. Now, however, they have adopted the practice, which they have borrowed, as in so many other cases, from the tribes in their vicinity,"

The Jakun seen by Vaughan-Stevens declared that they (like the O. Laut) had never seen twins. If iwins were to be born, they would be regarded as an advantage, since later on there would be two children to help with the work. The father, however, would feel an uncertainty, as to whether some other man had not helped him.^

Vaughan-Stevens describes another almost obsolete custom of the Jakun women, which is still, however (he says), occasionally practised. This is that whenever a Jakun woman loses her first-born, if the latter happens to be a boy, she pulls off the wrapper of cloth which she wears by way of undergarment and puts on a loin-cloth of tree-bark in its place. Over this bark girdle cotton-cloth might be worn, but the bark-cloth must be worn immediately next the skin, and that until a full month had elapsed since t'f child's death, after which it might be discontinued.*

• Z.f. E. xxviii. 1 86. mentioned, however.

2 Ibid. * Vaughan-Stevens, iii. io2.

3 Ibid. xxix. i8o. From the con- * Z.f. E. xxviii. 199-201. text this passage appears to apply to '' Ibid. p. 200.

ihe Jakun. The name of the race " Ibid.

referred to in this connexion is not ** Ibid. p. 199.

chap. i malayan sea-gypsies 25

Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.

0. Laut, S'letar. — The solitary statement that we possess as to the birth customs of the Orang Laut, S'letar is to the effect that their children were onlywelcomed to the world by the mother's joy.^

0. Laut, Sabimba. — Logan informs us that among the Sabimba the husband alone assisted at births. To aid parturition a decoction of " salusoh " leaves was administered, and blowing out of the mouth (" semboran ") was also practised as among the Malays. A fire was kindled near the mother to scare away evil spirits. A decoction of the leaves of the " mengkuas " was also given to the mother. The umbilical cord was cut with a knife or sliver of rattan (" sembilu rotan "), and powdered turmeric applied. On the third day the mother was bathed in water mixed with a decoction of " kamaso " leaves, followed by an application of the juice of limes. She then resumed her wanderings in the jungle in search of food, her child being bound closely under her arm with its mouth to the breast. It did not receive a name till it was a few months old. The children of the Sabimba were never beaten. -

0. Laut, Muka Kuning. — Of the Muka Kunings we are told that a midwife ("bidan") assisted at births, and received four thousand rattans on the first occasion of the kind in the family, three thousand on the second, two thousand on the third, and a thousand for any subsequent birth. The only medicine employed was a decoction of the bark of " kayu pangar," which was administered to the mother, and a decoction of the root which was given to the child.^

1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 344*. - Ibid. p. 298. ^ Ibid. p. 338*.

26 BIRTH-CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part iii

0. Laut, Beduanda Kallang". — At child-birth among the Beduanda Kallang the mother drank a decoction of the leaves of mangrove trees ("bakau") that had fallen from the trees and floated on the water, and the child was given a little of the expressed juice of the fruit of the " k'luna." ^

Orang" Laut (no locality specified). — The rest of this account of the birth-customs of the Orang Laut in general is taken from Vaughan-Stevens, who gives no means of identifying the tribe.

Each family group of the Orang Laut contains one or more old women who follow the profession of sage-femme. Their status varies, and they are paid by means of a present. -

When delivery took place on board a boat, the space available was naturally very restricted. Hence the patient was either supported in an upright position or laid face downwards upon one of the boat's transoms which had been temporarily broadened by the addition of cross-pieces. Behind the patient squatted a woman, who held he fast at the back, whilst a second, whose duty it was to receive the child, and also to wash it as soon as it was born, sat in the bottom of the boat.^

The Orang Laut cut off the umbilical cord shorter than the Jakun. Their standard of measurement is three "breadths" of the bamboo knife used for the operation, the blade of the latter being required to be of the same breadth as the sage-fenune' s middle finger.^

Among the Orang Laut the mother half an hour after her confinement washes herself in the sea, and after a few days returns to her duties. In a case which they regard as being so natural, the Orang Laut apply no special treatment ; for about a month, however, the mother has the region of the abdomen bound round with a cloth skirt ("sarong") in place of the loin-cloth which up to that time she had been wearing.^

A considerable amount of noise is made by the O. Laut as soon as a child is born to them. All present unite in shouting and in beating anything which will make a noise, the greater din that it makes the better. The hubbub lasts for about ten minutes at the shortest to half an hour at the longest, and is especially intended to scare away any evil spirits which might otherwise attack either mother or child. As soon, however, as the cord is cut, the demons are thought to have lost their opportunity. In the intervals of the din the old woman who has assisted at the delivery blows upon the child, but this, however, is no charm, or at least is not so regarded by the O. Laut.''

According to the Orang Laut, the flying lizards of the Peninsula look out for births, and cause young newly-arrived sou.s to enter into the bodies of new-born children, by which means they at once obtain possession of their future embodiments. They regard these flying lizards as subordinate to the great blind Flying Lizard of their legends, which keeps watch over the [Life-] stone, for

1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 300. * Ibid. p. 198.

'^ Z. f. E. xxviii. 164, 165. <> Ibid. p. 192. Sic. The practice of

3 Ibid. p. 189. blowing upon the child is, of course,

^ Ibid. p. 191. a wide-spread magic ceremony.

CHAP. I MALAYAN SEA-GYPSIES 27

which express purpose the Creator made it. They have the power of flying from earth to the unknown Void in order to make arrangements with this Lizard-chief of theirs. No Orang Laut will kill these small reptiles, since its companions (he believes) would be sure to avenge its death, by refraining from pointing out the next born child of the offender to the soul which had been appointed for it.^

Moreover, these small flying lizards have the power of turning themselves into crocodiles at will. The crocodile and the shark are regarded as brothers, and whenever a flying lizard learns from its Chief that any person's stone (representing his soul) is soiled and buried, the former is commissioned to convey the order for the death-penalty to the person concerned, and to execute it. This mission it accomplishes either in its own shape or in that of a snake (whose form it can assume at will when on land), in that of a crocodile (when it is in the water), or through any other agent whatsoever. Hence whenever an Orang Laut dies from the bite of a snake, or is seized by a crocodile or shark (the most probable forms of death according to their manner of living), or sucked down and drowned through some invisible agency, the Orang Laut all agree that it was the doing of the small flying lizard acting under the orders of the big blind lizard (that watches the life-stone). -

The Orang Laut women when suckling their children do not throw the breast over the shoulder, though they often pass it sideways under the mother's arm. Like the Jakun mothers, they do not wean their children until their breasts are dry. There is seldom too little milk at first. In such an event the child would be fed by one of the mother's friends or relations, though this would not be held to constitute a closer relationship between the foster-child and the children of its foster-mother. The women do not retire out of sight when the child is being suckled.^

The birth of a child is signified by means of a split stick, in the cleft of which a leaf is jammed. If the child is a girl, the stick retains its bark, if a boy the stick is peeled.*

No steps were taken to procure abortion. Such an abomination would have been considered impossible.^

The Orang Laut deny that child-murder has ever been practised among or even been charged to them. They are amply supplied with food, and the children are early taught to forage for themselves, so that they were not subjected to any such temptation. As among the Jakuns, twins are almost unknown.^

1 Z.f. E. xxviii. 187. ■* Ibid. p. 198.

2 Ibid. p. 188. 5 Ibid. p. 186.

3 Ibid. p. 201. ^ Ibid. p. 200.

CHAPTER II.

Maturity Customs and Beliefs.

If we differentiate as we ought the practice of tattooing {i.e. of decorating the person with punctured designs filled with pigment) from the various forms of scarification and raised cicatrices or keloids, we shall feel a considerable measure of doubt as to the extent to which any form of tattooing, properly so called, exists among the tribes of the Malay Peninsula. It is true that several writers of some authority employ (loosely, as I think) the word "tattooing" in speaking of the face-decoration of some of the Semang and Sakai tribes of Perak ; and it is true that one of these writers (Miklucho-Maclay) even describes the operation as being performed with a needle,^ but in none of these instances, not even in the latter, is the modus operandi described, and in default of evidence of this kind, we can only say that there is no adequate statement of tattooing as known to these tribes.- Of the practice of skin-scarification, on the other hand, as well as of face-painting, there is abundant evidence, and, unless the contrary fact can be proved, it is safest to suppose that most of the writers mentioned above

' /. R. A. 3"., 5". B., No. 2, p. 214. effect that "among the Perak Sakai ^ Since penning the above, Mr. tattooing is met with," though all Leonard Wray has written me to the details as to its form are still wanting.

CHAP. II . GENERAL REMARKS 29

have carelessly used the word "tattooing" as the equivalent of skin-scarification, a confusion which it would be easy to parallel from the writings of travellers in other savage countries. If this explanation, which to me appears to be the one that will best fit all the facts, be accepted, the next question to be considered is whether such " tattooing " as exists should properly be classified as a custom of Negrito or Sakai origin. That it is not a custom of Jakun origin may be taken as certain, since none of the purer Jakun tribes, so far as our information goes, ever practise it. It therefore almost certainly originated either among the Semang or among the Sakai, and the balance of evidence seems to show that it is not indigenous among the Semang. Of all the Negritos that I saw in Kedah and Kelantan, only one (a woman who displayed some traces of Sakai admixture) showed any evidence of it. And if we go further afield, to the nearest spot whence collateral testimony as to the customs of the Negritos may be obtained, i.e. to the Andaman Islands, we find that none of the tribes there practised this method of decorating the skin of the face, and that the " Jarawa" tribe apparently did not tattoo any part of the body.^ On the other hand, the cultural focus of this practice appears to be in the valley of the Plus in Ulu Perak, a district mainly under the influence of the Sakai.

To return to the former question, that of real tattooing, I may quote in support of a similar conclusion the opinion expressed by Mr. L. Wray, who has recently written me that with regard to the place of its origin, he believes it (as I do) to be a Sakai,

1 Cp. Man's Andamanese, p. 113, note to p. ill, "the Jarawa do not " the face is never tattooed " ; and also tattoo."

30 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

and not a Semang custom — firstly, because he has never seen it on a Semang, and secondly, because tattooing would not show on the nearly black skin of the Negrito.^

Of the prevalence of some form of tattooing or scarification in Pahang I have not yet been able to get corroborative evidence, but one or other of these practices was certainly found among the Sakai tribes of Ulu Langat in Selangor, who were not long since described as a " tattooed " race."

On the whole, therefore, it seems best to conclude that both these customs, whether tattooing or scarifying are of Sakai origin, and that even where we find them established among the Semang, they are really exotic.

It may, I think, be very reasonably suggested that most forms of body-paint employed by these tribes may have originated in the application of (i) magical designs to the body; and that out of the most commonly used forms developed, on the one hand, (2) the socalled " tribal marks " (where indeed these can be pro- perly established), and (3), on the other, merely decorative designs.^ The bulk of our information on the subject comes from Vaughan - Stevens, but it is admittedly an eclectic account, and it would certainly be the height of rashness to attempt to build upon this flimsy foundation until the necessary material comes to hand for checking it. Quite apart from any question of his methods, Vaughan-Stevens himself declares

• This second reason is not hy itself, above, but class (b) is not wide

of course, conclusive. enough, some of the designs employed

"^ J. A. G. Campbell, p. 241. being undoubtedly love - charms in-

2 Vaughan - Stevens classifies these tended to make the person of the

designs as follows : — (a) Tribal marks, wearer attractive; it is also probable that

[fi) charms against spirits, {c) mere magical designs (V. -St. 's class (A) ) pre-

decoration. This classification is very ceded tribal marks (his class («) ), which

much on the same lines as that given were probably developed out of them.

CHAP. II GENERAL REMARKS 31

(p. 150) that it is now a very rare thing to meet with the old and correct designs. Here and there in remote tribes the women are still in the habit of painting their faces, but the patterns are very often employed solely for ornament, and are either a mere improvisation of the individual, or incorrect or abridged imitations of the old original design, while frequently the private totem i^sic) of the family has replaced the original pattern of the tribe. ^

This custom (of body-paint) is of much wider distribution than that of scarification. This may perhaps be due to the fact that the marks of the latter are indelible, whereas the painted designs can be removed at a moment's notice should there be any apprehension (always a lively one in the hearts of these timid aboriginal races) of ridicule on the part of strangers who do not practise it."

Accordingly we find that there are very few, if any, wild people of the Peninsula who do not, on special occasions at least, indulge in the practice, many of them being tribes which no doubt formerly practised scarification or tattooing.

It is to be seen among Semang, Sakai, and Jakun, but more especially among the Sakai. The colours used are black, white, red, and occasionally yellow, which last two appear to be of equivalent value from a magical point of view.

By the same method of weighing the evidence, I should be led to classify the custom of perforating the nose-cartilage (with the wearing of the nose-bar or nose-quill) as a Sakai practice, for in this case too the Andamanese evidence is of a negative character,^

^ Cp. Z.f.E. xxvi. p. 150. 3 "In this [non-perforation of the

^ Ibid. nose- cartilage] the Andamanese diSer

32 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

whereas this identical custom is certainly found almost everywhere among the purer Sakai tribes, even in the east coast states {e.g. Pahang, where a nose-ring is sometimes substituted for the quill), and as far south as Ulu Langat in Selangor, where the Orang Bukit were described by Campbell, in the passage referred to above, as a race that " put skewers through their noses," ^ and probably yet further south as far as Negri Sembilan. On the other hand, the practices of filing and blackening the teeth are widely-spread customs which are found (generally speaking) throughout the whole of the Malayan region, and the custom of earboring is practically universal.

Shaving the head, with the exception of a topknot, which is often temporarily removed at puberty, may be seen among the Semang, but so rarely that it may be regarded as borrowed from the Malays, amongst whom it is common enough. With regard to the Sakai and the Jakun there is very little evidence, though, if we may judge from photographs, the latter certainly practise it to some extent. The apparent system of totemism reported by Vaughan- Stevens, which is given below (p. 62), rests on most unsatisfactory evidence, which can only have come, I think, from the use of " leading questions." ""

I. — Semang. Nose-boring. Kedah Semang*. — The boring of the nose-cartilage is, as already explained, most probably a Sakai custom

greatly from their neighbours the Nico- enable them by the time they are full-

barese, who not only flatten the occi- grown to insert a wooden cylindrical

puts of their children in infancy, but instrument three-quarters of an inch

from the period of puberty, blacken thick." — yi.?i.r\h Andamanese, -p- US- their teeth, and perforate the lobes of ' J. A. G. Campbell, p. 241.

their ears to such an extent as to - Cp. pp. 258-260, infra.

CHAP. II NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 33

which has been borrowed by the few Semang who are now found practising it.^ It was not practised at all by the Semang of Kedah, nor did we see any examples of it among the Pangan of Kelantan. I was told, however, that some of the Belimbing tribes (Pangan) were in the habit of passing pieces of stick or stems of grasses through a perforation in the cartilage. None of the Negritos, however, that I saw, either on the east or west coast, showed the slightest trace of it.

Perak Semang*. — It is also said to occur among the Semang of Perak.

Ear-boring.

Kedah Semang". — This is a custom of both sexes. It is said to be performed in the case of girl-children as soon after birth as possible, the lobe being bored with a porcupine's quill, or some such article, and the hole enlarged by inserting a rolled-up strip of cloth or banana- leaf on ordinary, and of licuala (" palas ") leaf on festive occasions.^ Boys also occasionally have a hole bored in one lobe only, in which they carry the native cigarette, as is the practice, I believe, in Burma and elsewhere. I did not see any of the Kedah Semang actually wearing an ear-quill, though it has been recorded in Perak.

Tooth- filing.

Kedah Semang*. — In Kedah the teeth were frequently filed, the six front teeth of the upper jaw being thus treated, as among the neighbouring Malay tribes. This filing is performed by means of a smooth piece of sandstone from the nearest brook, and is said to be

1 Vide p. 1^0, anle. this custom, the roll of "palas" is called

2 In the Belimbing district of Ulu "gerinching." The Pangan of Jelei (Pa- Kelantan, where the Pangan practise hang) wear incised bamboo ear-plugs.

VOL. II D

MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part in

performed at the age of puberty irrespective of sex, probably not long before marriage, as is the practice of the Inland Malays, from whom they learnt it.

The six front teeth of the upper jaw of a Semang skull brought home by the writer were filed, the filing being of the " concave " kind (in which the front part of the teeth is filed away, so that the teeth thus treated become concave instead of convex).

In the Liu Kelantan district the various Pangan tribes are also alleged to practise tooth-filing,^ and some of them are even said to blacken the teeth. I think, however, that with very little doubt, both this Pangan practice of tooth-filing and that of blackening the teeth (especially the latter) must have been of Malay origin. This last practice, at all events, is exceedingly rare among the wild tribes, though it is com.mon enough with the Malays. Most of the Semang that we measured had had their teeth filed as described, but not one had them blackened.

Other Forms of Initiation.

All the Semang without exception deny that they ever circumcise or incise, except of course when they become converts to Mohammedanism.

Scarification or " Tattooing ^

Kedah Semang-. — The actual practice of tattooing properly so called {i.e. skin-puncturation) is, so far as I was able to ascertain, unknown to the Negritos of Kedah, and even with regard to scarification the evidence is of the scantiest character, and it would

1 \-St. mentions that he saw filed Pangan or Eastern Semang" — Z.f. E. teeth among some " very black people, xxix. p. iSo. The filing is performed in who lived on the boundary of the Kelantan, as in Kedah, with sandstone.

CHAP. II NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 35

perhaps be nearest the truth to surmise that such of the Perak Semang as practise it, have adopted it from neighbouring tribes of Sakai. At BeHmbing in Ulu Kelantan, however, I was tokl that among the Pangan of those parts certain " marks " (scarifications) were worn on the face, the design being scratched in on the skin by means of a thorn (** duri "). The marks on the forehead were more or less vertical, and those on the cheek horizontal ; but sometimes the design is only temporarily marked out with charcoal. I did not, however, see any Semang who were so marked, though I saw a large number who were not.

At Siong (in Kedah) the wife of the trilxd chief (who, however, came from the Plus district in Perak and had Sakai blood in her) had four distinct scarifications upon th(' left cheek, with similar f;iint marks on the right cheek also. These marks, which were not quite horizontal but slightly divergent, started from the nose and were carried across the cheek, each of them forming a dark-red (almost black) stripe across the skin, looking like the cut of a whip-lash. She told me that these marks on her face were made when she was quite young and living in the valley of Ulu Plus, The finely serrated edge of a sugar-cane leaf was drawn lightly across the skin excoriating it, after which soot or powdered charcoal was rubbed into the incision. She assured me at the time that it was a tribal mark, the object of which was that any member of the tribe who bore it might be known to their friends whenever they met in a distant part of the country.

Although, however, marks of this kind may often merely be (as is indeed indicated by my informant's reply), of the nature of local " fashions," such as serve to distinguish the people of one district from the

36 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part ii

people of another, not only in Asia, but in most parts of the world, not even excepting the continent of Europe, this need not preclude their use as magic.

Perak Semang. — The foregoing information, which was given me by the Kedah tribes, tallies closely with De Morgan's account of what he calls " tattooing," which from the importance of the subject is worth quoting verbatim : " The Semang and Sakai tattoo themselves differently " ^ (for a fuller account see twelve illustrations in L' Homme, ii. 555). "Some draw (parallel or divergent) black lines upon their faces, starting from the nose and continuing across the cheeks or the forehead. These designs are frequently unsymmetrical : frequently too they are only found on one side of the face. These adornments are as frequent among men as among women, and are indelible. They are produced by lightly raising the skin and introducing beneath it colouring matter such as soot or powdered charcoal." "'

Body-paint.

Kedah Semang. — The custom of painting the body is indulged in rather for purposes of magic than for those of mere adornment, as it so often is among the Sakai. The facts are as follows. Among the Semang of the east coast in Ulu Kelantan I was told that the Pangan of Belimbing had the habit of tattooing or scarifying both their cheeks and their foreheads, but that occasionally, in lieu of this, they merely marked out the design with charcoal.

1 Elsewhere this same writer (viii. tV^ "), and do not necessarily imply any

296. states that the Semang w-omen identity of design,

tattoo and paint themselves "in the - De M. vii. 412 ; Z'Zi'ijwOT^, ii. 581 ;

same manner" as the Sakai. Thewords, zxiAJ.R.A.S.,S.B., No. 2, p. 214

however, are very vague ("elles se (of the Pangan, whom M.-Maclay mis-

tatouent et peignent de la nu-me mani- calls Sakai).

CHAP. II NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 37

Further, in Kedah one of the women of the tribe in explaining to me that the decorative designs of the bamboo combs worn by Semang women were intended for repelHng various evil influences, volunteered the information that similar patterns were sometimes painted on the women's bodies, for a similar (i.e. magical) object, these latter being not therefore solely the outcome of local whims or fashions.

I saw, besides, among these Kedah Semang, a species of yellow unguent (said by the wearer to be pure coconut-oil) applied to the cheeks, the tip of the nose, etc., by the men, who informed me at the time that they only wore it by way of decoration. At the same time, in describing the love-charm called " chindwai," they explained that the application of oil to the face and breast was for purposes of magic, and this I believe to have been the original motive of all body-paint practised by the Semang.

In substitution for the yellow colour when coconut-oil is unprocurable, the Semang obtain a similar pigment from the wild " saffron " or turmeric. Among the Pangan of Ulu Kelantan this latter is converted (by mixing with lime) into a sort of burnt-red ochre.

Hence we see that at least three colours, black, yellow, and red, are certainly used by the Negritos, and to these white (obtained by slaking a little shelllime) should be added.

On the other hand, it is not clear, from our existing information, whether any kind of red ochre is obtained among the Semang (as among the Sakai), by the grinding down of lumps of iron ore or hematite.

Perak Semang. — In the account of Semang traditions there is perhaps an allusion to the supposed origin of

38 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

body-paint in the story of the charred stick which Kamoj, the ruler of the damned, is said to have adopted as his emblem, in place of the burning brand which he received from Kari/

So too Vaughan-Stevens records that the Semang were in the habit of marking their bodies with charcoal for medicinal, {i.e. magical) purposes, wherever any pain might be felt."^

With reference to the Negritos of Perak, De Morgan mentions the fact (referred to above), that they both "paint and tattoo themselves in the same manner" as the Sakai, but his phrase is extremely vague, and he gives no further details. Vaughan-Stevens, on the other hand, declares that " to the Negritos, both painting and tattooing are unknown."^

II. — Sakai. Nose-boring.

Perak Sakai. — Colonel Low has informed us that the perforation of the cartilage of the nose (through which porcupine's quills are worn) is the distinguishing characteristic of the Orang Alas {i.e. the Sakai) of Ulu Kinta'* in Perak.'

From other sources we learn that the Sakai of Perak are in the habit of perforating the septum of the nose, through which they insert the quill of a porcupine or a bar of some other material (wood or bone) which is not unfrequently decorated with incised rings.

It appears further that they occasionally wear in the same way a rolled-up piece of banana-leaf. This

' Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 131. * In original " Ulu Kantu."

• Ibid. ^ J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 429 ; cp.

■■ Ibid. J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 4, p. 30.

SI. Flioto Co., Sui^apote. SAKAI nl South I'IOKAK, showing I'ACl.-rAINT AND XOSE-QL'ILL.

Vol. I!, p. 39.

SAKAI OF PERAK 39

latter, however, is not worn for ornamental purposes, but is intended, as in the case of the ear-hole, to enlarge the perforation of the cartilage.^

Ear- bo-ring.

Perak Sakai. — The women sometimes wear a porcupine's quill passed through the perforation in the lobe of the ear. Wooden and other ear-studs or plugs and ear-rings are, however, not uncommonly substituted. -

The foregoing account is corroborated by Colonel Low, in the passage quoted above, and Hale, who states that they also "wear the same things" {i.e. porcupine's quills, etc.) in their ears, and there appears to be a tendency to enlarge the perforations. Mr. Hale observed two women wearing rolls of cloth as large as his little finger, and he found great difficulty in abstracting one of these rolls, which fitted very tightly.^

So, too, in a recent letter to me, Mr. L. Wray observes that ear-studs or plugs made of decorated bamboo, and with a diameter of ij in. {31 mm.), are worn by the Sakai of Perak, who occasionally insert in them both leaves and flowers.

Tooth-filing.

Perak Sakai. — There is some doubt as to whether the practice of filing the teeth obtains among the Perak Sakai. De Morgan says that the teeth (of the Perak Sakai) were magnificent and were never filed, and that he frequently inquired of Sakai chiefs whether this practice existed, but that they as often denied it."*

^ Vide vol. i. p. 156. ' Hale, p. 293 ; cp. Rev. cTEthn.

^ De Morgan, vii. 414 ; V Homme, i. 44. ii. 586; and for the kind of earrings, * De Morgan, vii. 412; VHonime^

etc., which are worn, vide vol. i. p. 156. ii. 582.

40 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part iii

In spite of this evidence it would, of course, be strange if the Sakai had in no case picked up what is so common a custom of the Malays. But I have not so far found any mention of it by other authors.

Mr. L. Wray, however, writes me that he has seen at least one Sakai woman whose teeth were filed after the manner of the Malays. She was living with a tribe of Sakai near Chenderiang, but as she had once been a slave in a Malay house, it might have been done by Malays. In the same district he saw a woman whose teeth had been blackened.

Other Forms of Initiation.

There is no record either of circumcision or any kindred rite among the unconverted Sakai.

Scarification and Tattooing.

Perak Sakai. — There appears to be very little evidence of the practice of tattooing proper among the Sakai, beyond Mr. L. Wray's statement already quoted, but De Morgan's account almost certainly holds good at least of the methods adopted for scarification. The same author goes on to explain that the facemarks to which he refers are found among the wilder tribes only, their more civilised kinsmen (who are in closer touch with the Malays), having long discontinued the practice. De Morgan himself observed it (in Perak) among the hill-Sakai of Changkat Kerbu, and also among those of Changkat Gochan,^ as well as in other places. Baron Miklucho-Maclay, on the other hand, remarks (though in reality he only saw Pangan), that while he saw no " Sakai " or

1 De M. %iii. 225.

CHAP. II SAKAI OF PERAK 41

Semang man tattooed, he found most of the " Sakai " women so adorned, and always in the same style. Figure 2, Plate III. [of M.-Maclay's article] shows the arrangement of the simple design with which in childhood they embellish their cheeks and temples. The operation is performed with a needle, and the design is first marked out with resin. ^ Maclay's account certainly describes a method which may refer to regular " tattooing," though we must not be led too hastily to conclude (from the mere fact of a needle being employed) that puncturation, and not scarification, was the method actually practised.

Vaughan - Stevens, again, though he must have had ample opportunities of studying the question, is far too uncertain as an observer for us to feel sure to which process he actually refers. All the information that he gives is contained in the meagre statement that in the case of the Sakai (Senoi), Besisi, and Kenaboi the chiefs had the same pattern as the ordinary man, and that the chiefs of the Tembeh had, when their clan - mark (?) was tattooed, a further special tattoopattern denoting their rank " tattooed " upon the breast or the arm. They alone were tattooed, whilst to the Negritos {i.e. Semang and Pangan) both tattooing and body-paint were unknown."

Of other authorities upon the Sakai of Perak, (i) Hale, though he could hardly have failed to see it, if it was there, unfortunately in his paper makes no reference whatever to the subject.

(2) De la Croix relates that, of some fifteen Sakai women belonging to Kampong Chabang whom he met at Kampong Langkor (S. Kerbu), some of

^ M.-Maclay m/.R.A.S., S.B., No. Eatang Padang Sakai did not tattoo or 2, p. 214. Ace. to Fasc. Mat. 37, the scarify. 2 z,.f. E. xxvi. 157.

42 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

them had Hnes tattooed ^ upon their cheeks, which he thought might be tribal marks. Two of these Hnes were parallel, and were drawn from the top of the ear to the nostrils ; two more started from the bottom of the ear, and terminated at the corners of the mouth ; and besides these there was a small vertical tattoo design between the eyebrows.^ Some Sakai men from another Sakai village close to Kampong Chabang, had the same tattoo-marks on the face that he had noticed among the women. ^

(3) To these may be added the statement of De Morgan, viz., that at Changkat Riam (in the interior of Perak) he " first saw people who were actually tattooed." The tattoo- patterns "of the men were less elegant than those of the women, who were sometimes entirely covered with indelible black lines and red paintings." •*

On the other hand, we have the first clear and decisive account from Colonel Low, who remarks that the Malays of Perak divided the Sakai into three classes— the " Tame Sakai," the " Hill Sakai " of Ulu Bertang, and the Alas ("Alias") of Ulu Kinta.' This last tribe differed from the other two in having adopted the custom of . . . tattooing the face and breast by means of a sharp piece of wood, and filling the punctures with the juice of a tree.*^

The next really reliable statement upon the subject comes from Mr. L. Wray, who in writing to me recently remarked as follows : — " The Sakai of Perak practise tattooing, the lines being made by

^ By "tattooed" may be meant ^ ColonelLow,/./. ^. vol. iv. p.429.

"scarified." Mr. Cerruti has also since written me

2 De la Croix, p. 336. ^ lb. p. 338. that the skin is " pricked " with a

• De Morgan, viii. 211. " bertam " thorn, and powdered char-

" In original " Kantu." coal rubbed in.

'\

OS 2

~/P

I. Young Sakai man of " Lobou Kela" (S. Kinta). 2. Young Sakai man of Changkat Korbu (S. Korbu). 3. Young Sakai man of Changkat Riam (S. Korbu).

^'^mmo,

4. Young Sakai man of Changkat Chano (S. Korbu). 5. Young Sakai man of Changkat Gochang (S. Korbu). 6. Young man (SOnian) of Changkat Piingora (S. Piah).

/vi,^

J:±

,., A

•/ ^/■••

7. Young Sakai woman of Changkat Riain. 8. Young .Sakai woman of Changkat Chabang (S. Raya). 9. Young " Semang " girl of " Changkat Pongora " (S. Piah).

10 II 12 De Morgan.

10. Young " Semang " woman of Changkat Pongora. it. Sakai woman of Changkat Korbu.
11. "Semang" woman of " Changkat Pongor.-i."

De Morg.\n's Dr.wvixgs. showing Types ok Face Decoration (Sakai and "Semang Vol. II. p. 43.

CHAP. II SAKAl OF PERAK 43

pricking the skin with a thorn, and then rubbing in powdered charcoal. I was told by a Malay that a tribe at Sungei Raya in Kinta employed red lines as well as the bluish ones produced by the charcoal, but he did not know what pigment was used. The lines are mostly to be seen on the face, but sometimes rings are tattooed round the fingers. The marks are usually confined, however, to a few lines on the forehead. A favourite device is a diamond- shaped pattern in the centre, with one or two vertical lines on each side, though often there is only one line, running from the roots of the hair down to the tip of the nose. I enclose some sketches I made in Batang Padang. All were on the forehead where not otherwise shown. The marks do not appear to be tribal, since members of the same family have different designs. I have certainly never seen scarification on a Perak Sakai. Raised cicatrices on the bodies of some of them I have seen, but there was nothing to lead one to suppose they were not the result of accident."

In spite of this apparently strong consensus of evidence, I must still repeat the warning that (although there clearly is some form of real tattooing, i.e. skin-puncturation, practised in the Peninsula), yet what many of the observers from whom I have quoted are wont to call tattooing, is certainly no more than scarification, or even perhaps nothing but mere face-paint after all.

Body-paint.

With regard to body-paint, the information to hand is more satisfactory. Its existence among the

44 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part ni

Sakai of Perak is noted by Hale, Swettenham, De Morgan, Vaughan-Stevens, and others ; ^ and among the Senoi of Pahang by Clifford and Martin. The pigments used agree pretty well, as to the colours used, with those employed by the Semang, but are made of varying materials.

De Morgan states that the Sakai of Changkat Gochan and S. " Krou" (in Perak) used to manufacture their white pigment from lime obtained from the shells of the Melania, and that they usually applied the product thus obtained in a circular stripe on the right cheek.'^ When black, the pigment is obtained from charcoal, when red, from the fruit of the anatto or Bixa orellana, which is cultivated for the purpose,^

The anatto (Mai. " kasumba "), however, being of modern introduction, cannot have been the original object from which the red pigment was obtained, and there is accordingly some question as to what substance may have preceded it. Vaughan - Stevens describes it, somewhat vaguely and from tradition only, as a species of red earth, but in his Cave-dzvellers of Perak Wray refers to the apparent use of hematite in this way, and there can I think be very little doubt that this conjecture is correct, and that a species of red ochre, obtained from some of the numerous forms of iron-ore so widely distributed in the Peninsula, originally formed the red pigment of the Sakai. Hematite does in fact to this day form a very popular

' De Morgan, viii. 211 ; Swett. p. charcoal, a vegetable red, and white

228 ; Hale, p. 24J. china clay. These are mixed with oil,

2 De Morgan, viii. 225. and the faces and sometimes the breasts

^ Cp. Wray"s Cave-dwellers, p. 43, of women, and occasionally the men,

for an almost identical statement : are painted with patterns with lines and

"The three colours used by the modem dots. This is only done on occasions

Sakai for painting their persons are when they wish to add to their charms. "

Sakai Child h wing Faci:-I'aim applikd.

Vo'. II. />. 45.

SAKAI OF PERAK

red body-paint with the Peninsular Malays, who give it the name of " Batu Kawi." ^

On the other hand, there is yet one other (unrecorded) means of manufacturing red pigment, by treating wild turmeric with lime — a process which has already been mentioned in dealing with the Semang.

A general description of the designs is given by De Morgan, who observes that the Sakai of Changkat Riam, more especially the women, were sometimes entirely covered with indelible black " tattoo "-marks and red paint. This paint would dissolve in water, and was only applied on feast days. Some of the women had their bosoms covered with concentric red circles, whilst others painted their bosoms all over and applied simple designs, consisting of straight or broken lines, to their cheeks, arms, and thighs.'-

The remainder of this account of body-paint is taken from Vaughan-Stevens : ^ —

The Sakai, Besisi, Kenaboi, and Tembeh declare that they are descended from one and the same stock, but that their separate tribes had each inhabited an island before the joint migration to the Peninsula, under the " Chief with the Iron Finger-nails " (" Berchanggei Besi "), took place. From this joint migration must, however, be excepted the Tembeh, who had long before migrated separately to the Peninsula.

1 In corroboration of this view, This statement is correct, with the

cp. Z. f. E. xxvi. 152 : "As re- exception of the statement — assuming

gards the materials with which the the identification made above to be

painting was effected, the Sakai are correct — that the material for the

unanimous in saying that the red pig- original red pigment was not obtain-

ment now in use is of recent intro- able in the Peninsula. I myself have

duction, and that they formerly used a more than once met Selangor Malays

red earth, which was not, however, who imagined, from the name of this ore

obtainable in the Peninsula. The ("Batu Kawi" or "Kawi stone"), that

anatto has long been in use, but is it was imported from the "Langkawi"

described as an inferior substitute for Islands, north of Penang, and some

this earth-pigment, the colouring pro- similar belief may easily lie at the

duced by the anatto being alleged to root of this reported statement of the

fade in about the course of an hour. Sakai.

The black (pigment) is prepared from - De Morgan, viii. 211 ; cp.

charcoal, the white from lime, both V Homme, ii. 555 (for illustrations), being mixed with the sap of plants." ^ Z. f. E. xxvi. 150-157.

46 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part in

The tradition of this tribe is very vague, yet it is agreed that they lived for a long time separated from the other branches of the tribe. It appears that during this interval they leanit "tattooing" from another race, and afterwards substituted face-paint for " tattooing." *

For each of the three tribes (Sen-oi, Besisi, and Kenaboi) there existed a particular pattern, which was identical as regards the design and the materials employed, but which varied in form. In each of the three tribes one and the same tribe-sign served for all the members of the tribe, from the chief downwards. Only among the Sen-oi there was a special breast-pattern both for men and women. Moreover, among the Sen-oi, too, the magician, the midwife, and their patients were excepted from the rule. Thus the following rules became established : —

( 1 ) The magician or medicine-man in each of the three tribes wore, during an exorcism, paint suitable for the occasion ; at other times he wore his ordinary paint, each of the three tribes ha-ing a special one for the purpose.

(2) So, too, the midwives wore a special face-paint whilst in discharge of their office, but at other times the usual one of their tribe.

On the other hand, the midwives of all three tribes wore, whilst in discharge of their office, one and the same pattern.

(3) The young mother and her new-born child each wore, according to the day and the condition of their health, a series of face-paint, which in the case of all three races was the same.-

The three curves on the cheeks of the Besisi are only variants of the ancient tribal mark of the Besisi and Sen-oi, which consisted of three stripes.

The magicians constructed variants from the old pattern of the Besisi which corresponds to the prese: t Sen-oi pattern (No. 9), only the Sakai (Sen-oi) pattern lacked the stripe which goes from the under lip to the chin.

The Sen-oi magicians afterwards added this stripe to the old pattern (No. 9). The Besisi then went further afield and chose the tiger pattern (No. 5), whilst the Kenaboi took the three curves worn by the laymen of the mother tribe (No. i), and applied two of them in front and over the third, which remained in the old position that it had among the Sakai (No. 8).

The patterns of the medicine-men (sorcerers) were only put on when they were in office ; on every other occasion they wore the painting of the lay members.

In the case of the Sen-oi, Besisi, and Kenaboi the chiefs wore the same pattern as the ordinary man, but the chiefs of the Tembeh wore, since their clanmark was " tattooed," a special tattoo-design in addition, to denote their rank, punctured on the breast or the arm. They alone were " tattooed."

The Sen-oi magicians wore no breast-pattern, neither did the midwife nor the new-made mother.^

In addition to the above information, Vaughan- Stevens procured drawings of the following patterns : —

(1) Pattern of a Kenaboi man — three narrow black stripes on white ground — a variant of the three red stripes of the Sakai man-pattern \q.'j.)

(2) Pattern of a Besisi man and woman.

(3) Pattern of a Kenaboi magician (as well as that of a Sen-oi).

(4) Face-patterns of children of all three tribes, etc. , etc. ^

' Z. f. E. xxvi. 150. 3 iifid, p. 157.

• Ibid. p. 151. * Ibid. ; cp. also U Homme y ii. 555.

SAKAI OF PERAK 47

Elsewhere^ we read that : —

The red colour is always laid on with the finger, and the breadth of the stripe is therefore always less in the case of a woman than in that of a man.

The black and white stripes are produced by dipping into the paint the little sticks which serve as brushes.

The longer sticks (" chin-karr "), which are 4^ cm. long, are used for painting on the black lines, two or three of which are applied in close proximity by means of two or three sticks which are held in the fingers simultaneously. The smaller stick (" ching-al "), which is 5^ cm. long, and has four teeth, is used to put on the white points ; it is held vertically between the fingers. The black pigment (charcoal) and the white (lime or earth) are mixed with the sap of a creeper, which makes the colours stiff and sticky so that they do not run.

The implement with which the magicians and midwives apply the white points is called "smi-kar." When anyone but the magician or the midwife uses this instrument, he will be struck by lightning. One of these instruments obtained by Vaughan-Stevens was made of tortoise-shell, and was 4 cm. in breadth ; the other, which was long and saw-shaped, was of wood, and measured 6 cm. in length. ^

With this implement the points are more regularly produced than is possible with the brush, but the alternate black and white dots which are sometimes met with are applied so carelessly and irregularly, that without exact information as to what the pattern should be the design which is intended can hardly be recognised. This arrangement does not appear in face-paints, at least not in the old tribal patterns, although many families have adopted them for their patterns. The coloured stripe which, running along the bridge of the nose, forms the centre of the pattern, is carried down on to the upper lip, if there is no moustache to hinder it, but otherwise it ends at the tip of the nose, leaving the septum free.

The beard indeed seldom interferes with the carrying out of the design, as the Sakai have very little, and frequently pluck out the few hairs they possess, but where the hair of the beard does hinder, the red pigment only is applied, and the white and black are filled in in imagination.

When the occasion for which the pattern was applied is past it is perhaps washed off, but more often what part of it has not already disappeared is rubbed off. The red disappears completely in a single night, the white dots fall off, and the black streaks only make the face, which is dirty without them, a little darker. The face-paint of the child is only washed off by the midwife so long as her help is required ; whether it is afterwards washed off or not depends on the mother.

The dead should never have any paint left on the face. In the case of anyone who had died whilst the face was painted, the colour had to be washed off before burial could take place ; the mourners at funerals did not paint their faces. ^

Face- and Breast-paint of a Sakai ^ Man.

The paint applied to the breast of the Sakai men represented a fern (a sort of polypodium). During the marriage ceremony (whether of the Sakai, Besisi, or Kenaboi) the fronds of this fern were bruised in water and squirted over the bride and bridegroom, and this assured the pair many children. The fact that, although the marriage ceremony among all three of these tribes was the same, the Sakai alone adopted this painting of the breast as their tribal sign, might lead us to infer that the Sakai face-paint was really the ancient paint of the Sakai race.

The dots and line of the face-paint represent another fern, with the juice of which the youths were sprinkled before they entered the ranks of men and might marry.

• Z.f.E. xxvi. 152-158. ^ " Senoi " {i.e. Central Sakai) in

^ Ibid. p. 153. original, throughout this passage.

48 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

Face-paint of a Sakai i Woman.

With regard to the five streaks which the face-paint of the Sakai women shows in contradistinction to the three streaks of the men, there is a tradition explaining this difference.^

The breast -paint of a Sakai woman may be appHed by the mother, but only after the midwife has given up her charge ; generally speaking, the children, whether boys or girls, often wear till marriage the red stripes with which they paint themselves, often with the help of a mirror obtained by barter, though they may not apply the black streaks and white dots themselves.

As regards the breast- paint of the Sakai women, it should be mentioned that the streak running downwards is generally carried yet further down, so as to follow the natural development of the breast. The pattern represents the same fern as the pattern of the men.^

Old women, who are past child-bearing, omit the lower stripe running from the under lip to the cheek, as well as the breast-paint, since these designs represent hope of children.

The differentiated pattern of the midwife — who is always an old woman — was invented because, "although she is old, she is always seeing to children."

Face-paint of a Young Mother.

A Sakai woman who has just brought forth a child paints her face ever}' day, commencing from the child's birthday, until one lunar month be past. If the moon is invisible, the days are counted approximately. Whenever a Sakai mother applies the particular pattern designated for this purpose, the breastpaint appropriate to a Sakai woman is omitted.

Face-paint of a Midwife.

A Sakai midwife paints her face when she awakes from sleep, just as does the new-made mother whom she is tending, the time during which her services are required being usually three or five days. On every other occasion a midwife bears the face-paint of her tribe ; only that she omits the breast-paint as soon as she enters on her functions as midwife.

When another woman, not a midwife by profession, helps during a confinement, she too puts on the face-paint of a midwife, so long as slie is discharging a midwife's functions, but as soon as her help is no longer required, she again takes on the full paint of the woman.

The Sakai women are the only ones that paint the breast.''

Face-paint of Children.

The patterns of the children — which were stripes carried from the eyebrows to the tip of the nose, black in the case of girls, red in that of boys ; in the latter case there were also two slanting red streaks from the under lip to the chin — were applied by the midwife only as soon as the child was born ; so long as the midwife was in attendance the painting was renewed every morning, but it ceased as soon as she went away. The mother could then, if she wished, apply the ordinary tribe pattern, with the addition of the black nose-line in the case of a girl.^

The children may not wear the narrow black lines till they are married — through marriage, according to ancient custom, the youth becomes a man — for the children might become unlucky should they pluck up the ferns along with other

^ " Senoi " in original. - Z.f.E. xxvi. 154.

3 Ibid. p. 155. * Ibid. 5 /^^v/. p. 158.

CHAP. II SAKAI OF PERAK 49

plants in playing, and as they would thus break the peace which the magicians in ancient times had made with the spirits of the fern.

This account was obtained from the lay members of the tribe, but the magicians only affirmed that the custom had been introduced to make a distinction between the unmarried and the married. In the councils of the race in old times an unmarried male might not take part, as he was not " man " ; but in days when it became a more difficult matter to obtain a wife, the contempt of the bachelor was forgotten, as well as the original intention of the face-paint. In order to impress upon the children, however, that they might not pluck up the said fern, they were told, according to the version of the magicians, the stor}' given above. 1

Elsewhere '^ (in his description of the " tuangtuang " or " tuntong " ceremony) Vaughan- Stevens writes of the Sakai (Blandas) as follows : —

Whenever the bamboo "stampers" are to be used for an exorcism the whole clan collects together. The men sit upon the ground around the magician, who stands in the centre facing towards the rising sun or moon. For, very frequently, although not always, these assemblies are held at night-time and by firelight. The women and children sit behind the men. The men have their faces painted and their hair pushed back from their faces, so that the demons may see the facepatterns, and in consequence retire.

Before leaving the Sakai, it should be remarked that the Sakai women keep themselves very much apart during their monthly purification, and all of them remain at home on such occasions, or at least as near home as possible ; many of them even close the house-door. This is not, however, for shame, since the husband is always admitted. They themselves do not know why they do so, and the custom is probably derived from some forgotten superstition.-^

To this it may be added that they employ a special kind of bamboo receptacle called "chit-nat" (" chit-nort ") for their purification upon such occasions.'*

Of the pattern of the bamboo receptacle just described we are told that its decoration represents a plant, which, according to the sage-femme, does not grow in the district now inhabited by the tribe. In former times it was laid in the water employed for purification. At the present day the pattern of this flower is only used to "destroy" {i.e. to neutralise) "the blood." If the blood be not thus "neutralised," the Blood Demon (" Hantu Darah ") would spring from it and creep forthwith to the woman's body and stop her courses, and so prevent her from bringing healthy children into the world. ^

^ Z.f. E. xxvi. 157-174. receptacle (or cup). The whole area

'" Ibid. p. 148. of its outer surface is painted with an

^ Ibid, xxviii. 170. ornamental design, consisting of two

'' Ibid. p. 171. Bartels adds narrow stripes with right - angled

that, the receptacle figured in the interior counter - projections, between

illustration is only 38.5 cm. in length which are inserted irregular five-rayed

and 18.3 cm. in circumference. It is stars. The outlines of the pattern

a circular segment of bamboo, which are formed by alternative black and

has been cut short just below a node white dots. Vaughan - Stevens has

at the top (so that the upper end of copied the "orthodox" pattern on a

the vessel is left open), and again just piece of bamboo with the aid of a

below the next node at the bottom (so medicine -man, but the pattern is not

that the lower end is closed). Hence quite identical with that produced.

it is well suited for use as a water *" Z. f. E. xxviii. 172.

VOL. II E

MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

The men have nothing to do with the Hantu Darah,i and say, "We know nothing about it, ask the sage-femme." Even the magicians, who are responsible for all other medicines which the latter employs against the demons, would not acknowledge this antidote against the Blood Demon. No Sakai man will touch this receptacle (" chit-nat '"), which is usually kept planted in the ground by the waterside. It can be made very quickly when required, and the pattern is very quickly washed off by the rain. They have no great objection to the "chit-nat " being seen by strangers.-

Unmarried Sakai girls employ for their purification a water-vessel called " ka-pet " (" karpet"). Since these vessels, in order to be fully efficacious, should have been incised by a magician of the old school, they are only found among the wild Sakai tribes who do not speak Malay. ^

III. — Jakun.

Besisi. — I never once heard of a single case of tattooing, scarification, nose-boring, circumcision, or even of incision, being practised by the Besisi, although I made the fullest inquiries among them.

They related to me, on the other hand, a tradition explaining their reason for not adopting the practice

^ Literally, " Blood Demon" = r^Ialay " Hantu Darah."

2 Z.f. E. xxviii. 172. Bartels adds that the painting is performed with the instruments used for severing the umbilical cord. The ornamentation of the other "chit-nats," of which more will be said later, is the exclusive privilege of the magicians, who employ in making them a special kind of instrument, closely resembling a curry-comb. They are cut out of a flat piece of horn (Fig. 2), and have a hole at the top for suspending them when they are being carried. They broaden out towards the bottom, and their lower edge is furnished with rough, tooth - like projections. The greatest width of the larger one is 5.3 cm., and its height is 5 cm. ; the smaller one being 3.5 cm. by 4.6 cm.

3 Z.f. E. xxviii. 173, 174. Bartels adds here that Vaughan - Stevens has sent two specimens of this vessel, one of them (Fig. 3) being obtained from the Senoi (pure Sakai tribes), and the other (Fig. 4) from the Kenaboi. The

former is a short segment of the stem of a bamboo cut short just below a particular internode (at the top), and again just below the next, so that the vessel thus formed is open at the top and closed at the bottom. It measures 28 cm. in length, and 13 in circumference, and its surface is decorated by three narrow parallel stripes formed by a kind of leafpattern. The second is like the first, a simple segment of bamboo measuring 39.5 cm. in length by 17. i cm. in circumference. It is also decorated with three stripes, of which only two, however, are formed by the leafpattern, the third apparently represent- ing a downy leaf- stalk. The design represents a plant wliose root- end is shown near the mouth-opening of the vessel. The discrepancy in the designs shows that a design does not lose its efficacy through slight mistakes of the operator, such as may be caused by hurr}-, even though the identification and explanation of the pattern may be made mucli harder through such slips, if not absolutely impossible.

CHAP. II SAVAGE MALAYS OF S ELAN GO R 51

of circumcision, which they ascribed to the invulnerabihty of one of their tribal ancestors.

Ear-boring, on the other hand was, as among the Malays, freely practised, the stalk of a flower, such as the fragrant " champaka," being not infrequently inserted in the perforation.

Face-paint, however, was very generally employed by them, and the pigments used for it appeared to be in the main identical with those adopted by the Semang and Sakai, i.e. white, obtained from lime ; yellow, obtained from turmeric ; and red, obtained from the juice of the anatto.

The only form of paint that I have myself seen among the Besisi consisted in daubing the face with the aforesaid pigments (white, yellow, or red), these being manufactured, in addition to the usual materials, from such others {e.g. "bedak" or rice-powder) as the growing familiarity of the Besisi with Malay civilisation might suggest. No special pattern was employed by them, and I never saw any distinct traces of the elaborate system of body-paint described by Vaughan-Stevens. The latter, however, as usual, gives no localities or any other facilities for checking his statements, and I can only suggest that he probably got his ideas about the Besisi from some other tribe in their neighbourhood with whom there had been more Sakai admixture.

I give his account, nevertheless, for what it may be worth, in the hope that it may assist some future investigator to work out the subject more completely in the future.

It runs as follows : ^ —

The Besisi magician puts on a pattern borrowed from the leaf of the "chindweh rimau," or "tiger chindweh," which is a small, juicy, robust plant

J Z.f. E. XX vi. 156.

52 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

not yet fully identified. When rubbed to a pulp and smeared on the body, especially the breast, it is believed to give a man the power to overcome a tiger.

The fresh leaf with its peculiar markings gives an exact replica of the facepaint of a Besisi magician. The veining on the upper side of the leaf is of such a pale yellowish-green that it almost has the effect of white, and thus forms a sharp contrast to the very dark greenish-gold stripes of the leaf.

No one leaf is marked exactly like another. The patterns are manifold ; in some cases stripes traverse the entire leaf. In a good light the ground colour of the leaf appears, as has been said, of a greenish-gold, but on the under side of the leaf the corresponding parts appear a dark reddish-brown ; held up to the light the green of the upper side merges into the reddish-brown.

The under side of the leaf is very soft and smooth, but the upper side is plentifully covered with very fine hairs.

The dark reddish-brown lines which glimmer through from the under side correspond in fact to the red and black of the face-paint designed for the tiger in conjuration ceremonies, and at the same time to the recognised face-paint of the Besisi.

These stripes are said to correspond to the stripes on the skin of the tiger, the red colour not being distinguished from yellow.'

Mantra. — There is very little information on the subject of maturity customs available v/ith regard to the Mantra of Malacca. Logan, however, records the fact that the teeth of the bride and bridegroom were filed with a stone before the day of marriage."

Montano states that the Mantra (Sakai) usually file the lower edge of the upper canine teeth, but does not connect it with any ceremony.^

Jakun of Johop. — D. F. A. Hervey, in writing of the Jakun on the Madek, says that one chief characteristic which distinguished the Madek tribe from other Jakun tribes was the absence of any rite resembling circumcision ; whilst the Sembrong tribe practised incision, but did not circumcise.'* The Madek people, however, relate that they used once to observe the custom, but it was given up owing to certain untoward circumstances, which befell the tribe two or three hundred years ago, as follows : on one occasion when the rite was observed, several of the

1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 156. ' A. D. Machado tells me that in-

• Logan in /. /. A. vol. i. p. 323*. cision is still practised among the Jakun 3 Rev. iTEthn. i. 44. of Ulu Batu Fahat, in Johor.

CHAP. II MALAYAN SEA-GYPSIES 53

tribe died of the effects. It was ascertained that the knives used for the purpose had been accidentally placed in a vessel containing upas poison (" ipoh "), the poison with which their blowpipe arrows are habitually tipped ; and from that time forward the observance of the rite was discontinued.^

Corroboration of the foregoing account may be obtained from the statement of Logan, who in writing of the Benua (or Jakun) of Johor, remarks that circumcision was not practised by them. A single incision or slit was made by the Benua, but not by the Berembun tribes.^

Names were sometimes given at birth, but these were changed at the age of puberty. The teeth were filed like those of the Malays and the Berembun tribes.^

Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.

Orangr Laut, S'letar. — Of the Orang S'letar we are informed by Thomson that they did not practise circumcision, nor any other Mohammedan customs. It was, moreover, related to Thomson that many years ago when they had a Malay as their great chief or Batin, all the men now of the tribe were induced to undergo the rite of circumcision, though such a practice was no longer conformed with,^ This is probably a reference to some such story as that related above by Hervey.

Orang" Laut, Sabimba. — Of this Orang Laut tribe we are told that they were not in the habit of filing

^ Hervey m J. R. A. S., No. 8, pp. but this was probably a borrowed

118, 119; cp. p. 544, ante. custom. Ear - boring was rarely

^ Logan in J. I. A. vol. i. p. practised by the men, and the lips and

271. nose were never pierced (Z. f. E.

^ According to Vaughan - Stevens, xxix. 180). the Jakun used to blacken their teeth, ■* J. I. A. vol. i. p. 344*.

54 MATURITY CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

their teeth, and that the practice of perforating the lobe of the ear was equally unknown to them.^

In addition, we are informed (of the same tribe) that they did not practise the rites either of circumcision or incision.^

Orang* Laut (no locality specified). — To the foregoing may be added an account given by Vaughan- Stevens^ of certain Orang Laut customs which he does not attribute to any particular tribe : —

Among the Orang Laut a woman during menstruation was, theoretically at all events, treated as unclean, though in practice it made no appreciable difference.

The women alleged a belief on the part of the men that if they were to touch a woman in such a condition, their virility would suffer. The men themselves, however, would make no admissions, and in practice, as I have said, little notice of it was taken.

Nevertheless, a woman in the condition referred to would avoid touching anything that a man miirht eat afterwards ; it was, however, considered a sufficient purification to peel any roots which were supposed to have been thus defiled. On such occasions the wife would avoid cohabitation and sleep as far away from her husband as possible.

She would, moreover, avoid dipping her drinking bamboo in the common water-pot, but would dip it into a drinking-shell of her own, which she would keep separately, or else into a vessel made of a short segment of bamboo.

1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 298. - Ibid. p. 344*

' Z.f. E. xxviii. 171.

CHAPTER III.

Marriage Customs and Beliefs.

Among all the wild tribes of the Peninsula, as indeed among the Malays, an important ingredient of the marriage rite is a form of ritual purchase, commonlyfollowed by a repast which is shared between bride and bridegroom, with their relatives and the chief of the tribe as witnesses.

Among the Negritos these two ingredients appear to constitute the entire ceremony, though even the act of purchase alone is said to be regarded as sufficiently binding, so long as it is performed before proper witnesses. It must not, however, be supposed from the meagreness of the ceremony that the marriage tie is not regarded by the Semang as in the highest degree binding, the reverse being the case. The Semang are, as far as I could learn, habitually monogamists, and I failed to obtain any sort of evidence in support of the statement that has been more than once advanced, viz., that their women were in common like their other property.^ This idea of the laxity of the marriage-tie among the Negritos may possibly

1 Similarly erroneous notions as to indeed, in all Mohammedan countries,

polyandry among the Andamanese were tell us that a lord of the harem can only

comha.t.ed in MsLn^s Andamanese, p. 7. exist in cases where there is wealth

As regards polygamy, on the other to maintain such an establishment ;

hand, the teachings of actual experi- jungle races and the races who live the

ence, supported by what we see in simplest lives are commonly, from the

India, Egypt, the Malay Peninsula, and, exigencies of the case, monogamists.

56 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

arise from the great antenuptial freedom which appears to be allowed, but there is every reason to believe that when once married the Semang of both sexes are in the highest degree faithful to each other and that cases of unfaithfulness are exceedingly rare. That conjugal infidelity is strongly discountenanced is shown by the penalty assigned to it.

With regard to the Sakai, there seems to be a certain amount of evidence in favour of their being to a limited extent polygamists, though here again our information is too scanty to enable us to form an opinion as to how far the custom is general. On the other hand, with regard to the actual ceremony, the most important elements, according to one authority,^ are the painting of the man's face and the squirting of fern-seed over the bride and bridegroom, as a means of ensuring them a numerous progeny.

I may add that among the Sakai marriage is preceded by a form of initiation, at which the man's face-paint is applied for the first time.

Miklucho-Maclay heard from Malays and members of the Catholic Mission at Malacca that communal marriage existed among the Sakai (sic, ? Mantra). Some days or weeks after marriage the girl was said to leave her husband with his consent and take up with the men of his family in turn. She then came back to her husband, but kept up these irregular liaisons, which were regulated by chance and her own wishes.-

The Jakun or Malayan tj ibes again (including the Blandas and Besisi of Selangor), are as a rule fairly strict monogamists, and their post-matrimonial fidelity,

^ See p. 64, infra. such a custom, and resting as it does on

2 J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 2, p. 215. second-hand evidence or worse, cannot

This is, however, the only notice of be accepted without due corroboration.

CHAP. Ill GENERAL REMARKS 57

while it varies in degree apparently from tribe to tribe, is certainly remarkable, although in their case, too, it appears to be considered compatible with considerable freedom before marriage.

Ofthejakun ceremonies, that of eating together from the same dish is one which is found throughout Southeastern Asia. But the most remarkable part of all these customs are the Jakun {i.e. Malayan) "marriage carnival " and the unique race round the mound or "ant hill," for which, among some branches of the Sea Tribes, a race in canoes is sometimes substituted.

The peculiar shape of the mound, which has come down from an entirely unknown origin, may perhaps be held to show that the mound ceremony is the older form of this peculiar rite, but in any case we have here a custom which will assuredly repay any student of ethnography who decides to work out the entire question for himself.

The effect of intermarriage between Malays and aboriginal women is one which at first would hardly be expected, viz., that it is the higher race — the Malay — that is chiefly affected by it. This fact, however strange it may seem, is clearly brought out by Logan, who, in writing of the Benua, observes that many of the Malays had Benua wives, who of course became converts to Islam. The Benua on their part were debarred from seeking wives amongst the Malays, and this must always have had considerable influence in checking the natural growth of population. The first Malay adventurers were probably more numerous in males than females. In many places the Chinese tend to absorb the Malays in their turn. The more civilised and wealthy races thin those below them of their women, and necessity drives the latter to make

58 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

up the loss wherever it is possible to do so, in some measure at the expense of those still lower. This is one of those fundamental facts of ethnography which should be borne in mind in speculating on the gradual extinction of aboriginal races, when comparatively civilised colonies come into contact with them. A considerable proportion of the Malays in the Peninsula behind Malacca are descendants of women of the aboriginal tribes, and the Malays in their turn gave wives to the immigrants from China, so that the greater portion of the Chinese of Malacca have Malayan blood in their veins. ^

I. — Semang.

Pangan. — I have never met with any published account of a Semang wedding, but while in Kelantan I acquired some information about the marriage rites of the Eastern Semang in the Belimbing district.

The " marriage settlements," according to my informants, consisted of the blade of a jungle-knife or chopper, which had to be presented by the bridegroom to the bride's parents, and a coiled girdle of great length called " salek," that was said to be manufactured from the fibres of the sugar-palm (" urat hijok "), but that doubtless more or less closely resembled the girdle of rock-vein fungus, which has been described in an earlier chapter. This girdle had to be presented by the bridegroom to the bride, who would never, it was said, consent to part with it for fear of its being used to her prejudice in some magic ceremony.

There was also a good deal of chaunting (" siwang " or " ber-siwang " = invocation of spirits) at these

1 Logan mj. I. A. vol. i. p. 291.

CHAP. Ill NEGRITOS OF KELANTAN 59

Pangan marriages, but beyond this no further information was obtainable.

Kedah Semang*. — Later on I was informed by the Semang of Kedah that adultery was punishable by death (although in practice it might be commuted for the usual blood-fine of forty dollars). This fine, however, was payable in kind, and would doubtless in practice be adjusted to the means of the culprit.

The only information I have met with in regard to the married life of the Semang, is Newbold's observation to the effect that the Semang women were in common like their other property.^

What truth there may be in this sweeping statement it is very hard to say, though from what I saw and heard of their domestic life I find it most difficult to believe (with regard to the Semang of Kedah at all events), that the charge was well founded." Certainly, as has been remarked above, it appears quite incompatible with so severe a punishment for adultery as was exacted by the customs of this very tribe.

Perak Semang-.— To the foregoing may be added the following notes of Vaughan-Stevens on the Semang of Perak : —

When a Semang commits adultery with the wife of another (which verj' rarely happens), and the fact remains concealed imtil the death of the injured husband, the latter's soul acquires knowledge of the offence, and seeks to revenge itself upon the children of the transgressor, by sending a Disease upon them. In such cases the Disease (the same that had killed the man) attacks the children independently of Kari's commands.^

In order to avert this danger, the trangressor, as soon as he hears of the husband's death, takes the children by the arms and swings them through the fire, at the same time "jumping" them up and down upon the charred wood so as to blacken the soles of their feet, by way of protecting them. If the Disease comes afterwards when the child has been replaced upon the ground, the child remains unharmed. Even if the child were somewhat affected before being swung through the fire, the Disease is yet forced to retire in order to escape

1 Newbold, ii. pp. 379-381. Cp., xxviii. 166, observes that in their

however, UH. ii. 558, where the men (good) treatment of their women, the

are credited with polygamy. Semang ranked next to the Sakai.

• Vaughan-Stevens in Z. f. E. ^ Vaughan-Stevens. iii. 132.

6o MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

being burnt, and as long as the soles of the child's feet remain so blackened, the Disease is prevented from returning. Moreover, the Disease cannot in any case kill the child without Karih's command ; nor can it, in any case, make a long stay, since it has to be back with the Death-messenger beside the corpse, as soon as ever the " Penitah " is cut. The children are only attacked as a means of bringing the transgressor to justice, by attracting the superior chief's (the Putto's) attention, either from the children's getting the same Disease as the husband or from the transgressor's betraying himself by swinging them through the fire. The superior chief, in such cases, pronounces the penalty, i

By the same writer we are told that —

The Semang have an aphrodisiac called "chin-weh" or "chindweh" ( = " chinduai").2 This name is probably borrowed from the Sakai, but as the plant used in this case is altogether a difterent one and is not employed by other magicians, it may be regarded as a discovery of their own.^

II. — Sakai. Perak Sakai. — De Morgan, in his account of Sakai marriage customs,* remarks that the conditions required for marriage were few. In the first place, there was no fixed limit of age. The consent of the woman was required, together with that of her father (if living), but if otherwise, that of the eldest surviving member of the family. The future husband made the application in person with the consent of the father. The wife brought no dowry to her bridegroom, but the latter made a present to his prospective father-in-law of certain specified articles, e.g. a knife or hatchet or yams, "according to his means." ^ Commenting on the foregoing, De Morgan remarks that it might be

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 132. band generally paid ten dollars (" ring-

• Cp. Z.f. E. xxviii. 183. git") = 50 francs to the father; a chief

^ V. B. G. A. xxiv. 468. paid up to thirty dollars ; but M. Lias

• De Morgan, vii. 422. adds that "this was the highest price,

^ According to Maxwell (J.R.A.S., and that it appeared to him the biggest

5.5., No. I, p. 112) the price paid for sum of money that the Sakai, even

a wife included a " piece of iron, some those educated by contact with the

roots, and some flowers." According Malays, could conceive." The sums

to Hale (p. 291) the presents consisted mentioned were doubtless paid in kind,

of"sarongs,"orbill-hooks("parangs"), but even then there is, I think, little

purchased from Malays, or the bride- doubt that this last figure (as M. Lias

groom might clear one or two acres of himself seems to have inferred) was

jungle, plant them with tapioca, sugar- exaggerated, perhaps for "swagger,"

cane, etc., and present them to the owing to the presence of the Malays

parents of the bride. According to Brau that he bad brought with him. The

de St. Pol Lias (pp. 279, 280) the bus- nominal price of a Sakai wife, among

Engaged Sakai Childkkn with Uncle.

Cerriiti.

Vol. II. p. 60.

Yiiuxi; Sakai GiRi..

Engaged to be married at the next Prah fruit season— the usual marrying time of the Sakai, Uhi Slim, Perak.

Vol. II. p. 6t.

<^"AP. in SAKAI OF PERAK gj

called an example of marriage by purchase, but that the fact of purchase is to some extent modified by the smallness of the price paid, and that all that actually remains is a purely formal substitute for marriage by purchase, which was once a wide-spread custom in Southern Asia. Continuing, De Morgan adds that the form of marriage was extremely simple. The bride and bridegroom repaired, accompanied by their relatives, to the house of their tribal chief, where the latter in converse with the two families inquired into the prospects of the joint manage, after which, if no obstacle presented itself, he formally declared them married, and all was over.^ The newly married pair were required to build a hut and form a clearing, and in the interval that must elapse before it could bring them in a return, they lived at the charge of their families, who provided them with yams and maize, and everything else that they might require for their maintenance.

An account of the Perak Sakai by Colonel Low m the Journal of the Indian Archipelago, gives the details of the religious ceremony, which are omitted

m De Morgan's description :

A young Sakai man pays his addresses in person. If the girl approves, he makes a present to her family of spears, knives, and household utensils and a time being fixed, the relations of both sides assemble at the bride's house. The betrothed parties eat rice together out of the same dish, and the ^'^^^!^^^?^»L^[_^h^^ the man is joined

the Sakai themselves, cannot be greater Z. f. E x7viii 177

n kind"Lr'T'"°';'"''"^"P^'' ' ^^ Morgan adds (/... .//., that

62 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

to that of the left hand of the woman. These two last observances are found with some slight modifications amongst the Malays on like occasions. The eating together is also a Burmese and Peguan custom.

The parents on both sides then pronounce them married persons, and give them good advice for their future conduct. As an example of the actual words used, Col. Low gives the expression " Mano klamin che dada," an admonition or wish that they might be fruitful.^

It would appear from some accounts that the Sakai men occasionally take more than one wife. Thus De la Croix says that a Sakai married, or rather bought, a wife, or even two, if he were rich enough.^

Marriage and [alleged] Totemism.

According to Vaughan-Stevens, the Sakai (whom he calls "Senoi"), Besisi, and Kenaboi, were sub-tribes of one single people, which also included at a more remote date the Tembeh and Jakun. Each of these three sub-tribes was divided into clans,^ distinguished by the pattern of the face-paint (termed by Vaughan-Stevens " totems.")* The Thorn, Tiger, Snake, Fish, and Leaf totems were the primary ones. In the course of time, the components of the tribes becoming widely scattered, new settlements sprang up in various parts of the Peninsula, and it became the practice for each local group to adopt some variant of the totem-mark and house. Thus, among the sub-clans of the Snake totem, were Pythons, Cobras, Hamadryads, etc."

In the olden days intermarriage between the clans was forbidden. The penalty for disobedience was expulsion from the clan. The people thus expelled formed new clans (Musang or Civet-cat, Crocodile, Scorpion). A member of the primary clans who married into one of these secondar}' clans lost his status in his old clan, and became a member of his spouse's clan. With the rise of subclans these quasi-endogamic rules do not seem to have been changed ; choice was not restricted to the members of the sub-clan. No definite information is given

^ J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 430, 431. Thomas, who has made totemism his

AccordingtoCerruti, the Sakai marriage special study. — W. S.] The account is

season was at the ripening of the confused, the editor has not distinguished

" prah "-fruit. 'ribe from clan, and speaks in one place

2 Rev. cTEthn. vol. i. No. 4, p. of the totem mark as a tribal pattern. 339. Cp. Brau de St. P. Lias, pp. It is stated that the clan patterns went 279, 280: "a Sakai marries two out of use owing to the scattering of wives." the members of the tribe, and were

3 Apparently forming local groups. replaced by the sub-clan patterns. Of Z.f. E. xxvi. 160. the origin of the clans nothing is said. —

• Z.f. E. xxvi. 150, 151. [I owe N. W. T. Sed v. ante, p. 32, et infra. this summary of Sakai marriage and 258 ; and cp. Martin, 863. totemism to my friend, Mr. N. W. '" Z.f. E. xxvi. 150, 151.

SAKAI OF PERAK 63

by Vaughan -Stevens as to the rules of descent as regards sub-clan names, but paternal descent appears to be the general rule. From the fact that the subclans were local in their character, we may also infer that in respect of the sub- totems the rule was to take them from the father. The children of a Batin formed an exception to the ordinary rule. Only the elder took his father's totem ; the next four belonged each to one of the remaining primary totem-clans.^

The rule of descent as regards the sub-tribes was as follows. If a Besisi inan married a Sakai woman, she and her children became Besisi. In the case of the Batin, however, an exception was again made. For three generations the subtribe^ of the Batin was prepotent, and the man who married into it lost his own tribal name, and took that of his wife.^

We have no information as to whether members of the same clan or sub-clan are regarded as akin, or whether the sub-tribe is by the Sakai regarded as the kinship group. Nor is it clear how far kinship is a bar to marriage. Vaughan - Stevens remarks that the customs of the Sakai and Pangan are very similar to those of the Jakun and Orang Laut, who were compelled to take a wife from another community.* In the same passage, however, he expressly says that the Pangan are not restricted as regards their choice of wives, thus contradicting the assertion that local e.vogamy is in force among them. The evidence is therefore worthless.

As regards the Sakai, however. Hale says that the Kinta Sakai generally went a considerable distance to seek their wives — to a tribe who spoke quite a different dialect. Elsewhere Vaughan-Stevens says,^ the Sakai usage was for the son-in-law to build his house on his father-in-law's land, but this of course does not exclude the possibility that he belonged to the same local group." We may perhaps infer that the same custom prevailed among the Tembeh. Vaughan- Stevens tells us that although no definite rule appeared to exist, the son-in-law and mother-in-law avoided one another in practice as much as possible." This may of course mean that the son-in-law and mother-in-law belonged to the same local group ; we cannot infer a custom of exogamy from it, but it points to the two families being in close proximity.

In estimating the value of the account given by Vaughan-Stevens, we must bear in mind that he is inclined to group his facts from the standpoint of a hypothesis for the adoption of which he can give no sufficient reason.^ We are expressly told ^ that it was only after lengthy observation that he arrived at the results given above, and that the system here displayed is his theory, based on many single observations, and not a connected traditional account handed down by the Sakai. Such a traditional account would probably not be entirely reliable ; an observer like Vaughan-Stevens, with no knowledge of scientific terminology, and not much critical sense, '*^ would have done better to give us his data rather than his conclusions. In his account, summarised above, traditional

^ Z.f.E. xxvi. 160. " Z./^'. xxviii. iSo. ; cp. p. 203,?"«/r«2;.

■^ Here again the word totem is used * Cf. his treatment of the question of by Griinwedel (or Vaughan-Stevens) to patterns. ^ Z. f. E. xxvi. 150. mean sub-tribe. As both husband and ^^ \ aughan - Stevens explains elsewife were of one clan, he could not where {Z.f. E. xxviii. 175) that he change his clan ; a change of sub-clan means by exogamy, marriage outside would be possible, but seems to be the family, not marriage outside the excluded by the context. tribe. He suggests (Z./i E. xxvi. 160),

3 It does not appear whether this that all three sub-tribes, Sakai or Senoi,

was accompanied by the removal of the Kenaboi, and Besisi, were a sub-group

husband to his wife's group, and his of the Leaf clan. Against this may be

incorporation in it. set the statement that the original

• Z.f. E. xxviii. 174. purpose of the totem marks was to

P. 291. distinguish articles of property (loc. cit.

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 90. p. 151]

64 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

narrative, present-day facts, and inferences, seem hopelessly and indistinguishably intermingled.

Elsewhere Vaughan- Stevens gives the story of twins who married the same woman. Their " totems " were "musang" and "palm-leaf," and their child should have followed the father's " totem," but this being uncertain, it was given a new " musang " totem. It is not clear that the twins were children of a Batin.^

Again, the breast-paint of a Sakai (Sen-oi) man represented a fern (a sort of polypodium). The fronds of this fern being bruised in water and squirted over the bride and bridegroom at marriage assured the pair many children. The dots and lines of the face -paint represented another fern, with the juice of which the youth was sprinkled before he became man and might marry.

The face-paint of the Sakai man consisted of three lines or stripes, whereas that of the woman consisted of five. "^

The tiger and " musang " patterns represented these animals, but are now only used as blowpipe marks. Formerly they were patterns for face-paint.'

Yet in Z.f. E. xxvi. 1 50, the face patterns are spoken of by Vaughan-Stevens as being all of one type.

With regard to the age of the contracting parties, M. Brau de St. P. Lias states that the women were often married when mere children.^

In the account by Colonel Low, from which I have already quoted, we are further told that polygamy was permitted among the Sakai, but was not common, and that the men seemed to care little about their wives leaving them.

The men appeared, nevertheless, to treat them well. But should a man choose to resent the infidelity of his wife, he might kill her and her paramour without any fear of the result, further than the possibility of their relatives avenging the deed.^

To this we may add the fuller account given by De Morgan, who tells us that the husband acquired absolute power over his wife, and would not shrink from beating her if the provocation were great

1 EthnoL Notizblatt, i. 4-6. angia, as these latter would not only be

• Z.f. E. xxvi. 154. Mr. H. N. rather brown than black, but would be of

Ridley (of Singapore) suggests that these a uniform colour. ^ Notizblatt, i. 4-6.

alleged fern-spores (as represented in the * Cp. Vaughan-Stevens in Z.f. E.

face-paint of the Sakai) are more prob- xxviii. 174, where we are told that

ably copied from the black and white the age among the Sakai was fourteen

fruit-seeds which are found in the Sakai for the girl and from fifteen to sixteen

necklaces and armlets. They are prob- for the man.

ably not meant for fern-seeds or spor- ■' J. I. A. vol. iv. pp. 430, 431.

Xewly-makried Couple, Woman with painted Head-Band and Nose-Quill, Ulu Itam, Pekak.

Cerruii.

Vol. II. /.

Dancing at Che Tupei's (the Squirrel's) Wedding, Rantau Panjang, Selangop.

Ui

.iro

Party with Musk ai. 1n>ikl men l^, ai Wedding ot Che Ilpei. Rantac Panjang. Selangu Mnlay gongs, drums, tambourines, and fiddles. (See p. 70.) ^'oA //. /. 65. J

SAKAI OF PERAK 65

enough. A form of divorce was allowed among the Sakai, the reasons for which it was permitted being, in the case of the husband, grave misconduct, such cases being settled by a fine, or separation, the woman keeping the children. In the case of the wife, a refusal to take her proper share in housekeeping, planting, hunting, and other tasks necessarily incidental to her position, was regarded as a reason. The aggrieved husband, in the latter case, lodged a complaint with the tribal chief, who communicated it to the woman's family ; if no good results followed, he insisted on separation, sending the woman back to her own family, but always, however, retaining the custody of the children — a point of great importance among these tribes where children were regarded as a source of profit, the possession of children actually making his re-marriage easier.^ The paternal authority ordinarily lasted during the father's lifetime, but otherwise ceased as soon as a married child left its father's roof. The adoption of orphan children by childless people was also occasionally practised."

We are told by Maxwell (in his account of the Perak tribes) that the punishment for adultery was death, and that it was usually carried out by a relative, who invited his victim to a hunting excursion, and after tiring him out, beat his brains out with a club while he was asleep, and left him to rot upon the earth, denying to his remains even the rough sepulture given to those who died in an honourable way.^

1 " Divorce was permitted by the amounted to thirty dollars each, the

Sakai, but was extremely rare among woman's fine being paid by her father

them. Adultery was regarded as a or bi'others." — Brau de St. P. Lias,

great crime (' salah besar '), To' Lila pp. 279, 280. ^ De Morgan, vii. 422. told me, and often gave rise to a fight. ^ Maxwell in J.R.A.S., S.B., No.

The guilty parties were made to pay a i, pp. ill, 112. It should be noted

fine to the husband, which generally that Maxwell in his account, which is

VOL. II F

66 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part iii

A different account of the method adopted by the outraged husband for the punishment of the guiltyparties is given by Vaughan-Stevens as follows : —

The punishment prescribed by the Sakai for the adultery of a wife was very seldom really carried out. The husband, however, if he wished to enforce it, would bind his guilty wife hand and foot and lay her down upon the ground at a short distance from his hut. He then armed himself with three wooden spears of bamboo or palm-wood ("nibong"), and took up his station among the brushwood in the vicinity. The woman was allowed neither food nor water, but was kept there perforce until she died either from the bites of ants or from exhaustion. ^Ieanwhile, however, her paramour was expected to wait for an op- portunity to cut through her bonds and take her back to her husband's house. The husband, on the other hand, was allowed from his concealment to launch each of his three spears once at his rival. If he succeeded in killing him, he might if he pleased let his wife lie there till she died, or else if he were now more inclined to mercy, he might release her and send her away. If, on the other hand, her paramour's attempt succeeded, the husband could take no further steps, though he could if he desired send away his wife when her paramour had brought her back to the hut. If, on the other hand, the paramour refused to make the attempt, the husband might bring him up before the chief for punishment, in which case the husband himself was allowed to name the penalty. He applied in such cases to one of the subordinate chiefs, who could apply to the Batin for confirmation of the sentence, if he considered it just. He need not, however, do so if four of the older men advised him that the punishment was excessive. ^

The Batin had the power of delaying the proceedings by postponing the sentence for an indefinite period. Nevertheless private quarrels, ending in wounds or death, frequently arose from cases which had been postponed on account of some mitigating circumstance, which limited the penalty to be paid to public discussion of the case.-

A wife could not bring her offending husband to the Batin for punishment, since he need only announce that conjugal rights had been intentionally withheld from him, to obtain condonation of his infidelity, and a separation could then be obtained at his own instance. In former days, before the present intercourse with the Malays, divorce was not regarded with such indifference as nowadays, but was highly disapproved of and very seldom actually occurred. Moreover, a man would not put away his wife when he was sure both of losing his children and of ha^dng much trouble to come by another wife. But when a woman absconded from her husband, and after the lapse of a month, he did not think it proper to take her back, whether on account of her laziness, or her clumsiness, or her evil temper, both parties in that case were regarded as free, and were allowed to remarry at will. The husband, however, in this case had the right of retaining the children, and of making them work for him.^

otherwise sufficiently accurate, confuses follow her paramour, when the latter the Sakai with the Semang — -a con- has to pay §25, or unless the woman fusion of which, however, he is by no is a chief's wife, when §2 5 may be the means alone guilty. minimum. Children may follow either 1 Z.f. E. xx^•iii. 179. ^ Ibid. parent by choice, but usually prefer to 3 Ibid. p. 180. In a letter just follow the father. Misconduct of a received. Dr. Luering says: "Among man with his brother's wife would the Sakai of Bertang, in Perak, the producea quarrel, but not necessarily enpunishment for adultery is a fine of tail a fine. Wives are generally chosen §6. 50, unless the woman wishes to within the tribe."

CHAP, in SAKAI OF SELANGOR 67

Before leaving this subject, mention should be made of the account given by Vaughan-Stevens of Sakai love-philtres, which runs as follows : —

Among the Sakai love-philtres were employed by both sexes, one of them being called " mong dar " {?). It consisted of the blossom of a creeper which grew upon the hills. If a little of the dried blossom were steeped in water and drunk, it was alleged that it would produce stimulation in the men, but would have no effect upon women. ^

Another love-philtre, called " chin-weh " ( = " chindwai ") was only used by women, and that in the same way as the one just described ; the only difference being that the entire plant was taken, as must necessarily be the case since the plant was of a fungoid character. It was very difficult to obtain. -

Under the name " chinweh kasih"^ various plants were used as aphrodisiacs by the Sakai women. The Sakai magicians, moreover, knew of a certain plant, which they kept secret, and which procured them especial deference.

Even at the present day only the magicians of the old school have any knowledge of this plant, which was besides of great rarity. From one such magician Vaughan-Stevens obtained his specimen. In order to conceal its identity from the lay members of the tribe, the plant was crushed into water, which was purchased at a high price by Sakai and Malay women, who employed it as a love-potion.*

The Sakai women also employed an expedient which was believed to impair the virility of the men. For this purpose they took the " senggulong " ("sengulong "), a kind of wood-louse \sic ? millipede], and burnt it in the fire until it was charred. At the same time they burnt a small piece of cloth which had been used for washing a dead man's body. The ashes of the two were mixed together, and whenever a woman succeeded in introducing these ashes into the food of her intended victim, the latter was believed to have lost his virility for ever.^

Selangor Sakai. — The late Mr. J. A. G. Campbell of Selangor, in writing of the wedding customs of the Ulu Langat Sakai, describes a peculiar ceremony, which must be very trying to a nervous bridegroom.

Their marriage ceremonies (he says) were very simple; one custom was for the relations on both sides to sit on the ground round an ant-heap, and for the bride or her father to question the bridegroom as follows : ^ —

J Z.f. E. xxviii. 183. report. A thick fleshy calyx divided

Bartels {loc. cit.) remarks that "this into several sections or 'flower-leaves'

' mong dar ' is not, as Vaughan-Stevens then appears ; its colour being black

formerly supposed, the Rafilesia, but a varied with spots of peculiar shades,

smaller though similar blossom. It is from dark brown to purple." '^ Ibid. a parasitical climber, which possesses ^ Ibid. The specimens sent could not

no leaves, but only big claviform buds be identified. " Kasih "= " love." which appear to be either thrown out * Z.f. E. xxviii. 183.

at intervals from the stem itself, or to ^ Ibid. This is also a Malay belief

grow on a very short stem. These (C. O.B. ). buds open suddenly with a distinct ^ J. A. G. Campbell, p. 241.

68 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

" Are you clever with the blowpipe ? "

" Can you fell trees cleverly ? "

" Are you a good climber ? " and

" Do you smoke cigarettes ? "

If these questions were answered in the affirmative, the bridegroom then gave a cigarette to the bride and lighted one himself; they then ran round the mound three times ; if the man succeeded in catching the woman the ceremony was completed, and they were declared married, but if the man failed to catch the woman he tried again another day/

Of the same Sakai tribe, Campbell adds that their marriage settlements consisted of saucepans, yfryingpans, jungle -knives, hatchets, beads, and blowpipes. The woman, however, gave nothing in return. A man could not have more than one wife.

Sakai (Orang- Tanjong-) of Selangop. — Writing of another tribe in Ulu Langat, the same author tells us that the women of the " Cape Tribe " (" Orang Tanjong ") were allowed to have more than one husband, and that one woman who lived at Bandar Kanching formerly had four. These women (he adds) used to seek their own husbands. -

III. — Jakun.

Blandas. — The qualifications required of the Blandas (Kuala Langat) women, at their wedding ceremony, which was similar to that described above, were their ability to hammer tree-bark (" menitek t'rap ") ; to roast or " burn " (" bakar ") bananas, sweet potatoes, and yams ; and to make betel-leaf wallets (" bujam "). It may also be worth noting that both

^ J. A. G. Campbell, p. 241. A- Sakai, this particular ceremony is unthough this tribe must be classed as doubtedly of Malayan origin. - Ibid.

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 69

parties change their names after the birth of their first - born child, whose name they take. Thus Pa' Bijan, Ma Biian, or " Father of Bijan," " Mother of Bijan," were the actual names of a married Blandas couple whose eldest-born child was called Bijan.

Besisi. — Upon one occasion when I inquired of the Besisi in Kuala Langat how a man would address a woman whom he wished to marry, and who was not unwilling to accept him, one of them repeated as a specimen, the following address.^ It took the form of an imaginary dialogue, which ran as follows : —

Man. Are you willing to take me, say ?

Wo/nan. What mean you ? I merely follow you. How can I refuse ? Man. I wish that too.

0bman. How can I refuse ? It is the man with whom it rests. I merely follow you, since I am but a woman. As I am a woman, I merely follow you.

A/an. If that is truth, so be it. I will be father and mother to you, rest assured.

Woman. What mean you ? I follow you for a single day, but not for long. Man. That is also my desire.

Woman. If you are savage, overbearing, harsh-spoken, if you are like that, if you are like a hornet, I shall be unable to endure it beyond to-morrow.

Here the man, after pushing the betel-stand towards her, says :

" I desire to seek somewhat of yours, a stand for betel ;

I am looking for a filly, yearning greatly to obtain her ;

I am looking for a sea-canoe.

If it have no mast, I will supply a mast for it.

If it have no sail, I will supply a sail for it,

I have sought it by sea till now, but have not found it.

I have now reached your land, I have scented a blossom,

I have scented it thus far oversea.

Weary am I indeed with roaming so far.

But here verily is such a blossom, and such scent has reached me, that I

follow it. Pick it up? I will indeed pick it. Is it still to seek ? I will indeed seek it. Desired I not its fragrance, I had not sought it ; But my craving for its scent is very great, I ask but to own it. Should I find it not, I will seek — yea, until I find it.

Great is my yearning — yea, even if in a month I find it not, I will not return Until you grant me my Heart's Desire."

, ^ In ordinary cases the man's request as among the Malays themselves. Cp. would be addressed to the girl's parents, Malay Magic, pp. 364-365.

70 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

As regards marriage itself, the existence ot a distinctive law is perhaps more than might be expected of this unsophisticated race, yet it not only exists but is recognised as binding, and is, moreover, pretty strictly observed, and it is noticeable that there are in the Besisi dialect special terms for both " husband " and " wife."

A remarkable fact is that the Besisi commonly have a regular carnival (at the end of the padi or rice harvest) when (as they say) they are " allowed to exchange " their wives, a practice which recalls the wedding law of ancient Peru, by which there was established one universal wedding - day annually throughout the land.

The marriage settlements brought by the man consist of such objects as are best calculated to contribute to the satisfaction of the bride and her parents, as, for instance, a string of beads, four cubits ("hasta") of white cloth, a plate and a drinkingcup, and in some cases a ring ; but at the same time the husband is expected to provide a hut, cookingpots, and other necessary articles such as will suffice to enable house-keeping to be started with reasonable comfort.

The usual ceremony (as now practised by the Besisi) is of a very simple description, and is usually performed by the Batin, who is a priestly chief, and, as a Besisi man once put it, " who takes the place of an Imam " (the Malay Mohammedan priest).^

' "The marriage ceremony is per- exchange of " sirih " (betel-leaf chewed

formed either by the Batin or the with areca-nut) they are pronounced

Jinang. The contracting parties stand man and wife. A feast is afterwards

on each side of him, the girl on his held, to which all the members of the

left and the man on his right. He tribe are invited." — Bellamy, p. 227.

then joins their hands, and after an Cp. J. I. A. iii. 490.

wk'l ''''''I''-') ' {'■' ''''V m. ~ -f s - ^ =

-1 — I — 1 — I-

Z I

^ u U -

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 71

This simpler form of wedding (as practised by the Besisi of Sepang in Selangor) was celebrated in the following manner: — In the first place, the bridegroom would bring to the house of the bride's parents the presents required by custom — say five cubits of white cloth, five quids of betel-leaf, five cigarettes, and a copper ring.

On the bridegroom's arrival all present partook of food, and the bride and bridegroom then ate rice off the same plate. After this meal the gifts were presented to the bride's parents, and the Batin or one of the minor chiefs of the tribe {e.g. the " Penghulu Balei ") then inquired : " What about these children of ours ? Are we to make them one ? " To this the parents replied in the affirmative, and the head of the tribe then gave both bride and bridegroom a new na7ne.

The parties might then disperse at leisure.

The really remarkable rite called the " ant-heap " (properly the "hillock" or "mound") ceremony, referred to above by Mr. J. A. G. Campbell as a custom of the Ulu Langat Sakai, appears to be now very nearly obsolete among the Besisi, so far as I could ascertain.

I once had the good fortune, however, to witness it when it was being performed at Ayer Itam (in the Kuala Langat district of Selangor) by some Besisi who had just returned from Batu Pahat (in Johor, where they told me that the old custom was still kept up). I will therefore describe the ceremony that I saw as carefully as possible. I attended the wedding at the invitation of the Besisi themselves, with whom I was on very good terms. Shortly after my arrival at the village a small pit was dug by Penghulu Lempar (of Batu Pahat) in front of the door of a special palm-

72 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

leaf building (a Balei or Tribal Hall, built on the plan of the letter T) which had been erected for the occasion. With the earth, or rather clay, thrown up from the pit Penghulu Lempar constructed a mound ^ about the height of a man's waist and in the shape of a truncated cone, surmounted by a small globe and knob, so that it was not unlike a gigantic bell and bell-handle. In the morning, just before the ceremony, I saw Penghulu Lempar decorating it with flowers, and when I asked him where he learnt how to make the mound, he replied that he was quite used to doing so in Johor.^ The flowers were arranged as follows : — First, round about the mound were planted half a dozen long stems of what Lempar called the "Owl-flower";" to these were added several blossoming stems of the wild red " Singapore " rhododendron,'* and to these were again added some young shoots of fan-palms and other kinds of palms. ^ Into the mound itself Lempar stuck some stems of a common blossoming reed.*^

To these, the natural products of the jungle, he added a bunch of the following artificial "flowers" manufactured from strips of fan-palm ' leaf. These were intended to represent the sun ; *^ coconuts,^ nooses or " earrings ";^'^ the blossom of the wild " seal-

1 The Besisi told me that the mound ever, that the custom is more widely was always artificial and always of the spread. Cp. Maxwell,y. J^. A. S., S. B., same remarkable shape. The reason of No. i, p. II2.

its being called an ant-hill is merely thai •' " Bunga ponggoh," called by the

the Malay word ("busut"') means a Langat Malay who accompanied me

" mound " of any kind (whether natural, " satawar hutan," or "wild sata-

e.ff. an ant-heap, or artificial), so that war."

the confusion arose easily enough. * Mai. "kedudok " ; Bes. "kodok."

The shape of the mound is not =' /.e. "nibong'"and "kepau."

necessarily phallic; I have not been '■ " Sendayan," or " senderayan."

able to discover any parallel ceremony. '' " Kepau.''

2 I mention this because the Batin * Bes. "met are','' or " tongkat afterwards told me that the custom was langit."

only kept up among the tribes of Ulu " Bes. " niyu."

Batu Pahat. It seems certain, how- '^ Bes. "subang."

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 73

ing-wax " palm/ and the blossom and fruit of a remarkable wild tree-nut with boat-shaped sail, called by the Malays the " sail-fruit " or " fill-cup," the latter title being due to an extraordinary property on the part of its seeds, any one of which, if placed in a cup of water, will fill the entire cup with a substance resembling a brown jelly, which is eaten with avidity by the Malays.-

I may add that each representation of the "sun" was crowned with a little spike, on which was spitted a blossom stripped from a newly-plucked spray of the wild ("Singapore") rhododendron. This bunch was inserted into the knob-like summit of the mound, and a plait or festoon of the same material, decorated with long streamers, encircled the mound just below the upper rim of the truncated portion.

The preparations were completed by depositing on the fiat top of the truncated portion a dish containing two portions of rice and wild betel-leaf^ and a dish of water, which were to be shared later on between the bride and bridegroom.

About half-past nine the beating of drums at a distance announced the approach of the bridegroom's party. On its arrival the bride (who was staying in the house of the tribal chief or Batin, whose guest I was) was carried outside (on the shoulders of a matron, if I remember rightly), and stationed close to the mound, so as just to leave room for the bridegroom and his supporters to pass. A lengthy catechising of the man (who was coached by the Batin) followed, the questioning being undertaken by the Penghulu Balei (one of the inferior chiefs) on the part of the woman.

^ Bes. " chongoi meri " = Mai. " pinang raja." -Mai. "salayer," or "kembang samangkok." ^ "Chambai."

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

Penghnlti Baki (for the bride). Have

you bought plates and cups ? Batin (on behalf of the man). I have. P. Have you bought pots and pans ? B. I have.

P. Have you bought clothing ? B. I have. P. Have you bought a jungle -knife

(chopper) ? B. I have.

P. Have you bought a hatchet ? B. I have.

P. Have you built a hut ? B. I have.

P. Have you made steps for it ? B. I have.

P. Have you formed a clearing? B. I have.

P. Have you made a rice-spoon ? ^ .e. I have.

P. Have you made a water-bucket ? B. I have.

P. Have you planted yams ? ^ .5. I have.

P. Have you planted sugar-cane ? B. I have.

P. Have you planted rice ? ^. I have. /l Have you planted bananas ?

P. " Pun ! " Sweet potato,

Thus we Jakun plant sweet potatoes !

" Ratified," " says the Batin, say the chiefs of the tribe I *

" Ratified " [say] both young and old !

Round the mound and round again !

At this stage of the proceedings the bridegroom (who was dressed, Hke the bride, in Malay apparel) was conducted seven times and the bride once round the mound, and they were then stationed side by side, when they were together given rice to eat from the

B. I have.

p. Do you know how to fell trees ?

B. I do.

P. Do you know how to climb for

fruit ? B. I do.

P. Do you know how to use the blowpipe ? B. I do.

P. Do you know how to smoke cigarettes ? 3 B. I do.

P. Do you know how to find turtleeggs? B. I do.

P. Is all this true ? B. It is true.

I could purchase a hill at Singapore, Malacca, or Penang, I could purchase a hill in Selangor

or Perak ;

How much more then somebody^s

daughter.*

P. Is this true, so a tree fall on you ? "

B. Speak not of somebody's daughter !

^Ionkeys of all kinds *• do I search

for and capture ; How much more then somebody's daughter.

Pun ! "

1 I.e. 2. rice-spoon of wood or coconut shell.

• I.e. "have you got a yam-patch ? " etc. etc.

3 The phrase used may also mean, " Can you make'" or "have you made cigarettes ? "

■* Lit. a daughter of people (perhaps the wild people or the tribe). But it may equally well mean the daughter of a person, or "somebody's daughter."

^ The phrase here used ("tempa'

kret ■■) lit. means "fall upon (your) body,'' i.e. " so may (a tree) fall upon you," which is the strongest form of asseveration used by these forest-tribes, among whom the terror of falling trees is very real and present, and perhaps more feared than any other danger.

^ Lit. "chikahs" and " lotongs " (two kinds of monkey).

'> Lit. "true" (Bes. "hoi").

^ Lit. Batin, Jinang, Jukrah (titles of chiefs).

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 75

plate and water from the dish. All parties then adjourned to the " Balei " or tribal " Hall," where a feast was in course of preparation, and where the bride and bridegroom were made to eat and drink from the same dish, and shortly afterwards time compelled me to leave.

I may add, however, that during the entire night before the wedding from dark to dawn the Besisi never ceased beating their drums and playing on their rude bamboo flutes and stringed bamboos (" banjeng ").

I may add also that the bride and bridegroom looked little more than children,' and that there is no apparent limit of age for marriage among these people.

Before we departed one of the Batins remarked to me that the mound by which we were at the time standing was the emblem of his religion, or (as he put it) the " priest of his tribe," ^ There can, I think, be little doubt as to the meaning of this statement, and given some such sacred emblem, the procession around it would be natural enough. Whether the race or the walk round it was the older institution must remain a moot point, until further evidence on the point is obtainable ; most probably the walk is the survival.

With regard to the age at which the Besisi women are married, we are told by Logan that among the Besisi a child of a few years old was not unfrequently betrothed to her intended husband, who took her to his house and brought her up."-'

1 The expression employed (in Malay) "J. I. A. vol. i. p. 270. Logan

was "kita-punya Imam," i.e. "our compares this with the custom of the

priest. " The statement was a purely vol- " Dayaks " near Banjermassin, where

untary one, and not in response to any betrothal takes place at the age of four

question of mine. In Pahang a fire takes or six years. A similar custom occurs

the place of the mound (p. 82, infra). in Java.

76 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

It is said that a Besisi man will occasionally take to himself two wives, but never more than two ; as a matter of fact, however, I do not remember a single case in which a Besisi man had more than one. On the other hand, no Besisi woman might have more than one husband, although cases of polyandry have certainly been recorded among the Sakai of the neighbouring district of Ulu Langat.

Before leaving the Besisi marriage customs it should be recorded that at their great annual carnival or drinking feast (" main jo'oh "), during the rice-harvest, there was (as in some other savage lands ^) a sort of " game of exchanging wives." This is the same ceremony as that which Logan terms the " Tampoi Feast," a fuller description of which will be given below.-

Mantra. — In an interesting account of the marriage ceremony as performed by the Mantra, Logan informs us that marriages among the Mantra were not ordinarily made with the haste of the " Tampoi Feast." When a young man was desirous of marrying a girl, he would communicate his wishes to his own father, who communicated in turn with the father of the girl. If the latter agreed to the match, from four to eight silver or copper rings were presented to him, and a day was appointed for the marriage. When it arrived, the bridegroom was conducted by his parents and relatives to the bride's house, where a large feast had been prepared. On entering he paid his respects to the near relations of the bride. If the Batin did not reside at a great distance, he always attended, and presided at the ceremony. Betel-leaf and its usual accompaniments having been placed ready upon a sieve (" nyiru "), the bride took up one of the small

' E.g., even, by latest reports, in Greenland. - See pp. 169-170, infra.

CHAF. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF MALACCA 77

packets of betel-leaf and presented it to the bridegroom, who presented another to her in return. The father of the bridegroom then addressed him, enjoining him to cherish his wife, to be kind to her, on no account to beat her or behave harshly to her, but, if he should ever be offended by her, to complain to her parents. The father of the bride then laid a similar injunction upon her. The company were then feasted, the bride and bridegroom eating from the same plate, a custom which is common to most of the Indo-Chinese and Malayan races. The bridegroom remained for the night. ^

It should be added that the teeth of the bride and bridegroom were filed with a stone before the day of marriage. -

A form of the mound-ceremony found among the Besisi is also practised by this samie tribe, and Borie, in describing it, remarks that when all the

1 _/. /. A. p. 323*. chiefs, which were Ihankfull)' accepted.

• Idt'd. M. Borie (tr. Bourien), in A plate containing small packages of

giving a description of a wedding among rice wrapped up in banana-leaves then

the Mantra, informs us that the bride, having been presented, the husband

who was clothed by her companions in offered one to his future wife, who

her best attire, was conducted to the showed herself eager to accept it, and

centre of the assembly, where she took ate the contents ; she then in her turn

her place close to her future husband, gave some to her husband, and they

who, bowing, saluted every member of afterwards both assisted in distributing

the company, shaking hands with each the remainder among the other mem-

of them in turn. According to old bers of the assemblage. The Juru

custom, the three chiefs made speeches Krah having received a ring from the

upon the obligations of matrimony — husband, returned it to him, and he

not forgetting to enjoin upon the hus- then placed it on the finger of the left

band that in return for the submission hand of his future wife. The bride

that his wife owes him, he should having also received a ring from the

punctually day by day supply her with Juru Krah, placed it upon the finger

betel-leaf to eat and tobacco to smoke. of the right hand of her husband ; the

The Juru Krah (one of the three marriage was then declared complete,

chiefs), who was conducting the mar- and copious plates full of rice with

riage, then demanded the pledges of vegetables having been served round,

their prospective union, and the bride all set to work to satisfy their appetite,

and bridegroom professing to be unable M. Borie remarked that the bride

to comply, addressed themselves to M. and bridegroom still ate from one dish.

Borie, who gave them two handker- (Borie (tr. Bourien), pp. 81, 82.)

78 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

guests were assembled, the bride and bridegroom were led forth by one of the old men of the tribe towards a circle of varying size, round which the girl commenced to run, the young man pursuing a short distance behind her ; if he succeeded in overtaking her, she became his wife, but if not he lost all claim to her. At other times a yet larger area was appointed for the trial, and the bridegroom pursued the bride in the forest.^

In addition to the foregoing, we learn from Logan that the Mantra did not mix socially nor intermarry either with the other Benua tribes, nor yet with the Malays,- and further that they were strict monogamists.^

Adultery was a capital crime if it could be proved by witnesses. The sentence of the Batin was carried into execution by the Penglima. The offenders were laid prostrate in the nearest brook, and their heads were kept under water by placing a forked stick over their necks and driving the points into the bed of the stream. When the husband was satisfied of his wife's infidelity, but was unable to prove it, he might desert her, but was obliged in that case to leave her in possession of the house and clearing, and also to pay her ten cubits ( lo "hastas" = 5 yards) of white cloth, thirty cents in money, and eight silver rings. The children remained with the wife, who might not, however, remarry until the husband took to himself another wife in her place.'*

The right of the husband to beat his wife for any cause whatever was not recognised by the Mantra,

1 Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 8l. Cp. "^ J. I. A. vol. i. p. 330.

also Miklucho-Maclay in /. A'. A. S., ^ Ibid. p. 270.

S. B., No. 2, p. 216. •» Ibid. p. 268.

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF /OHO J? 79

and such was also the custom of the Benua, and probably of all the other (Jakun) tribes. Should a Mantra woman offend her husband, he might complain to her parents, who would themselves chastise her. The wife, on the other hand, had a reciprocal right to appeal for protection to the parents of her husband. Should the husband commit anyserious offence against his wife, her relatives might complain to the Batin or chief of the tribe, who would authorise them to deal summarily with him. They would then repair to the offender's house and strip it of every article that it contained. The goods thus summarily appropriated were carried to the Batin, who would give one portion to the wife's relatives, and distribute the remainder between himself and his officers.^

Benua-Jakun of Johor. — Among the Benua Logan states that betrothal was the rule, and sometimes took place, among most if not all the tribes, at a very early age on the part of the unconscious girl. The Malays declared that when a marriage had been arranged amongst the Benua, the relatives of both parties would assemble at the house of the bride, who was then placed in a canoe by herself, supplied with a paddle, and sent down the stream. When she had been given a start of one or two reaches, the bridegroom entered a canoe and gave chase. Should he succeed in overtaking the fair one, she becam^e his wife. If he failed, the match was broken off But since most of the young women had good stout arms, and could make good use of the paddle that was given them, it must be supposed that love usually unnerved them, and gave the victory to the bridegroom.^ According

^ _/. /. A. vol. i. p. 267. ^ Logan here adds that he is seep-

8o MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

to members of the tribe, the union was arranged by the parents, and the ceremony consisted simply in the parties eating from the same plate. After partaking of a repast, the relatives of the bridegroom departed, leaving him to pass the night in the bride's house. Next day he carried her home. A small present was sent to the bride's parents previous to the marriage. The Batins and their families would send as much as forty plates (" pinggan ") on such occasions, and other persons as much as twenty plates. If the lady had already been married, no ceremony whatever was used. She repaired to the house of her new husband, and installed herself as mistress.^ Most of the Benua had one wife only, but some had two, and there did not appear to be any rule on the subject.- The husband might not beat his wife for any cause whatever.^

No marriage was lawful without the consent of the

tical as to the real existence in his day The young couple then approach each of the practice described, but in view other, join hands, and the sylvan cereof all the evidence, it may be taken, I mony is concluded. It varies, how- think, as substantially accurate. ever, in different tribes. Among some 1 Logan here adds that amongst the there is a dance, in the midst of which Berembun tribes the husband either the bride elect darts off, a la galope, took up his residence in the house of into the forest, followed by her inamohis wife's parents or made one in their rato. A chase ensues, during which, clearing. should the youth fall down, or return

• /. /. A. vol. i. p. 270. unsuccessful, he is met with the jeers 3 Jl)i({_ p. 267. and merriment of the whole party, and Newbold gives a graphic account of the match is declared off. It generally a wedding among the Benua, but un- happens, though, that the lady confortunately it is not clear to what tribe trives to stumble over the root of some he refers. His account is as follows : — tree friendly to Venus, and falls (for- "On occasions of marriages the tuitously of course) into the outstretched whole tribe was assembled and an arms of her pursuer ! entertainment given, at which large " No marriage is lawful without the quantities of a fermented liquor, ob- consent of the parents. The dower tained from the fruit of the Tampoi, usually given by the man to the bride are discussed by the wedding guests; is a Malay hatchet (' beliong '), a copper an address is made by one of the elders ring, an iron or earthen cooking vessel, to the following effect : ' Listen, all a chopper or parang, a few cubits of ye that are present, those that were cloth, glass beads, and a pair of armdistant are now brought together, those lets ; the woman also presents a copper that were separated are now united.' ring to her intended. Polygamy is not

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF JOHOR

father. A man might not have more than one wife at once. A man who divorced his wife lost the dowry given to her, but if the divorce came from the side of the woman, she was bound to return the dowry she received from the man.^

x^ny married person surprised in adukery might be put to death. But if a woman so surprised could prove that she was seduced, she would not be put to death, but would be sent away by her husband. After divorce the man and woman might marry again with other parties.'

A father could not sell his child, but might give him to another, always provided that the child would consent, no matter what its age might be.^

If children were left orphans, their nearest relatives would bring them up, unless, with their consent, some other person agreed to do so."^

Although the Benua women were generally faithful, adultery appeared to be neither infrequent nor held in sufficient detestation. The Malays asserted that it was not difficult to obtain favours of Benua women, and these latter themselves admitted that husbands sometimes changed their wives, and wives their husbands.- Divorce was simply a putting away of the wife.^

permitted, but a man can divorce his With the foregoing should be further

wife and take another. The form of compared the account given by Vaughan-

divorce is that the parties return their Stevens in V. B. G. A. xxiii. p. "833,

copper wedding-rings; the children which does not however add anything

generally go with the mother." of importance.

In some tribes it is customary to 1 Favre in/. /. .4. vol. ii. p. 269.

deck out the bride with the leaves of 2 /^/^_

the Palas-tree, and to cut off a part of 3 ji^y

her hair, a custom also observed by * Ibid.

Malays, and termed "andam" (New- ° This is doubtless at the annual

bold, vol. li. pp. 407, 408. Cp. also "carnival" or " Tampoi Feast," and

vol. i. chap, v., and vol.ii. pp. 394, 395: it is not fair on that account to tax the

" Adultery is punishable with death if Benua with infidelity,

the parties are caught in the act." c J. L A. vol. i. p. 268.

VOL. II

G

82 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

Jakun of Johop. — Logan states that among the Jakun, marriages were ordinarily celebrated about the months of July and August, when fruits were plentiful. The bridegroom frequented for some time the house of his intended, and when he had obtained her consent, he made a formal demand for her hand to her father. A day was then appointed, and preparations made for an entertainment, the scale of which varied according to the means of the two contracting parties, and their rank in the tribe. When the day for the marriage had arrived, the bridegroom repaired to the house of the bride's father, where the whole tribe was already assembled. The dowry to be given by the man to his bride was then delivered ; it must consist at the least of a silver or copper ring, and a few cubits of cloth, and if the man were able to afford it, a pair of bracelets. To these gifts a few other ornaments and articles, e.g. furniture for the house of the new family, were added. Sometimes the woman also presented some gifts to her intended husband. The bride was then delivered by her father to the bridegroom, and the solemnity began. Some stated that among some of the tribes there was a dance, in the midst of which the bride elect darted off into the forest, followed by the bridegroom. A chase ensued, during which, should the youth fall down, or return unsuccessful, he was met with the jeers and merriment of the whole party, and the match was declared off. A slightly different ceremony was ascribed to the Benua of Pahang, viz., that during the banquet a large fire was kindled, all the congregation standing as witnesses ; the bride then commenced to run round the fire ; the bridegroom, who was obliged to run in the same direction, following her ; if he succeeded in catching her the marriage was valid,

CHAP. Ill SAVAGE MALAYS OF JO HO R 83

if he could not, it was declared off.^ No marriage was lawful without the father's consent. Conjugal faithfulness was much respected among the Jakun ; adultery being punishable by death. It was especially remarkable that among the Jakun, although they were surrounded by Mohammedans and heathen races, all of whom were so much addicted to polygamy, it was not allowed to keep more than one wife, and that Logan met with only one who had two wives, and he was censured and despised by the whole tribe.- The only difference, in fact, between this form of monogamy and that practised by Christian nations was that amongst the Benua a man might divorce his wife and take another. The rule was that if the divorce was proposed by the husband, he lost the dowry he had given to the woman ; but that if the woman asked to be divorced, she must return the dowry she had received at marriage. The children followed the father or the mother according to their own (the children's) wishes ; if, however, they had not yet arrived at the age of reason, they followed the mother.^ Udai. — The only reference to marriage among the

' On this Favre remarks that all the had allowed a man to pay his addresses

Jakun he questioned on the point de- to her, the parties proceeded to a hillock

clared that they were not at all aware round which the woman ran three times,

of the practice, so that if the story pursued by the man ; if the latter suc-

were true, it must be ascribed to a few ceeded in catching her before the ter-

tribes only (y. /. A, vol. ii. p. 264). mination of the chase, she became his

[This conclusion, however, does not wife, but not otherwise (Begbie, I.e.

necessarily follow from the premisses. pp. 13, 14). It is worth noting that the

The Jakun frequently deny the existence object round which the chase took

of practices which they fear will be place is here accurately described as a

laughed at by strangers, and the very hillock and not as an ant-heap. Jakun who took part in the mound - Cp. Begbie, I.e. pp. 13, 14.

ceremony had previously denied its Polygamy among the Jakun is not

existence to me.] allowed, and is punishable.

A yet older authority for the Mound ^ J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 264. For the

ceremony than Favre, is Captain treatment of the Jakun women by their

Begbie, who states that the marriage husbands, who regard them as mere

ceremony of the Jakun was {a7ite 1S34) chattels, but are otherwise not unkind

as follows: — When a young woman to them, see Z.f. E. xxviii. p. 166.

84 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

Udal is that made by Nevvbold, who records that they are said never to intermarry with the Jakun, who accuse them of devouring their own dead and of cohabiting with the beasts of the forest.^

Orang Laut or Sea-jakun.

Orangr Laut, S'letar.— Of the marriage customs of the S'letar tribe we are informed that a mouthful of tobacco and a single " chupak " of rice handed to the bride's mother confirmed the hymeneal tie. The S'letar women intermarried with the Malays, this custom appearing to be not unfrequent ; they were also sometimes given to Chinese, and an old woman stated that she had been united to individuals of both nations, at an early period in her life."

Orang Laut, Sabimba. — Before marriage the bridegroom prepared a hut of his own to which he carried the bride, on the day of marriage, from the house of the Batin where they were united. Twelve cubits ("hastas") of white cloth, and some betel-leaf and arecanut were delivered by the bridegroom into the Batin's hands for presentation to the parents of the bride.

The children of brothers might not intermarry, but those of sisters and of a brother and sister might do so. Adultery was punished by a fine of looo rattans, seduction of a virgin by compelling the man to marry her and to give the customary present to her parents.^

To the foregoing should be added the declaration of the Sabimba that they had no actual ceremonies at marriage ; the preparation of a shed, open on all sides, and measuring about 6 ft. x 4 ft. (1.8 m. x 1.2 m.),

1 Newbold, ii. 381, 382. - /. I. A. vol. i. p. 347*.

3 Ibid. p. 297.

CHAP. Ill MALA VAN SEA-GIPSIES 85

erected over a few branches and leaves strewed on the ground, comprised all the bridegroom's care. The price of a wife was stated to be ten needles, three hanks of thread, sixteen cubits of cloth, and three "reals." The Sabimba women did not intermarry with the Malays, nor would they part with their offspring for any consideration.^

Orang" Laut, Beduanda Kallangr. — Previous to marriage the bridegroom was expected to provide himself with a boat of his own. Members of the same family might not intermarry, however remote the degree, though at the same time no doubt the traces of relationship would tend to be soon lost and forgotten. Widowers and widows were not in the habit of marrying again. Polygamy and adultery were both unknown."

Orang" Laut, Muka Kuning". — As soon as the breasts of a girl were of the size of an areca-nut she was considered marriageable.^ When a marriage had been agreed upon, the parents of the bridegroom sent to those of the bride 3000 rattans, a piece of cloth, a jacket, and two silver rings. The marriage, which took place at the house of the bride, in presence of the Batin or tribal chief and several guests, consisted in the bride and bridegroom being placed side by side, and made to join hands, while the parents enjoined them to be kind to each other and avoid disputes. A feast followed, at which the newly married pair ate from the same plate or leaf. Singing and dancing to the tambourine (" rebana ") followed. The Batin received as his fee a present of 2000 rattans,*

' J. I. A. vol. i. p. 347*. '^ Ibid. p. 300.

^ This is also the standard followed by the Malays.

^ /. /. A. vol. i. pp. 338* 339*.

86 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

If a husband was not pleased with his wife, he might return her to her parents, and after the lapse of a month the parties might form other connexions. Polygamy was unknown. The children of brothers might not intermarry,^

Orang" Laut, Akik. — The only remark I have met with in reference to the marriage customs of this particular tribe was to the effect that although a Jakun could take an Akik woman to wife, the Akiks were not permitted to marry with the Jakun females."

The remainder of this account of the wedding ceremonies of the Orang Laut is taken from Vaughan- Stevens, and is of general value only, no names of tribes or localities being given : —

At marriage the son commonly undertook to build a boat for himself, unless, as was usual, he already possessed one. But both he and his wife could live in the boat of either's parents, whenever his assistance and that of his wife might be required. Marriage took place at a very early age, at fifteen or sixteen years, but now since there are fewer women available, it takes place later. ^

The customs relating to the choice of wives among the Orang Laut are very similar to those of the E. Semang (Pangan), Sakai, and Jakun.* The men of one community could only take a wife from another community (not their own), in the days when they lived upon the sea.^ If the two communities were at feud, and the young people had no opportunity of making a choice, matches were effected by capture, and both the women and their dowry taken by force.® But these organised attacks never take place in the interior of the country, since the Eastern Semang is unrestricted in his choice of a spouse, and the Sakai is bound by his totemistic (j/c) code.' Communal marriage, in which the woman is free to all the men of the community, or its milder form, family-marriage, in which the woman becomes the spouse of all her husband's brothers, did not occur ; and both polyandry and polygamy were equally unknown.*

1 J. I. A. vol. i. p. 339*. case of four communities of the Orang

2 Newbold, ii. 413, 414. Laut of which A, B, and C, were of •^ Bartels in Z. f. E. xxviii. 174. pure blood, and D a mixed tribe of

• As the customs of the three races Orang I^aut and Jakuns, the first tribe

are very different, this sweeping state- A, could take wives from B or C, B

ment seems meaningless and indefen- could take wives from A or C, and C

sible. from B or A, but none of them could

^ On p. 175, Vaughan-Stevens ex- take a wife from the mixed tribe D.

plains that by exogamy he means ^ Vaughan-Stevens in Z./. ^. .xxviii.

marriage within the different branches p. 174.

of the same race, not intermarriage with " Ibid. V. ante, p. 62.

strangers or foreigners. Thus in the ^ Ibid.

CHAP, III MALA VAN SEA-GIPSIES 87

Orang Laut children belong not to the father but to the mother. Thus, supposing a woman belonging to a community A, marries a man belonging to a community B, the children would belong to A, and at the father's death would be taken by the mother to her original home.^ Perhaps this may be the reason (remarks Bartels) why the Orang Laut man cares so little about his children and treats both mother and children so badly.- Vaughan-Stevens continues, that when he said to some of the Orang Laut, " The fact appears to be that you can be sure who the mother is, but not who the father may be," they laughed and agreed with him.^

Among the Orang Laut the exact value of the present to be made to the bride's parents depends partly upon the bride's qualities and partly upon the circumstance whether she was desired in marriage by one or more suitors. In the case of captives being taken as wives, this present was naturally omitted.*

Apropos of the so-called " ant-hill " ceremony, Vaughan-Stevens remarks that in spite of many inquiries he was unable to substantiate it except in a restricted area near Malacca, where he believes it was " introduced by half-breeds."' -"

Vaughan-Stevens goes on to say that it was the custom for the youths of the tribe, at the wedding-feast, to engage in various games, the object of which was to excite the bridegroom to pursue his bride, but that though it was certainly unnecessary for him to catch her, he was mercilessly bantered if he failed of his purpose. This was, however, by no means a necessary ceremony, and did not take place at every wedding. *"

The position of the women among the Orang Laut is pitiable, being much worse than among the other tribes. '^ Vaughan-Stevens says, " I have often seen an Orang Laut man take all the fish and roots which had been collected by his family in the course of the day, and silently devour the whole, leaving nothing but the heads and refuse for his wife and children to feed on."' And when by any chance an Orang Laut is compelled to traffic either with the Sakai, Jakun, or Malays, these latter not unfrequently insist upon his giving a share of the food which he gets from them to his wife and children. The Orang Laut are, in fact, the lowest of all the aboriginal tribes,* and are the only tribe of which the men, upon all occasions, eat before their womenfolk are allowed to do so. Among other tribes the men on special occasions eat before the women, but that is because somebody has to look after the food, and not because they are considered too much beneath their husband for them to be allowed to eat with him.^

Even when Vaughan-Stevens gave food to Orang Laut women they never dared to eat it when their husband was present, and so long as another man, even if he were not their husband, was present, they would always retire from his presence before eating it or giving any of it to their children.^**

The Orang Laut were originally divided into families, recognising a special locality or district as their home, and since they invariably lived in scattered parties in their boats, they described themselves as belonging to such localities. Marriage

1 Z.f.E. xxviii. 175. ascribed to the Orang Laut, I believe

• Ibid. to be quite unmerited, and mainly due

3 Ibid. The custom here described to the fact of their being wilder and

appears to be analogous to the " Adat shyer than the other races in the Pen-

Perpatih'" of the Malays of Rembau insula, and hence apparently more

and Naning. stupid and brutal.

• Z.f. E. xxviii. 176. 8 It is not true that they are the 5 Ibid. This scepticism as to the only tribe of which the men eat before prevalence of the custom is, I believe, their women-folk, and even if it were, quite unnecessary (for the reasons before it may be doubted whether the ingiven, and others). ference here deduced can be justly ® Z.f. E. xxviii. 176. drawn from it. ^ This character of brutality so lightly * Z.f.E. xxviii. 167. '" Ibid

88 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

did not affect the situation, and the invariable rule held good that men and wonien belonging to the same locality might not marry, but that each must seek a spouse in another locality. This rule, however, like many others, fell into disuse when the domain of the Orang Laut became restricted to its present area. But nevertheless the spouse is still chosen from as distant a locality as possible. ^

Among the Orang Laut monogamy was the rule, the only exception being the so-called "Levirate." For whenever the man's brother died, the former frequently supported the widow, on the ground that he took her as a kind of second wife. This at least is said to have been formerly the custom, until the women discovered later that as there were more men than women, they could very easily obtain a husband of their own.'^

When the widow was taken over by the brother of her first husband, the children were allowed to choose, should they be old enough to do so, between remaining with their mother, and leaving her establishment.'^

Vaughan-Stevens asserts that the custom of [? mother-in-law] avoidance does not exist among the Orang Laut, nor were any names " taboo," though they had heard of the custom."*

1 Vaughan-Stevens, I.e. p. 174. ^ Z.f.E. xxviii. 177.

3 Ibid. Ibid.

CHAPTER IV.

Burial Customs and Beliefs.

This Is a most intricate subject, and the best hope of an adequate solution seems to He in observing the divergent mental attitudes of the three wild races when confronted with the death of a member of their small community.

The Negrito, for instance, exhibits little dread of the ghosts of the deceased, from which the Sakai, on the other hand, riee far aloof in terror. The Jakun again certainly display a dread of the ghost, but in their case the result of this most powerful motive, which inspires all similar burial customs, takes the form of a religious care for the dead man's spirit.

Hence it is not surprising to find that, though the Semang now employ a simple form of interment, their more honourable (and therefore older ?) practice was to expose the dead in trees, whereas the Sakai simply leave the body to rot, and even desert standing crops.

The Jakun devote their first efforts to making things comfortable for the spirit of the deceased, and do not as a rule desert the place until after their month of mourning has expired.

Of the various rites observed by these tribes there are several that will prove of interest_ to students of

90 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

ethnology. Among these are mere desertion of the corpse, as practised by the Sakai ; the exposure of dead wizards in trees, ^ attributed to the Semang ; platform burial in a modified form, as practised by some of the Sakai of Selangor ; the lighting of a fire on or near the grave, as is done both by the Sakai and most of the Jakun ; the scrupulous solicitude shown by the Jakun for the deceased's spirit, which is provided with a furnished hut to live in, and provisions to feed upon, (as in the interesting burial-customs of the Besisi),- and even with a trench full of water on which to paddle its canoe (as in the case of the Jakun chief recorded by Hervey) ; and finally, the practice of fixing a bamboo in the grave in communication with the mouth of the corpse for the purpose of feeding it, a custom of which we have among :he Jakun of Berembun a mere survival. To this we may add the use of the " burial bamboo " ascribed to the Semang by Vaughan-Stevens, which is said to be deposited in the grave to serve as credentials for the dead man's spirit to show when it comes before the universal Judge ; and the atrocious custom attributed to the Udai, which is explained by a Pangan tradition that I collected in Kelantan.

• The Andamanese expose the body cornered hutch of lattice - work, in

facing east on a small stage of sticks which offerings of small value, chiefly

and boughs 8-12 ft. above the ground, rice and flowers and fruit, are de-

usually in the fork of a tree ; this is posited immediately after the funeral,

thought more complimentary, as in- and subsequently at certain intervals,

volving more labour. — Man's And. pp. These offerings are for the purpose of

76-77. propitiating the Butas (the demoniacal

2 The soul - hut of the Selangor beings who infest places of burial

Besisi is strongly reminiscent of the especially), lest they should attack the

" three - cornered hutch," which is soul of the deceased. The grave is

erected by the side of the grave in then surrounded with a fence or hedge.

Bali. At the burial of a commoner in Those who are buried in this way

Bali, we are told that when the body cannot enter heaven ; they then assume

has been committed to the ground, all sorts of shapes " (especially that of

there "is fixed in the ground by the the half- wild dogs which are numerous

side of the grave a bamboo, on the in Bali). — Misc. Papers relating to Indo-

top of which there is a sort of three- China, second series, vol. ii. p. 138.

NEGRITOS OF KEDAH

I. — Semang.

Pangran. — The Pangan or Eastern Semang of Kelantan informed me that the bodies of the lay members of the tribe were buried in the ground (in a way which I shall presently describe), but that the bodies of their great magicians (whom they called " B'lians ") were deposited in trees in order that they might be able to fly over the head of the fearful figure which they believe blocks the narrow way that leads to the Junglemen's Paradise. They further informed me that the dead body of one of these magicians had actually been deposited in a tree on the banks of the Kelantan river (above S. Sam), but the place described already lay a considerable distance to the rear of our expedition, and it was not then possible to reascend the river in order to investigate. I may add that the Pangan, like the Sakai, are entreated at death to " think of their departed ancestors alone and forget their living friends."

Kedah Semang*. — I will now describe the grave of a Semang which may be taken as fairly typical, and of which I was able personally to obtain the full particulars. At Siong, in Kedah, I persuaded the Peng- lima or head of the Semang tribe, with a great deal of difficulty, to allow me to purchase the bones of a relative of his own who had been buried in the jungle not far from the settlement. The Penglima conducted one of the local Malays and myself to the site of the grave, which was in the depths of the jungle, and which we could never have found without assistance.

A couple of stout bamboo poles which had been used to form the bier by means of which the remains had been borne to the spot, lay crossed above the grave, which was partially defended by a low fence of

92 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part in

prickly palm - leaves and branches. The grave was that of one " P'landok " or " Mouse- deer," who was said to have died about a year before, leaving behind him a son called " Padang " or " Flatland," whom I met in the settlement. We opened the grave together, and found it to measure about three feet deep by about five feet in length. There was nothing left of the body but the skeleton, which lay upon the right side in a huddled-up position, with the head and knees turned towards the right, and legs doubled back,^ so as to bring them within the limits of the grave.

Three coconut -shells, which had been used for holding small portions of rice, were still to be seen, one of them being just behind the head, and the other two at each side of the body. At the foot was a coconut-shell still partially filled with water. The body rested on a mat which covered a roughly-made floor or platform of sticks,- and had evidently been wrapped up in a red cloth (" sarong "), pieces of which were still here and there visible. A row of short stakes had been driven diagonally into one side of the grave-pit, the lower ends meeting the side of the pit about halfway down, a foot (30 cm.) above the body, and the upper ones reaching to the upper edge of the opposite side of the pit. The roofing to the grave thus formed had been covered with palm-leaves (bertam) laid longitudinally, and the whole arrangement formed a sort of screen which would keep the earth from falling on the body when the grave was being covered in.

An infant child of the dead man {" Mouse-deer") had been buried in a tiny grave a short distance

^ As among the Andamanese, who '^ This platform had no doubt, with

are buried with "knees brought up to the two bamboo poles referred to above,

the chin, and fists to the shoulders." formed the bier on which the remains of

— Man's And. pp. 75-76. thedeceasedhadbeen carried to thegrave.

NEGRITOS OF PERAK

away from that of " Mouse-deer " himself, but nothing was to be seen there at the time of my visit beyond a slight depression in the surface of the ground showing where the burial had taken place.

These were said to have been the only deaths that had occurred since this tribe had arrived in the Siong district, where they had lived, they said, for a couple of years.

Perak Semang^. — Mr. L. Wray writes me, that in the Piah Valley he once camped in a large clearing containing a crop of Indian corn, nearly ripe, besides vege- tables, etc. This clearing had been recently abandoned in consequence of two deaths. The graves were in the clearing and the houses were still standing. Lower down the valley Mr. F. Lawder, about four years previously, had seen a case in which the house had been shut up with the dead body in it. The skull and some of the bones from this house are now in the Perak Museum. In the same valley Mr. Wray saw another huge clearing with growing rice abandoned because of a death. In this instance, however, he did not see the grave.

The following account, which generally speaking agrees with what I have observed myself, is taken from Vaughan-Stevens.^ It gives, however, the only account I have met with of the burial bamboo, which is one of the important subjects connected with these tribes still awaiting further investigation.

On the occasion of a death the Pangan silently fetch the timbers required for 'S the grave, and betake themselves to any suitable place in the jungle. Here they dig a grave with straight sides, deep enough for a man to stand in up to the hips, and then return to fetch the corpse. The Sna-hut meanwhile examines the corpse and gives it the burial bamboo or " penitah " (" peneetor "), a bamboo written over with signs, which is to serve as testimony on the other side of the grave to the behaviour of the man in the present life.

The burial bamboo is inserted in the girdle of the deceased, with the node uppermost, the hollow pointing downwards ; the deceased lying meanwhile upon the ground. A slight bier is then fashioned out of a few bamboo poles, which are bound together with rattan or other creepers. The corpse is laid upon it,

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 119- 1 22.

94 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

and as many men and women as have any interest in the dead accompany the remains to the grave. On arrival the corpse is deposited in the grave in a supine position, without any sort of orientation. A few stakes are then planted slanting- wise in the soil of the grave on each side of the corpse, so that they cross each other gable- wise above the corpse, a pole of bamboo or some other material is laid upon the ridge thus formed, in a line with the body, and leaves and branches are employed to cover the sloping sides. As a general rule the earth is shuffled back again into the grave with the feet, a small mound is heaped up over it, and some brushwood laid on the top, in order to prevent the pigs from digging the body up again.

The method of burial now employed by the Semang on the west coast of the Peninsula is no longer the old one. In the southern parts of the west coast the Sakai methods are imitated, only the preparation of the grave is much more careless. The peculiar diagonal hollow for the reception of the corpse is always present. In the north of the west coast the Semang roughly imitate the manner of burial of the local Siamese who do not practise cremation : even idols stolen from their Siamese jungle companions are not forgotten. ^ The Semang say that they never expose a corpse.^

The Pangan (Eastern Semang) do not as a rule revisit the grave, but they have not the least fear of doing so, because, as mentioned above, they do not believe in Hantus ; the Semang of the west coast only do so in order to free the grave from underwood.

If there is no minor chief (Sna-hut) in the neighbourhood, the dead man is buried without a burial bamboo, but the latter is afterwards lowered into the grave through a deep hole bored with a grave-stake. The soul must in that case remain in the body until the burial bamboo arrives, as it is conscious that it has done nothing which might cause the latter to be refused. It is true, however, that if the soul does not leave the grave soon enough, Kari is sure to become impatient, and send thunder and lightning in order to hasten the tarrying soul, and although the exact effect of this is uncertain, the Pangan think that the soul must expiate this. Hence no time is lost in obtaining the burial bamboo, of which the Sna-hut keeps a supply in hand, and when the deceased person is an adult man he also cuts the namemark on the bamboo, before he gives it to the mourners. In former times the Sna- hut was never very far away, and was always called in, but later the signs became f^ better known, and the men in urgent cases cut the signs themselves. Many had

their burial bamboo prepared during life, as the Sna-huts lived very scattered.

When an innocent soul was deprived of its burial bamboo by any accident or through malice, it might demand restitution from Kari, and if the Sna-hut held the burial bamboo back unjustly, Kari's lightning would strike him and hurl him down to the infernal region (Kamoj).

Beside the corpse of a woman were deposited, in addition to her own burial bamboo, all her combs. These combs were placed in her hair if possible, if not, as many as possible were so placed, and the rest laid upon the breast of the corpse. This was in accordance with " Simei's command."

Similarly beside the corpses of men were deposited all their quivers and charm-bamboos and bamboo strings, with charm-patterns against Diseases. Their blowpipes, however, were not so deposited.

The Semang of the west coast often put a little food into the grave before they leave it, and kindle a fire in the neighbourhood ; this, however, is in imitation of the custom of the Sakai. The Pangan do not do this.

If the bereaved relatives really feel sorrow, they do not show it openly, even a mother does not weep openly over her child. ^

1 This is probably a solitary case; ^ Vaughan - Stevens, iii. pp. 121,

it is not true of the Kedah Semang. 122. Vaughan-Stevens adds, somewhat

• This was contradicted by the E. obscurely, that on the west coast the

Semang. upper structure of the grave is either

*i

CHAP. IV NEGRITOS OF PERAK 95

It may still be a moot point whether the Semang ever bury the corpse in a sitting position or not. For although we are informed by Maxwell that the remains (of those who die in an honourable way) are laid upon a log of wood, in a sitting posture, and buried a foot or two under the ground, we have no account of any such custom at first hand from an eye-witness, and it is hence always possible that a statement of the kind, if not in the present instance, may yet sometimes arise from the vagueness of a native trying to describe the position of the corpse (with its legs drawn up under it), such as actually occurs. More exact information upon this point may therefore be awaited.^

Ascribed to the Semang is a yet more extraordinary practice, the tradition of which, although totally devoid of foundation at present, may possibly have originated in some obsolete Semang custom. - This is the idea, found among the Malays, that when a Semang dies the body is eaten, and nothing but the head interred.^

II. — Sakai.

There is no satisfactory description of a Sakai burial, with the exception of one by Vaughan-Stevens, whose accounts as a rule require much independent corroboration.

made after the manner of the Malays, the Andamanese, who used to exhume

etc., or a bertam leaf is placed slanting the bones of relations after three

across it like the summer huts which months and clean and break them up

they make for themselves. to form necklaces, with the skull as

1 Maxwell, /. R. A. S., S. B., No. pendant. — Man's And. p. 7S. I, p. 112. 3 Newbold, ii. 377-379. Since the

It should be pointed out that Max- above was set up (in the text), I have

well confuses the terms Sakai and met with evidence that seems to sub-

Semang, but that in other respects his stantiate my view. — Vide p. 228, infra. account is accurate. The Jakun of Johor make a similar

• Especially likely does this seem charge against the Udai, whom they

when we remember the extraordinary " accuse of devouring their own dead."

customs of other Negrito races, e.g., Newbold, ii. 38 1, 382.

96 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

We are told, however, by Hale that the Sakai of Perak were in the habit of burying along with a man his tobacco wallet, bead necklace, or timber-box. Similarly her comb, necklace, or bracelets were buried along with a woman. The house in which the death had taken place was invariably burnt down and the settlement deserted, even at the risk of the loss of standing crops. ^

On the other hand, two Sakai graves in Batang Padang (Perak) described by Wray were raised like Malay ones, and well taken care of, and on them were the remains of fruit, flowers, Indian corn, coconut-shells, bottle-gourds, roots, etc., which had been placed there probably as offerings to the dead.^

This last description, though puzzling, is of no small interest, for although the graves described were undoubtedly in the heart of the Sakai country, the evident care with which they were tended sounds more like the work of tribes under Jakun influence, who like other branches of the Malayan race are most particular in this respect. From all we know of the genuine Sakai, they have so intense a terror of the ghosts of the deceased that they burn down the house, and even sometimes the village, in which a death has taken place, and never return to it. Can it be that deaths from epidemic diseases inspire this terror among the Sakai, whilst those from old age or other milder causes do not ? I confess that I see no satisfactory explanation.

To the foregoing account Mr. Wray now adds, that at Kuala Dipang, in Kinta, he saw the grave of Toh Sang, the chief of the South Kinta and a portion

1 Hale, p. 291. In a MS. note are thought to disappear and become

Clifford says that the medicine-men tigers. For others there is no ceremony. (" ha-la ") of the U. Kerbat Sakai are 2 l^ Wray in/. R. A. S., S. B., No.

exposed after death in huts, when they 21, p. 125.

-7.-^

SAKAI OF PERAK 97

of the Batang Padang Sakai. It was a raised grave of the Malayan type, and was built up with earth thrown up within his house, for which purpose the flooring had been removed, and the walls continued down to the ground. His widow and children were living in a house near by, and it was they who took Mr. Wray to see the grave.

The account given by Vaughan-Stevens contains (as usual) no localities ; it runs as follows : —

The old form of Sakai ( ' ' B'landas ") grave is very peculiar, but has now become rare. In places where the Sakai have mixed with Malays and Chinese the old methods of burial have ceased with the love of the old customs. The grave is made wall-sided, as it is then (says Vaughan-Stevens) found easier to dig {sic). The corpse is washed by friends or relations and dressed in clean clothes. The site for the grave is chosen by the wife or nearest relation and one of the subordinate chiefs (Penglima) ; it is always distant from another grave, road, river, or house. The digging of the grave, for which no payment is made, is performed by two or more persons, old tools being used in preference to modern (Chinese) ones. The corpse is laid out with the hands close to the hips, and bands or strips of bark or cane are bound round the arms, wrists, and ankles. The eyes are closed, but the lower jaw is not bandaged ; and the body having been rolled up in a mat (a modern substitute for bark-cloth), is firmly bound round in three places. A new wrapper of tree-bark (large enough to surround the corpse) is then rolled round it and tied again with three hands of cane or tree-fibre and slung from a carrying pole, the ends of which are borne by two men upon their shoulders. Only one woman (the wife) may follow, but as many men as like may do so. At the grave the bark wrapper is removed, and the corpse laid upon its back in the grave with the head towards the west. There is no "consecrating" ceremony. 1

I omit the rest of Vaughan-Stevens' description of the Sakai grave, as it possesses no further interest from the Sakai point of view. The form of grave described is a mere copy of a common Arabic gravetype which has been borrowed by the Mohammedan Malays, and adopted from them in turn by the Sakai without any interesting variations to recommend it. Those who wish to see it, however, will find it under the

• Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 136, 137. finger to that of the outstretched

The length of the grave is fixed by thumb). The standard for the depth of

measurement ; the standard being a the grave is the hip-joint of the digger,

man's length plus a span or "jengkal" [Among Malays it is usually taken to

(reckoning from the tip of the middle be the ear of the digger. — W. S.]

VOL. II H

98 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

reference given. The only remaining point of interest in the account is the use of the Sacrificial Tray (Sak. '* anchap " = Mai. " anchak "), which contains the " food and water" that are offered to the "Grave-spirit" (Mai. " Hantu kubor ")/ for whose benefit also the fire on the grave is lit. The soul (" semangat ") proceeds to the Infernal Region (" Neraka ") or Paradise (" Pulau Buah " or " Fruit Island"), as his case may require; but his Evil Deeds remain by the grave in the form of a " Hantu Kubor," incessantly seeking a fresh embodiment.

To the foregoing may be added Vaughan-Stevens' description of a ceremony observed by the Sakai on the occasion of a death.

A dying man lies with head towards the west. The magician holding a censer ("sungkun") in his hand, takes up the usual crouching position at the feet of the patient, a little to the right side, and raises himself up slowly till he is "breast high." He then waves the censer seven times horizontally over the body, and placing the coconut-shell (bowl) at his feet, bends down and says softly in his ear : " O dying one, do not remember any more your father, mother, children, or relations. Think only of your ancestors already dead and gone to another place. Your living (friends) will find food."^

The embers in the coconut - shell are kept in a glow till the man is dead.

The alleged reasons for the use of incense in this ceremony are that smoke " mounts upward and then vanishes " ; also that " good spirits love its smell and bad spirits hate it." ^

Selangor Sakai. — Of the Sakai tribes in the Kuala Lumpur district of Selangor, my friend Father Letessier has given an account in which he says that when a death occurred, the body was washed, and the

' Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 140, 141. been wearing must be washed off before To the above may be added Vaughan- burial took place. Also that no face- Stevens' remark that among the paint %vas employed by the mourners Sakai (" Senoi "') face-paint was never at a funeral (Z. / E. xxvi. p. 153). appHed after death, and that any face- ^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 144. paint that the deceased might have "^ Ibid.

CHAP. IV SAKAI OF SELANGOR 99

hair oiled and combed carefully. Then, after being once more clothed in its best garments, it was entirely covered with a shroud. The dead man's dagger (" kris ") or his chopper ("parang") was laid upon his breast, together with his betel-leaf wallet. When all was ready the deceased was carried out upon an improvised bier to a place pointed out by his nearest relation. The trench, which was broad and deep, was lined at the bottom and sides with planks or billets of wood. As soon as the corpse was lowered into the trench, tobacco and betel-nut was offered — " * for the last time,' they say." Everything having been placed beside the body, the grave was carefully covered over with planks which were then covered up with earth.

The same day rice and cakes were placed there, " not to feed the dead," a young Sakai hastened to explain, "but to obtain from the Lord forgiveness for his sins " (" lepas dia-punya dosa ").^ On the third, the seventh, and the hundredth days following, a similar offering was laid upon the tomb,'-^ which was then raised and tended carefully.^

Another form of burial which is perhaps more characteristic is that practised by some of the Sakai in the Ulu Langat district of Selangor, which appears to be a modified version of some old custom of "platform burial" — about halfway between regular " platform " burial and interment. Of this method the

• This explanation may have been upon the third, seventh, and hundredtli

given by a convert or have been merely days respectively is, I think, the clearest

diplomatic, but there can be little doubt evidence of either Malay or Jakun in-

as to the true interpretation of the rite, fluence. The careful washing of the

agreeing as it does so closely with the corpse (with the oiling and combing of

spirit of Sakai funeral rites in places its hair) and the laying of the dead

where the influence of Christianity has man's weapon upon his breast are

not yet penetrated. equally Malayan customs.

• The attention given to the tomb ^ Letessier, p. 102.

BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

late Mr. J. A. G. Campbell of Selangor, in describing the customs of the Ulu Langat Sakai, wrote that, whenever a death occurred in a house, they would erect a platform in front of it, whereon they would place the body, leaving it there for a day, and would then either burn or desert the house, after burying the body. This same writer adds that the whole settlement was frequently deserted on account of a death. Burials were attended by the friends of the deceased, and the blowing of pipes and singing were the only ceremonies at the funeral. The body was not, as a rule, buried more than two feet deep.^

III. — Jakun.

Tasau (? Sakai-Jakun) of Selangor. — There was a solitary family near Sepang, in the Kuala Langat district of Selangor, who were said to belong to the Tasau tribe (described as being " halfway between the Sea and Hill tribes"). They were said to practise a peculiar funeral rite, the story being that whenever a member of this tribe died he was carried some distance off into the jungle and there laid to rest in an actual hut erected for the purpose. Here he was watched for seven days by his son or nearest relative, who made daily excursions to the spot for that object ; after this he was believed to disappear, and the watcher's visits were discontinued.

Jakun (0. Bukit), N. Sembilan. — But by far the best account of a Jakun burial is the description of the funeral of a woman by Rowland,- who remarks that she was called Sulam by name, and that she was about

1 J. A. G. Campbell, p. 242. "- Rowland, pp. 7"-7l3-

CHAP. IV SAVAGE MALAYS OF NEGRI SEMBILAN loi

forty years of age, having died upon the 12th July 1897. She was small and thin ; her hair was curly, in strands, slightly grey. The eyes were dark with the remarkable bluish opalescent glitter at the outside edge of the iris, which all old people among the Land Jakun and the Malays themselves have. The woman, according to the statement of her husband, had died of fever and a cough, and she had been dead three hours already and was quite stiff when Rowland came to her funeral. She lay in one of the newly-built huts in which the tribe were then living. In the middle of this hut lay a piece of tree-bark, which served as a species of carpet ; on the right of the small entrance a fire was burning, which burned faintly the whole day, and round about were to be seen the usual primitive household objects. The corpse lay on its back at one side of the hut, covered with a white cloth ; and billets of wood had been pushed under its head and feet, so that they might not rest on the earth. The husband, an odd - looking person, with long, black beard, sat apathetically beside it ; in his face was expressed not exactly sorrow, but a certain dull despondency.

Rowland had arrived, somewhat late, at five o'clock in the afternoon, and the people told him that it was too late for the funeral to take place that day. He therefore came again about eleven o'clock the next morning, summoned by the son-in-law of the dead woman. The corpse and the man still remained exactly in the same position as on the day before.

First, the corpse of the deceased was carried out of the hut by her daughter, a well-formed young woman of about twenty, and her husband, a fine fellow of the same age, after which, covered only

BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

about the hips by a sheltering cloth, it was laid upon its back on a large piece of tree-bark.^

Though the corpse did not as yet show any traces of decomposition, the cheeks and the eyes were somewhat sunken, the eyes still remaining half open. It was remarkable that on the under surface of the hands and feet, where the colouring is (at all events in the living Land Jakun) very faint, the skin of the corpse had become quite of a milky white, though it had never been noticeable in the same person during life.

Several children and women now brought water in vessels of coconut-shell, and the deceased's daughter and an old woman began to wash the corpse thoroughly, Rowland noticed that both women showed great delicacy of feeling, and, e.g., never exposed the pubic region, but, in order to wash it, merely wetted the loin-cloth from the outside or slightly lifted it in order to pour water underneath it. The younger of the two women before beginning the work had pushed her " sarong," which otherwise was always worn over the breast, lower down and round the hips. Before strangers this is never done, and they explained later that this was a sign of special confidence.

After this washing the hair of the corpse was combed, and a silver needle, which the husband had first to fetch from his betel-case, was then inserted " through the usual knot of hair at the back of the deceased's head. The daughter then called one of the children standing by and had a piece of yellowish (curcuma-like) root ^ brought ; this she bruised a little,

^ Rowland, p. 711.

• Probably as a charm against evil spirits. Cp. Malay Magic, p. 327.

" Probably turmeric.

CHAP. IV SA VAGE MALA YS OF NEGRI SEMBILAN 103

and then made little crosses with it on the under surface of the hands and feet, leaving a yellow trace behind ; it was at the same time explained that when the deceased awoke in the grave she would look at her hands and feet and see from the yellow crosses that she was really dead. This was the custom, they said. Next the husband and the daughter laid the corpse on a mat, which again in its turn lay upon a long piece of tree - bark. The husband closed his wife's eyes, not without reverence, crossed her arms over the breast, and arranged the head so that it looked straight upwards. Next, two long pieces of white cloth were laid upon the body one over another; and in the lower one, which was nearer the body, the son-in-law cut a hole with his chopper (" parang "), explaining that this was done in order that she might breathe. In the outer cloth, however, no opening was made. The bark was then rolled together round the body, laced and relaced with rattan, and carried by two men to the grave, which had been dug, deep in the jungle, in a clearing cut out by other people.

The pit was almost i metre deep, and remarkably long and narrow ; on the left (the lower) side the soil lay in a long narrow heap ; it was banked up away from the hole by two strong beams, which lay one above the other, and were held in position by two pickets.

The corpse was laid on the ground upon the other (the higher) side of the pit, and the bark unwound from it ; husband and son-in-law then grasped it by the shoulders and the feet, another man supported the head, and thus it was laid in the grave, face upwards, the feet towards the west, the hillock on the

I04 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

right, distinctly on the right side of the pit ; to the left of it a space remained free, which would have sufficed for a second person of equal size.^

The husband now crouched down at the foot-end of the grave and took from his betel - wallet half-adozen little thin silver rings and brooches such as the Sakai women like so much to wear on the " kabaya." He gave one of these rings to a young boy, her son. The others, together with the betel-wallet and some green betel-leaves, he laid upon the breast of the corpse ; the two last, however, he took away again later and laid them close to the deceased's left hand.

Near the grave lay a quantity of pickets, measuring about I metre in length; these were now placed by those present close together into the grave so as to form to some extent a sloping roof of pickets, over which tree-bark was then laid. While the bark was being laid upon the pickets, several of those present, among them all the women, took earth in their hands, rubbed it between them, and then let it fall with some care between the pickets fixed above the corpse.

Great pains were taken that no opening should be left anywhere, and that all was well covered with the tree - bark. Then three men, together with the husband of the dead woman, threw the earth back into the grave with hoes (" changkul ") and stamped it firm under their feet. When a mound began to be formed, one of the two beams on the lower side of the grave towards the right was taken and a shorter piece of wood cut for the head side ; all were then secured by means of short pegs (pickets), and between them the earth was heaped up in the usual way, as in

1 Rowland, p. 712.

CHAP. IV SAVAGE MALA YS OF NEGRI SEMBILAN 105

a three-sided frame of timbers. The foot end remained outside this barrier.

The husband had already, when the corpse was laid in the pit, placed the midrib of a bertampalm leaf upright in the corner, on the right at the deceased's head ; in the bark-roof a slit had been cut expressly for it, and even when all the earth had been heaped up, the little shaft still rose a foot above the hillock. That was the sign that the woman had died by herself, and had not by means of the same disease summoned with her one of her children or relations. All leaves and pieces of wood were then carefully removed from the earth of the grave mound. Two dishes of boiled rice were then laid on some large leaves, the one at the foot, the other in the middle of the mound ; one was for the woman herself, the other for the spirits (" hantu ") of her parents and relatives, who now came to visit her. At foot and head were then inserted a couple of rudely-carved pegs (as in the case of Malay graves), and these were bound with a strip of white material — this was the custom (" 'adat "), and no more could be learnt about it.^

Blandas. — There is no record of a Blandas funeral, but I may mention their *' Hantu Pawul," which was a kind of grave-demon (Mai. = " Hantu orang berkubor"). and was exorcised by means of the following charm: —

Shoots of the Convolvulus, leaves of the Convoh'ulus ! ^

Pass by me at the full length of the house-floor !

For one month, yea, for two months,

Avaunt ye to the left hand, avaunt to the right liand !

May I be fatal-to-meet,

And you, O Pawul, be carrion.

' Rowland, p. 713.

• Malayan charms often begin by reciting the materia magica used in the ceremony, for which they thus form an aid to memory.

io6 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

Besisi. — The Besisi informed me that their dead are not laid in the grave in one invariable posture, but that though generally placed in a supine position, they are sometimes laid upon the right side (as among the Malays), and also, very rarely, with the knees drawn up to the chin and the hands clasped in front of the knees, in a sort of sitting position. This position, however, was explained by the Besisi as being only adopted for the saving of labour, and there seems no reason why this should be doubted.

The house in which the deceased lived, and sometimes the whole of the settlement, will be occasion- ally deserted or burnt after a death. This practice, however, is now less common among the Besisi than the Sakai, perhaps owing to the fact that the former live more by agriculture. As regards the hut for the soul, I was once (before I had ever seen it) discussing this custom with the three Batins of Ayer Itam in the presence of some men of the tribe, when one of the Batins gave instructions that a model should be made for me ; and in not more than twenty minutes a rough but perfectly intelligible and cleverly made model had been constructed from strips of the leafstalk of the ranggam palm, pinned together with the formidable thorns of the " nibong " (a hardwood palm), and filled with the diminutive furniture which will presently be alluded to.

It was an almost inconceivably difficult thing to see anything of the burial customs of the Besisi except by accident, and it was in fact by the pure accident of being on the spot when a death occurred that I at last saw one of these funerals. Even then no Besisi breathed a word to me about

CHAP. IV SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 107

the intended ceremony, and it was from a friendly- Malay that the information came which enabled me to see it.

A young Besisi woman, named Sauma, had died the night before my arrival, and it was between 8 a.m. and 9 a.m. that I heard of the preparations for her burial, which had been kept a profound secret. Fortunately, however, there was still time, and one of my Besisi friends taking me up the river in his "dugout" canoe for a considerable distance, we arrived at the burial place, about a hundred yards in from the river, just before the commencement of the funeral proceedings.^

The deceased was brought to the spot with her own " sarong " (a sort of plaid skirt or long kilt worn by the Malays) girt about her waist, but was wrapped besides in a new shroud of white cloth. The shroud, in turn, was wrapped up in a couple of new mats, the whole being lashed to a pole for ease of conveyance. When I arrived, the body, still lashed to the pole, was lying near the grave, the digging of which had just begun, and which when completed was a very narrow oblong pit no deeper than the digger's waist.

A yard or two from the foot of the grave was erected the triangular hut (no larger than an averagesized doll's house),' to which reference has already been made, but instead of its being thatched in the ordinary way, three leaves of the fan-palm (^"kepau"), with long stalks, were placed upright so as just to lean over the framework of the hut. I was told that this

' This burial ground must have - The posts of this hut were about

been the greater part of a mile away, 3 ft. to 3^ ft. high {91 cm. to 120 cm.),

allowing for the windings of the and the sides measured about i ft.

river. 6 in. (45 cm.) each way.

io8 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

was done to save time, but I noticed near the foot of another grave close by the ruined framework of a similar hut which had evidently, from the remains of the fan-palm leaves, been roofed in a similar manner. I A ladder, consisting of an inclined stick, was added for the soul to climb up to its hut by. The hut had just been furnished (before my arrival) with models of the " sentong " (a long basket made of a kind of fan-palm leaf, which is strapped to the back and generally used by the Besisi women in this district for carrying jungle produce),^ a small closed rice-bag (" sumpit ") filled with seed-rice, and an open wallet (" bujam ") containing young shoots of the wild betelleaf (" chambai "), one of the edible kinds of marine bivalve called " lokan," and a piece of newly-woven matting about 9 inches square, on which had been deposited the smallest possible " portions " of boiled rice, fish, acid fruits ("asam kelubi "), water, and sugar (but no salt).

The deceased's father now unloosed the fastenings of the mats and the shroud in which the body was wrapped, and stripped the latter of its selvage.' Next he wetted the deceased's face and breast with the midrib of a banana - leaf dipped in water, and removed her own garment (" sarong "), which was laid aside to be burned. Then the shroud was readjusted and the body laid in the grave, with the head pillowed upon the banana-leaf rib. A plank made of some soft wood (probably "jelotong," not unlike deal), resting against sticks put ready to support it, was then placed in a sloping position

1 The articles deposited in the hut ^ This is a Malay custom, the

are always, I was told, distinctive of strips of selvage (taken from the shroud

the sex of the dead : thus for a man, itself) being used to tie up the dead

choppers, etc., would be used. body. Cp. Malay Magic, p. 401.

Skeai Collection.

Besisi Soul-Wai.let.

Wallet left in Besisi soul-hut (near the grave of deceased), containing small models of \arious utensils and implements used by deceased during life.

V^pt. II. /. 1 08.

CHAP. lY SA VAGE MALA YS OF SELANGOR 109

over the body, so as to protect the latter from falling earth during the re-filling of the grave-pit.^

The earth was now filled in and four poles put down rectagonally to mark the edges of the grave. Then two of the elder men took their stand on the opposite sides of the grave, and each in turn held out at about the height of his breast a couple of jungle knives (choppers) horizontally crossed. These each of these two men let fall (still crossed) seven times running upon the centre of the grave (where the girl's breast would be)— a strange custom, of which those present would only tell me that they did it in order that their own lives might not be endangered, but which (as other Besisi afterwards more fully explained to me) was intended to fix the deceased's ghost in the tomb, and keep it from feeding upon the living.

The elders then planted round the edges of the grave some yams (Bes. "yet"), some roots of the citronella or fragrant lemon grass (Mai. "serai"), some roots of the sweet potato (Bes. " tila' " or " hila' "), and some roots of a purple-leaved plant — a kind of coleus (Bes. " torek " = Malay, " ati-ati ").

Next the seed-rice was taken out of the hut and sown broadcast over the grave. Water was sprinkled over it, and I was told that the rice was to serve ► when it grew up for the deceased's soul to live upon, j Finally the deceased's garment ("sarong"), the two mats, and the strips of selvage were collected together and consumed to ashes in a small fire which had been kept burning since the ceremony commenced.

I must add that, as it was approaching mid-day before the preparations at the grave were complete,

^ No doubt in imitation of the Malay form of burial, known as " papan sa' keping " (the single plank).

BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

there was some hesitation on the part of those present as to whether it was not actually noon, in which case they said the burial would have to be postponed till the afternoon, since the shortness of their shadows at noon would (sympathetically) shorten their own lives. Fortunately I was able to reassure them, and the ceremony proceeded. No invocations were employed nor any set forms of words, so far as I could observe, although the chiefs and some twenty to thirty members of the tribe were present. The grief of the mother was especially distressing, since she broke down and sobbed aloud, but no emotion was shown by the resl^ Mantra, — M, Borie, in writing of the burial customs of the Mantra, states that the body was enveloped in a white sheet and bathed ; it was then left until the friends of the deceased had had time to arrive, when it was bathed again, and carried by two friends to the grave. The other friends and relations might either follow or precede the cortege. Arrived at the place of burial, the deceased was deposited in a tomb dug in a lonely place, sometimes in a reclining position, sometimes sitting, and sometimes standing. If it was a child, in either of the last two positions and with the face to the east, and if an adult, with the face to the west. At the side of the deceased was placed a spear and a chopper (" parang "), and generally some rice, dishes, and old clothes.^ Near the tomb flowers and fruit-irees were often planted, and this, they said, was the ancient custom of their forefathers. At the foot of the tomb a fire was kept burning for three days, after which no more visits

' Ace. to Montano ( Voyage, p. 22), a deposited, a chopper being added in the betel-box, rice-pot, and calabash were case of a man. Cp. Rev. (TEthn. i. 53.

CHAP. IV SA VA GE MALA YS OF MA LA CCA 1 1 1

were paid to it. The Mantra did not wear any signs of mourning, and deaths were rarely wept over. The house of the deceased was abandoned by the survivors, and as a rule the entire village emigrated.^

Elsewhere we are told, by Logan, that a Mantra grave was not protected by a roof like that of the Benua of Johor, though it in other respects resembled it. Above it the Mantra kindled a fire [of logs] (" ungun "), so that the soul (" semangat ") or spirit of the deceased might warm itself, and not weep and wail on the grave from the cold. On the grave were also placed some unhusked rice or padi, some plantains, sweet potatoes, yams, betel-leaf, areca-nut, gambler, lime, tobacco, a peeling - knife made of wood, and a blowpipe that the survivors had previously broken to pieces, — praying the soul (" sem- angat ") to seek no more from them.- After a death in the clearing, nothing more was planted there, and when the crop or plants on the ground had been gathered, it was abandoned.^

Berembun Tribe. — Among the Jakun of Berembun a fire was burnt above the grave for three or seven nights to prevent the " hantu " or ghost of the deceased from crying in the grave. A still more singular custom consisted in placing the end of a bamboo close to the nose of the corpse, the other end projecting above the grave. This practice was said to be confined to the graves of children who died young, and the reason given for it was that the gases accumulating in the body, and having no outlet, would cause it to swell and burst,'* and that by some

' Borie (tr. Bourien), p. 82. survival of the use of the tube or pipe

'^ Cp. pp. 91, 98, ante-. which among some races is fixed in the

^ y. /. A. vol. i. p. 325*. grave for the purpose of conveying

• This is doubtless a misunderstood food to the deceased.

BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

sympathy between it and the body of the living mother, the latter would be affected in the same way.^

Benua-Jakun of Johor. — On the day succeeding a death the body was wrapped in cloth and deposited in a grave dug near the hut, together with some of the clothing of the deceased, and his chopper ("parang"), if he possessed one. No ceremony was observed, but a framework of wood, resembling a (shallow) box without top or bottom, was placed above the grave." This was filled with earth, a piece of carved wood was stuck at each end, and frequently the whole was covered over by a roof.^

Jakun of Johor. — The preparations made by the Jakun for their funerals were few and simple. If the decease took place before noon, the body was buried the same day, if after noon, the funeral was deferred until the day following. The corpse was washed, wrapped in cloth, and interred by the relations and neighbours in a grave about four or five cubits deep. The blowpipe, dart- quiver, knife, etc., of the deceased were buried with him, together with some rice, water, and tobacco. The only reason given for burying such things with the deceased was that this was the custom practised by their ancestors and followed by them.

1 y. /. A. vol. i. p. 271 ; cp. the the pilgrim on his long and dreary

account in Newbold (vol. ii. pp. 408- journey to the west. No sort of

410}, which runs as follows : — service is recited.

The preparations for funerals are On the seventh day after interfew and simple. The corpse is ment, a fire is kindled over the grave stripped, washed, and wrapped in to drive away evil spirits. Some of cloth of "t'rap" bark, or in a piece of the tribes turn the head of a male white cloth, and interred, among some corpse to the east, of a female to the of the tribes, in a sitting posture, in a west. The house where a person has grave from three to six cubits deep ; died is generally deserted and burnt, the cooking dish, blowpipe, dart- 2 This is the usual custom among quiver, chopper, knife, flint and steel Peninsular Malays. Cp. Malay Magic, of the deceased are buried with him, p. 408.

along with a little rice, water, and a ^ J- I- ^- vol. i. p. 271. This is

few "smokes"' of tobacco, to serve also a Malay custom.

CHAP. IV SAVAGE MALAYS OF JOHOR 113

Like many other people, the Jakun considered white as a sacred colour, and it was a peculiar subject of comfort when, in their last sickness, they could procure for themselves some white cloth in which to be buried. When they were too poor to obtain it, the body was wrapped in tree-bark. It was alleged that amongst some of the tribes on the frontier of Pahang, the corpse of the deceased was burnt, as amongst the Hindus and Siamese ; also that the place where a Jakun died was deserted by his comrades, and the house itself burnt ; but this practice was confined to a few/

Jakun of the Madek (Johor). — Of the Madek Jakun we are informed by D. F. A. Hervey that on the death of a man tobacco and betel-leaf were deposited upon his breast, his relations weeping and wailing, and at the same time knocking their heads against the wall ; whilst the women would tie a cloth round their necks " as if to strangle themselves " ; the men, however, would nowadays invariably interfere before any harm was done, although, in former times, the women are said, on such occasions, to have actually put an end to their lives. The burial usually took place next day, but sometimes on the second day if there were any reason for delay. All the property of the deceased, comprising his weapons, cup and plate, and clothing, were buried with him, together with some rice. The depth of the grave was up to the breast. An axe, torch and torch-stand, coconut-shell gourd, and pan, were placed on the top of the grave. ^

The great magicians (" poyang besar ") of the tribe were believed to be able either to reach heaven by

1 J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 265. Mr. the head, which protruded from the

Blagden was told by a Mantra that ground.

he had seen a Jakun buried in a sit- " Hervey, J. R. A. S., S. B., No.

ting posture, a fire being lighted round 8, p. 119.

VOL. II I

114 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part hi

disappearing without dying, or else, on sickening for death, to arrange to have incense (" kemnyan ") burnt over them for two days after their apparent death (instead of their being merely wept over and buried), and then to return to life again. ^

In a further account of some Jakun graves in Johor which was contributed some years ago to the same journal, Mr. Hervey states that he once found two or three Jakun tombs at the back of a small settlement containing five Jakun rattan-gatherers' huts in a tapioca plantation running down to the river's edge. Of one of these he attempted a sketch ; it was the tomb (" pendam ") of the " Juru-krah," one of the subordinate Jakun chiefs, and the head of this particular Jakun settlement, who had died of fever nine days before. The body lay about three feet under ground, the tomb, which was made of earth battened smooth, rising about the same height above the surface. A little ditch ran round the grave, zvherein the soul of the deceased chief might paddle his canoe. The body lay with the feet pointing towards the west. The ornamental pieces at each end of the grave corresponded to tombstones and were called " nesan," which is the Malay word for such stones. On the other side of them were to be seen the small, plain, upright sticks, which are called soul-ladders (" tangga semangat "), which were intended to enable the soul to leave the grave when it desired. There were also to be seen four horizontal timbers on each side of the grave, which were joined together to form a framework,'- consisting of sixteen beams in all, which

^ /. R. A. S., S.B., No. 8, p. 119. call it "kalang dapor," or "hearth

• This framework is the same as frame." Cp. Malay Magic, p. 408.

that constructed by the Mantra and It may be a survival of hut - or

Besisi ; as well as by the Malays, who hearth-burial (r. pp. 100, 112, ante).

Fig. 2. Iakun Graves at Klmbang.

Hervey.

Fig. I. — a-a. Grave-posts (" nesan ") of carved wood, equivalent to tombstones, h-h. " Soul- ' or ' spiritsteps " (" tangga semangat "). c. Torch-stand ("kaki damar "), holding the end of a " damar ' torch. d. Coconut shell (" tempurong "). e. Jungle basket (" ambong ").

Fig. 2. One of the grave-posts C' nesan ") at the foot of a woman's tomb.

Vol. II. p. II

CHAP. IV SAVAGE MALAYS OF JOHOR 115

was laid on the top of the grave, and thus formed a sort of enclosure, within the precincts of which were placed, for the use of the deceased, a coconut-shell to drink from, a torch ("damar") fixed in a rattan stand ("kaki"), an adze handle, and a cooking-pan ("kwali"). Outside this framework was suspended an " ambong " (which is a back-basket with shoulder-straps, made of the bark of " meranti " or some other kind of tree) for the deceased to carry his firewood in. Close by the tomb of the Juru-krah was that of his niece, between which and the former there were three points of difference to be noted : the first was that the framework on the top of the niece's grave consisted of but three horizontal timbers instead of four (forming a total of twelve beams instead of sixteen) ; the second, that one of the ornamental head-pieces was roughly shaped like a human figure, whilst the other resembled the " nesan " of her uncle ; the third, that the only objects inside the framework were a coconut-shell, a torch and torchstand, and a little sugar-cane. Not far distant was a site marked off for a child's grave, by means of a coconutshell and some cloth hung upon sticks. I n another direc- tion was the half-finished grave of another child, the lower framework being already in position, whilst the earth had been loosely heaped up in the enclosed space, and a small framework, intended for the top, lay close by.^

Orang Laut or Sea-jakun.

Orangr Laut, Sletar. — At death the deceased (of the Sletar tribe) were wrapped in their garments and committed to the parent earth. "The women weep a little and then leave the spot," were the simple words of the narrator of the ceremony.^

1 Hervey in /. R. A. S., S. B., No. 8, pp. 97, 98. 2 y^ /. ,^_ y^i j p_ j^^*

Ii6 BURIAL CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS part in

Opang Laut, Sabimba. — Logan tells us, that whenever a member of a Sabimba family died, the body- was washed, wrapped in cloth, and buried in a grave, an excavation being made in one side of the pit to receive it/ Above the grave was placed some rice, a pot, an axe, a hatchet, a knife, betel-leaf and arecanut, the deceased being meanwhile exhorted not to call the survivors or require anything from them in future. A fire was kindled at the side of the grave. On the third and seventh days the grave was visited, and a month later the house was abandoned and a new locality selected for the survivors. The property of the father descended to his sons.-

A later account by Thomson differs slightly from the foregoing, as we are told that on any of their tribe being near death the Sabimba would leave the hut until they thought that all was over ; they then laid the corpse upon a plank and removed it, shrouded in its own clothes, to a grave in which were buried, together with the body, the utensils of the deceased, such as his blowpipe, chopper, adze, cooking utensils, etc. ; these were placed at the side of the grave, and the survivors then left the spot and wandered to other parts.^

Orang Laut, Muka Kuning-. — The dead were buried \ ft. (45 cm.) deep in graves near the house. A blowpipe was placed upon the grave of a male, and a knife on that of a female. In about a month after the burial the family abandoned the hut and constructed another in a distant place.^

1 This is the "Hang lahad " of the 3 Thomson in /. /. A. vol. i. pp. Malays, which is borrowed from the 348*, 349*. Cp. Malay Magic, p. Arabs. Cp. Malay Magic, p. 404. 405.

2 Logan in/. /. A. vol. i. p. 297. ♦ /. /. A. vol. i. p. 339*.

CHAPTER V.

Music, Songs, and Feasts.

The musical instruments of the three races include one primitive stringed instrument, two or three kinds of wind instruments (flutes), drums and other instruments played by percussion, and a primitive kind of Jew's-harp. It is a curious fact that all the regular instruments except the drum are made of bamboo in some shape or form. Of these the distribution appears to be fairly general, with the possible exception of the drum and the " banjeng " (the stringed instrument referred to), which seem to be rarely used by the wilder Semang tribes. They at least belong to a rather more developed class of instruments, found everywhere among tribes of Malayan stock, and were probably borrowed by the Semang from the Jakun.

The most interesting of the flutes, the nose-flute, is so called because it is played through the nose instead of the mouth. It has a wide distribution in South-east Asia and the Malay Archipelago, but I never heard of its being employed by the civilised Malays of the Peninsula, who themselves regard it as peculiar to the aborigines.

The Jew's-harp is also widely distributed in the same region, is found among all the jungle tribes

MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

of the Peninsula, and most probably came in with Malayan culture.'

The chief point in which the Jew's-harp of these tribes differs from that used by the Malays is in respect of the handle, which among the aborigines is frequently made from the bone of an animal.

It may be noted here that the drumx is not used by the Andamanese, and that, speaking generally, it is hardly portable enough as an instrument to be adopted by nomadic tribes. Hence, wherever it appears as a Semang instrument, it should almost certainly be regarded as borrowed from other (probably Malayan) tribes.

The bamboo harp or guitar of the Semang, as it has variously been called (though it does not perhaps correspond very exactly to either of those instruments), is also not found among the Andamanese, and was most probably in the first instance of Malayan origin.

The music of these races appears to be similar to that which is common throughout China, Indo- China, and (formerly at least) Java, and which generally consists, except where modified by foreign influence, of the five tones C D E G A.

Dress.

In the matter of dress, the trappings worn by the Semang dancers (in all cases which came under my observation) presented a strong contrast to those

' While Baron A. von Hugel was that il is simply due to a more primi-

showing me some Jew's-harps (? from live (clumsier) form of manufacture,

New Guinea) one day I noticed that it being easier to cut out the tongue of

the lower extremity of the instrument the instrument if the end is split. I

had been split and subsequently tied have never observed this peculiarity,

up. Other specimens from the same however, among the Jew's-harps of the

region showed the same peculiarity, Peninsula, either among the jungle

and I think there can be little doubt tribes or Malays.

CHAP. V GENERAL REMARKS 119

worn by the Sakai and Jakun {e.g. the Besisi). For whereas the Negritos usually employed both leaves and flowers in their natural state, just as they were gathered in the jungle, both Sakai and Jakun wore artificial leaf decorations consisting of long white strips of palm-leaf plaited up into various fantastic shapes, intended to represent flowers, fruit, krisses, and nooses which (according to Vaughan-Stevens) are specially designed to entrap any unwary demons which might attempt to attack the wearer during the performance of the dance. Bunches of these ** demon-traps " were inserted in the girdle and head-band of the dancer.

Songs and Mimetic Dances.

From the accounts of De Morgan, Hale, and other writers, it might be inferred that the song-and-dance performances of these tribes were not invested with any special meaning, and had no object beyond that of whiling away an idle hour. In some instances, no doubt, it is so, and it may even be conceded that in a few instances the songs themselves may merely consist, as is alleged by these writers, of words strung together at random. It cannot, however, be admitted that performances of such a kind are in any way typical, any more than it could be admitted that the burden of a music-hall song adequately represented the songs of Europe. As I shall presently be able to show from the specimens I myself collected, the songs of both Semang and Jakun generally possess a very definite meaning, which is only difificult to make out, in some cases, on account of the differences which exist between the sung and the spoken dialects, the former of which sometimes contains what are probably archaic, as well as rare and distorted forms.

MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

The Semang chanted songs descriptive of animals and reptiles, birds and fruit, but there was nothing actually mimetic in the performances that I witnessed.

Among the Jakun (e.g. Besisi and Mantra), however, the songs are often distinctly mimetic, and in such cases are acted by the performers, who take much pride in their performance. Moreover, from an analysis of the songs themselves, taken in conjunction with the dress of the performers, and the subjects, and often the actual words of the songs themselves, it appears to me at least an arguable hypothesis that they may have been instituted mainly for the purpose of increasing the kindliness of nature,^ as the foodproducing ceremonies of the Intichiuma are thought to have been among the Australian Blackfellows. There are also, however, among them songs that are performed for other motives and in other moods, the most important of which are the genealogical songs called " Trumba," which commence by describing the early wanderings of the chiefs of the tribe, and conclude with a recital of the various spots successively occupied by its ancestors.

Of the actual performances of these songs, as distinct from the subjects of which they treat, there is not much that requires to be said. It may, however, be noted that among the Semang, and apparently also among the Sakai, the chief if not the sole performers are the women of the tribe, whereas among the Besisi most of the dancing was actually done by the men, and it was only with much difficulty that the women could be persuaded to perform, except indeed at the great annual banquets after the rice-harvest. The performance took place after the evening meal, which

1 For a fuller statement of the case, see Skeat, Folklore Journal, vol. xiii.

NEGRITOS OF KEDAH

among the Jakun was on the occasion of their great annual feast-days accompanied by much drinking of freshly-brewed fermented liquors, and terminated with what can only be called their "game of exchanging wives," the whole performance being evidently regarded^ as having some sort of productive influence not only tipon the crops, but upon all other contribjiting sou7'ces of foodsupply. I may add that in all cases that I have seen (both among the Semang and the Jakun), as well as, I believe, among the Sakai, the dancing of the women is usually confined to a sort of curtseying step, which consists in bending the knees and modulating the arms and hands in time to the music. The dance-action of the men was much more free, but as far as I can remember, the mimetic dances (representing animals, etc.) were always performed by the men alone.

I. — Semang. Musical Instruments.

Kedah Semang. — The simplest form of Negrito music (if it may so be called) consists of various simple ways of " beating time." One of these methods is to take a couple of hardwood sticks or bamboo slivers, which are held in the two hands, when one of them is struck upon the other in the air.

This method of beating time was employed by the Semang of Siong, who made use of it to accompany their songs. -

Another method of obtaining a musical note from the percussion of bamboo, employed by the Semang of Siong, simple as it is, has not been yet recorded.

1 v., e.g., p. 152, 1. 40; p. 156, 11. (p. 162). 33-35 5 P' 158, 11. 46, 47; p. 159, - A similar method is employed both

11. 42, 43 ; and the Fish-trap Song by the Sakai and the Jakun.

MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

It consists in beating the open end of a long bamboo internode of large calibre with a palm-leaf fan. The bamboo employed measures from about three or four feet in length, and has a diameter of three or four inches. The lower end, which rests on the ground, is closed by the node, and the upper end is cut off evenly and left open for the beater. The beater is made by folding the leaf of the " palas palm " (Liczcala) into the shape of a fan and lacing and relacing it across with a strip of rattan to stiffen it, and keep it in its proper shape. It measures about one foot in length by five inches at the broadest part, and struck sharply against the upper (open) end of the bamboo, which latter usually rests upon another piece of wood or else upon the knees of the performer. This instrument, like the last described, is used by way of accompaniment to the songs of the tribe.^

A small variety of Jew's-harp is a favourite musical instrument with the Semang, though it is of course not used as an accompaniment. It consists of a small strip of bamboo (about five inches long by one inch in width), in the central portion of which a small free tongue is cut, in such a way as to allow it to vibrate easily when the instrument is played. To effect this the performer takes the instrument in his left hand, the left thumb resting upon a slight depression at the lower end of the harp. In his right he takes the handle (which is attached by a short string to the upper extremity of the instrument). By giving the handle a sharp tug or jerk, he sets the tongue of the instrument in vibration, producing a loud twanging note, which can be heard at some distance, but

' 1 have not yet heard of this instrument being used by the Sakai or by any of the Jakun.

Skeai Collection. Skmang Jews'-hari'. Made of bamboo uitli handle of monkey's bone. (Ulu Siong, Kedah.)

Skcat Collection. Fan-shaped Pai.m-lkaf Beaters.

Used for striking the ends of long bamboos to cause a musical note. (Ulu Siong, Kedah.)

Vol. II. /. 122

K. H. yapp(,Sktat Expeditioii).

Pangax Groip in Dancing Dress, Kuala Sam, Ui.u Kei.antan.

Vol. II. p. 123

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 123

which is by no means unmusical. In order to increase the volume of sound the body of the instrument is generally held between the teeth of the performer, or else over the hollow of the bamboo case in which it is sometimes kept.

The string by which the instrument is attached to the handle is generally of twisted vegetable fibre, and the handle itself the rib of a small monkey. In all other respects, however, it is very similar to the Jews'- harp of the Peninsular Malays.

The flutes used by the Semang of Kedah are of two kinds, the common bamboo mouth-flute and the nose-flute. Both are occasionally though rarely used to accompany their songs.

The common flute is usually about a foot long and is made of a segment of young bamboo. It usually has three holes, apart from the mouth-hole, and is often decorated with incised patterns.

The nose-flute, which has a similar number of holes, was about twice the length of the common flute used by the same tribe. There does not appear to be any record of the plugging of one of the performer's nostrils with grass or leaves (as is done by other races who use this instrument), but my impression is that I saw this done by a member of this tribe. The practice certainly obtains among the Sakai, though as when a pair of nose-flutes is played both nostrils may be used simultaneously, there should not be any special necessity for plugging the unused nostril when a single flute is used.

The stringed bamboo or " guitar " is occasionally found among the Semang (in fact I myself obtained a specimen from the Semang of Kedah), but it appears to be very rarely used by them, and is probably not a

124 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

Negrito instrument. In its simplest form it consists of a big segment of bamboo — usually from about 2 ft. to 3 ft. (60 cm. to 90 cm.) in length, with a diameter varying from 2-4 in. (5 cm. to 10 cm.). This segment comprises an internode with its two adjacent nodes or joints, the strings in my specimen being made by raising several thin parallel strips of the outer skin of the internode with a sharp knife, and inserting under them at each end small wooden wedges or bridges (called "pillows" in Semang) in order to stretch the strings to the required extent. By moving these wedges the instrument can of course be tuned. A strong rattan ring is also passed over each end, partly to keep the instrument from splitting, and partly to keep the strings themselves from breaking away at their extremities.

Perak Semang-. — The only authority for the use of the drum among the Semang is the account of De Morgan, who gives, under the heading of " Negrito Songs," an account of the way in which an alleged Semang drum was made.^ But as he often confuses them with Sakai, and even - describes the method of manufacturing a Sakai drum in identical words, I think his statements must, in the absence of corroboration on the part of other writers, be taken as referring to a tribe that was mainly (if not wholly) Sakai.

Feasts.

Kedah Semang. — On festal occasions both sexes adorned the person with white bands of Licicala leaf in place of the ligatures usually worn. Bunches or tassels of fragrant leaves and flowers were inserted under these bands, in the girdle, on the crown of the head, and at the back of the neck, and the head

1 De Morgan, vii. 430. - Ibid. viii. 2S1.

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 125

itself was bound with a Licuala-^2S. fillet. In the case of the men the fillet was simply carried round the head/ but among the women in some cases two bands were carried over the crown of the head from ear to ear, the first just behind a narrow fringe of hair in front, and the second at the back of the region of the top-knot, whilst a third was carried round at the back of the head. In other cases only two bands were worn, corresponding to the first and third of the bands just described, the central one being omitted. A small roll or scroll of Licuala-leaf was also inserted in the ear-holes.

In addition a couple of leaf- festoons were worn crossed like bandoliers upon the breast, and bunches or tassels of leaves similar to those which are inserted in the fillet were worn in the girdle, and were also sometimes inserted in the armlets and kneebands. A woman at Siong wore one of these tassels, which was made by shredding (with the thumb-nail) the leaves of the Retut, probably a kind of wild ginger {^^x:\^^s Hornstedtia kemispkerica). It would appear that they are worn, not for mere ornament, but as charms against diseases. The one here described was worn as a protection against pains in the back. The leaves are usually picked and worn green, but dried leaves are occasionally employed. The black coiled girdle of "rock-vein" fungus was also usually worn upon these occasions, but a girdle of coiled cane with alternate knots of Licuala-X&dS

^ This was, I believe, the customary men at Siong wore a sort of wreath

dance-fillet prescribed on such occa- manufactured by shredding the leaf

sions for the adornment of the men. of the Zalacca palm (Salak) with a

Occasionally, however, a fillet made of knife ; this form of head-dress being

" urat batu " (the "rock-vein" fungus believed to avert headaches. Another,

described in an earlier chapter) were with the same object, wore a wreath

also Avorn. One of the Semang of Lycopodium cermium.

126 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part ii-

and " chalong " leaves dependent from it, was also sometimes worn by the Pangan women of Kelantan, though the rest of their attire differs but little from what has already been described.

Songs and Dances.

Both in the neighbourhood of S. Mat Sam (a tributary of the Kelantan river) and in Kedah I witnessed performances of the Semang choral dances (called Siwang), the performers in both cases being females. Indeed I was told by the Kedah Semang that their women alone were in the habit of dancing.

In the former case the dance was performed by two Pangan women, to the accompaniment of a somewhat monotonous chant and a bamboo guitar, the latter of which was played by one of the men.

In the other case, at Siong, two or three Semang women and a girl were the performers, and there was quite an extensive orchestra, consisting of two men who beat the long bamboos described above, a man who performed upon the nose-flute, and one or two men who beat time by knocking sticks together. Sometimes the musicians chanted songs ; sometimes they merely played the accompaniment. When the former was the case, there was invariably an old man who " conducted," and from whom the rest of the performers caught up the words of the song, even though in some cases they evidently knew the words so well that they might easily have dispensed with his services. The step danced by the women was a graceful one, the knees being bent, the body turned partly round, and the arms either hanging loosely and slightly swaying from side to side or else stretched

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 127

forward and swayed in time to the music. The Pangan women when dancing kept slowly moving to and fro, and round in a small circle, but the Semang women of Kedah did not move from where they stood. In the latter case the performance took place by daylight at my special request, but night-time is regarded as the proper time for such ceremonies.

The song-dialect of the Negritos was described to me by the Semang themselves as being different (probably more archaic) than their spoken language, and as being harder to understand and to explain. Certainly the songs which I took down were extremely hard to make out, the words being frequently lengthened by one or more syllables to suit the music, and the difficulties were not lessened by the fact that, although I had them repeated frequently in order to make sure of the words, the lines themselves would constantly be repeated in a different order, fresh lines being inserted and others omitted, even though the words in the repeated line did not vary. Nevertheless, with a considerable amount of labour and repeated checking, I succeeded in discovering^ the meaning of about a dozen of these songs, which I recorded at the time upon a phonograph (taken with me up-country for the purpose), and thanks to my father's old friend and my own. Dr. R. J. Lloyd of Liverpool, it has been possible in a few cases to initiate investigations both from the phonetic and the musical point of view. I may add that some of these phonograph records were exhibited at one of the Royal Society's soirees in 1 901.

In Ulu Raman a number of Semang songs were performed for my benefit by an aged Semang (named

128 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

To' Gelugor), several of whose songs I took down as he sang them. And here is one of the songs that he sang. The subject of it is a monkey called " Kra " (Macacus cynomolgus), and every line ends (by way of a burden) with the monkey's name.

The Semang Monkey Song.

He runs along the branches, Kra !

Carrying off (fruit) with him, Kra !

He runs to and fro, Kra !

Over the seraya-trees, Kra !

Over the rambutan-trees, Kra !

Over the live bamboos, Kra !

Over the dead bamlioos, Kra !

He runs along the branches, Kra !

Peering forward, Kra I

And dangling downwards, Kra !

He runs along the branches and hoots, Kra !

Peering forward, Kra !

Among the young fruit-trees, Kra !

And showing his grinning teeth, Kra !

From every sapling, Kra !

Peering forward, Kra I

He is dressed for the dance, Kra !

With the porcupine's quill through his nose, Kra !

Dr. Lloyd's note upon the phonographic record of this song is that it is sung to a very simple tune, like the " Song of the Fruit-buds," but that it has a monosyllabic refrain.

The last two lines appear to be merely a " makebelieve " invitation to the monkey to come and join the feasting and dancing of the tribe.

Other songs of a similar kind (of which the following are free and tentative translations) were taken down by myself either at Jarum or at Siong in Kedah.

The Song of the Fruit-cluster.

The fruit-cluster turns in the wind, The fruit-cluster at the end of the spray ; The fruit-cluster turns in the wind. The fruit-cluster that we climb for. The fruit-cluster turns in the wind, The fruit-cluster waves to and fro,

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 129

The fruit-cluster whose pulp is acid,

The fruit-cluster sways to and fro ;

The fruit-cluster turns in the wind,

The fruit-cluster that spins round and round.

Upon the " record " of this song Dr. Lloyd remarks that it shows a different type of chant. The lines of the original have four accents each, but the invariable part of the line occurs at the beginning, and the variable part at the end of the line. Each part carries two accents, and the lines sometimes rhyme, but without regularity, and apparently without design. This song shows well the unorganised character of these compositions, and the singer's habit of bringing in the same lines repeatedly, and in any order, ad lib.

The Song of the Wild Ginger Plant.

Its stem bends as its leaves shoot up,

Down to its root it bends and sways.

Bends and sways in divers ways ;

Its leaves are chafed and lose their stiffness ;

On craggy Inas it is blown about,

On craggy Inas which is our home.

Blown about in the light breeze,

Blown about with the mist, blown about with the haze,

Blown about are its young shoots,

Blown about in the haze of the mountain.

Blown about in the light breeze.

It nods and nods upon the mountains.

Mountains of Beching, mountains of Inas,

Mountains of Malau, mountains of Kuwi,

Mountains of Mantan, mountains of Liimu',

On every mountain which is our home.

Dr. Lloyd remarks that the " Song of the Wild Ginger Plant " is not marked by any regular refrain, though the love of repeated words and sounds shows itself in one way or other in almost every line ; otherwise, however, its only quality as verse is that of possessing four accents to the line.

The Song of the Fruit-buds.

They swell and swell, the fruit-buds ! To and fro wave the fruit-buds ! Blown about are the fruit-buds !

VOL. II K

I30 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

In the wind, the fruit-buds ! In the light wind, the fruit-buds ! Spinning round and round, the fruit-buds ! Swaying to and fro, the fruit-buds !

Dr. Lloyd's note upon this song is that the music is simpHcity itself, and that the time is well kept, the four accented syllables o-ij-ui wongbakau ^f ^^^j^ |j^g comlng in on the exact

beat of the music, with the regularity of marching.

An attempt to reduce the music of this song to paper, from the record of the phonograph, is given herewith. It was kindly sent to me by Dr, Lloyd, with his comments on the songs.

The Song of the Ripening Fruit.

Plump grows the fruit at the end of the spray !

We climb and cut it off at the end of the spray !

Plump is the bird at the end of the spray !

And plump too the buck squirrel at the end of the spray !

Of this song Dr. Lloyd remarks that it exhibits a somewhat different style of metre. It possesses six accents to the line, of which four belong to the variable part of the line, and two to the invariable refrain.

Dr. Lloyd sums up his remarks upon these Semang records by observing that both as to music and metre they are very much on a par with the simplest of my Malay (east coast) records. The versification is based always upon the possession of a given number of accents in the line, and nearly always upon the repetition, either at the beginning or end of the line, of certain invariable words or phrases. The incidence of accent is, however, totally different from that of the Malay songs. The Malay lines usually end in, and are rhymed on, unaccented syllables, but the Negrito lines never end on an unaccented syllable, and though lines often end in identical words, actual rhymes never seem to be sought for. The thoughts expressed are of the extremest simplicity, and almost ever)' line is complete in itself. The lines rarely have any special sequence, and most of them can be recited in any order, without injury to the poem, and it can be heard in the phonograph that the singers are quite alive to this, and freely alter the order of the lines. Accent appears less steadfast tl m in Malay, or perhaps licence is greater ; at least it will be observed that the same word apj^ears in different places with a different accentuation. The final syllable, which so seldom carried the accent in Malay, here carries it oftener than any other.

In conclusion I should add that, from what I was told by the Pangan of Kelantan, the " full " dress of the Negrito men on festal occasions was the same

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF PERAK 131

as that of their women, with the exception of the different girdle (*'tali' gel ") and the combs that were worn by the latter. The men's dancing dress consisted, as a rule, of a loin-cloth ("penjok"), two crossed leaf-festoons or bandoliers (" chiniwok "), and a stick or dance-wand (" cheb chas "), which was carried in the hand.

Perak Semang*. — The performances of the Perak Negritos have a strong family likeness to those of the tribes of Kedah. Of the former, Maxwell's account tells us that singing and dancing (Mai. " ber-sempul ") were still in a very early stage of development, and that dancing was confined to the female sex.^

Sitting together in a circle and facing inwards, the five men (whose performance Maxwell is describing) commenced a series of long chants or recitations in quick time. The instruments on which they accompanied themselves were made of pieces of bamboo. One man held in each hand a short tube of bamboo (green and recently cut) in an upright position on a horizontal wooden log. These tubes were raised and then brought down on the log alternately, producing a ringing and not unmusical sound, which had something of the effect of the beating of a tom-tom. ''' Two others struck pieces of bamboo held in their left hands with other pieces held in the right, after the manner of the Malay " cherachap " or castanets. There was no hesitation or difficulty about recollecting words ; the man who led was followed by the other four, who were generally about a note behind him. The general effect was monotonous, the performers sometimes chanting rapidly on the same note for

1 Maxwell in/. R. A. S., S. B.y No. 4, p. 48. ' Cp. the same instruments as used by the Besisi.

132 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

nearly a minute together. Their whole range most probably did not exceed three or four notes. ^

The first song was the "Tune of the Gias-tree " ' (" Lagu Gias "). This was an enumeration of fruitbearing trees, and of the favourite mountains and forests of the tribe. It was said to be held in great veneration, and might contain some of the germs of the traditions of this singular people. Next came the " Tune of the Tiger-spirit " (" Lagu Chenaku "). " Chenaku " (or " B'lian ") is the name given to a man who conceals his identity as a tiger under the semblance of a human form (Malay " Jadi-jadi-an "), this belief being widespread among the Malays as well as among the aboriginal tribes. The next song was the " Tune of the Prah-tree " (" Lagu Prah "), sung when the " prah " fruit is ripe, no small occasion of festivity among the forest tribes. The fruit is sliced up and mixed with other ingredients (" rojak,") and then heat-dried in bamboo tubes (" lemang ").^

The performance concluded with the " Tune of the Durian-fruit " (" Lagu Durian "). This, like the others, was unfortunately unintelligible, though it may be presumed that their estimate of this fruit was a high one.

But the most remarkable performance yet attributed to the Perak Semang is undoubtedly the Dance-drama related by De Morgan, who was an eye-witness of it, and describes it as follows : —

A young girl entered the circle and began to dance in the middle. She advanced slowly at first with a

' Maxwell in J. K. A. S., S. B., No. confuses together the names " Sakai "

4, p. 49. 2 (?) "Gayas.'' and "Semang," but that his account

^ Ibid. It should be noted that is otherwise substantially correct.

Maxwell, in the account quoted above, _/. K. A. S., S. B., No. 4, p. 49.

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF PERAK 133

sort of polka step, but without turning round ; then she commenced to wave or modulate her arms, and directed her hands behind her back. In this wayshe went two or three times round the circle. (This was explained to mean that she was looking for a husband in the forest.) A suitor soon appeared and danced round her, singing of flowers, birds, and insects. She moved backwards, followed by the suitor, who pressed for her hand in vain. Then a second and a third suitor appeared, each being repulsed in turn like the first, and at this point three other young girls arrived on the scene, and her late suitors deserted her to make up to her rivals, by whom they were promptly accepted, dancing round with them and talking. The first arrival then went from group to group trying to regain her late conquests, but was too late, and was compelled to remain an old maid, whereupon she stopped in the middle of the circle and uttered the most lamentable cries, repeating again and again the words Death, Malediction, etc. After dancing round her for about ten minutes, one of the men of the rival groups returned to her, when she humbly agreed to accept the humiliating position of a second wife.^

^ De Morgan, viii. 282, where other they would repeat the words, Death, performances of this kind are described. Decay, Fire, and the name of the Elsewhere (op. cit.) De Morgan says deceased, etc. If they were feeling that the Negritos of Perak were happy, they would sing of flowers, in the habit of singing words strung birds, and small insects. This, howtogether at random, their joy or ever, is only a general rule, and sorrow being distinguished solely by often they would string words together the nature of the words and the air. with reference to sound only, and not If they were feeling dull, they would to their meaning. If the word was go through the names of all their too short for the measure, they prorivers, mountains, and hills. On re- longed it by adding long drawn-out nasal turning from the chase they would syllables such as ang, eng, ong, ng, sing words suited to wild animals, the (the latter after words ending in a forest, and their weapons. hard consonant such as g or k, or a

After a death of one of the tribe, vowel).

134 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

II. — Sakai. Musical Iiistrtmtents.

Perak Sakai. — As among the Semang, the simplest form of music takes the form of beating time. Thus De Morgan describes the Perak Sakai as using small slivers of bamboo, whose flat sides were clashed together with a sound like that of castanets.^

Another simple form of percussion music is made by using a number of short bamboos (which are open at the upper end only) as "stampers," the bamboos being held in the hand and struck upon the floor or a piece of wood at regular intervals. This method of beating time, which has been only once recorded among the Semang,- is mentioned both by De Morgan,^ and Hale. A full description of these bamboos and the methods of using them will be found in the part dealing with the Besisi.

The bamboo harp or guitar (already described as in use among the Semang) is also found among the Sakai. Thus Hale ^ describes one that he saw, among the Perak Sakai, as possessing three strings stretched upon a large joint of bamboo. This guitar, however, was probably not in the first instance a Sakai, but an aboriginal Malayan instrument.

In a recent letter Mr. L. Wray states that the Sakai of both Kinta and Batang Padang use frets

^ Cp. Z. f. E. xxvi. 172. "At the Siamese for so simple an inven-

times two bamboo sticks called 'sok tion.

yet,' measuring 38 cm. in length by ^ By Maxwell, v. p. 131 ante.

3 cm. in breadth, are employed in the •* According to De Morgan (viii.

" Tuang-tuang '' ceremony among the 281), it is the length of these bamboo

Sakai. One stick is held in each hand, tubes that causes the alteration of tone,

and they are struck together. The The most usual metliod, however, is

Sakai say that this custom is borrowed by varying the diameter of the tube.

from the Siamese." There is, how- Cp. De Morgan, vii. 430. ever, apparently no reason whatever ^ Hale, p. 29S ; cp. De M., L' H.

why the Sakai should have gone to ii. 619.

SAKAI OF PERAK

made of small pieces of wood or pith stuck on to the bamboo under the strings of their guitars, but not touching them until pressed down by the fingers.

Of wind instruments the Sakai use various forms of flute/ which are similar to those manufactured by the Semang. Hale mentions their use of a " long bamboo flute with three holes " in it, as well as a species of bamboo whistle.

Mr. L. Wray wTites me, that the nose-flute in Ulu Batang Padang is about 18 in. (45 cm.) long, and has four holes, the first being 9 in. (23 cm.) from the blowing end, and the other holes at distances of two fingers' width from each other. The holes are made by taking a small dry stick, lighting one end in the fire, and then blowing out the flame and applying the glowing charcoal point to the bamboo, blowing with the mouth meanwhile to keep it alight. Mr. Wray had never seen more than one flute used at a time. If two are used, they must, he thinks, be of different construction, as those he had seen had to be held so that the wind from the nostril passed almost at right angles to the length of the flute.

Whistles are rare, but what are usually called by this name by most writers, are in reality short flutes. They have one end closed by the node of the bamboo, except a small hole in the centre, the other end being open. They are played with the mouth like a flute. The palm of one hand is held over the open end, and the thumb of the left hand over the small hole in the other end. They thus give three notes. The hole blown through is not circular, but shaped like that of a whistle.

1 De Morgan, viii. 281 ; UH. ii. tells me that the Sakai often plug one 619 ; Hale, p. 298. Mr. Cerruti nostril with grass.

136 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

The nose -flute is also certainly known to the Sakai, and the Jews'-harp is mentioned by Hale,^

A drum, which De Morgan obtained at Changkat Kerbu in Perak, was made by hollowing out the trunk of a tree, and " heading " the barrel thus obtained with the skin of a black monkey." According to Hale, this hollowing of the barrel is effected by burning as well as by chopping, the process being continued until the barrel is only about half an inch thick. Across one end the skin of a gibbon (siamang), or some other small animal, is stretched, and tightened up to the required pitch by means of rattan cords and wedges. Hale further describes a tune played upon one of these drums as being in what he calls " one-two time."^

Mr. L. Wray writes me, that there Is a Sakai drum in the Perak Museum, from Batang Padang. It is about I ft. (30 cm.) in diameter, and 2 ft. 6 in. (76 cm.) long. It is made of a tree-trunk hollowed out, and has on one end a siamang skin head. Mr. Wray bought it for 82.

Dress.

On festal occasions the attire of the Sakai (for both sexes) does not materially differ from that of the Negritos. The same leaf-festoons, fillets, armlets, knee-bands of Licuala-leaf are worn as have been described already, and the same bunches of fragrant leaves ^ and flowers are also worn wherever there is a

1 Hale, p. 296 ; cp. UH. ii. 619. been only headed at one end (like that

• De ^Morgan, viii. 281. But see also mentioned by Hale). See LH. ii. 619.

De Morgan, -ii. 430, which conflicts ^ 5-/,- Probably in " common " time,

with this. There can, however, be Hale, p. 296.

little doubt that the account assigning ■• Usually the leaves are picked and

this drum to the Sakai is the correct one. worn while green, — but dried leaves

The drum referred to appears to have are not excluded (De Morgan, -ii. 414).

Sakai Men I'LAving Xcjse-Flutes. Near Kua'a Ko^. about six miles from Tapah, Batang Padaiig, Perak.

IVray.

yoi. II. p. 136,

SAKAI OF PERAK \yj

chance of fixing them. The only important differences appear to consist in the different type of head- dress, and (frequently) of girdle, worn by the Sakai. Of the head-dress Hale says that on the occasion of special festivities, e.g., at their dances, the Perak Sakai wear a sort of high turban made of bark-cloth, or a wreath of sweet-smelling grasses or leaves.^

The Dance.

Hale, in describing a Sakai dance which he witnessed in Ulu Kinta, says, that after about five minutes' beating of the drum one or two men got up and commenced a dance, " the principle of which was a sort of curtsey made to every beat of the drum " ; and that, at the same time, "grotesque gestures were made with the hands." After about half an hour's dancing the men sat down to rest and commenced chanting one of their songs, which consisted of a mere " repetition of the names of a number of mountains, rivers, etc.," all of which were in the Kinta watershed (the " Sakai country ") between 4° 30' and 5° N. lat. One of the places referred to was Tambore (?), " now a Malay village with coconut palms at least twenty years old," and which must, as Hale points out, have been in the possession of Malays for that time at least, " as the Sakai do not plant coconuts." -

After about an hour's chanting (Hale continues) the women came forward to perform. It " could scarcely be called a dance," as they did not move from place to place, but only went through certain evolutions as they stood. First they clapped their hands, for a few bars, in time to the beats of the drum,

^ Hale, p. 293. - Ibid.

138 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

repeating cries that sounded like " Sough, sough, sough," and then " Chaep, chaep, chaep." This was repeated some six or eight times, and at the same time they made a deep curtsey once to every drum-beat. Then the arms dropped to the sides, and the body was turned from side to side (from the hips upwards), the arms being allowed to swing round loosely with it, once to every beat of time ; at the same time a deep curtsey was made as before ; this being repeated about six times. This had a very pretty effect, as it was done by a graceful swaying movement. After this they stood still (with the exception of the curtseying), and placing one arm akimbo, held out the other with the palm open, and in time to the drum the forearm was turned so as to present the hand with the palm alternately upwards and downwards with a very slight but at the same time grace- ful movement, continued till the end of the song.^

In the same connection. Hale says that each line (or word) was first chanted by the leader of the song and then repeated in chorus by the rest. Most of the expressions used were, however, well known to them, and they often picked up the words to some extent as they went along.-

Words of the Songs. Apart from the words of the song given by Hale,

^ Hale, p. 299. De la Croix, in a Croix, p. 339). Cp. also Brau de

similar account, adds, "At times the Saint-Pol Lias, pp. 269-271.

musical phrase dies away only to re%"ive - Hale, p. 299. Hale adds that a

suddenly and terminate in a long-drawn similar invocation or ' ' prayer " was

howl which is lost in the night. The addressed to the Spirits of the Forest,

wild and profound poetry of the per- the mountains, the rivers, and the wind,

formance produced a captivating effect the Spirits of Ancestors, the Spirits of

in the midst of the great forest sur- Disease, the Spirits of Wickedness, and

rounding us on every side" (De la Trouble of all kinds (JIale, p. 300).

Sakai \Vjmkn and Child Performing Danck-Mlsic.

Note the head-dresses and girdles. (S. Perak.)

Cerruti.

Vol. 11. p. I

— o

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 139

which is a mere Hst of place-names,^ we have few trustworthy records of the words of Sakai songs, with the exception of the account by Colonel Low, where we are told that their " Mampade," or airs v^ere much in the Siamese style (which last undoubtedly takes the lead amongst the musical compositions of the Indo- Chinese nations), and that their songs had an intermixture of Malay, as in the following specimen which was sung somewhat in the Siamese mode : —

Pirdu salen kinnany; ingnt sampei Vari mola asal iiyite gyijen Ayer ambun umbun moli Kiri baju layang mayep singi.

No satisfactory translation could be got of this fragment, but the greater part of the words are Malay.'

Selangop Sakai. — The Sakai of Ulu Langat (as also those of Perak) are very fond of " wind-organs," which are long bamboos vvith a slit in each internode, which are lashed to the top branches of trees, and which give out musical tones when the wind blows over them,^

III. — Jakun. Musical Instruments.

Blandas. — The chief musical instruments of the Blandas were their so-called bamboo " guitars," flutes, Jew's-harps, and drums. ^

A drum which I purchased with not a little difficulty from a chief of the Blandas tribe, whose encampment was situated in the swampy jungle

1 Hale, p. 296. 2 J /_ _^, vol. iv. p. 431.

2 H. T. Kelsall vaJ.R.A.S., S.B., vol. xxiii. p. 69. For details, v. Perak Mus. N., iii. p. 74. 4 For Blandas songs and charms, ^'.App.

I40 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part iii

on the right bank of the Langat is now in the Cambridge Museum. It is about 2 J feet in length by 5 inches in diameter, and was made out of the trunk of a big screw-pine headed at each end with the skins of mouse-deer, which were held in their position by strong rattan bands or rings. To the edges of each skin, on which a certain amount of the hair was still left, were fastened rattan strings, underneath the ends of which wedges were driven to brace up the skins (or drum-heads) before playing. This drum was played by the hand only, tambourinefashion. Martin and I, on our visit to the Blandas, also found a dance (.'*)-mask representing a tiger.

Musical Instruments.

Besisi. — Among the Besisi, as among all the aboriginal tribes of the Malay Peninsula, the beating of time by means of wooden sticks was no doubt one of the earliest forms of music.

The first advance in the development of musical instruments among the Besisi appears to have arisen from their observing the harmonious properties of the hollow stem of the bamboo, from whose long internodes (by various forms of percussion) musical notes were elicited. In the simplest form short segments of bamboo internodes of varying diameter are used as " stampers," each tube being open at the top, but cut off just below the node at the bottom, the scale of notes proportionately descending (like that of the pipes of an organ) as the diameter of the internodes is increased. To elicit the notes the player holds a tube vertically in each hand and drums lightly with the lower end either upon the ground or upon any piece of hard wood that may be at hand.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 141

These bamboo tubes were called " ding tengkhing," or "quarrelling bamboos," and the ceremony "Rentak Balei," i.e. " Stamping on (the floor of) the Tribal Hall," evidently a reference to some form of beating time. On the occasion of a Besisi feast at which I was present, the two performers sat in the middle of the chiefs room. The bamboo tubes were six in number (two sets of three each), and each performer held one, I believe the one which produced the higher note, in his right hand, and the other in his left. Each set was of gradually diminishing sizes. The two biggest tubes, which gave the deepest notes, were called "male" (lemol) or "father" (kuyn) ; the two intermediate ones were called "female" (kedol) or "mother" (gende'), and the two smallest were called "child" (kenon) or "grandchild" (kentot .^). The utility of these " child "-tubes was not very clear. I was told that they were mere supernumeraries, to replace any others that got damaged ; and it is possible that this may have been the case, as this would account for their being smaller than either of the others. At the performances at which I was present the performers, holding one of the tubes in each hand, struck them in rapid succession upon the central floorbeam of the house, producing a simple musical rhythm, which was distinctly harmonious.^ One of the tunes played by the Besisi consisted of one high note (struck by the right hand) followed by three low notes

1 According to De Morgan (vii. 430), though it is possible that by some

it is the difference in length of these tribes both length and diameter are

cylinders that causes the variation in varied simultaneously. Elsewhere (viii.

the note ; but as the note really de- 281) De Morgan himself says that

pends upon the volume of air set in both are varied. Yet the tubes

vibration within the cylinder, the re- that I brought home were all

quired note is obtained less clumsily, almost (to a fraction) of the same

and I believe much more commonly, length, though varj'ing greatly in

by varying the diameter of the tube, diameter.

142 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part in

(struck by the left hand), in common time, the first note being the loudest.

The next Besisi instrument deserving mention is the bamboo "guitar," which is very similar to that employed by the Semang, A point of some interest lies in the fact that this instrument, according to a Besisi tradition, was imitated from the stick insect, / to which the Besisi gave the same name ("keranting," from "ranting," a twig or "stick"). Unfortunately, however, for this attractive theory, there are only too good grounds for regarding it as a mere instance of popular etymology ; for the name of the instrument varies greatly according to the number of strings it bears, and such forms as " keruntong," " kerotong," and others show pretty clearly the fallacy of the suggestion. The name is undoubtedly onomatopceic, intended to suggest a twanging sound.

But the drum is perhaps the most " important " of all the musical instruments used by these tribes. It is, I believe, usually found only in the houses of tribal chiefs, and may doubtless be regarded to some extent as their insignia of office. If so, this fact would sufficiently account for the extreme reluctance that its owner exhibits when asked to part with it, as it would then be the exact counterpart of the sacred drums and gongs used by Malay Rajas for calling together their retainers. It difiers but slightly (in material and to some extent in shape) from the ordinary drum of the Peninsular Malays, to which it has evidently close affinities.

Of the Besisi wind instruments, their flutes were of bamboo, and differed but little from those used by the Semang and Sakai. The Besisi nose-flute was, however, very much shorter than that used by the

CHAP. V SA VAGE MALA YS OF SELANGOR 143

Semang ; those that I obtained in Selangor being, in fact, httle more than half the length of the hoseflutes I got in Kedah. -; A kind of bamboo whistle was also sometimes employed by the Besisi.],

[The Besisi were very fond of what are generally called " ^olian bamboos," or "wind-organs" — long bamboos lashed vertically to the tops of trees, with slits cut in them which produced musical notes when blown upon by the wind. Several of the trees near Besisi dwellings at Klang were fitted with these instruments, and they could be heard at a distance of upwards of a mile when the wind blew strongly. y The bamboo Jew's-harp is also found among the Besisi. ^^^X*.

Feasts.

The man's head-dress on festive occasions consisted among the Besisi of a plaited palm-leaf {Licuala) fillet or head -band, from which depended a row of long fringe-like streamers (called " centipedes' feet "), so that his face was almost entirely hidden as he danced. Besides this, he wore a similar fringe round about his waist, and a third slung like a bandolier over the shoulder and across the breast. Finally, he had a bunch of artificial leaf-ornaments, consisting of imitation flowers, pendants, nooses, and daggers, inserted in his head-band, and another at his waist, and carried a curious dance-wand, which will be described more fully below.

Altogether his get-up reminded me irresistibly of our own Jack-in-the-green, and might well have owed

^ Mr. H. N. Ridley informs me this. jThey were of practical use

that these wind-organs can be stopped as welPy as being harmonious, for the

at will by turning them round with Jakun used to find their way home^

their backs to the wind, and that through the jungle by listening to

the Jakun used occasionally to do them. 1

144 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

its origin to a similar motive, viz., an attempt to make the new year more productive by an abundant display of greenery.

The woman's head-dress on similar occasions consisted of a plaited palm-leaf head-band, lacking the streamers, in place of which it was furnished with little upright spikes, on which were spitted sweet-smelling flowerets or leaves, whose fragrance thus became pleasantly diffused throughout the room. The rest of their attire was similar to the men's. ^

As regards the season at which their feasts took place, the Besisi informed me that the chief of these were held annually, first when the rice began to bloom, and again at the beginning, middle, and end of the harvest. -

On these occasions, the members of the entire settlement having been summoned, fermented liquor is brewed from the jungle fruits of the season and a banquet spread in the house of the chief. The latter presides and opens the proceedings with the burning of incense and the chanting of an invocation, which is usually addressed to the ancestors of the tribe, as well as to the wild beasts and demons that attack the crops.*

The feast then begins, the freshly-brewed liquor is drunk, and, to the accompaniment of strains of their rude and incondite music, the jungle-folk of both sexes deck themselves freely with flowers and fragrant leaves and indulge in dancing and singing throughout the night. This ceremony is called " Berentak Balei,"

1 A beautifully-plaited girdle of a not before the sowing, as among the

line species of cane was also formerly Malays (Bellamy, p. 227).

made by the Besisi, probably for special ^ On the occasion of one of these

occasions. I obtained two specimens harvest feasts at which I was present,

of it, but understand it is now obsolete. the invocation was addressed to the

• Mr. Bellamy adds that a feast took Elephant, Deer, and Wild Pig, as well as

place after the planting out of the rice, to insect pests. See vol. i. p. 363, ante.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 145

or " Drumming upon (the tioor of) the Tribal Hall," from the use of the bamboo instruments described above.

^The songs are not always merely chanted, but are ofte^ really acted (as well as sung), the dancer being frequently provided (as already mentioned) with a special head-dress, which differs for men and women.

I have also seen the dancer at the ceremonies of this same tribe carrying a curiously carved dance-wand, one of which I was fortunately able to purchase. I have never heard of any similar object being used by any other tribe, though Borie mentions the use of wooden swords (probably Malay fencing-sticks) in the dances of the Mantra, a kindred tribe.

According to the testimony volunteered by the Besisi themselves, these banquets used formerly to conclude with a drinking bout,^ which was followed by a kind of " game," at which the men of the tribe were traditionally allowed, if they pleased, to exchange their wives. All performances of this kind are now, however, of very rare occurrence, though there is no doubt as to the earlier prevalence of the custom.

Words of the Songs.

r

VPhe songs chanted on these occasions are generally rude improvisations, consisting of certain well-known and continually-recurring phrases. The tunes to which they are sung are very simple and quaint. These are generally mere chants, of three or four notes only, but

' Traces of such drinking bouts are and Tributaries," J. R. A. S., S. B.,

to be found among the Malay races. 1882, No. 8, p. 16), where he gives

The wild people are not, however, "jo'oh" as meaning "to drink," and as a rule, inclined to drink. This remarks that the same word is used drinking festival is called by the Besisi in the taboo - language of camphor "Mainjo'oh," the meaning of which is (I'antang Kapor) with the same meanprobably "Drinking game" {vide D. ing (J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 3, p. F. A. Hervey's paper on the " Endau 113).

VOL. IT L

146 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part in

yet have a weird kind of melody of their own, and are sung with a wonderful spirit and verve, which prevents them from becoming tedious. Of these songs I was able to form, among the Besisi, an important collection ; and as I know of nothing that could give a better general idea of the life, ideas, and customs of these wild tribes than these songs (which are a veritable storehouse of such facts) are likely to do, I give them in extenso, in the hope that something of their spirit may survive in spite of what is lost in the translation. I should perhaps add that I was told, inter alia, that the songs I had collected should, properly speaking, be sung in a certain order. Neither my informants, however, nor any other members of the tribe, could give me the order of any except the first ten, as given below. It would be a point of great interest if they should turn out, on further investigation, to be in any way analogous to the Malay " Rejangs," corresponding to the " lunar mansions " of the Hindus ; and it would also be very interesting to know whether the "lunar mansions" of the Hindus were ever treated as the subjects of ceremonial songs in a manner at all resembling the primitive chants here described. In any case, however, this manual of the jungle would well repay study.

The proper order of the first ten songs, which are, howevei, in the following pages, more conveniently grouped, was said to be as under : —

1. Siamang. The gibbon.

2. Pulai. A soft-wood tree.

3. Merban. A hard- wood tree.

4. Kluang. The flying-fox.

5. Bangkong. A wild jungle-fruit.

6. Gabang. ,, ,,

7. Redan. ,, ,,

8. Kledang. ,, ,,

9. Kabau. ,, ,,

10. Mah hed^t hum. The little folk's bathing song.

j^

^^

^ m^

«^wS ^

^g^

InrT'

W'''

^m

Skeat Collection.

Headdkk^s oi I)i:.si.-5i Max (ux lefti, W'dmax iux kight), wokn to

CONCEAL THE FACE AT CeREMONIAI, DAXCES.

Skeat Collection.

Strange Wooden Dance-Wand carried bv Besisi Man at Ceremonial Dances.

I'eneath it is a flute, and also a nose-flute, used on similar occasions. (.See p. 145.)

rol. U. p. 146.

'A' Xanti, thk Lati: Bati.n ok the Besisi, Kuala LAxiiAT, Seeangok It was from this Jakun chief (here shown in full Malay dress) that I took down most of the Hesisi Jungle Songs given in the text.

Vol. If. /. 147.

SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR

The following have no ascertained order, except the " Lang," which always comes last : —

II.

Bro'.

The coconut-monkey.

Lukah.

The lish-tiap.

13-

Rimaii.

The tiger.

Gajah.

The elephant.

15-

Bertam ttnung.

The solitary hertam-palni.

Katak rengkong.

The toad.

17-

Badak.

The rhinoceros.

Kijang.

The roe-deer.

19-

Baning.

The tortoise.

Ular sawa.

The python.

Kanchil.

The chevrotin.

Plandok.

The chevrotin (another species]

23-

Buaya.

The crocodile.

Rusa.

'J"he sambhur deer.

25-

Babi utan.

The wild pig.

Ungka.

The ape.

Ayam hutan.

The jungle-fowl.

Biawak.

The lace-lizard or "monitor."

Bruang.

The bear.

30-

Lang.

The kite.

Other alleged songs, the words of which were

Bachang.

Pipit.

Buan.

Sikah.

Lotone.

Kra.

Musang.

Kuching utan.

Srigala'.

Tikus.

Enggang.

Kuau.

whose names were given but not given me, are —

The horse-mango.

The finch or sparrow.

The rambutan, a wild jungle-fruit.

A kind of monkev.

The civet-cat.

The wild-cat.

The jackal or wild dog.

The mouse or rat.

The hornbill.

The Argus pheasant.

It is just possible, if the " Rejang " theory be established, that some of these songs may belong to a second series of " Rejangs," just as in Malay we find at least three different sets of "Rejangs" coexisting. The translations run freely as follows : —

The Elephant.

An Elephant trumpets at Bukit Peralong, A Herd Elephant to the Lone Wild Elephant. 'Tis the herd that precedes the Old Wild Elephant, The Sacred Elephant, the Shrunk-foot Elephant, The Magical Elephant from the land of Johor,

1 48 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

The Elephant that descends to the salt sea yonder,

The Elephant that sports on the sandy beaches,

And thence returns to the Upper Langai ;

That climlxs the hills to the sacred countrj-.

And tramples the hills, till they sink in ruins,

And tramples the trees, till their trunks snap asunder,

And stamps in his spoor and stamps in his foot-tracks,

Until the whole land to mire is trampled.

Now that at length he has reached his sanctuar}-,

See that ye slay not the Sacred Elephant ;

For if you do, you will die of sacrilege.

Burn ye then incense, and pay your vows to him..

The Sacred Elephant loves his grandchildren.

And in their clearings he will not forage.

Nor will he forage among their coconuts.

Roam then, O Elephant, o'er hill and hill-slope.

Roam then, O Elephant, to cave and hollow.

See, he has passed to the Upper Langat.

An Elephant is drawn, by a host of people,

Is drawn away to a far-off countrj-.

But roam thou, O Elephant, to the Fresh-water Lake-side,

Till thou diest, O Elephant, at the Fresh-water Lake-side.

The Rhinoceros.

Iiiipit — inipit ! there calls a Rhinoceros,

The Herd Rhinoceros to the Lone Rhinoceros.

She calls her mate to search for sustenance.

The Rhinoceros that roams and climbs the mountains.

The Rhinoceros that roams when dew dries on the out-crop.

What skill have I to strive with the Rhinoceros?

I call to my comrades, but all are absent.

AftVighted I climb up into a forest-tree,

But the Rhinoceros waits at the foot of the tree-trunk.

I break oft" a bough and cast it down to him,

The Rhinoceros champs it and passes onwards.

Then I descend and run back home again.

But reaching home, the Rhinoceros follows me.

I then take a gim and shoot the Rhinoceros.

The bullet has hit him. The Rhinoceros has fallen.

See that }-e singe then and quarter the Rhinoceros,

And give to eat a little to every one ;

But sell the horn to the Chinese foreigners.^

The Tiger.

A Tiger roars at the end of the river-point. What does he want ? He wants to be feeding, To feed on jangle-fowl, to feed on wild-boar, To feed on sambhur, to feed imi chevrotain ; The striped Tiger that crosses the salt seas.-

^ The horn of the rhinoceros is greatly time swim across the narrow strait

prized among all races in the Malay (about three-quarters of a mile ?) that

Peninsula, as possessing extraordinar)- separates Johcr on the mainland of

magical virtues. The Chinese, as a rule, Asia from the island on which Singa-

are the best customers of the aborigines. pore is built.

• Probably in allusion to the known For these songs see also notes to

fact that tigers do from time to Appendix.

CHAP. V SAVAGE .UAI.AYS OF SELANGOR 149

Do not forget this in the telling —

The headlands — they are the Tiger's country.

The Tiger has sworn an oath against Soiiichody,

The Tiger whose bound is full five fathom.

Dodge we the Tiger and leap to the right hand— -

The Tiger walks up a fallen tree-trunk.

The Tiger looks for a hill that is lofty.

The Tiger sleeps (there) at height of noontide.

And then arises to roam the forest.

The Tiger hunts for his living (juarry.

The Tiger roams as far as Mount Ophir.'

That is the place of the Tiger"s origin.

There is his Jinang, there is his Dato',

There is his Jukrah, and there his Batin,

There dwells the ' Great Chief" of all the Tigers —

The Tiger dies at the house of his Hatin.

Thk Beak.

W^ak, :aa/i, wah ! there calls the Iloney-bear,

The bear called ' Panggong,' the bear called ' Hijak,"-

The bear that for food dotii rend wild-bees" nests,

That climbs the bee-tree to seize the wilcl-l)ees,

That roams to the crags and descends to the salt sea,

That yearns to devour the wild-bees utterly.

That climbs up the mangroves, and rends them open.

That climbs up the ' kemiias '-trees, and rends them open.

Sharp indeed are the Honey-bear's tooth-points.

Mamat the First-born, seize your chopping-knife.

He is nearing the ground ! He has dropped, the Honey-bear !

Chop at him now, you, ^lamat the First-born.

lie has leared upright ! He turns to attack you !

Dodge now the ?]ear, O Mamat th.e First-born !

He dies I Oho, you have killed the Honey-bear !

Now take his spleen to doctor the fallen. •'

The SAMBHrK-DF-ER.*

A'eng — berdcngkcng ! there bells the Sambhur !

What do you do in the middle of the knoll there?

We are but looking at Somelwdy^ s clearing,

A clearing that's ruined, devoured by .Saurbhur.

The slot there that's left is the trail of the Sambhur,

From the hoofs of the Sambhur, so sharp and pointed ;

The Sambhur whose tail is short and tufted,

The Sambhur whose ears are pricked and jiointed,

The Sambhur whose horns spread massively branching,

The Sambhur whose neck is so slim and slender :

Such a stag is the magic Sambhur.

1 Mount Ophir (or ' Gunong Le- y. y?. .-/..S'., .?. i5.. No. 3, pp. i lo-i 1 1). dang' — 4000 feet), in the interior of - Different kinds of bear.

Malacca, is a traditional site of the ■' The bear being able to fall a

"Tiger city" of IMalay legend, where considerable distance without injury,

the posts of the houses consist of men's it is thought that his spleen will be

bones and the thatch of women's hair good for people who have fallen, like

(Skeat, Fables and Folk -tales from a him, from trees. Far Eastern Forest, p. 26; compare ■* Or " Sambar " {Riisa aristotelis).

I50 MUSIC. SONGS, AND FEASTS

A man bent with age, whose [leg] was ulcered, ^

'Twas he that became yon sacred Sambhur,

Yon many-tined Sambhur, yon vast-bulked SamVjhur,

Yon Sambhur of palm-twigs, yon Sambhur of palm-husks,

Yon Sambhur of palm-shoots, yon Sambhur of tubers,

Yon Sambhur that eats the shoots of the ' klorak,'

Yon Sambhur that feeds on the shoots of the "cow-itch,"

That feeds on the "cow-itch" till his head is itching ;

When his head is itching he rubs his horn-points.

He nibs his horns and the horns drop oft again —

The golden Sambhur, the stag of magic.

See now, how near to the toils he wanders,

Rouse him and drive him, for all his belling.

The Sambhur that roams among the leaf-heaps.

The Sambhur that couches among the leaf-heaps.

See, the Sambhur starts and the toils have choked him.

Oho, Sir Deer-wizard, spear me yon Sambhur,

And when you have slabbed him, cast out the Mischief.'-

Oho, .Sir Deer-wizard, here's a Sambhur to quarter !

The Roe-deer.

Empep — eiiipep ! there calls the Roe-deer,

The RoeJeer that roams to the knoll's far-end there.

And wanders back to the knoll's near-end here.

That dwells mid the crags of the Upper Langat.

The Roe-deer that feeds on shoots of wild cinnamon.

Rise up, oho, there ! Mamat the First-born,

Rise up, oho ! and take your squailer,^

Take your squailer and stab the Roe-deer.

Watch veiy carefully, the Roe-deer is running.

Oho ! Lift him up, the Roe-deer has fallen I

Bear him now homewards and cook my Roe-deer ;

And when you have cooked him, quarter my Roe-deer,

And give unto each an equal portion.

Come hither, my sisters, young ones and old ones,

And feast on the flesh of this my Roe-deer.

And when your belly is gorged with feeding,

Rise up, oho. there I Mamat the i'"irst-boni I

Make merry with drink within the Ralei,

The broad-fioored Balei, the long-floored Balei.

'Tis the young folk's custom to "dance the Roe-deer,"'

To please the men-folk and please the women,

Young folk .so many within the Balei.

To-morrow and ever be years of plenty.

Plenteous our fruit, our rice-rrop plenteous.

Fruit . . . Fruit I Fruit ! Fruit, oho !

' A Malay legend traces the origin is driven out by spells before their dead

of the deer from a metamorphosed man bodies are touched (cp. J\Tal. J^Ia^. 427). whose leg was ulcered — doubtless in ^ I.e. the throwing -stick used by

allusion to the marks on the deers' legs. many of the.se tribes for killing small

Cp. Malay Magic, p. 171. mammals. It is simply a short stick

• I.e. the evil influence believed to be of some hard wood sharpened at one

inherent in all wild animals, and which (or both) ends.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 151

The Chevrotin (Bes. 'Kanchel').

Nyau — ganyau ! there calls the Chevrotin I

The Chevrotin seeks the fruit of forest-trees,

The Chevrotin seeks the fruit of the ' fan-palm,' ^

The Chevrotin feeds when dew dries on the bedrock.

The Chevrotin eats the leaves of the Mudai,'-

The Chevrotin eats the sweet-j^otato leaves,

The Chevrotin feeds upon the yam-leaves,

The Chevrotin shrinks from the falling thunderbolt,

The Chevrotin shrinks from the wild-beasts' on-rush,

The Chevrotin shrinks from the bite of the serpent.

The Chevrotin roams both by day and nii;ht-time.

The Chevrotin sleeps at tlie height of noontide,

The Chevrotin sleeps amid the brushwood,

The Clievrolin sleeps in the fallen jialm-leaves.

The Clievrotin sleeps mid the tangled grasses.

Come hither, you there, to seek the Chevrotin.

Set ye the noose to snare the Chevrotin.

The catch has slipped, ho I we've caught the Chevrotin.

Now we have captured him, bear him homewards.

And when ye are home again, see that ye singe him.

When ye have singed him, cut him in quarters.

When ye have quartered him, make ye the cooked -meat.

And give unto each his etjual portion.

The Mou.se-deek (Bes. 'Pandok').

Krusau — l-rusau! there calls the Mouse-deer! The Mouse-deer that eats the shoots of the ' ludai," The Mouse-deer that eats the fruit of the 'k'ledang,' The Mouse-deer that eats the fruit of the 'fan-palm,' The Mouse-deer that eats the fruit of the ' mangostin,' The Mouse-deer that eats the fruit of the 'durian.' On the Mouse-deer's scent a dog goes barking, He has got the scent of a milk-white Mouse-deer, He follows the scent of a milk-white Mouse-deer.^ The milk-white Mouse-deer descends to the water. The dog has seized it within the water. Lo now, he has killed the milk-white Mouse-deer. Carry ye homewards the milk-white Mouse-deer, And cut into quarters the milk-white Mouse-deer, And give unto each his equal portion.

The Wii.D-PiG.

Dret, dret, dret ! there grunt the Wild-Pigs, The Wild-Pig's litter that feed on sugar-canes,

' ' Kepau,' I.ivistoiia Khigti, Hook. or by tapping on the ground with a stick

fil. (Palmte), a fine fan-palm. to imitate the stamping of the buck's

■^ The leaves of the 'ludai' are the forefeet in rutting-time. ' Ludai ' is ^Sa-

favourite food of the two chief kinds pi'um baccattim, Roxb. ^Ettphorbiacece).

of 7>-fl^M/?« Cp'landok' and 'kanchel'). ^ 'White is the sacred colour of these

They are caught by rattan noose-traps, tribes, as among the Malays.

152 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

That eat up our yams and our sweet potatoes.

Till utterly eaten is our plantation.

The Boar, whose feet are sharp and pointed,

The Boar, whose shoulders are sloping and slanting,

The Boar, whose bristles are stiff and stubborn.

The Boar whose eyes are crossed and squinting,

The Boar whose ears are pricked and pointed.

The Boar whose chaps are fat extremely.

The Boar whose tail is crisp and curly.

The Boar has gone down to feed in our rice-lields.

Take then your blowpipe scored with patterns —

Whiz — and it sticks, and the Boar goes floundering.

Watch very carefully, the Boar is running !

The Coconut-monkey.

Kok, kok, kok ! says the Coconut-monkey,

The 'Gantang' monkey, the ' Rangkak " monkey.^

The ' Buku ' monkey, peering and prying,

The monkey whose muzzle is creased and crinkled,

The monkey whose fingers are curved and crooked,

The monkey whose haunches are bent and bow-shaped,

The monkey whose tail's like a bending sapling,

Who feeds on fruit, the fruit of the ' durian.'

He is shaking the trees, see, rise up again there,

Rise up, oho ! and take your blowpipe.

Stalk him most warily, watch most carefully.

Whiz — and it sticks I The dart has hit him !

The monkey has run off helter-skelter.

The monkey has run off retching and vomiting —

Thud — thump — thump — the monkey has fallen.

Pick him up, oho I you, Mamat Solong,

And bear him homewards, with back bent double.

Bear him homewards and there throw him down again.

Aunt .Solong, I pray you, singe me this monkey.

And you, Mamat -Solong, cut up this monkey,

And give unto each an equal portion.

And when your belly is gorged with eating,

Rise up, oho ! then, Mamat the First-born ;

Rise up and drink within the Balei,

The broad-floored Balei, the long-floored Balei.

To-morrow and ever [be years of plenty],

Chant ye 'the monkey,' that fruit be plenteous.

Fruit . . . fruit, fruit, fruit, fruit !

The .Si.'vmang- or Gibbon.

Mong, niong, mong! there calls the Gibbon !

The Gibbon that barks at the sun half-risen,

The Gibbon that chatters on the Upper Kali.

Up gets the Gibbon on the Upper Luar,

Crash ! there he leaps through the sprays of ' meranti ' I '

• Different kinds of Alcuacus ncme- '^ Hylobates syndactylus.

itrinus — the difference is probably ^ ' Meranti,' a name given to many

confined to the colouring. Shoreas {Dipterocarpea).

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 153

Crash ! there he flings through the sprays of ' hidan,' '

Now the dry fruit-husks we hear him munching.

Stalk him, there, warily, watch your sharpest,

Mamat the First-born, Maniat the next-born !

Warily, brothers, our Gibbon's escaping.

Warily, brothers, now pick up your blowpipes.

Your bamboo blowpipes, scored with patterns.

Try now, both, to plant the venom, ■

Try now, both, to insert the venom.

There, he is hit ! the dart has got him.

Warily, brothers, now ; watch our Gibbon.

Cough, cough, cough, just hark to his retching !

See, there our Gibbon goes tumbling downwards.

Warily, brothers, our Gibl>on has fallen.

Carry him home, with back bent double,

Carry him homewards, our Gibbon yonder.

Seek ye and search for dry ' ludan ' branches,

Seek ye and search for dry ' changgan ' •* branches,

Search ye for tire-logs to singe our Gibbon,

Search for and seek hot leaves of ' chanchang,' *

.Search for and seek the ]jungeni 'jintan.'^

The firewood crackles, now stir ye all merrily,

There, it is roasted, now carve it thoroughly,

And give unto each an equal portion.

See that the flesh for all suffices,

Let each have a portion, both big and little.

The Ape ('Ungka' or 'Wa' Wa')."

IVong, 7i>o>!g, -vong ! just hear the Ape cry !

The Ape that plays mid the sprays of ' kepong,' ''

The Ape that ])lays mid the sprays of 'seraya,'^

The Ape that plays mid the sprays of ' jdlotong.' '^

Crunch, crunch, crunch, the Ape is feeding.

On the ' anggong ' '"^ fruit the Ape is feeding.

On the ' rambai ' " fruit the Ape is feeding.

And the fur of his body is white as cotton,

The fur of his face is black and silky,

l^Iis brow is trimmed as a maid's with the ' Bride-fringe,'

His stern is at once both hard and flattened.

Take now your blowpipe of ' Klampenai," ''-

Stalk him most warily, watch very carefully.

For the arms of the Ape are long and slender.

And the legs of the Ape go swinging together.

Rise up, oho, there I watch very carefully.

[The rest is the same as in the song of the Siamang.]

^ Unidentified. * ' Seraya,' a name given to several

• This, of course, refers to the .Shoreas {Dipterocarpec).

poison on the dart -point. ^ 'Jelotong,' Z'j't'ra wajw^aj'?, Hook.

3 Unidentified. fil., and D. cost 11 lata. Hook. fil.

^ Unidentified. 10 Unidentified.

'' 'Jint.an,' cummin. 11 'Rambai,' Baccaurea motleyaiui,

• Hylobates coiicolor. Hook. fil. (Eitphorbiacea), a common

' ' Kepong,' Shorea inacroptera, fruit-tree.

Dyer {Dipie^-ocarpeu-). '-^ Unidentified.

154 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

The Crocodile.

IVak, wak, luak I iheie bellows the Crocodile !

The ' bay ' Crocodile to her mate of the reaches.

The Crocodile whose head is knobbed and lumpy,

The Crocodile whose tail is like a sword-blade,

The Crocodile whose teeth are clenched together.

In every river-pool there dwells the Crocodile,

The Crocodile that's fierce, the Crocodile that's savage.

That climbs up to bask on the bank of the river.

And enters the waters to search for sustenance.

The Crocodile that ' gazes ' • at our reflections.

If our head is gone, he will get him sustenance,

If our head is there, he will get no sustenance.

There sits a monkey upon the timber.

The Crocodile sweeps him off into the water ;

The Crocodile smothers him within the river-mud.

And when he is dead, it bears him shore-wards.

And batters him on limber, to kill him. thoroughly.

And swallows him whole, when dead completely.

The Lace-Lizari) or Monitor.

The Lace-Lizard's head is knobbed and knotty. The Lace-Lizard's eyes are small and narrow. The Lac'^-Lizard's snout is sharp and pointed. The Lace-Lizard's belly sways and swaggers, The Lace-Lizard's footprints are spreaded widely. The scales of its back are like the sting-ray's. The Lace-Lizard's tail is like a sword-blade. The Lace-Lizard's teeth are thorns of the screw-pine. The Lace-Liz.ard's tongue is a tongue that's double. Like to tlie man's that speaketh falsehoods. The Lace-Lizard's chief is now the crocodile. He was once the crocodile's younger brother. The land crocodile, with the salt-sea crocodile, One upon land, and one in the water. Watch very warily, and slay the Lace-Lizard.

The Python.

Seng, seti^', seti.^ ! there calls the Python I

The Python coiled in the tops of forest-trees,

The Python coiled on the topmost brushwooti.

The Python coiled in the tangled grasses.

The Python that enters the hollow tree-trunk.

The spotted Python that men call ' Sawa,'

The Python whose tail is like a peg-top, -

The Python whose tongue resembles garlic.

The Python whose teeth are thorns of the screw-pine.

' ' Gazes,' in allusion to the belief he can safely attack the person thus

that the crocodile ascertains the designated.

identity of the human beings destined - /.e. "gasing." But 'gasing-

to become his prey by 'gazing' or gz.s\ng,' =zCissampeIos Pafitra, L,., aXsx>

divination. Whenever this process re- Pe> icampylus incamts, Miers (Meni-

veals to him the figure of his prospective spermacea:). Slender climbing plants,

victim without the head, he knows used medicinally.

SA VAGE MALA YS OF SELANGOR 155

The Python whose cheeks with fat are swollen, The Python whose head is like a ladle. And on whose head the scales are golden. That walks on ribs one hundred and forty, Whose body is big as the stem of tlie coco-palm. The hungering Python that swallows the wild-boar. Swallows the wild-boar and seizes the mouse-deer. Swallows the mouse-deer and seizes the sambhur. Swallows the sambhur and seizes the tiger.

The silk -skinned Python, the bediamonded Python,

The silk-skinned Python that groweth sacred,

The Python that came from the springs of water.

Whose body is big .as the stem of the coco-palm.

'Tis he that we call the Horned Serpent.

'Tis the silk-skinned Python that crept down seawards.

And fought against the old Sea-Python,'

Until the broad seas turned to narrow .

The old Land- Python since time's beginning.

That is the Python that was defeated.

The old Land -Python that fights no longer.

The old Land- Python that craved for pardon,

'Tis he, that came from the land, was vanquished,

And he, that came from the sea, was victor,

'Twas he that pos.sessed the stauncher spirit.

But the dead Land -Python ascended skywards,

And turned to the Fire we call the Rainbow,

For his horn was ta'en by the old Sea- Python.

Watch very carefully, step not over it.

For if you do, you'll be crushed as a rebel.

Round your limbs will twine the Python-sickness.

Be sure that you this in your soul remember.

To-morrow and ever may Fruit be plentiful !

The Tortoise.

Tortoise ! Tortoise ! Tortoise ! Tortoise whose fore-paws are bent out sideways. Tortoise whose hind-feet are shaped like adzes. Tortoise whose head is sharp and pointed. Tortoise whose back is like a spice-block. Tortoise whose liver is black of the blackest. Tortoise whose fat is green of the greenest. Rise up, oho ! now, ?vlamat the First-born, And take your knife and your bamboo blowpipe. And take your throwing-spcar - to roam the forest,

1 This battle of two snakes, serpents India and elsewhere, see, e.g., "The

or dragons, is one of the most fruitful Legend of Merlin," by Dr. M. Gaster

themes in Oriental art. In China it {Folklore, xvi. 414, 422). In the

appears as two dragons fighting for a present case it furnishes us with this

pearl. In the Malay region it is some- line Jakun myth of the origin of the

times a couple of dragons as in China, rainbow.

and sometimes a couple of snakes ' I.e. the pointed iiardwood stick

engaged in fighting for a magical or 'squailer' used for killing small

snake-stone. It is also common in game.

156 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

And search for the Tortoise : see, here are its footprints I

This is the feeding-gnnind of the Tortoise.

The Tortoise that feeds on the shoots of the ' chdmeh.' ^

There, did you see it, Mamat the First-born ?

There, did you see it, among the buttresses?

Now you've expelled it, Mamat the First-born,

Carry it homewards, Mamat the First-born.

Mamat the First-born, ncjw cut up your Tortoise,

Chop it up small and let it be roasted ;

And when it is roasted, serve it on leaf-plates,''^

And give unto each an equal portion.

Ho, Mamat Solong I ho, Mamat Alang !

Come, now your belly's full, drum on the Hall-floor.

The Toad.

Kok, kok, kok ! that's a Toad that's croaking !

A Toad that's croaking his veiT loudest.

The Toad that dwells at the foot of the foresl-trees.

The Toad that dwells on the Upper Langat,

Jumping up-stream, and jumping down-stream.

There goes the Toad, whose waist is so tapering,

And whose chest is one of the very deei:)est ;

The Toad whose eyes are mightily goggling,

The Toad whose fingers are crushed and crumpled,

The Toad whose feet are spread and splaying,

The Toad whose skin is rough and knobbly,

The Toad whose body with slime is venomous.

The ' Rengkong ' Toad that feeds on centipedes.

The ' Rengkong ' Toad that feeds on scorpions,

The 'Rengkong' Toad that swallows gravel.

Eat ye not then the Toad called ' Rengkong,'

For poisonous to eat is the Toad called ' Rengkong.'

Chop then with a knife at the Toad called ' Rengkong,'

And if he walks off again, be not frightened.

From the times of old till to-morrow and ever

May there remain this rite and memorial.

This rite remain that Fruit be plentiful.

The Kite.

Sck-sek-lr:an ! there mews the Fishing- Kile I

The Kile that soars above the cloud-belt.

The Kile that glides above the cloud-l^elt,

The Kite that nests in the tall 'jClotongs,'"

And seeks to breed in the tall 'jclotongs.'

The Kite that nests in the sprays of the ' kcmpas,'

And seeks to breed in the sprays of the ' kcmpas.'

Soon as begins her children's sickness.

High and low the Kite goes soaring,

And catches the ' siakap ' fish to ined her young ones,

And catches snakes to feed her young ones.

' Unidentified. ally those of the banana-tree.

2 I.e. leaves used as plates — gener- ■' V. p. 153, n. 9, ante.

CHAI-. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 157

The Kite glides past to the Rock of Lalau,

The Kite glides past to the Hill Precipitous.

The Kite glides past to the crag allied ' White-Rock.'

The Kite glides ])ast to the Rock Perhambang —

At Perhambang Rock the Kite sinks earthwards,

To search for the ' Love-plant •" ' upon the mountains.

With which to cure her children's sickness.

Thus we find the ' Love-plant ' upon the mountains.

And our spirit yearns within our body —

The Kite's own ' Love-plant," go bear it homewards.

To make you well within your spirit.

Rise ye then warily, [watch] the Kites y<>ung ones,

This heart of mine is ravished greatly.

Now that I know where to seek the simples.

Do not hesitate, do not dally.

Do not dally in the Garden of Flowers,

Eut fly direct to the Garden of Fruit-trees.

So shall remain, as from aforetime,

Unto the Kite's young a debt of gratitude.

And this be a tolcen to childing women.

The Ju.\gle-fo\vi,.

Nang chcnauf^kas '. there crows the Jungle-fowl !

The Jungle-fowl upon the knoll there.

Whose name is called the milk-white Jungle-fowl,

Whose name is called the Jungle decoy-fowl.

By strange Malays who set bird-nooses,

By strange Malays 'tis made a decoy-fowl.

Fly hither then, O milk-white Jungle-fowl,

No fowls of the Jungle can resist you,

O milk-white Fowl, that art their chieftain.

The milk-white Jungle-fowl now flies homeward.

Nang chLiiangkas '. there crows the Jungle-fowl I

Hark to a tale of days that are gone by.

To-morrow and ever may Fruit be plenteous.

The Flyixg-fox.

Pc . . . l'6mpe-ld}npe ! there flaps the Hying-fox I

That is the flip-flap of the Flying-fox,

The Flying-fox from o'er the water.

The Flying-fox from the side of the forest,

The Flying-fox from out the islets,

The Flying-fox from o'er the channel.

The Flying-fox that eats the fruit-buds.

That goes about to search for tree-fruits ;

And flies unto the upper reaches.

And flies unto the lower reaches.

The Flying-fox tribes are many and various

That feed upon the fruit of the ' rambutan,' -

That feed upon the fruit of the ' duku,' •'

1 I.e. the ' chinduai,' the most phelimn lappsiwi, L. {Sapindacea), a famous love-charm of the aborigines. common fruit-tree.

• 'Buan' (Mai. 'rambutan'), Ne- ^ ' Duku,' a well-known fruit-tree.

MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

That feed upon the fruit of the ' durian.' ^

Flip-flap go the wings of the Flying-fox,

Flish-flash go the wings of the Flying-fox.

This we call the ' Rite of the Flying-fox.'

Take now your blowpipe scored with patterns.

Take your blow-pipe and shoot the Flying-fox.

Whiz — and it sticks ! The dart has hit him.

Rise up, oho ! the Flying-fox has fallen !

Plimp-plump : the Flying-fox has fallen I

The Flying-fox vomits mightily retelling.

Carry the Flying-fox home and singe him,

And when you have singed him, cut him in quarters,

And call ye every one to the Balei.

Feed ye your sisters, both young and old ones,

tiive ye to each his equal portion.

Then when your belly's full, stand ye upright.

O Mamat .Solong, O Solong Sidai,

Step ye forth for the drinking and singing.

And drum with your heels on the long-floored Balei,

Drum with your heels on the broad-floored Balei ;

I>et all in the Balei make them merry.

Fruit of all kinds, may Fruit be plenteous,

Every day may Fruit be plenteous,

Every month may Fruit be plenteous,

Every year may Fruit be plenteous.

Such a year is a year of plenty.

Fruit . . . Fruit, Fruit, Fruit !

The Kledang Fruit. 2

Take your knife, O Mamat Solong,

Such to you is Aunt Solong's message,

Such to you is Aunt Tengah's message :

They yearn to eat the fruit called Kledang.

Climb then the tree, O jNIamat Solong,

Where the Kledang fruits are swaying o'er you.

The Kledang fruits, lo ! are strewn and scattered.

Each of you, children, go gather a little

The Kledang fruits that are ripe to bursting.

Go bring the Kledang fruits, bring them homewards,

And throw them down upon the hut-floor.

Come hither ye gaffers, fathers, uncles,

Come hither ye sisters, aunts, and cousins.

These Kledang fruits are for you to feast on.

Crave ye no more for the bursting Kledang,

Crave ye no more for the crow-black Kledang.

Rise to your feet, then, ^famat .Solong,

And unto your hut go summon the little ones.

Let the little folk drink within the Balei ;

That is the token of fruit that's plenteous.

Plenteous be 'durians,' plenteous the ' rambutans,'

Plenteous the ' rambai ' and plenteous the ' pulasan,'

' 'Durian,' Diirio zibetkinus, L. 'x^Malvcuecr).

' ' Kledang,' Artocarpus lanceafolia.

Roxb. ( Urticacea).

^ ^VxAi^i.z.w^ Nephdiiim mutabik, Bl. (Sapindcufcp), a well-known fruit.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 159

Plenteous the ' tairipoi ' ' and plenieous the 'kundang,'- So may all manner of fruit be plenteous, So, for nine years may fruit ne'er fail us.

The Redan. 3

Take your jungle-knife, Mamat Solong,

And climb yon tree, yon tree called Redan.

Lop off its branches, and glide down groundwards.

Let every one gather the fruit of the Redan,

Gather the fruit of yonder Redan.

When you have picked it up, bear it homewards,

And serve it up for all the people.

May the Redan fruit feed both big and little.

To eat the Redan is our little ones' custom.

Let none in the Balei still go craving,

But when your belly is gorged with feeding,

Rise up and dance, O Mamat Solong,

Rise up and drink within the Balei.

And let all people then make them merry,

And you, my children, may naught you startle.

The Kabau Tree.*

The Kabau tree waves this and that way, The tree whose stem creak-creaks so loudly, The tree whose hark is grey and mottled. And with whose bark are made our choppers,^ And mid whose twigs are bred the borer-bees. And mid whose leaves are bred the swallows ; Whose blossom falls like scattered rice-meal. Whose blossom falls like rain in sunshine. The tree whose fruit must not be eaten, Whose fruit is poisonous when eaten. Do not forget this in the telling. But chant of the Kabau now and always. Then hie to drink within the Balei, Tramp-tramp, make merry within the Balei, The Balei that's broad, the long-floored Balei. Let all the little ones be performers. Along with all the men and women, 'Tis this that pleases all the people. Plenteous is the year and fruits are plenteous, Let us then eat the fruit of the 'rambutan.'^ PVuit of the ' mangostin,' fruit of the ' durian ' ; Thus eat we Fruit, Ijoth big and little. Eat we, O sisters, both big and little. Make you merry now, O Mamat Solong, And Fruit be plenteous every season.

' ' Tampoi,' Baccaurea malayana, ^ ' Redan,' Nepheliiim maingayi.

Hook. fil. {Enphorbiacea) ; also a Hiern (SapiftdacecB). * Unidentified.

common fruit. " The meaning of this, and the next

• ' Kundang,' ? Bonea 7)iacrophylla, two lines, is very obscure.

Griff. {AnacardiacfcB), a kind of small *" ' Rambutan,' NepheUum lappaunt,

plum. L. (Sapindate<p), a well-known fruit.

i6o MUSIC, SONGS. AND FEASTS

The Gabang Fruit. ^

Take now your chopper, O Mamat Solong,

Take it to lop off the fruit of the Gabang,

The Gabang fruit that is scattered earthward.

First lop ye off the bending twig-ends,

And lop off next the midmost branches,

And after lopping glide down earthwards.

See, we are gathering the fruit of the Gabang,

Bring me your baskets, and bring me your wallets,

And bear ye home the fruit of yon Gabang.

Then go and call our folk together.

And give to each an equal portion.

WTien you have eaten the fruit of yon Gabang,

Rise to your feet, O iMamat Solong,

And drink and make merry within the Balei,

As was the custom of your grandfathers.

The little ones sport within the Balei,

And all the men-folk are fain to watch them.

And all the women are fain to watch iheni.

Come hither then with unbound tresses,

And take your combs and smooth your tresses,

And make your tresses as fine as possible

To catch the eyes of all the men-folk ;

Then take j-e rice and take the rice-pot.

And cook the rice for all the people,

Take too a pan to make you cooked meats.

That is the work that falls to women.

Eat ye last the rice that is left for you.

Eat it, nor be o'er-slow in eating.

And when you are filled, lie down and slumber.

The Soi.itarv Bertam-Pai.m.-

The Single Bcrtam at Langkap Berjuntei,

The Single Bertani on the Upper Langal —

'Tis the Bertam whose fruits bend over outwards !

We ha%-e gathered them and brought them homewards.

We have split them and given to each his portion.

Be there Bertam fruit both now and always,

P'rom the Single Bertam upon the Hill-tops,

That is the token of fruit that's plenteous.

That is the sign of a year of plenty.

Come ye, my little ones, make you merr)-.

Make each of you merr}- within the Balei,

And when you have eaten ^nd gorged your belly,

Rise to your feet, O Mamat Alang,

Drink and make merry within the Balei,

The Balei that's broad, the long-floored Balei.

And call our folk to dance and make merr}-,

And call our folk to drink and make merry.

That is a year when fruits are plenteous.

' A kind of wild ' rambutan. '

• ' Bertam,' Ett;^eissona trisfis, Griff. {Palmu).

SAVAGE MALA VS OF SELANGOR i6i

The Merbau Tree.^

Plak-plau ! there falls the Merbau !

The ' ivory ' Merbau, the ' cabbage ' Merbau,

The ' saffron ' Merbau that's split with wedges.

Chentong the Carpenter, ho ! fell me this Merbau.

Loftily sways and falls the Merbau.

Bring me a chisel, and bring me the planing-adze.

Now we have split it, make we a grating.

Make we a gallery, make we a deck-house,

Make we oars, and make we an awning.

Load we our ship with wax and eagle- wood,'-

Load her with benjamin,^ load her with resin,

Load her with gutta, with 'gutta taban.' •

Hoist up your mast and sail forth seawards,

And shape your course to the sea of Mambang :

Drop your anchor and climb up shorewards.

And barter your goods at the people's houses.

See, our boat points to the land of Malacca,

Our anchor drops just off Malacca,

To barter wax and barter resin,

To barter benjamin, barter gutta,

And salt and rice to take as cargo.

Now points our boat towards our country,

And off our own land drops the anchor.

Now call we comrades, big and little.

To carry our wares up to the houses.

And give of them to each his portion.

The Pulai Tree.^

Kik, kik, kik! there creaks the Pulai !

Its bole a-rock with the brisk-blown breezes.

Thick, umbrageous, pendulous, wavy,

Are its leaves and airj' streamers.

Roots in the earth, and roots on the surface,

Its surface-roots like struggling serpents.

Its buds that rival a virgin's nipples.

Its leaves with sap like milk of a virgin,

Its stem whose hue is grey and mottled.

Its shoots that are like the peak of a head -cloth.

Its shoots that look like scroll-work finials.

Its buttresses whose height is dizzy.

Its blossom strewn like scattered rice-meal,

Its blossom strewn like rain that drizzles.

Thus men are wont to sing the Pulai.

1 ' Merbau,' Afzelia palembanica jamin, Styj-ax benzoin L. {Styraceci).

Bak. [Legiiminoscp), one of the finest The gum is obtained by cutting the

timbers in the Peninsula, used in boat- bark, building. ^ 'Gutta' (or 'getah') 'taban,' ZJzVy^-

^ Eagle- wood or ' gharu,' Aquilaria opsis gutta Benth. {Sapotacem), the

malaccensis Lam. (yThymdacece), pro- best kind of gutta-percha, duces the well-known incense wood ^ 'Pulai,' Alstonia scholaris Br.

lign-aloes, which fetches a remarkably {Apocynaceiz), a tree whose surface-roots

high price in the Far East. furnish the cork used for the floats of

3 Benzoin or ' kemnyan,' gum ben- fishing-nets, etc., in the Peninsula. VOL. II M

i62 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

We take an adze and fell the Pulai, And build a canoe to trade to Malacca ; To barter goods and sell our coconuts, Then homewards turn our boat of Pulai ; Beach we it then, and o'erhaul it thoroughly, — Sell to a Chinaman for a hundred dollars !

The Fish-trap.

Tm^, ting, hat ! that's the small-waisted Fish-trap !

The trap that was made by Mamat Alang,

The trap that is set in the river yonder

For the fish, the scale-clad fish, to enter.

Fish so many and fish so various !

The ' tapah ' ^ fish, and the fish ' sabarau,'

The ''ruan' fish, and the fish called 'bujor,'

The ' lembat ' fish, and the fish 'pepuyuh,'

May all of them enter the small-waisted Fish-trap.

Bear them home, throw them down on the hut-floor,

And slice them up, these fish so many ;

Stew them and cook them ver}- verj- carefully.

And when you have cooked them, call your comrades.

And give to each his equal portion.

And when your belly is gorged with eating,

Rise to your feet, O Mamat Solong,

And drum on the long floor of the Balei,

Drum on the broad floor of the Balei,

Big sisters and little are fain to watch you.

That is our rite of the small-waisted Fish-trap.

Children's Bathing Song.

Go, little people, go a- bathing. So may you cool your heated bodies, So may you cleanse your little bodies, And rub with care your little bodies, And leave no stain on your little bodies ; Then haste back home and take your hair-combs, Take your combs and comb your tresses. Comb them until they be smooth and glossy — Such is the way at small folk's bathing. Go, little people, into the Balei. Creak-creak ! there sounds the floor of the Bale The long-floored Balei, the broad-floored Balei. For all the women are fain to watch you Dance, little folk, within the Balei. And fruits be plenteous, the season plenteous, Fruits be plenteous, fruits that are various. Every day shall be frui* in plenty, Every month shall be fruit in plenty, Ever}' year shall be fruit in plenty. Go not back from the solemn promise, . From the rites that within the book are written. Fruit . . . fruit, fruit, fruit, fruit !

^ Of these six fish I have only been able to find record of two as being identified, the 'sabarau,' probably = Z,a/£t> boggit, and the ' 'ruan ' or 'aruan' = Ophiocephalus punctatus.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF SELANGOR 163

Such is the custom of jungle-dwellers,

Our custom when we with drink make merry.

The Bangkong Fruit. ^

Hong Kau Barak Hong!

Thus we pluck the Bangkong.^

Reach for them, Father Tunang.

Reach for them, Father Sayang.

Reach for them. Father Odong.

Thus we pluck the Bangkong.

We pluck the ' Bangkong kudes,'

We pluck the ' Bangkong kateb,'

We pluck the ' Bangkong mengoh,'

We pluck the ' Bangkong palas.'

Go forth, O Father Odong.

Go forth, O Father Tunang.

Go forth, O Father Sayang.

Go forth and pluck the Bangkong.

Now we've got the Bangkong,

Haste we to bear them homewards,

And call to Mother Tunang

[And call to Mother Odong,

And call to Mother Sayang]

To haste and split the Bangkong.

Take a chip-edged rice-pot —

That's to boil the Bangkong, —

Don your palm-leaf tassels.

And follow, follow homewards,

Follow us. Friend Gentoi, ^

And wave your palm-leaf tassels.^

I wave them round, I wave them,

I wave the sprays a little.

The holy Basil's planted

Within a hollow tree-trunk ;

If Love desert the body

It then remaineth lonely,

And what remaineth further ?

'Tis our grandparents' custom

That all the younger people

Make merry in the Balei ;

All, all, both men and women,

'Tis our grandparents' custom,

And that of Mother Kalis,

For sharp was Mother Kalis,

Yea, sharp — and very stupid,

Stupid was Mother Geboi.

Rejoice then in the Balei,

And what remaineth further

For all now go rejoicing

For joy that fruits are plenteous.

For a season that is plenteous ;

1 This song in the original is of a different metre to all the preceding ones, having but three beats to the line, as in the translation.

2 ' Bangkong,' a wild fruit-tree, unidentified. ^ I.e. the tassels or bunches worn in dancing.

i64 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

Though many are our people, Yet fruitful are our rice-fields, And fruitful all our fruit-trees. Then tread we all and trample, And drum upon the Hall-floor, The Hall-floor made of Bertam, Of Bertam. \Miat remains else .'' And what shall we do further ? To-morrow still be plenteous, Be plenteous all our fruit trees ! He-e-e-e !

The following song, in irregular metre, exhibits other moods — the first part is pathetic, the second joyful : —

The Song of the Sick Child.

Expanded are the buds of the * bharu,' ^

And thick and ever thicker grows the ' tembesu ' 2 blossom

Give no thought more to me, ah Granny :

Cast me away, me the outcast !

Make no more mention of me, ah Granny !

Nought but the fruit-calyx is left, ah Granny !

Nought but the print of my hands is left, ah Granny !

Nought but the print of my feet is left, ah Granny !

Nought is left me but to sing my chant, ah Granny !

My heart yearns for the Hills, ah Granny !

Hearken to my chant in the hut, ah Granny !

I will get me up and go. Granny, wrap up my rice-bundle,

I will roam the forest and snare me wild-birds !

Lo, I have set my snares but have caught nothing, ah Granny !

I have nothing to hope for, ah Granny !

Your child is not strong enough to climb aloft, ah Granny !

I have brought my wallet, but even its cords are broken, ah Granny !

Lo, I have picked up a Hornbill and brought it home,

'Tis a fat bird and a heavy one, oh Granny !

Now I am home again, cook me the Hornbill, oh Granny !

And partake of the Hornbill, oh Granny !

And give to each one a little portion.

Go a-cra-ing no more for the Hornbill's flesh, oh Granny I

But partake of the Hornbill, oh Granny !

Come and partake, oh little sisters and big ones, brothers- and sisters-in-law.

The Besisi Trumba.

A song of a very different sort was the Besisi Trumba or Song of Tribal Origin, which has a special

1 ' Bharu,' Hibiscus tiliaceus Linn. {Malvacets), a common sea-shore tree. ^ ' Tembesu,' Fagrcea fragrans Roxb. {Leguminosm).

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALA YS OF SELANGOR 165

interest of its own as representing an attempt on the part of this race of jungle-dwellers to keep some sort of record of their history.

The Besisi who gave it me was an old man named Bedoh, of Sepang Kechil. Part of this Trumba at least seems to preserve the traditions of old tribal boundaries, and I believe it really supplies the clue to the long strings of (generally contiguous) place-names that are so often described as occurring in the songs of the Semang and Perak Sakai. The following version is a little freer than that given elsewhere in this book : —

Besisi Song of Tribal Origin.

From Gobang Gubin,^ from ' Buluh Bohal,'

From the land of Jati,^ to the land of Endau,^

We came to the land of Johor the ancient,

To Tengki-tengkel and olden Jeram.

At Naning-naneng •• dwelt chieftain Baruis,*

And chieftain Banggai ^ at the hill of Nuang.

At Boatpole Hill " and the Hill of the Elephant

Dwelt chieftains Mara, Barai, Suntai.

Then chieftain Galang * came down from inland,

^ ' Gobang Gubin ' is very obscure. ^ ' Tanah Hendau ' is the district of

One explanation given me by the Besisi the Endau river (on the borders of

was that it stood for " lobang Gubin Pahang and Johor).

di - buluh Bohal," i.e. the hole of * 'Naning' is the district of that name

' Gubin ' in the Bamboo of Bohal, this near Malacca, best known from two

latter being explained as referring to the (British) punitive expeditions which

(mythical) giant Bamboo from which were sent against it, the first of which

the founder of the race miraculously proved abortive.

issued, and which apparently gave its ^ tg^tin Baruis' ( = Xewbold's 'Batin

name to part of the insignia of the Breyk ') is here mentioned as the

Jakun chiefs. A further explanation founder of the Naning tribes.

was that ' Gubin ' meant a dog, as in- ^ 'Batin Banggai' is locally famous as

deed it does in the Blandas dialect of the founder of that branch of the Besisi

Selangor, and that the passage there- tribe that dwelt near Sepang Kechil

fore meant ' The Dog's Hole in the in Selangor. We here learn that he

Ancestral Bamboo,' in which case the came from Bukit Nuang or Benuang, a

explanation doubtless rests upon the hill near the headwaters of the Labu,

traditions which connect the dog with an important tributary of the Langat.

the mythical ancestor. It is probably 7 igukit Galah' was said to have taken

a place-name, either of some place in its name from a boat-pole near its foot,

the south of the Peninsula or Sumatra. to which the Chinese used to moor

For this song see also notes to App. their boats ' when the sea washed the

2 'Tanah Jati ' is a place-name, base of the hill,' now far inland,

though I cannot say where it is. * 'Batin Galang,' i.e. B. Merak

1 66

MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS

PART III

And pushed to the sea, and made the Sea-Folk,

And the Sea-Folk grew into the Pirates.

The Coco-palm chief dwelt at Selayan.i

The Betel-palm chief dwelt at Selayan,

With Cherteng, Perting,- Tagun,^ Brego,*

And the ' Watcher's-Stump ' ^ on the Upper Langat,

With Ching,6 Beranang," Pejam, Gebok,*

The Hanging Langkap-palm,^ Bangkong Menggoh/"

The Ivory Bangkong, Kechau, Lang-lang.i'

Galang, was a well-known Jakun chief frequently mentioned in tradition. He was said to be a son of Moyang Siamang. [Merak has been conjectured to be the old Cambodian title Preah (Brah).]

• ' Selayan,' v. I. " Sarayon.' This is obscure. Selayan (? Selayang) is the name of a place, possibly an abbreviation of Pantei Layang-layang, a Jakun settlement in the same district, ' Batin ' dropping out owing to its similarity to the word ' Batang. ' Or it may well be that we have here a reference to the two chiefs (Batin Gomok and Batin Mahabut) who are connected with the legend of the poisonous coco-palm and the betel-palm of Bukit Nuang and Bukit Galah respectively in this veiy neighbourhood (cp. i. 687, n. i).

• ' Cherteng ' and ' Perting ' (or ' Pateng' ) are names of places on the Ulu Langat River. Pateng is no doubt the same as Perting, a name which has been given to several rivers in various parts of the Peninsula.

3 ' Tagun ' was said to have been the name of a Batin in Ulu Klang, but if so, it here refers to a river which was named after him— no doubt the Tarun, near Bergul, on the Selangor-S.U. frontier.

• ' Bregd ' was explained to me as = 'Batu Ber-grak,'or the 'Rocking Stone,' the name of a rock in Ulu Klang ; but I think erroneously. It is probably a place called Bergul or Bregul in Ulu Langat, for which see n. 3, above.

^ ' Tunggul Si Jaga,' the ' Stump of the Watcher,' was the name of a stump in a commanding position, near the River Langat (a little above Subang Hilang), from which a look-out used to be kept by pirates in the days when they infested the Langat River. The spot is still well known.

• ' Ching ' is the name of a small

stream flowing into the Langat near the mouth of the Beranang. It was said to be short for ' Kuching ' or the ' Cat,' and that the name was given in conjunction with that of 'Beranang,' or 'the Swimmer ' ; the two streams getting their respective appellations from a cat that once swam across there. This story, however, is no doubt a plausible piece of popular etymology.

' The ' Beranang ' is a well-known tributarj- of the Upper Langat, giving its name to a portion of the district.

• ' Pejam ' or ' Batang Pejam ' and
• Gebok ' (or Ribok) are said to be the names of two small streams near Selul, a place in S. Ujong territory quite near the Selangor frontier. The first is beyond Setul, the second just below it

(3 m-)-

3 ' Langkap Berjuntei. ' The ' Pendulous Langkap '-palm, a spot a long way up the Langat River.

If* ' Bangkong Gadeng.' There are two or three spots connected with various kinds of Bangkong, which is a kind of wild 'chempedak' fruit — (i) Bangkong Menggoh,or the placeofthe 'Bangkong Menggoh' fruit ; (2) Bangkong Gadeng, the place of the ' White (//V. Ivory) Bangkong' fruit, near Bukit Tonggoh, at K. Labu ; (3) Tegar-Bangkong (or Tegabangkong), the ' Bangkong Rapids.'

11 'Kechau, Lang-lang.' According to one version these two place-names were ilso given in conjunction = Kachau 'Lang-'lang or the ' Place of the Quarrelling Kites.' This explanation, how- ever, is no better than the Kuching and Beranang one, Kechau and Lang-lang being the names of two streams in the Ulu Langat district, the latter now better known as Sungei Lalang or ' Jungle - grass River,' though it was formerly known as Lang-lang.

SA VAGE MALA YS OF SELANGOR

The Rock of Jamun, Rock of Lalau,i

Pra' Charek, and Rock Bergentel/-'

From the Lace-bark Merbau,^ we reached the Lake-side,

The Swaying Bees'-nest, the Brooding Bertam,*

The Mango-tree Pass, and Palm-wood Flooring,*

And passed to the Halting-place Umbrageous,^

To the hills of the Halting-place Precipitous,^

To the Headland of the Leaf-clad Boulder.*

Who was it made the land Semujong ?

Sister Nyai Techap and Gaffer Klambu ^

Together made the land Semujong.

They who donned the ' round coat,' "^ became retainers,

And mixed with strangers, Malays of Rerabau :

They who donned the 'split coat,' speak ' Besisi.'

1 ' Batu Jamun ' and ' Batu Lalau ' are the names of two inaccessible ' peaks ' among the hills of Ulu Klang ; cp. the lines 'Ada chengkuoi di-atas Bukit, Batu Lalau di-ulu Klang,' 2'. e. 'There grows the Love-plant upon the hills. At Lalau Rock in Ulu Klang.'

2 ' Pra' Charek,' the name of a hill, said to be near Ulu Tekar. A somewhat similar name, Pra' Lantei, is that of a Besisi settlement on the right bank of the Klang River, quite near the town of Klang. ' Batu Bergentel ' means Elephant Rock, locality uncertain, but probably in Ulu Klang.

^ ' Merbau Ber-subang ' or ' Merbau Karawang.' There seems to be a spot called Merbau Ber-subang (the Pierced Merbau Tree) as well as one called Merbau Karawang (the Merbau -tree with the laced bark), both near the banks of the Pejam, already referred to. Sometimes one form is used in this context, sometimes the other.

• ' Lebah Bergoyang,' the ' Swaying Bees'-nest,' said to be the name of a spot where a bees'-nest, depending from the branch of a tree, swayed miraculously to and fro without even a wind to rock it. ' Bertam Tenung. ' Name of a place called after a solitary (lit. ' brooding ') Bertam - palm, locality uncertain.

• ' Ginting Pauh.' "Wild Mangotree Divide," and Lantei Nibong are said to be near Bangik, on the Upper Langat, not far from P'rentian Rimpun.

^ ' P'rentian Rimpun ' is given as in the Ulu Semunyih, not far from S. Lalang (in Ulu Langat district), and

said to be a point on the S. Ujong boundary.

^ ' P'rentian Tinggi. ' Described as on the boundary between Rembau and S. Ujong (?). There are, however, several places of the name, and it is said to be one name for the Ginting Bidei Pass from Selangor into Pahang.

• ' Tanjong Batu Berdaun ' is described as being in Malacca territory.

^ 'AdekBer-techap.' A better reading is Nyai Techap (or Tichap), Nyai being an old Malayan title (now obsolete) which was applied to respectable women. Nyai Techap was the younger sister of the Mosquito-net Chief (To' Klambu), the latter of whom ' now lives at Durian Chabang Tiga, beyond Rahang ' ; Nyai Techap herself resided near Pantei Layang-Layang, or ' Swallow Beach ' (? = Selayan or Selayang), which is now the residence of the To' Klana of S. Ujong.

i*^ ' Round coat. ' This seems to be a Jakun nickname for the undivided coat, i.e. a loose jacket with the opening a very short way down the front, just enough to admit of the garment being easily put on and off. The ' Baju blah ' or divided jacket, on the other hand, is one which is divided all the way down the front. Evidently the legend here refers to the different costumes of two separate Malay tribes whose customs they severally borrowed, possibly those who followed the customs of the Temenggong and Perpati respectively.

The Besisi to this day wear the divided jacket commonly worn by the Malays of Selangor and Malacca (who

1 68 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

The songs hitherto given are more or less definite compositions recognised by all the members of the tribe ; ^ I will now give a specimen of what I believe to have been an actual improvisation, and which certainly possessed no recognisable metre : —

Song of the Monkey-hunters.

Go now forth into the forest,

Taking with you a blowpipe,

A poison-case, and seven darts,

For shooting young coconut-monkeys.

One has been shot, struck to the heart.

And has fallen to the ground.

Cut a creeper wherewith to bind it.

Bind it on to your back and carry it home.

On reaching home, singe oft its fur.

And poke off its skin.

Quarter it and give a portion to everybody,

And go craving for cooked meat no longer.

Put not in the ' asam kelubi ' fruits, for they are poisonous,

Put in ' kulim ' leaves, turmeric, ginger,

' Kayu-k'lat ' leaves, and spices, and ' kesom. '

Take a rice-spoon and skim off into a palm-leaf.

And let eveiy one eat together, each taking a little.

And go craving for the coconut-monkey's flesh no longer.

After eating your fill, rise and get cigarettes.

And when you have finished them, lie down and rest.

And when you have rested, sleep.

Mantra. — We are informed by Logan that the musical instruments used by the Mantra were the ' salong,' - and the bamboo ' guitar ' or ' keranting.' ^

The tambourine (' rebana ') and drum (' gendang ') were, however, also employed by them, and their only

were certainly in the main a colony from interpolations and omissions, and also

the Rio-Lingga (Johor) region, whereas occasionally by alteration in the order

the N. Sembilan, Naning, and Rembau ^f the lines, the general tenor and

Malays came over directly from Suma- lorm of these songs does not appreciably

tra (Menangkabau, etc.). vary.

'Juanda' (retainers) is a Jakun per- - 5'«V=' suling' (?).

version of Mai. Beduanda, which is to ^ On this latter instrument, Mr.

this day the name given to the mixed Blagden informs me, a special tune

descendants of the Malays and the was played by the Mantra of Malacca

Jakun in the state of Rembau, the to attract their game. Similarly the

tradition being thus amply corrobor- Jew's harp ('rengoin') was used for

ated. imitating the note of the ' chebau '

• Although somewhat modified by bird.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MA LAVS OF MALACCA 169

resource, when troubled in mind, was to comfort themselves by singing.^

But by far the best and most complete account of a Mantra festival is that given by Logan, who tells us that, at these feasts, a large Balei having been constructed, and abundance of Tampoi wine^ prepared, all the members of the tribe from the whole country round were invited, — all the families under one particular Batin being the feast-givers. A string made of rattan or some similar material, with knots tied in it to indicate the number of days assigned to the feast, was sent to each of the other Batins. Each of these Batins then assembled all his own people, men, women, and children, who repaired in their best clothes to the place of the feast. If any Batin failed to attend, he incurred a fine of twenty rupees.^ The Penglima received them at the door of his Balei or Hall with a cup of Tampoi wine, and took from them their spears and other weapons. They then entered the Balei, and danced round it thrice with their arms akimbo, after which they sat down and partook of betel - leaf A meal of rice, yams, and the flesh of wild hogs, monkeys, fish, coconuts, etc., was then served. When this banquet was over the Tampoi wine was again brought forward, and all partook freely of it, with the exception of children under six or seven years of age. Dancing then commenced, and was kept up all night, and often to the middle of next day, those who were exhausted lying down to sleep in the Balei, husband and wife together. During the dance they were cheered with the music of tambourines, drums, and flutes. The

1 /. /. A. vol. i. p. 330*. ^ The fermented juice of the fruit of the Tampoi tree. ^ Sic, qtoEre 'dollars.'

I70 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

women danced together in the centre of the Balei, each grasping the arm of her neighbour, and the men danced round them. One of the men sang or chanted a stanza, generally impromptu, and one of the women answered. The dancing consisted of a peculiar shuffling and stamping of the feet, and the only noticeable difference between that of the men and the women was that the latter kept swaying the hips to and fro at every step. An abundance of sugar-canes and plantains were hung round the Balei, and every one helped himself when he chose. These feasts were kept up for weeks, and even for months, and, in fact, only came to an end when the supply of Tampoi wine failed. Guests came and went while it lasted. Parties daily repaired to the forest in search of game and fruits. During the Tampoi feast many matches were made, and as little negotiation, and less ceremony, was needed, it sometimes happened that a pair who had no thought of marriage in the morning, found themselves at night reposing side by side in the chains of wedlock, while the dance and song were kept up beside them.^

M. Borie adds, that the favourite instrument among the Mantra women was a sort of guitar called 'k'ranti,' and which, in practised hands, gave forth sweet and varied music." They also play the (Malay) violin.^

But no account of the musical instruments of the Mantra would be complete without some mention of the ingenious ' .^olian bamboos,' already mentioned in the account of the Besisi. On this point M. Borie says, that the month of January was the one

^ y. /. A. vol. i. pp. 260, 261. ^ A/isc. Ess. rel. Indo- China, sec.

2 Borie (tr. Bourien), pp. 79, 80. ser. vol. i. p. 294.

S/.eaf L'olUction.

Modp:l made fur me by a Besisi Chief to u.lustrate the Songs,

and in that respect perhaps unique, representing the pursuit of game (hornbills, pigeons, monkeys, etc.), by Besisi with the blowpipe. The man on the right is supposed to be using the blowpipe, and the man on the left to be climbing a tree after a wounded bird or monkey. (See Besisi Songs, pp. 147 ct scq.)

Vol. II. />. 1 70

Group of Abokigines with Fiddlks, Chabal', Malacca.

The man in the centre is the Malay Penghulu of the village.

Bland.

Bland. GrOUI' ok .ABORIGINE.S WITH FiDDLES, ChARAC, MALACCA.

Pa' Makam (on the left) is the " nenek " {lit. " grandfather ") of the community. Pa' Linggi, with the gun, is a tiger hunter.

Vol. //. /. 171.

CHAP. V SAVAGE MALAYS OF MALACCA 171

in which the Mantra gave themselves up to the enjoyment of music. At that season the wind blows strongly, and the Mantra would place on the tops of the highest trees in the forests long bamboos with holes of different size between the nodes, so that the wind passing over these holes might produce musical sounds of various tones. The stronger the wind, and the larger the bamboo, the louder was the music. At other times they would make a kind of fife, with small pipes of bamboo, which they would also place on the tops of the trees, after the manner of a weather-cock.^

M. Borie adds that on their days of rejoicing (after sowing or gathering in the rice), a festival would be given, at which, after the banquet, two men, armed with long wooden swords, would engage in mock fight ; advancing, retiring, thrusting, parrying, and making the most ludicrous gestures and contortions At other times they would simulate a hunt of monkeys."

Jakun of Johor. — The Jakun had some knowledge of music. They had several songs which they had received from their ancestors, or which they had made themselves, entirely by the ear, for they had not the remotest idea of any musical notation. These songs of theirs were generally rude, and agreed perfectly with the austere aspect of their habitations ; they might even, too, be heard singing in a melancholy tone during the night. But these songs, though rude, were not altogether disagreeable to European ears, if the latter were not too delicate. It was surprising to find that though they were entirely

1 Borie (tr. Bourien), pp. 79, 80 ; cp. Misc. Ess. re/. Indo-China, sec. ser. vol. i. pp. 293-294. - Ibid.

172 MUSIC, SONGS, AND FEASTS part hi

ignorant of European music, which they had never heard, yet, in a great many of their songs, they proceeded by thirds and fifths, assuredly without being aware of it, but guided only by the ear ; a fact which confirms the opinion of those European musicians who hold that the third, the fifth, and the octave are found in nature itself. Some authors speak of a kind of violin, and of a rude flute used by the Jakun, who also use two kinds of drum resembling those of the Peninsular Malays.^

Orang Laut or Sea-Jakun.

0. Laut Akik. — The only remark that I have met with in reference to the music of the Sea-Jakun is that of Newbold, who states that the Orang Laut (of the ' Akik ' tribe) were passionately fond of music, especially that of the violin. -

' J. I. A. vol. ii. p. 251. love of and aptitude for music than the

• Newbold, loc. cii. ii. 413, 414. Malays, and that the tunes they play On the above passage Mr. Blagden are more pleasing to the European ear writes me that, "speaking generally,"' than most oriental music. Their tunes he thinks "the Jakun tribes, and would be worth collecting and studyparticularly the M.mtra, have a greater ing."

CHAPTER VI.

Natural Religion and Folk-lore.

The question of the religious beliefs of these races, subjected as they have been to such a fire of crossinfluences, is surrounded by so many difficulties, that I may perhaps be excused for stating these first before setting down my own conclusions. At present the information that we possess on this most intricate of questions is not only very partial and incomplete, but also, in some cases, self-contradictory.

Many discrepancies must, I fear, in the first instance be attributed to ignorance of the value of the scientific terminology which has in recent years grown up around the subject of religion, using that word in its widest sense. Ignorance of this kind often prevents the ordinary untrained observer frorrt recognismg as a God anything that does not exactly correspond to the monotheistic conceptions of Christianity. On the other hand, a no less serious difficulty is created by those who (generally, I am sure, in all good faith) read into their observations the religious ideas by which they are most interested, or who rely upon informants who are simply saying what they think will please. The most remarkable instance of this kind is that of M. Borie (a French Roman Catholic missionary at Malacca), who stated of the Mantra, that " their religious books,

which had long since been lost, appeared to have been in all particulars according to the religion of Raja Brahil (still called by the Malays ' Nabi Isa,' or ' Tuan Isa,' the Lord Jesus)." Raja Brahil, however, which is a corruption of " Raja Jebrail," is in reality the Archangel Gabriel (who is sometimes regarded as the special protector of these tribes), the phrase being borrowed directly from the Malays, and indirectly from Arabic sources. It is also impossible to believe, from what we know of them now, that the Mantra (in spite of M. Borie's ingenious supposition) ever had any religious books, or that they even knew the use of the alphabet, whilst the idea of pronouncing them to be a broken sect of Christians is nothing short of absurd.^ An additional difficulty lies in the extraordinary shyness and timidity common to all the Peninsula races, which in many cases is scarcely surpassed by anything of which we read among savage tribes in other parts of the world.

It is therefore hard to devise any analysis that will show at a glance the state of the case, but I believe when all the evidence is weighed and the errors eliminated, it will be found that generally speaking —

{a) The Semang religion, in spite of its recognition of a "Thunder-god" (Kari) and certain minor "deities," has very little indeed in the way of ceremonial, and appears to consist mainly of mythology and legends. It shows remarkably few traces of demon-worship,

' See Vanhille on " Radja Berail,'" Borneo, and corruptions of words of

{Ind. Gids, 1 902), and compare the Sanskrit origin are also occasionally

Arabic " Firman " (" Decree of God "), found in the Peninsula, e.g. the Jakun

which (say the Malays) takes the "Jewa-jewa" (= Malay " Dewa -

form of "Pirman" or "Pirmal" among dewa"), which is used in the sense

some of these tribes, and the obvious of a minor deity. The tradition of a

"Allah Ta'ala'," mentioned by Mr. lost book is an idea common among

Bellamy. Similar corruptions of the the tribes of Indo-China ; cp. vol. i.

Arabic attributes of Allah occur in pp. 378, 391, 536, and mfra, 347.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 175

very little fear of ghosts of the deceased, and still less of any sort of animistic beliefs.

ib) The Sakai religion, whilst admitting a great quasi - deity, who is known under various names, yet appears to consist almost entirely of demonworship ; this takes the form of the Shamanism so widely spread in south-east Asia, the Shaman or Medicine-man (" hala") being the acknov/ledged link between man and the world of spirits. In the words of Mr. Hale, it is a form of " demon-worship in which demons (Hantu) are prayed to, but not God (Allah)."

[c] The religion of the Jakun is the pagan or pre- Mohammedan (Shamanistic) creed of the Peninsular Malays, with the popular part of whose religion (as distinct from its Mohammedan element) it has much in common. It shows no trace of the tendency to personify abstract ideas found among the Semang, and its deities (if they can be so called) are either quite otiose or a glorified sort of tribal ancestors, round whom miraculous stories have collected. The few elements that it has in common with the Semang religion are no doubt due to cultural contact.

Of this pagan creed J. R. Logan has remarked that there can be little doubt that the Benua have derived their theistic ideas from a Hindu or Islamised race. The basis of their religion and religious practices is Poyangism, in itself a species of milder Shamanism, and this they have united in a very remarkable manner to a mixture of theism and demonism ; the one either of Hindu origin, as is most probable, or borrowed from the Arabs through some partially converted tribe of Malays ; and the other having a considerable resemblance to the primitive allied religions of the Dayaks of Borneo on the one side, and the Bataks of Sumatra

on the other. The mode in which the three systems have been united so as to be amalgamated into a consistent whole is deserving of consideration. Poyangism remains alm^ost unimpared, or rather the Poyang, while assuming the character of priest, and to a certain extent abandoning that of wizard, retains in effect his old position. He still commands the demons by incantations and supplications, and their power rather than his own has been subordinated to the deity. At the same time this idea of an ultimate and supreme creator has not greatly altered their conceptions of the demons. Originally, impersonations of the vital and destructive forces of nature — or the recognition in nature, through the first union of reason and imagination in faith of a spiritual power which animates, destroys, survives, and perpetually renews the visible forms and forces of the world, — their presence was still allowed to fill the sensible ; and nature herself both material and spiritual was subjected to God. That extramundane theism which pervades many higher religions, adapted to the ancient belief, left the demons in the possession of the world, and if it rendered their power derivative instead of self-subsisting, it also entirely excluded men from the presence of the deity. While by his supreme power and omniscience he could control all things, he remained to them a God afar off.^

Similarly amongst the Berembun tribes we recognise a pure Shamanism, with its accompanying charms and talismans ; a living faith fresh from the ancient days of eastern and middle Asia — preserving

^ J. I. A. vol. i. p. 280. As re- in his Introduction and notes to the gards the Indian element, Vaughan- Materialen^ points out all the facts Stevens' editor, Griinwedel (one of the which appear to him to indicate Budgreatest living authorities on Buddhism), dhist mfluence.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 177

its pristine vigour and simplicity even in the present century, — untouched by the Buddhistic deluge which has passed over the vast regions of south - eastern Asia, and has sent so many waves to different parts of the Archipelago, and resisting the pressure of the Islamism which surrounds it.^

The Poyang and Pawang of the various Jakun tribes, the B'lians of the Dayaks, and the Dato' and the Si Basso of the Bataks, are one and all the Shaman, the Priest-medicineman, in different shapes.-

Analysis of Chief Deities of the Three Races. The most important points in the description of the character of the chief god of each of the three races may be stated as follows : —

I. KARI.^

(1) He is of supernatural size and has fiery breath, but is now invisible (?).■*

(2) He is not described as immortal, though a belief of this kind may perhaps

be inferred from the fact of his having existed continuously from before the creation.

(3) He created everything except the earth and mankind, and when Pie had

created the latter Kari gave them souls. ^

(4) If not omniscient, he at least knows whenever men do wrong, and his will

is omnipotent.

(5) He is angered by the commission of certain acts, but sometimes shows

pity and pleads with Pie on man's behalf when the latter (their actual creator) is angry. ^

^ The following remarks by Logan of the Mantra is the primitive heathenapply to the Jakuns in general: — "Here ism of Asia, which, spreading far to I only remark, with reference to the the east and west, was associated with incantations, charms, and other super- the religions of the eldest civilised stitions of the Mantra, that the greater nations, for it flourished in ancient part appear to be essentially native Egypt, before the Hebrews were a [the Arabic portions having been added people, in Greece and Rome, and bids or substituted by Malays] — that is, they fair to outlast Hinduism in many parts have not borrowed from the Hindus or of India" (Logan iny. J. A. vol. i. pp. Arabs, but have assumed their peculiar 329*, 330*, and cp. ibid. pp. 279-282). form from the state in which the tribe ^ J. I. A. vol. i. pp. 282, 283. has existed on the Peninsula from time ^ Another form is " Kare " (" Thunimmemorial, while, in substance, they der "), but V. -Stevens has "Kayee" have been transmitted directly from the ( = " Kayi ").

same common source to which a large * Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 132, 133.

part of the inhabited world must refer '• Ibid. Wj.

its earliest superstitions. The religion ® 'ol. i. p. 421, supra.

VOL. II N

(6) He is the supreme judge of souls, and as he is the giver of life, has how-

ever also to destroy it. \Vhen he is angr)' he slaj-s men by means ot lightning direct,' or by means of a beast called Tinjui.

(7) This, however, appears to be of very rare occurrence, as he usually leaves

the killing to be done by his messengers. -

(8) He requires at intervals the sacrifice of blood,^ but does not, however,

make any use of it. For the offering of this sacrifice a form of address is prescribed, though this is the only direct example of any sort of prayer being addressed to him.

(9) His servants are .Sentiu and Chini^ (which pace Vaughan- Stevens may

possibly = Chin-oi), " Ta' Ponn " and "Minang."^

To .sum up, Kari possesses many attributes usually ascribed to a deity, but since he lacks (with one doubtful exception) an actual cult, it would perhaps be best to regard him as a mythological person, analogous to the patron saints of Europe.

Of Pie much less is known than of Kari, Pie was, however, the creator of the earth (under Kari's direction), as well as the first actual creator of the human race (as represented by the Semang), on whose behalf he pleads with Kari when the latter is angry. Unlike Kari, Pie has no acknowledged form of cult whatever, unless perhaps we may recognise in the story of the woman who when a tree was falling upon her shrieked to Pie to save her, some faint reminiscence of a cult that has long ceased to exist. In addition to the foregoing there are several other great spirits of whom the chief are Ta' Ponn and Minang.

n, TUHAN.

An analysis of the character of the Sakai " God " under his various names (Tuhan, Pirman, or Peng),'' shows that he occupies very much the same place in

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 117. "God" of the Andamanese (Man's

2 Vol. i. p. 421 supra. And. p. 89 seq.).

3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107-109. ^ "Peng" — sic Vaughan-Stevens. ■* Ibid. pp. 132, 133. It may be doubted whether the first ^ For this whole description cp. two names at least are not rather of

Man's description of Puluga, the Malay or Malayo-Arabic origin.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 179

the Sakai cosmogony as is occupied by Kari and Pie in that of the Semang.

(1) He is of supernatural size and invisible (?).

(2) He is immortal (?).

(3) He is not definitely mentioned as the creator, but presides over the

existing universe, having the power of life and death over the human race and the spiritual world alike ; ' he appears as the champion of man against both demons and wild beasts. -

(4) No statement is made as to his omniscience, except that he invariably

knows when man does wrong.

(5) He is angered at the commission of certain acts ("the Sakai think they

must have done wrong before he lets the demons attack them "), but may also show mercy. ^

(6) He is the supreme and final judge of souls (Granny Long-breasts applying

the preliminary test by washing the souls in hot water).'' He alone has power either to grant life or refuse it both to man and demon.

(7) His punishments are inflicted l)y means of his agents, the demons.^ Man

is described as appealing to Tuhan for help in difficulties.

HI. TUHAN DI-BA\VAH.

The more advanced in civiHsation the tribes with whom we have to deal, and the closer their connection in particular with the Malays, the harder becomes the task of eliciting from them any definite statements with regard to their own belief in a deity. For by far the most part of the Jakun tribes when questioned upon this subject are accustomed to reply that there is a God whose name they give as " Tuhan " or " Tuhan Allah," the God of their Mohammedan neighbours the Malays, Among the Mantra, however, and doubtless among other Jakun tribes, if the matter were more thoroughly investigated, there does undoubtedly exist a belief, shadowy though it be, in a deity, and this independently of Arabic sources. There are in fact, as among the Semang, traces of a dualistic system, wherein two great mythological powers are

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 131. This precludes the drawing of a hard-and-

account and the name "Gendui Lanjut " fast line between the races in his case, are Malayan (Jakun) in character, but the - /^/a'. p. 163.

general lack of precision and the mixed "^ Ibid. pp. 130, 131. * Ibid.

nature of Vaughan-Stevens' material, ^ Ibid. p. 131.

which in more than one case is admitted, ^ I.e. "Lord of the Lower World."

i8o NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part in

recognised, a Lord of the Upper and a Lord of the Lower World. It is the latter to whom the creation of the earth is attributed, and who intervenes to protect mankind from the starvation consequent upon their own over- rapid increase, a result which he eventually achieves by the creation of Death.

Summary.

To sum up, it is evident that the deities recognised by these three races do not by any means adequately fulfil the common definitions of deity ; for to take the test of " worship " alone, the only one of the three religions apparently possessing anything approaching a form of prayer addressed to a deity is the Semang, and even this only happens in a single instance (that of the Thunder- charm addressed to Kari). There is a tradition, but no proof, of an appeal to Tuhan on the part of the Sakai, but of prayers addressed either to Allah or Tuhan Di-bawah on the part of the Jakun there is hardly even the tradition. Yet there does not appear to be any reasonable doubt that three of these great spirits (at least Kari and Pie and possibly Tuhan Di-bawah) may, in consideration of the wideness of the gulf that separates them from the lesser spirits and demons (who are always dependent on and are in one case at least actually described as being created by them), be dignified (otiose though they are) by the higher title of Gods. But taking into account the effect of cultural influences, the most probable explanation of the present state of things may perhaps lie in the fact that the pressure of alien religions introduced by more strenuous races has driven the old heathen religion into the background, and that where

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS i8i

it has partially at least stood its ground, it has been first neutralised and then welded into one with the pervading elements of Hinduism and Islam. There have no doubt been other contributory causes ; there may even have been a general tendency, as amongst many other races, to increase indefinitely the number of spirits who might be invoked, in the hope of obtaining more powerful succour, but in the medley of races that have gone to fill the Malay Peninsula, the former cause has probably been the more important.

Analysis of Chief Spirits and Demons.

We now come to the question of demonology, in which the souls or ghosts of the deceased still play a considerable part, since both the Sakai and Jakun are in the habit of deserting their encampments, and even in some cases their standing crops, upon the occurrence of a death from any violent sickness, so great is their terror lest the ghosts of the deceased should prey upon their own living bodies.

In this respect there is a wide gulf between the religion of these two races and that of the Semang. Among the latter demonology takes such a very mild form that it might be practically non-existent for all the effect that it has upon their movements. Vaughan- Stevens indeed declares in more than one passage, that the Semang do not believe in spirits at all, and though such a statement goes beyond the truth, it may at all events be safely said that the Semang very rarely allow themselves to be terrified by them.

In the following table an attempt is made to classify the spirits and demons of all three races according to their nature and origin : —

1 82

NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

Classification.

Semang.

Sakai.

Jakun.

I. Nature-spirits —

(a) Atmosphere -

Kari and Pie and

Rain-spirits [V.-St.

Bes. — Jin Saribu, or

spirits —

their servants [V.-

ii- 135]-

the Thousand Demons

(l) Sky-spirits.

St.].

(Mai.) [W.S.].

(2) Wind-spirits.

Ta' P5nn [W.S.].

Jin Angin or Wind-

Bes. — Jin Angin, the

Demon

Wind - demon ( Mai. )

[Hale, 300].

[W.S.].

(3) Sun-spirit [sic).

Jin Maktok [Swett].

Heat-spirits Ijbid.^.

{h) Earth-spirits —

(i) Spirits of the

Ya' Takell [W.S.].

(not specified)

Bes. — ^Jin Sarapat, or

soil.

[Hale, 300 ; V.-St.

the Garotting Demon

ii- 135]-

(Mai.) [W.S.].

(2) Spirits of hills

(kind not specified)

Lake-spirits [V.-St.

and moun-

[Swett].

ihid.\

tains.

(3) Spirits of the

I. H. Siburu [V.-

I. Bes. — H. Siburu, or

swamps.

St, ii. 135].

the Demon Huntsman (Mai.) [W.S.].

2. H. Tinggi [V.-

2. Bes. — H. Tinggi, or

St, ii. 135].

the Tall Demon (Mai.) [W.S.].

3. H. Baunan [V.-

3. Bes. — Orang Bunyan

St, ii. 135].!

[W.S.], also connected with shrines in different places [W.S.].

(4) Spirits of the

(not specified)

Stone-spirits [V.-St.

forest.

[Swett].

ibid.\

(5) Tree-spirits.

Disease-spirits em-

" Each tree has its

I. Bes. — H. Gharu, or

bodied in trees.

special variety of

the Eaglewood Demon

[W.S.].

demon (Hantu)"

(Mai.) [W.S.].

[V.-St. ii. 135].

2. Bes. — H. Kapor, or the Camphor Demon (Mai.) [W.S.].

3. Bes. — H. Getah, or the Gutta Demon (Mai.) [W.S.].

(6) Crop-spirits.

(not recorded.)

H. Juling or the Squinting Demon (Mai.) [V.-St.

^ ii. 135, 152].

(not recorded.)

(7) Fire-spirits.

As shown by alleged

See Heat - spirits.

(not recorded.)

fire -taboos

supra.

[W.S.; cp. Swett].

(8) Water-spirits.

(not specified)

(not specified)

Bes. — H. Sungei, or '

[Swett].

[Hale, 300].

' ' River Demon " ( Mai. ) [W.S.].

I

' Sic ? Bunyan. It may be questioned whether these spirits of 'aughan- Stevens are not rather Malayan, as their names appear to show. On the other hand, in several cases they agree with those recorded by Hale, who writes of undoubted Sakai.

GENERAL REMARKS

X83

Classification.

Semang.

Sakai

Jakun.

II. Man-spirits — (a) Birth-demons.

(not recorded.)

Jin Mati-Anak. [V.-St. ii. 145].

1. BeS. — Jin Kuwak (harmless) [W.S.].

2. Bes. — JinMatiAnak, or the Still-birth Demon

{b) Demonsof sinful lusts (of the dead, etc.)

(not recorded.)

I. 2.

Gambling-demon [Hale, 301]. Opium - demon

(Mai.) (deadly) [W.S.]. 3. Bes. — H. Langhwe (Mai.) (deadly) [W.S.]. (not recorded.)

3-

4-

[Hale, 301].

Quarrelling-demon

[Hale, 301].

H.Kubur [V.-St.

132]-

4. Bes. — H. Kubur, or the Tombs - Demon

(f) Demons of sickness and discomfort.

(not recorded.)

I.

J 2.

3-

(of fatigue) H. emoi [V.-St. 135]. (of headache)

[Hale, 301]. (of stomach-ache)

(Mai.) [W.S.].

1. (?)

2. Bes. — H. Kembang Buah (Mai.) [W.S.].

3. Bes. — Jin Grotak

[d) Ghosts of the dead.

Pang. — Ghosts of the dead become

4- 5-

I

[Hale, 301]. (of mosquitoes)

[Hale, 301]. (of fever, elephantiasis, ulcers, and rheumatism)

[V.St. 135]. Hantu Degup [V.-St. 132].

(Mai.) [W.S.].

Storm- or Water-

" Lost souls ex-

2. Bes. — Hantu Kemuk

spirits [W.S.].

pelled by G. Lany ut work upon the living through the agency of rain, heat, in mountains and lakes, rocks and trees " [V.-St. ii. 135].

(Mai.) [W.S.].

Myths.

Creation of Man.

In some cases the Semang and Jakun legends bearing on the creation of man show a common impress, which is probably mainly due to the same " savage-Malay " element, of which there are such abundant traces in the dialects of both races. Among

both races, for instance, we find the idea that man at first multiplied so fast as to make the earth too crowded. Kari the Thunder-god (in the Semang story) slays them with his fiery breath, and thus reduces the number of mouths to be fed. In the Jakun legend, on the other hand, Tuhan Di-bawah, the Lord of the Underworld, turns half of them into trees for the same purpose. In both stories this check to the population proves insufficient, and Death is accordingly instituted by way of relief. By both races the same proverb is worked into the argument, viz., that it is better for the parents of each generation to die "like the Banana-tree," leaving their children behind them, than to have them increasing continually like the stars of the sky for multitude, as they are supposed to have done before the institution of Death.

This particular creation -legend is one of great interest, as it may possibly contain certain elements of real Semang mythology disseminated among the Jakun of Johor by the Semang tribes now largely absorbed by the Jakun in the south of the Peninsula. It is at all events interesting to note that, as far as the evidence of our records goes, the Semang are in the habit of personifying abstract ideas, such as Death, Hunger, Disease, and so forth, but that the pure-bred Jakuns {i.e. Malayans) are not. The racial factor in the two types of legend is in fact so different, that if only a sufficiently large number of both kinds could be collected, I am confident they could as a rule be separated without much difficulty.

A few legends will of course always be difficult to classify, and amongst these may perhaps be included the Jakun story that the mother of the first pair of men (Mertang and Belo) was called " Clod of Earth"

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 185

(" Tanah Sa-kepal "), and their father " Drop of Water" (" Ayer Sa-titek "), of which all that we can say is that it seems to have originated in some story to the effect that the first parents of the human race were formed from clay.

Ostensibly Semang, on the other hand, is the legend that Kari created everything but man, whose creation he desired Pie to effect, and that when Pie had done so, Kari himself gave them souls. The Semang story of the dialogue between the baboon and the first parents of the human race may quite possibly be distantly connected with the widely prevalent Jakun legend ascribing the origin of mankind to a pair of white apes.

Another interesting legend on the same subject was the Land-Jakun (Mantra) myth that in the early days of the world man did not die, but grew thin with the waning of the moon, and waxed fat as she neared the full.^

In yet other Jakun stories, which however are probably, in the main at least, of Malayan origin, the founder of the race is described as a person who " fell from heaven," or who was discovered in some miraculous way, e.g. in the interior of the stem of a giant bamboo.

Before quitting this subject, I may perhaps mention the Jakun references to miraculous forms of birth, such as the Mantra tradition of a certain race of Demons (" Setan ") whose children instead of being born in the ordinary way, were "pulled out of the pit of the stomach." Akin to this was the Jakun legend of the first woman " whose children were produced out of the calves of her legs."

1 /. A'. A. S. No. 10, p. 190.

i86 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part iir

World- Cataclysms.

The same remarkable parallelism that we found in their legends of the creation appears in other Semang and Jakun traditions of floods, which though at first sight might be thought to be Deluge-legends, may be more correctly classed as myths of the "origin of the sea " type. According to the Semang legend of the Rainbow, a great dragon or snake in ancient times broke up the skin of the earth, so that the world was overwhelmed with water. According to the Mantra it was a giant turtle that brought the water up from below through a hole in the ground, from among the roots of a " pulai " tree, thus causing a flood which developed afterwards into the ocean. ^ A Benua account, which is the fullest of the three, refers besides to a kind of vessel in which the first parents of the race are alleged to have effected their escape from drowning. According to the traditions of both Semang and Benua, moreover, it is the mountains that give fixity to the earth's skin.

It is perhaps worth remarking that the various allusions to the destruction caused by fire seem to point to the former prevalence of some myth of an universal conflagration from which the ancestors of mankind escaped with difficulty, and which was more or less analogous to the tradition of the flood."

Natural Phenomena. The firmament or sky, in the opinion of the Semang and the Jakun, is built in three tiers, the two

1 For the Mantra version see p. 339, Moon - Man's nooses and impending

infra. The Benua version (p. 356) fall of the sky-pot of the Mantra (319,

ascribes the breaking up of the skin of ii'f>a), the hatching of the stone eggs

the earth, and the consequent deluge of the Sakai World-eagle (237, infra),

which ensued, to Pirman, i.e. Tuhan. and perhaps the Man v. Demon battle

•' Of Last-Day beliefs, we have the of the Tembeh (App. ).

GENERAL REMARKS 187

upper tiers, which are regarded as the Paradise of the blest, being filled with wild fruit-trees, whilst the third or lowest tier contains the low and brooding clouds ^ that bring sickness to mankind.

All three races have versions of the widely-spread tradition of the Paradise-bridge, which leads across a boiling lake into which the souls of the wicked are precipitated."

The entrances of heaven and hell (according to the Semang legends) are close together in the west, and a third place (a species of Hyperborean region) which is also found in them, is described in the traditions of some Jakun tribes as well. There are separate hells for various races of mankind, and yet others for animals and snakes.

As might be expected, a good deal of the mythology of these tribes is taken up with the traditions of the heavenly bodies, all of which are alike personified, many of the stories dealing with the marriages or conflicts of the sun and moon, and the chequered fortunes of their children the stars.

In one of the Mantra stories the sun is described as not having been created till after one of the floods to which I have referred.

The moon is by some of these tribes {e.g. the Besisi) identified with the Island of Fruit (the Jungle Paradise),^ which, if we take the evidence of one of the songs of the same tribe, is preceded by a " Garden

' "Kelonsong Awan"(p. 207, z;//;-a). Sakai. Among the Besisi he is called

• A form of this Bridge-myth is found "Gaffer Engkoh " or Jongkoh. Its among the Andamanese, who describe guardians take different shapes accordit as a bridge of invisible cane through ing to the imagination of each particular the sky (see Man's And. p. 94). tribe — a baboon, or demon, among the ^ The chief of the Heaven of Semang, a dog among the Jakun, etc. Fruit-trees is called Penghulu by the The choicest heaven is reserved not Semang, but this clearly corresponds for the good, but for the old and to the Granny Long -breasts of the wise.

i88 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part iii

of Flowers," It is the moon, again, into which Gaffer Engkoh is said to have climbed, and which in several traditions is described as the habitation of the Jakun " Man in the Moon " (" Nenek Kabayan ").

Fire,

The Sakai regard Fire as a mystical emanation from the power of Tuhan, which owing to its divine origin is the destroyer of evil. The Sakai point of view is best expressed by their tradition of the washing of the wicked souls ^ in boiling water. They have learnt that whilst Fire annihilates. Water softens and purifies, and hold therefore that Tuhan showed mercy in mitigating with Water the effect of the Fire, which would have destroyed the soul itself in destroying its sin-spots. As things are, however, the Fire only destroys the collective wickedness of the souls washed in the copper, which latter resembles, according to the Sakai, "a red-hot cauldron, in which a remnant of Upas-poison is burning aw^ay."-

Animal Myths and Beliefs.

Of the tiger's origin we have no account from the Semang side, though several different stories are told by the Jakun of the way in which it was metamorphosed out of various inferior animals. The most usual version of the story appears to be the Jakun one, which derives the tiger's origin from a dog belonging to a chief (the dog being, as a rule, the only animal domesticated by the Jakun).

So too Hervey in his Alantra Traditions relates

' According to the Besisi it is only (•* sumbang") that are thus treated, the souls of those who commit incest ^ Vaughan- Stevens, iii. 130.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 189

that Belo (one of the first ancestors of mankind) kept a dog at his house ; from this dog came the tiger that devours mankind (the " Smooth-skinned " race) as contrasted with animals (the " Furred " or " Roughskinned " )}

To the wild bull (Seladang) there is a solitary reference in the collection of Mantra traditions which we owe to Hervey. The same remark applies to the mouse-deer (Kanchil), who was promised by To' Entah (as its reward for rescuing him from the giant turtle), the leaves of the sweet-potato (K'ledek). The tapir and the manis are referred to in the Semang legends, the crocodile in the Blandas account of the origin of the tiger, and many other animals in the Besisi songs.

We find among the Jakun a curious pre-Darwinian version of the evolution of man from the ape, the ape selected for this distinction being the Hylobates syndactylies, which, as a matter of fact, is really nearer to man than Macacus or even than the " Orang-outang."

Borie - informs us that he had several times been " quite seriously " assured by the Mantra that they were all descended from two white apes (" ungka putih "). These white apes, having reared their young ones, sent them out into the plains, and there they " perfected " themselves so well that both they and their descendants became men ; whilst others, on the contrary, who returned to the mountains, still remained apes.^

^ A grosser fable ascribing the origin among the Benuas appears to be regarded

of the tiger to the frog and Baginda ... as a sacred colour. The former

Ali is also given by Hervey (/.A'. ..^..S"., have their white siamang, their white

S.B., No. 3, 110-112). - Page 73. alligator, and their white ungka " (New-

' An identical story is given by bold, ii. 395, 396). Cp. also the

Newbold, who relates that their chil- Semang story of the baboon and the

dren were four in number. " White first parents of mankind.

I90 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part in

The white siamang or " ungka " is, moreover, one of the embodiments in which the soul of a deceased chieftain is believed by the Sakai to take refuge.

The Macacus or baboon is also referred to in Semang traditions. There is, for instance, the baboon who acted as adviser to the first parents of mankind, as well as the gigantic baboon which by some Negrito tribes is believed to guard the Paradise-bridge, and which according to another Semang account was " as big as a hill " and prevented unauthorised souls from entering Paradise to steal the fruit.

Of the smaller animals may be mentioned the dog (a reddish -furred wild dog, Canis rutilans), which is not only believed by the Jakun to have been the prototype of the tiger, but is also among some Jakun tribes {e.g. the Besisi of Selangor) believed to guard the bridge that leads to Paradise.

The big old "monitor" or "lace" lizard, which is called " Bagenn " by the Semang, is credited by them with being the originator of a proverb which among the Jakun is assigned to Belo, one of the first progenitors of the human race. Moreover, according to a Jakun tradition (given by Borie) it was on the skin of a monitor that their (mythical) sacred books were said to have been written. One of the small grass-lizards or skinks (as we are told by Hervey in his collection of Mantra traditions), is connected with the returning to life of this same Belo, the reptile being mutilated by Mertang, Belo's brother.'

Of the squirrel (" tupai ") there does not seem to be any special tradition, though tufts of squirrel tails

^ This may be a Malay idea, or be connected with the soul {^e.s;. of a

held by the Jakun in common with deceased medicine-man or magician),

the Malays. It evidently refers to Cp. Malay Magic, p. 325 ; and see

the belief that the lizard is somehow also Birth-customs, p. 26, ante.

GENERAL REMARKS 191

are worn on necklaces, probably for reasons of magic.

To the flying-fox there are also one or two references. It is when roasted a favourite dish of the Sakai, and it forms the subject of one of the tribal songs of the Besisi. The bone of a flying-fox was also included in a list of royal insignia belonging to the hereditary Chief of Jelebu, who was said to be descended in part from Jakun ancestors.

There is no trace of totemism among the Semang/

Transformation.

The power of self- transformation (into the tiger) claimed by a few of the more accomplished medicinemen, as in many other parts of the world, is probably not to be connected with the transmigration theory, whereby it is held that the soul of a dead chief may enter a tiger. The B'lian is the tiger in the Peninsula as in Africa the hyena is the wizard. There does not appear to be any trace of such a belief among the Andamanese, but as it is almost universal among the other tribes of the same region, I am inclined to ascribe this merely to the absence of tigers from the Andaman Islands. On the other hand, it is a fact worth noting that a small " tiger's-claw knife," called " b'ladau," such as is used by the " leopard-men " of Africa, is still in use both among the Sumatran and the Peninsular Malays, and it may possibly be that these wild (Peninsular) tribes first "made believe" to be tigers with the object of impressing their more civilised neighbours with all the fear they could, an object in which they obtained a considerable measure of success.

^ See p. 260, infra.

Birds.

But the most interesting of all the Semang myths are those representing various birds as vehicles for the introduction of the soul into the new-born child, a full account of which will be found under Birthcustoms. The Argus-pheasant, on the other hand, is connected by the Sakai with lunacy,^ the grounddove appears in one of the Semang creation-myths, and finally there is the white cock into which the soul of a deceased ancestor is believed by the Jakun to have migrated. But taking all references to birds into consideration, it is certainly remarkable that so little in the nature of divination by birds or augury has yet been recorded of any tribes whatever in the Malay Peninsula.

Legends and Ideas about Plants a7id Trees.

Among the Semang plant-legends is that of the flowers that were planted by Pie to serve as models for the designs of Disease patterns. Another is that of the epiphyte, upon which the Diseases were laid by the Winds who were carrying them. Yet another is the Semang legend of the origin of the blowpipe patterns explaining why some trees have smooth and others prickly fruits, and why some fruits are sweet and some are acid. To these may be added the Mantra tradition of the period when one-half of mankind were turned into trees by Tuhan Di-bawah, and the Semang " birth-tree " and " name-tree," for which see " Birth-customs."

In the legends of the Jakun we are told that the

1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 169.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 193

ark was made of " pulai " wood. This is a very light wood obtained from the roots of a species of Alstonia, which forms the native substitute for cork in these regions, and is used by the Malays for the floats of their fishing-nets.

It is upon a "pulai" tree, moreover, that the Birth-demons called "Lang-hue" are supposed by the Blandas to sit at night.

The proverb about the banana- tree (" pisang ") should be referred to here.^ It is found both among the Semang and the Jakun.

The Semang practice of wearing leaves and screwpine blossom upon the head as a safeguard against falling trees is explained by an appropriate myth.

In the legends of Kari we are told^ that the Semang soon got numerous by living on fruits.

Of Pie it is related that he ate fruit and threw away the seeds, which grew up into trees and bore fruit in the course of a single night, and this is not the only story connecting the name of Pie with fruit. Elsewhere, for instance, he is associated with the account in which the origin of certain red and white jungle fruit is described.

The " kenudai " fruit is connected in the traditions of the Blandas with the origin both of the tiger and the crocodile.

The large, prickly, uneatable fruit with which the giant baboon pelts the would-be invaders of the Land of Fruit - trees, is a kind of " false " {i.e. " valueless ") durian called " durian aji."

Other ideas about plants which may here be mentioned are the belief that the breast-painting (of a Sakai man) represents a sort of Polypodium, the

^ See p. 184, ante. 2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 132.

VOL. II O

sporangia of which were bruised in water and squirted over the happy pair on the occasion of the wedding ceremony ; and also that the patterns of the facepainting represented another fern, with the juice of which the Sakai youths were sprinkled at adolescence.

The Soul}

The Eastern Semang (Pangan) of Kelantan informed me that each man possessed a soul which was shaped like himself, but that it was *' red like blood " '^ and " no bigger than a grain of maize." It was passed on by the mother to the child, but in what way they could not explain.

The Eastern Semang further informed me that the soul of a B'lian (priest, chief, and magician) entered after death into the body of some wild animal, such as an elephant, tiger, or rhinoceros. In this embodiment it remained until the beast died, when it w^as admitted into the Upper Heaven (of Fruits).

The souls of ordinary people were variously represented as being compelled to cross the boiling lake by means of a tree-bridge (from which the wicked slip off into the lake below them), and as being sent to a different and a far less inviting Paradise.^

But the most novel soul-theory ascribed to the Semang is that recorded by Vaughan-Stevens, who states that according to the Semang belief all human souls grew upon a soul-tree in the other world, whence they were fetched by a bird, which was killed and eaten

' Not the soul as understood by is the Malay "semangat." modern Christians, but the soul of 2 (^p Man's And. p. 94: "The

magical (pre - Christian and extra- colour of the soul is said to be red,

Christian) ideas, which may be seen in ... and though inv-isible, it partakes

old English woodcuts escaping in the of the form of the person to whom it

form of a mannikin from between the belongs." reck and shoulders of the dying. It ^ Man's And. p. 94.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 195

by the expectant mother. The souls of animals and fishes were conveyed in a somewhat similar way, i.e. through the eating by the parent of certain fungi and grasses.

Of Sakai beliefs concerning the soul our records are of the scantiest description. It will probably be, however, found that the Sakai conception of the soul does not appreciably conflict with that of the Semang, and that the real difficulty in treating Semang and Sakai religion will be to discover their points of difference.

"To ask whether the soul is immortal appears," says Letessier, "the height of strangeness — 'And how could it die ? It is like the air ! ' " was the answer of an old Jakun of Bukit Layang, to whom he put this question.

The Sakai, like the Semang, attach much weight to dreams, and are firm believers in metempsychosis. The soul after death is repeatedly washed by " Granny Longbreasts," in order to purify it from its stains, in a cauldron of boiling water, after w^hich it is made to walk along the flat side of a monstrous chopper with which she bridges the cauldron, the bad souls falling in and the good escaping to the land of Paradise.^

The beliefs of the Jakun and Orang Laut appear to be very similar to those of the civilised Malays, but very little indeed has been hitherto collected about them.

In a Besisi legend both people and animals are described as having seven souls, a number which agrees exactly with Malay ideas on the same subject.

The same tribe closely connect the soul with the shadow, and build little hutches beside the grave for the soul to dwell in when it issues from the earth, and

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 130.

in other ways certainly carry to a far greater degree than the Semang, and perhaps even further than most Sakai tribes, the arrangements beheved by them to be necessary for the soul's maintenance and comfort throughout the period during which it lingers in the neighbourhood of the grave.

The Priestly Office.

As among the Malays, the accredited intermediary between gods and men is in all cases the medicineman or sorcerer. In the Semang tribes the office of chief medicine -man appears to be generally combined with that of chief, but amongst the Sakai and Jakun these offices are sometimes separated, and although the chief is almost invariably a medicineman of some repute, he is not necessarily the chief medicine-man, any more than the chief medicine-man is necessarily the administrative head of the tribe. In both cases there is an unfailing supply of aspirants to the office, though it may be taken for granted that, all else being equal, a successful medicine-man would have much the best prospect of being elected chief, and that in the vast majority of cases his priestly duties form an important portion of a chiefs work.^

The medicine-man is, as might be expected, duly credited with supernatural powers. His tasks are to preside as chief medium at all the tribal ceremonies, to instruct the youth of the tribe, to ward off as well as to heal all forms of sickness and trouble, to foretell

1 " They have neither a king nor a of priests {sic), their only teacher being

chief, except that title be applied to a the Poyang, who instructs them in all

person called Poyang (' Puyung '), who matters pertaining to sorcery, evil

decides on every case laid before him, spirits, ghosts, etc., in which they

andwhose opinion is invariablyadopted. firmly believe" (Begbie, pp. 13,

Havmg no religion, they are destitute 14).

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 197

the future (as affecting the results of any given act), to avert when necessary the wrath of heaven, and even when re-embodied after death in the shape of a wild beast, to extend a benign protection to his devoted descendants.

Among the Sakai and the Jakun he is provided with a distinctive form of dress and body-painting, and carries an emblematic wand or staff by virtue of his office.

Sac7'ed Spots and Shrines.

We have as yet no record of the use of "high places " or shrines among the pure Negritos, and perhaps naturally so, since the idea of regarding a specific locality as sacred could only grow up with the greatest difficulty among tribes who are so essentially nomadic that they never stay more than four or five nights in a single spot.

By the Sakai and Jakun, however, such sacred spots are certainly set apart, incense being burnt there and vows registered, invariably, I believe, in the hopes of obtaining some material advantage.^

In addition to these shrines, however, there are also to be seen, in the districts inhabited by the Sakai and Jakun, what may be termed medicine -houses. These houses either take the form of solitary cells erected in the depths of the forest (in which case the magician keeps a selection of his charms and spells in them), or (more frequently) that of diminutive shelters made from the leaves of a palm called " dempong," which are built to screen the medicine-man

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 141.

NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

and his patient from view during the performance of the ceremony of exorcism.^

Nature of the Rites.

The main divisions of the magico - religious ceremonies of these wild Peninsular tribes may be enumerated as follows : prayers and invocations, sacrifice, abstinence, possession, divination, and selftransformation.

Prayers and Invocations.

Among all the Peninsular tribes both prayer (in the wider sense) and invocations still remain in the un-ethical stage in which material as distinct from moral advantages alone are sought for.

Among the Semang, however, with the rarest exceptions,^ they appear to have scarcely reached the stage of fixed forms, the petitioner generally contenting himself with expressing his wish in a quasi-con- versational phrase, addressed to the great spirits or deities of the tribe.

Among the Sakai the conjuration of the spirits of deceased ancestors and demons of all kinds is more freely employed ; but most of all among the Jakun, the Besisi addressing invocations not merely to animals but even to insects and inert objects which they believe to be the embodiments of the spirits whose aid they are invoking.

All branches of these tribes, as is usually the case with autochthonous races, are credited by the immigrating Malays with the knowledge of charms of the most marvellous potency.

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 142. * E.g. that of the Thunder-charm, q.v.

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 199

Their love-charms in particular (such as that used in the " Chinduai " ceremony), are believed to be quite irresistible, and they are credited with the power of making themselves supernaturally beautiful or invulnerable at will. By means of " sendings," or rather " pointings " (" tuju "), they are believed to be able to slay their enemies at a distance, and many a Sakai has paid the penalty for sickness and trouble falsely ascribed to his malevolence by excited and not overscrupulous Malays.

Offerings.

The only common form of offering, which consists in the burning of incense (benzoin), is found among all branches of these tribes, other kinds of offering being comparatively rare. The practice of drawing blood from the region of the shin-bone and throwing it up to the skies is a Semang sacrifice addressed to Kari. On the other hand, many of the Jakuns (especially the coast tribes) expose in the jungle small sacrificial trays upon which are deposited various kinds of food (boiled rice, meat, and fruits), together with small vessels containing water. These trays are called " anchak " (Vaughan-Stevens, " anchap "), and correspond very closely both in name and form to the sacrificial trays similarly employed by the Malays.

I have also seen among the Besisi, on the occasion of their rice-harvest feast, a small quantity of boiled rice deposited on the top of a low tree-stump, and offered by way of a compliment to all the enemies of the rice, as represented by noxious insects and the wild beasts of the jungle. Here we see the idea of sacrifice in one of its most rudimentary stages, that

of a mere complimentary present intended to establish a truce with avowed and acknowledged foes.

Abstinence.

Of fasting and other forms of abstinence among these races not very much is known, though instances do undoubtedly occur. One of the most usual forms of abstinence occurs at Sakai child-births, when the mother is required by the unwritten laws of the tribe to refrain from eating various kinds of food.

Sakai and Jakun medicine-men also to some extent practise abstinence in order to acquire the power of seeing visions.

Possession and Exorcistn.

About the forms of possession practised by Semang medicine-men we know next to nothing. It would appear, however, from a ceremony that I myself witnessed among the Semang of Kedah that some form of possession is certainly believed in by them, though I am inclined to think that it is probably of a more simple kind than that practised by the Sakai and Jakun ; and that whereas among these latter the magician invokes the aid of a friendly demon to enable him to overcome the demon that is tormenting the patient, the Semang magician trusts rather in the strength of his own spirit to exorcise the adversary.

Divination [Diagnosis).

Of divination among the Semang our records are again almost non-existent, though among the Sakai and Jakun divination is clearly employed as the counterpart in magic of our own medical "diagnosis."

CHAP. VI GENERAL REMARKS 201

There appear to be two distinct ways of performing divination, one being by means of a tribal ceremony such as our latter-day spiritualists might perhaps call a seance, and the other undertaken by the medicineman alone. Divination in either case frequently only forms part of an exorcising ceremony, as the possessed medicine-man, after replying to the usual questions concerning the origin and nature of the patient's malady, and prescribing the remedies required to restore him to health, is frequently asked questions of more general import, which need not necessarily have anything to do with the condition or fortunes of the patient.

Dreams and General Beliefs.

Both Semang and Sakai, but especially the latter, appear to attach much weight to dreams.

Thus we are informed,^ for instance, that among the Sakai the new-born infant receives its name in accordance with a dream. -

A similar strong belief in dreams is also found among the Jakun.

Amulets and Talismans.

Amulets and talismans form a fairly numerous class of objects among all the wild tribes.

Among them may be reckoned coins strung on necklaces (as charms for the eyes). The custom of stringing on necklaces tufts of squirrels' tails, teeth of apes, monkeys, and wild pig, small bones of birds and various animals, and similar objects, which De Morgan calls " trophies of the chase," may be com-

1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 161. 2 H)ici_ p_ 158.

202 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part ni

pared, their use being probably due, as in other parts of the world, rather to magical ideas than the mere pride of capture. The bristles, teeth, and claws ot tigers are all certainly used much more for magical than for merely ornamental or decorative purposes.

I. — Semang. The Heavenly Bodies.

The sun is believed by the Semang to possess an actual human figure (that of a female), and is further alleged to possess a husband, whose name was given me as " Ag-ag, the Crow."

On reaching the west the sun falls suddenly, it is believed, into a great hole or cavern, which according to some Semang legends is identified with hell. According to another version, it goes down behind a range of mountains on the western border of the earth, which is believed to^be flat, and there gives light to the Senoi.

Similar ideas were entertained about the moon, the name of whose husband was given me (in Kedah) as " Ta' Ponn," a mythological personage of whom more will be said later. ^

The stars were regarded, I was told, as the moon's children.^

1 Swettenham says (p. 228): "They" petition to the sun or the moon,"

(the Negritos) "call the sun a good 'hough it certainly has not the least

spirit."' \r. J. K. A. S., S. B., No. 5, ioundation in fact. A similar and

p. 156, he mentions a "good female equally inaccurate statement (from

spirit in the clouds." Symes) was quoted by Anderson {id.)

Newbold (pp. 377-379), in speaking about the Andamanese {v. Man, p. 93,

of the Semang, says: "They worship for the di'meiiti). In both cases the

the sun." He appears to have taken idea probably arose from the same

this statement from Anderson's Consid. cause, \z. the ceremonial treatment

(App. xxxvii. ), where the Semang of an eclipse. Cp. also J. I. A. iv.

are described as " offering up a hasty 427.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 203

Eclipses.

Among the Semang there is the greatest fear of eclipses, which are beheved to be due to the attempt of a gigantic serpent or dragon to enfold or swallow the obscured luminary. The name of the serpent that is believed to enfold the moon was given me as " Hura' " ; but I was told that, although it assumed the guise of a serpent, it is in reality the moon's own mother-in-law, and is only attempting to embrace and not to swallow it. The moon, however, shrinks from the proffered embrace, from whence we may perhaps conclude that the moon is sometimes also regarded as a man, the confusion being probably due to the conflict of cultures.-^ The only alternative is to suppose " mother-in-law — daughter-in-law avoidance " of some kind. The serpent that swallows the sun is "a different one," and is believed to attack it in deadly earnest.

The Rainbow.

According to my Semang informants, the rainbow is called " Hwe-a." It is believed to be the body of a great serpent or python, and the spots where it touches the earth are regarded as very feverish and bad to live near.

We are further told (by Vaughan-Stevens) that the sun on setting behind the western mountains gives light to the Senoi, and that under the heaven called Tasig, beneath Kari's seat, begins the gigantic body of the rainbow-snake, " Ikub Huya" or

1 According to the Khasia the moon according to the Eskimo the (female)

is a man whose mother-in-law throws sun smears with soot the face of her

ashes in his face when he pursues her brother, the sun, when he presses his

once a month (Latham, i. 119). And love upon her (Peschel, p. 256).

204 NATURAL RELIGION A^'D FOLK-LORE part iii

'Hoya,'^ which extends to the regions of hell. It lets water from the nether deep through to the earth at Pie's command for the Semang to drink by pushing its head through the flat earth-crust, and thus causing springs of water (" met betiu ") to rise. The light drizzling rain that falls when a rainbow is visible is the sweat of the reptile, and if it happens to fall upon any one who is not wearing a particular kind of armlet, it causes the sickness called ' lininka ' (?).

Women wear by way of protection armlets of Palas [Licuala) leaf, and men wear armlets of the " Rock-vein " fungus (" temtom," or Mai. " urat batu ") on the left wrist. These bands are called " chining-neng." ^

Stor7Jts.

During a storm of thunder and lightning the Semang draw a few drops of blood from the region of the shin-bone, mix it with a little water in a bamboo receptacle, and throw it up to the angry skies (according to the East Semang or Pangan, once up to the sky and once on the ground, saying "bo'," i.e. "stop"). On my inquiring further, one of the women offered to show me how to do this, and drawing off a drop or two of blood into a bamboo vessel by tapping with a stick the point of a jungleknife pressed against her shin-bone, she proceeded to perform this strange ' libation ' ceremony in the manner just described.

If a man is in the least degree too familiar with his mother-in-law, thunderbolts, said the Semang to me, will assuredly fall. For this reason (if for no

^ "Jekob'' = snake in the Semang dialect, and " hwea' " = rainbow. 2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 126.

NEGRITOS OF KEDAH

Other !) the contingency never arises. But they also assured me that they of the jungle were far more distant and circumspect in their dealings with their mothers-in-law than was the case with their neighbours the Malays.^

To the foregoing I may add that according to the Eastern Semang, the ghosts of wicked (or ignorant ?) tribesmen, on leaving the dead body, fly up to the sky

1 Vaughan-Stevens s account is as follows: — The so-called " Kor-loimelloi,' or "Blood-throwing" cere- mony, is now completely forgotten on the west coast of the Peninsula [I did not find it so. — W. S.], and even in Perak, but is quite universal in the east coast states. In order to appease the angry deity men and women (of all ages) are in the habit of cutting the skin covering the shins to obtain a few drops of blood. One cut is usually sufficient, so, that on the whole very little blood is drawn. The cuts are made diagonally across the axis of the leg, are from 6 to 10 mm. in length, and are said to have been formerly made with a stone knife (?), though now with the ordinary iron jungle-knife or parang, which was knocked with a piece of wood until blood was drawn. The blood — it need only be a drop — is either sucked out or dropped directly into a long bamboo receptacle, and a quantity of water (sufficient to half fill the bamboo) is poured in with it. The Semang then turns in the direction of the setting sun, and doling out the liquid with a special bamboo spatula, throws it straight up into the air, calling out with a loud voice, " Blood, I throw towards the sun ; I draw blood, curdled blood ; I throw blood towards the sun," or words to that effect, the invocation being repeated each time that the liquid is thrown, up until all is finished.

When the storm is very severe the bamboo may be refilled with blood and water and a fresh ceremony take place. The bamboo vessel used for the pur-

pose is, as a rule, fresh and roughly cut, and was usually not decorated — doubtless owing to the fact that there would be no time to do so during a sudden tropical storm, the vessel being cut for the purpose on each occasion, and thrown away after use.

Kari himself makes no use of the blood thus sacrificed, but is pacified by this sign of his children's repentance and ceases to hurl thunderbolts, and to continue his complaints of their misdeeds to their creator Pie, at least until they again give him occasion to do so.

Pie, however, employs the blood of the Semang in order to create certain red jungle fruits which serve as food for man, such as, for instance, the well-known " rambutan " {A'epheliuvi lapp(Siini).

The Puttos themselves did not cut themselves, but instead of doing so threw their secret remedies (which they preserved in bamboo cases), into the air. From these Pie created certain white jungle fruits.

When the periodical wind or monsoon brings no rain, very few fruits appear, and the Semang then say that this is because they had not thrown up enough blood, since the frequency of the blood - throwing has an influence on the quantity of rain. [From this it would appear that the ceremony may after all perhaps be mainly a 7-ain-niaking ceremony. — W.S.] — Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 107- 109. Cp. Newbold, ii. 386, 396 ; and /. R. A. S., S. B., No. 4, p. 48, where women only are stated to draw blood.

2o6 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

(along with the vital principle, or "Nyawa") and become storm-spirits {i.e. spirits of thunder, lightning, etc.). Hence, in the blood-throwing ceremony, part of the blood is thrown upwards, in order to propitiate them and persuade them to return to the upper heavens. Sometimes, however, the ghost, on leaving the body, proceeds downwards and becomes a water - spirit. And hence, in the same ceremony, part of the blood is thrown down upon the earth.

A remarkable explanation of the phenomenon of lightning was given me in Kedah by an aged Semang, who explained it as the flashing (in heaven) of the top-cords of the dead medicine-men (or B'lians) of the tribe, who were believed on such occasions to be engaged in the diversion (which in the East is shared by adults) of top-spinning. To the same cause was attributed the sound of thunder, which was believed to be the murmuring noise of the tops as they spun. Other informants of the same tribe, it is true, admitted sharing in the almost universal fear of Heaven's anger caused by thunder and thunderbolts ; it is hard, however, in such cases to distinguish the original ideas from those obtained from foreign sources, though the less original and unique the idea, the less likely it is to be indigenous.

Lightning is produced by Kari when he is wroth. He takes a flower and shakes it over the sinner and the lightning darts forth. The bell-like flower -cups of the (unknown) plant strike each other and cause thunder. The echoes are Pie's

' Cp. vol. i. p. 451.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK AND KEDAH 207

Winds.

Kari's servant Sinai is himself one of the winds, and carries a whip in either hand to compel the obedience of the other winds. The monkey Aii chastises the winds when they are too slow in their movements.^

The Heavens and Paradise.

The Kedah Semang informed me that the heavens ^ consisted of three tiers or layers. The highest heaven is filled with fruit-trees which bear luxuriantly all the year round, and is inhabited by certain of the greater personages of Semang mythology.

The second or central heaven also contains wild fruit-trees, and is defended against unauthorised pilferers by a gigantic baboon, which pelts all would-be stealers of the fruit with certain hard, prickly, and uneatable fruit (of the kind called false durians).^ The third or nethermost heaven, on the other hand, contains nothing but the low and brooding clouds ^ which bring sickness to mankind.

When I asked the Eastern Semang (Pangan of Kelantan) about the fate of the soul after death, they declared that the souls of the old and wise proceeded to a Paradise in the west wherein grew fruit-trees of

1 Cp. vol. i. pp. 451, 457. ^ I.e. the " Durian Aji." According

2 Called in Semang, according to to Vaughan-Stevens, it is a gigantic Vaughan-Stevens "Seap"." Sed qu. figure resembling a Semang, named "Seak"" or "Seap'"." There is no such Kanteh, that keeps the door of Paracombination as " p" " in any Semang or dise, and has animals as assistants. Cp. Sakai dialect, and if "Seak"" is right, it vol. i. p. 453.

perhaps ="Seag°" or "Seng" (pr. * Cp. the Malay phrase (used by

"Sek"") in "Seng Ketok," which Sakai tribes) " Kelonsong awan " (the

means "west" in all the Semang "husks" or "hulls" of the clouds)

dialects of which I have had experience. (V.-St. iii. 106, 125). Seep. %l,anie.

2o8 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part iii

every kind (those mentioned as examples were the Bangkong, Rambutan, Durian, and Tampoi), but in order to reach it they had first to pass across a bridge consisting of the fallen trunk of a colossal tree. This tree-bridge would have been easy enough (for a Semang) to cross, but for the fact that at the further end there sat a gigantic figure (" Berhala','' i-e., idol or image) with only a single nostril, huge ball-less eyesockets, two immense tusks in each jaw, exceedingly curly hair, and enormously long finger-nails crossed upon its breast. Many of the souls were scared by this horrible demon to such an extent that they straightway fell, panic-stricken, into the vast boiling lake beneath it, up whose sheer smooth sides they tried in vain to clamber. Here, therefore, they swam desperately about, clutching at the sides, for three long agonising years, after which, should the Chief of the Heaven of Fruit-trees then think fit, he would let down his great toe for them to catch hold of, and so pull them out ! The old and wise (e.g. the B'lians) were for this very reason buried in trees, viz., so that their souls might be able to fly over the head of this fearful figure.

According to the Western Semang, whilst the souls of the dead B'lians proceeded to the Island of Fruittrees, those of the lay members of the tribe went a long way across the sea, to a Land of Screw-pines and Thatch-palms,^ where was the hole into which the sun fell at night. If they had committed any wicked act, however, although they started by the same road, they did not arrive at the same destination, but were compelled to turn northwards aside across the sea to

' Nipah = iVz/>a fruticans, low - growing palms found only in salt-water swamps.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 209

a land which had two months of day and a month of night ^ alternately.

The account given by Vaughan - Stevens is as follows : —

All souls, whether of Semang or of beasts, go straight to Kari to receive their sentence. Good souls proceed to the region of sunset, but the entrances both to Paradise (Seap"^) and Purgatory (Belet) are close together.

The entrance to Purgatory is called Sunset (" Met-katok blTs "). Purgatory itself is a vast cavern, shut in by rocks, in the mountain-chain (" Hiiya "') - which forms the world's end. Good souls pass these ramparts of rock and reach the other side of the world, where they dwell with the Chinoi, the servants of Kari. The ruler of Purgatory is one Kamoj (a black, gigantic, and frightful form), who beats wicked souls as they wander, cold, hungry, and thirsty, with a heavy club.-*

The door-keeper of Paradise is a spirit resembling a gigantic Semang. His duty is to prevent the souls belonging to other races of mankind from entering into the Semang Paradise.

By his side stand Kangkung, a beast of immense strength, which keeps watch to prevent the entrance of the souls of tigers ; Jelabo, a beast whose duty is to keep out the souls of wicked Semang ; and Kangkeng, a beast which keeps out the souls of snakes and scorpions.

In addition to the foregoing are Champa and Chalog, two brother giants, of whom Champa is the elder, and who are represented as the guardians of Tuhan's ^ {sic) Paradise called "Tasig."'

These two are armed with bamboo-spears, and keep watch over the "lightning-hiding " {blitzbergenden) flowers which belong to Kari.^

The Semang Deities.

Although I had many conversations with the Semang (both Western and Eastern) on the subject of religion, they continually pretended entire ignorance of any supreme Being, until one day when one of them exclaimed (in an unusually confiding mood) " Now we will really tell you all we know," and immediately proceeded to inform me about Ta' Ponn (" Gaffer Ponn "), a very powerful yet benevolent

' Probably a slip on the part of the ^ Tuhan is usually the name given

speaker for "a month of day and two to the god of the Sakai (V.-St.). months of night." ° Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 122-124.

• Huya is Vaughan-Stevens's way All these guardians of Paradise are

of writing " Hwea' " or " Hweya" " represented on one of the bamboos

= the Rainbow-snake, q.v. called "gu," for description of which

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 117. see "Decorative Art" (vol. i.).

VOL. II P

2IO NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part in

Being who was described as the maker of the world. This information was accompanied by the statement that Gaffer Ponn was " like a Malay Raja ; there was nobody above him." In addition to this, I was informed that he was the moon's husband, and lived in the eastern heavens, together with " Ag-ag," the Crow, who was the " husband of the sun." " Ta' Ponn " (said my informants) looks "just like a man," but is "as white as cotton" (Mai. "kapas").

" Ta' Ponn has four children, two male and two female, whose names are Rayadd and Harau (male) ; Rahh-rihh and Brua' (female).^ When you hear the noise of the Riang-riang (cicada or * Knife-grinder insect ') in the jungle, that is the voice of Ta Ponn's children. Ta' Ponn's mother is called Yak (Ya') Takell. She is the old Earth-mother, and lives underground in the middle of the earth." According to the account of another informant, Ta' Ponn's father was one Kuka', about whom, however, I could find out nothing further.

Ta Ponn has, moreover, a great enemy named Kakuh, who is very dangerous and who lives in the West.' He (I was assured) is " very black, blacker than we are," — as black, in fact, " as a charred fire-log." " That is why the east is bright and the west dark." The heavens are in three tiers, the highest being called Kakuh. In the heaven where he lives, there is (according to a Pangan of Teliang) a giant coconutmonkey ^ (B'ro'), " as big as Gunong Baling " ( = Tiger Peak, a big limestone hill in the neighbourhood of

1 Probably different kinds of insects here between the name of Ta' Ponn's

(cicada, etc.). adversary and the place where he lived.

^ But Kakuh is the name of the •* The coconut - monkey {Macacits

highest tier (of the heavens), and 7!e>Hestniiiis) appears in the Besisi

there may have been some confusion Songs (vol. i. p. 152).

NEGRITOS OF KEDAH

Siong in Kedah), who drives back any one who is found (as the B'lians sometimes are) attempting to enter the heavens in order to help themselves to the fruit which grows there. This monkey-monster, on discovering any such would - be pilferers, pelts them with a large prickly jungle -fruit (already mentioned), by means of which he hurls them down headlong. I was further told of this monkey that when the end of the world came, everything on earth would fall to his share.

The account of the Semang religion given by Vaughan- Stevens includes, however, not only Ta' Ponn (disguised by Vaughan-Stevens as " Tappern "), but two superior divinities named Kari (spelt Kiee, = Kayee, by Vaughan-Stevens, and Keii by his editors) and Pie, neither of whom I was able to identify among the Semang of whom I made my inquiries. Nevertheless the fact that one person out of these three (viz. Ta' Ponn) was so readily identifiable, establishes, to my mind, a presumption in favour of the general accuracy of the rest of Vaughan-Stevens's account of the Semang religion. At the same time, the fragments of Semang religious belief that I was able to rescue, in spite of all difficulties, exhibit such interesting variations from the accounts related to Vaughan-Stevens, that it is evident that a rich mine of information still remains to be worked.

Legends of the Semang Deities. Legend of Kari the Thtinder-god.

"Kari created everj-thing except the earth, which he ordered Pie to complete for him. When, therefore. Pie had created man, Kari gave them souls." . . .

When Kari {sic) had created men, they were very good. Death was not yet established, and the Semang living on fruits prospered and soon got numerous. But Kari saw they were getting too numerous, and came down to the Jelmol Mountains to look nearer, and consider what was to be done. The Semang

crossing the mountain did not see him, for none can see him, and ran over his foot like ants. He blew them away, but his Breath was fiery and burnt them all up throughout the neighbourhood. Seeing this, he ordered his Breath to collect and conduct their souls to heaven. He then continued his meditations, and seeing their numbers were still too great, he commissioned his Breath to go and kill more Semangs whenever they again became too numerous. Kari's Breath had now separated into ihe winds, and these were to be watched by Kari's two servants, Sentiu and his wife Chini, with Ta' Ponn ("Tappern"), and Minang ("Minnung "). Sentiu now begged that his own servant, or the latter's wife, should alone remain active on earth, and kill only a few Semang ; for if he himself and his wife did so, none would be left. Kari, however, refused this, and Sentiu himself remained with his wife, and they killed all they could reach, Kari being wroth at the disobedience of mankind. So the race dwindled away. Yox Kari had sent the wicked souls to the infernal regions (Belel), and had created Diseases to destroy them in his wrath. Pie, however, pitied them, and, having come to an agreement with their chiefs (Puttos), got Kari to turn these winds into lightning (Kelos), and stopped them from slaughtering the Semang, except in special cases when Kari's wrath was provoked. When Kari sends them now, they kill the Semang in a body, but the death -messengers only kill certain individuals by Kari's command. Pie also arranged with Kari in what cases souls should be sent to Paradise (Seap") or to the infernal regions (Belet), whence arose the system of burial bamboos. Pie himself (and in his stead the Putto of the district) was to write his decision upon the burial bamboo to be shown to Kari, by whom it was executed. Pie also got power given him to avert Diseases by charms. These were good against every Disease, so long as the sin which provoked the Disease was unintentional, or had been forgiven by the Putto. Pie had taken, as already related, the flowers growing near Karih's dwelling and planted them on the mountains (Jelmol), and assigned them as remedies for the various Diseases. He also brought the drawings of each flower, and instructed the Putto about its use. He also agreed with Kari that his Breath should be substituted for Kari's (since it was less fatal), and should only kill individuals.

Thereafter when the winds waited for the burial bamboo to be given to the deceased (before which time the soul could not leave the body), they laid the Diseases on a parasite on one of the trees, because its roots did not enter the ground, and the Diseases waited there until the soul was ready to go to Kari. Pie also created a wind which sat on the mistletoe, and told Pie all that passed. ^

Now that Pie no longer dwells upon earth, this wind goes, according to the opinion of the Semang, who are not, however, unanimous about it, either to Kari or perhaps direct to Pie. When Pie had thus apportioned the Diseases, the vegetable kingdom was exhausted. But soon afterwards some very deadly Diseases, which had been sleeping whilst Pie had been breathing upon others, tried to obtain a resting-place upon various epiphytic plants. The plants, however, had all been given away, and that is the reason why to the present day smallpox, cholera, and other epidemics, of which the Semang stand in the greatest terror, but which are hard to identify from Semang descriptions, have no rest, but as soon as they have killed one man, fall straightway upon another even before the soul of the first has left the body.-

Legend of the Firebrand.

According to the views of the Semang, when Kari selected Belet (in the " Sunset " region) as the abode of the damned, he gave Kamoj a firebrand. This brand was burnt in two before Kamoj had nearly had time to arrange Belet as his

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 109, 132, 133. 2 Ibid. pp. 133, 134.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 213

sphere of action. Therefore Kamoj hung one portion with the charred end downwards before Belet, and kept the other as an emblem of his power and jurisdiction. The brand hanging over the entrance stopped the once-entered souls from returning, the upper uncharred end allowing the souls to come from Kari's judgment- seat, flence a charred stick serves as a protection against Diseases. The Disease which caused a man's death was fetched by the winds at Kari's command ; and the winds had to accompany the soul and the Disease to Belet, but dared not enter, since if tliey had, they would not have been able to return (for fear of the brand). Tlie Puttos then adopted, as emblem of their power, a charred stick about six feet long. With this stick they could expel Diseases, and if they could not go themselves, would send it by a servant to the sick man, upon whom it was laid. But if a Putto wanted to kill a man, he touched him with the unburnt end, and all the Diseases near by entered the man's body. If to heal, he touched him with the burnt end, and all diseases were driven out of him.i A Semang will still close up a path by suspending a charred stick across it, though he himself could not inflict Diseases with it, and only the Putto could — by marking his stick in charcoal with his secret sign, which varied with the object he had in view. Thence in time were derived the charm-bamboos (Gar's), which at first were sticks marked with charcoal, but later sticks which had designs incised upon them, into which the charcoal was rubbed. For these finally were substituted light and convenient bamboos, which were also available for the flowers and herbs appropriate to the charm in question.- The original marks on the fire -sticks have disappeared with the Puttos who employed them, but the old patterns are revived in the quivers and charm-bamboos, the magic combs of the women, and the blowpipe. At the end of the Semang quiver is a spot where the skin of the bamboo has been scraped oft", and the place blackened with charcoal. The end thus marked, which hangs downwards, represents Kamoj's fire-stick, and hence serves as a charm against Diseases. If a Semang is unlucky in hunting, he stands still, makes a fire, and rubs a little charcoal upon the mouthpiece of his blowpipe, and upon the conical butt-ends of his darts. Sick persons mark themselves with charcoal where the pain is felt. Formerly this was the duty of the Putto, who employed a special sign which always healed. ^

Legends of Pie.

Pie and his sister are " the central figures of Semang mythology." Kari created everything except the Earth. He told Pie to complete this part of his work, and Pie did so ; Pie made men, and Kari gave them soul& (life), and Pie lived among them with his sister Simei in the Jelmol Mountains in Perak. Under Pie and Simei were the Puttos, each of whom ruled a district. No one knows who Pie's wife was ; but his sister did the work of one. They both resembled the Semang in shape. Simei gave light to the fire-flies, so that they might accompany her by night when she visited sick Semang women, especially those in travail. In those days the men only awaited the advent of her messengers the fire-flies, and then withdrew into the jungle, leaving the place free to her and the women. Since Pie and Simei disappeared, the fire-flies keep seeking for them among the bushes. They must therefore never be harmed. Simei was accompanied by day by a bird called Me-el, apparently a kind of crested dove,* and either she or Pie was always at home when the other was out.

^ Vaughan-Stevens relates (p. 131) full development of the Semang magic

that frequently when he was resting designs did not take place until after

at night in the jungle, one of the old they had had dealings with the Sakai

Semang people would hang a firebrand (ibid.).

near his head, to drive away fevers, ^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. pp. 131, 132.

etc. "* It was believed that in former days,

2 Vaughan-Stevens considers that the when Simei was on earth, this bird

214 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part ni

Kari retained his power of punishing mankind, wherefore Pie, who pitied them, went to the land of the Chinoi, the servants of Kari, on the other side of the world. These servants had the task of making hanging flower-ornaments, and Pie collected all the flowers and planted them near the mountains, and therefrom evolved the patterns which are now in use as charms against Diseases.

Simei helped him. She it was who invented the special set of designs which serve as charms against the sicknesses peculiar to her sex, and which are copied on their combs.

The Puttos copied the patterns on bamboo, and Pie then deposited them in a cave, and turned them to stone, so as to be always ready when wanted. The Puttos also prepared another set for each Sna-hut, whose duty it was to see that €very man had the proper kind of charm that he required. At the same time the Puttos inscribed a set of charm-bamboos with the mythology of the Semang, and Pie turned these also to stone ; the Puttos alone knew where they were.

Of the leaves and blossom of the screw-pine (pandanus) worn on the head as a charm against falling trees, the following is related : —

Pie (in the form of an old man) and Simei would appear when called, and after helping, disappear, the former helping the men, the latter women. Pie used to ask for fruit and throw away the seeds, which grew up into trees and bore fruit in a single night. Thus, and thus only, the Semang knew that Pie had been present.

Pie once met a man and woman carrying fruit, and asked for it. The woman denied having any, and as usual (when Pie caught a Semang lying) a tree fell upon her. As it was falling she shrieked to Pie (not knowing of his presence), and he threw some pandanus leaves upon her head, whereupon the tree returned to its erect position as soon as it touched them, leaving only an impression on the leaves where it fell. Pie subsequently ordered all women to wear leaves, thus marked, as charms against falling trees. The Puttos therefore designed patterns for various trees which easily fall. These leaves are stuck in the haircombs of the women, but no pattern is used on the pandanus leaves if the wearer feels innocent, unless a twig falls on her head, when it is at once added.

Pie often appeared as a Semang, but with long thick bushy hair covering his body. Some say he returned to Kari with Simei, others that he sleeps in the Jelmol Mountains, and will yet return. '

To the foregoing may be added (from various portions of Vaughan-Stevens's account) the following allusions to the history of Pie : —

Like Kari, Pie appears to require blood-sacrifices. Thus in his account of the blood-throwing ceremony Vaughan-Stevens says- that Pie uses the blood (thrown up to the skies to dispel the thunder) for making the red jungle fruit called Rambutan. And a little further on he says that Pie made white fruit of the storm charms which the Puttos threw into the air for a like reason. Vaughan-

could not die, and that when it was they are afraid to do for fear of losing

killed, and e.g. its head and legs heir virility. Formerly if a Semang

removed, and its body left lying in the man saw one of these birds, he would

jungle, its mate would come and carrj' go out of its way, while a woman would

the body to Simei, who would give it sit down, since it was a sign that Simei

a new head and legs. These birds was near (Vaughan-Stevens, iii. no),

were probably the m.essengers of Simei. ^ Vaughan - Stevens, iii. 1 09-11 2.

The Eastern Semang will on no account For Pie's relations with Kari, see the

kill them, but the half-blood Semang account of Kari (supra).

only stop short of eating them, which - Ibiit pp. 107-109.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 215

Stevens describes how Pie turned himself into a stick-insect and sat on a twig, and when the elephant tried to destroy his plantation of magic flowers, caught it by the nose so that it stretched and became a trunk. ^

A little later he describes how Pie turned himself into a manis (Mai. " tenggiling") to defend the Semang against the elephant, and how his scales ran into the elephant's foot and wounded him.-

Again he describes how Pie was attacked by the tiger and the snake, and how he put his foot upon the snake's hood and told the rhinoceros-bird to drive away the tiger.

In the Legends of Kari we learnt ^ how Pie got the winds (Kari's Breath) turned into lightning in order to stop their indiscriminate slaughter of the Semang ; how he arranged with Kari the system of burial bamboos as a means of deciding whether souls were to go to Paradise or to the infernal regions ; how he got power to avert Diseases by charms ; and how he brought the flowers from Kari's dwelling and apportioned them as antidotes to the several Diseases ; and how his Breath was substituted for Kari's as being less fatal, and how he created a wind to sit on the mistletoe and tell him all that passed.

The Semang Soul-theory.

According to the Eastern Semang or Pangan, each man has a soul which is shaped exactly like himself, which is " red like blood," and as small as a " grain of maize."

According to Vaughan-Stevens, the Semang suppose that souls are supplied in a variety of ways to the young of human beings, tigers, and other noxious and harmless wild beasts, night-beasts (as a separate class), birds, and fish.^

The " Til-til-tapa " and the " Chim iui " need no souls; for they are the souls of human beings in the form of birds ; when they need life for their eggs they eat of fruit of the male or female birth-trees. If one of these birds dies a natural death, it is because an unborn

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 137. called "Hlomdon"; they believe an

2 See below, p. 222. infant has no soul, and hang a wax

3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 133. puppet up in the forest. As soon as a

• Evidence is required in support of stick-insect (?) settles on it the sorcerer

these statements. Cp., however, the wraps it in a cloth ; the insect is shaken

Malay superstition which connects the out on the child, which then gets its

Burong Pingai or Pingai bird of the soul. — Missions Cath., 1893, p. 140.

Malays with the soul ; and our own According to the Guarani (South

nursery make-believe of child-bringing America) the humming bird brings the

storks and other animals (Cp. Folklore, souls and takes them back after death.

xi. 235). The Bahnar have a ceremony — Alencas, 0. Guarani, ii. 321.

2i6 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part in

foetus has died. Some say these undeveloped souls go into another bird, and the woman who eats it becomes the mother of twins, just as if she had eaten a bird with its ^%^}

An expectant mother visits the nearest tree which happens to be of the species of her own birth-tree and hangs it with fragrant leaves and flowers, or lays them beneath it (avoiding the place where, in her own tree, the after-birth was buried), " because her child's soul (embodied in the bird) will recognise the tree by it." The bird which conveys the soul sits on the tree and is killed and eaten by the woman. The souls of first-born children are young birds newly hatched, the offspring of the mother's soul-bird. -

Fish -souls come from grasses, bird -souls from their eating certain fruits. Each species of animal has a corresponding soul-plant. The " susu rimau " ^ contains the soul of an unborn tiger cub. The tiger eats it, and thus the soul is conveyed. When the soulbird (human) falls upon one of these fungi the souls fight and the child is crippled or dies. But in any case the human soul is victorious.

Souls of beasts noxious to men are conveyed by poisonous, and harmless by non - poisonous, fungi. Phosphorescent fungi convey souls of night-beasts. The idea of the soul-bird, however, is obsolete except among the Pangan. The Malays, Siamese, and Chinese are thought to have different birds, to convey their souls.

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. ii6. This [Tube?- Regium) of Rumph, (Herb.

can of course only refer to children of Am/win. v.). It is largely used in

the same sex. ^ Supra, pp. 4-6. native medicine, e.g. for consumption,

3 The "tigress-milk "fungus, or "susu and was supposed by the Besisi to wax

rimau," is the sclerotium or resting- and wane with the moon, so that it

stage of a fungus, which has been was thought best to gather it when the

identified by Ridley as Lentimis sp. moon was full.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 217

The new souls sit in a great tree behind Kari's seat till he sends them forth. They never return to him after death, after they have become human. " She has eaten the bird " is the expression used by Kelantan Semang of a pregnant woman. The soulbird is not eaten up all at once, but sometimes kept in a bamboo called " tahong " {^. " tabong ").^

The bird which conveys men's souls is the small Argus-pheasant (" Til-til-tapa ") ; the bird which conveys women's souls is " Chim iui."

Twins result (as above indicated) from eating the soul-bird with an ^%%^'' They have the same birthtree.

With the dead was interred the " penitah " or burial bamboo, which had to be produced by the soul when it came before Kari, on penalty of condemnation,^ Both by Semang and Pangan the soul was believed to cross over into Paradise by means of a tree-bridge, from which the souls of the wicked fell into a boiling lake beneath, through fright of a monstrous figure that mounted guard over the bridge. A fuller account of this, however, has already been given.*

The ideas of the Eastern Semang (Pangan) with regard to death and the future life are as follows : —

There are two Death-spirits, one for men which is called Sentiu, and one for women called Chin-ni. Sentiu has a male servant ("hala") called Ta' Pdnn ("Tappern"), and Chin-ni, a female servant called Min-nang. All these are invisible spirits. Of their own unaided power they cannot take away life from any one, but on their wanderings among the Eastern Semang they see here and there persons who in their opinion are fit to be called away from life. In such a case either Sentiu or Chin-ni send their servants to the Putto of the district, and the latter sends his servant to the Sna-hut, and sets forth eveiything that concerns the life of the Semang in question. The answer returns by the same road until it reaches Pie, who proceeds to bring the matter before Kari by word of mouth. If Kari decides that the man should die. Pie then commissions his servant to inform the Death-spirits about it. These latter (Sentiu or Chin-ni,

1 Vaughan- Stevens, iii. 112-114. ^ Ibid. p. 116.

5 Cp. vol. i. p. 460 ; and vol. ii. p. 93- * P- 208, ante.

as the case niay be) then send forth the "Death-wind" ("Bewa kabis"), which blows over the doomed person, causing death. No spells have the power to ward off the Death-spirits, as Diseases may be warded off. On the other hand, when Kari is wroth with any one he slays him with a flash of lightning, and not through the agency of the Death-spirits. ^

In Paradise the souls eat fruits alone, and the children's souls are able to move about unassisted. AH the souls are visible to each other though invisible to mortal eyes. They dp not change, nor do they marry, but remain for ever in Paradise and never return to earth again. The bodies of the dead do not rise again.

The souls of innocuous beasts go after death to a place near Paradise which is called " Kena-luong " ; but the souls of tigers, snakes, scorpions, etc., go to Purgatory (Belet), where they torture and feed upon the souls of the damned. According to a different tradition, however, the souls of tigers go after death, like the souls of all other beasts, to Kena-luong, which is an immense cavern. There they are no longer able to feed upon flesh, but on fruits and plants ; and have no power of harming the souls of the harmless beasts that are with them. Only, along with snakes and scorpions, they take pleasure in showing themselves at an opening of the cave called ♦' Belet, "^ and thus scaring the souls of men.^

Common people were buried in the ground, but Belians (the great chiefs who were believed to have the power of turning themselves into tigers), were deposited in trees. ^

Legends and Ideas aboiU Hzinian Beings.

The Semang say that the first woman, seeing that all other animals had children, was desirous of having children of her own, but did not know how to obtain them. At length she and her husband took to carrying a brace of fire-logs under the armpits by way of " make-believe." One day the coconut monkey (B'ro') noticed what they were doing, and gave them advice, as the result of which they obtained two boys and two girl children. In the course of time these four grew up and had children likewise. One day, however, the ring-dove ("tekukor") met them and warned them that they had married within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity. It was, indeed, then too late to undo the mischief already done, but the ring-dove advised them, nevertheless, to separate and marry " other people," in which case (it said) the

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 117.

• From this it would appear that Kena-luong and Belet are contiguous.

^ Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 117-118. * Cp. page 91, ante.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 219

children of these fresh marriages might intermarrywithout impropriety.

Among the Semang vague ideas about a big conflagration seem to take the place of the widespread myth of a big flood.

Thus, in explanation of the " fuzziness " or " frizziness " of their hair, they told me that a very long time ago their ancestors were near a clearing in the forest together with the ancestors of the Malays. But one day some Siamese priests (" Sami ") set fire to the clearing (which was overgrown with jungle-grass), the result being a conflagration from which both they and the Malays escaped with difficulty. The Malays, however, were a trifle the quicker in getting away, and in the confusion which followed contrived to annex both the clothes and the rice-spoons of the Negritos. The latter, on the other hand, only succeeded, with great difficulty, in saving their blowpipes and quivers, and in effecting even this their hair got so singed by the fire that it has never since recovered from the crisping that it then received.^

This same story, with a few variations, is recorded by V^aughan-Stevens," who suggests that it

1 Among themselves I believe they also the Kra and the B'ro' (two kinds of really admire a thoroughly woolly head monkey — the ape-kings Hanuman and such as not a few of them possess, but Sugriwa of the Indian poem). The in meeting people of a higher grade of battle began. " Pram " fastened fireculture, such as the Malays, they are brands to the tails of the apes, which perhaps naturally somewhat ashamed ran over the leaf-roofs of the jungleof it, just as they would be of their men's houses and set them on fire, blacker skins. The fire reached the jungle, and

• The account given by Vaughan- the jungle-men fled into the forest.

Stevens (iii. 99), runs as follows :— As, however, they ran through the

" In ancient times they had straight burning jungle their hair curled, and

hair and lived in Kampongs. Their remained curly ever afterwards. But

Rajas were the gigantic Gergasi's. after they had once fled into the

"Pram" (Siamese, Phra Ram), a depths of the primeval forest they

Siamese Raja, wished to destroy the never returned to the civilisation which

Gergasi's, and for this purpose led an they had once possessed. During

army into Kedah. In this army were their flight the coconut-monkey called

NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

may be taken from a Siamese version of the Ramd-

yana.

Other Semang Traditions.

One of the Semang traditions i given to De Morgan was to the effect that an officer of the Raja of Johor, named Nakhoda ("Nada') Kassim, exiled by his master, and setting sail, arrived after a few days at the mouth of the River Bruas, and there landing, proceeded on foot through the jungle till he struck the Perak River near Kuala Kangsar. Here he met with a Semang village and exchanged presents with the inhabitants, and stayed there for some time. One day, however, two little daughters of the Semang chief were quarrelling over a stick of sugar-cane, each of them attempting to break it in turn, when another child snatched up a knife and severed the sugar-cane, at the same time, however, cutting the hand of one of his sisters, at which milk-white blood immediately issued from the wound.

Xakhoda Kassim, who was a spectator of the scene, thereupon demanded the sale of the child from the Semang chief, in order that he might make her his wife. The chief agreed, but persuaded Nakhoda Kassim to remain with him, and in course of time the marriage came off, but for four years they had no children. One day, however, his wife going down to the river to bathe found upon the bamboo raft a new-born infant couched in moss. She therefore took the child back to her husband, who adopted it and gave it the name of Putri Busu (' Pouteh Buisseh ! ')

Now about this time a dog belonging to one Gaffer Long-nose (" To' Hidong "), a relation of the Raja of Pahang, took to barking every day at the same hour in the direction of the sunset, and one day Gaffer Long-nose let the animal loose and followed it. In seven or eight days he reached Yang Vup in Ulu Plus, and the dog coming to a clump of bamboos began barking all round it. Gaffer Longnose took his knife and slit up one of the stems, and therein found, to his great surprise, a new-bom (male) infant, which he at once extracted and took along with him on his journey.

A few days later Gaffer Long-nose met with the Semang, and hearing from them of Nakhoda Kassim, went to meet the latter, and showed him the child, whom he had named Mouse-deer Hill ('Bukit Pandok.') A few years later the two children were married, and Nakhoda Kassim died. Mouse-deer Hill having discovered by looking through his father's papers that his father had received from the Raja the right to select for his own whatsoever part of the country he would, proceeded to Pahang, but finding himself incapable of governing it, he went to Johor and requested the Raja to appoint one of his sons in his stead. The Raja first sent his two youngest sons, the elder of whom, however, slew the younger and then himself at Tanjong Batu. The Raja then sent a godson of his, named Salam Balik, to take charge, but shortly afterwards a son being born to Mouse-deer Hill, Salam Balik had the child killed, and a desperate conflict ensued with the Semang, who employed poisoned arrows. The struggle

out angrily, ' Dia lari sarupa Semang.' 255; and the account in Livy, as

They run like Semang." well as the Ramdyana.

Vaughan-Stevens. says he could not 1 In addition to this legend, which is

find out what this allusion means. [It is clearly from Malay sources, a very in-

probably a pun on Siamang. — W'.S.] coherent account by Vaughan-Stevens

(V.-St. iii. 99, cp. ii. 99, 100.) of Semang wanderings is to be found in

For the firebrand incident, cp. Judges Vaughan-Stevens, iii, 128, 129, but is

XV. 4 ; Hyde, Vet. Pers. Religio, p. not worth quoting.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 221

lasted some years, and Malays from the Nicobars came over to assist the Semang, among the latter being Megat Terawis (" Meccah Traves," sic!), who had brought with him a wonderful gun, on the bullets of which he wrote his name. Salam Balik being wounded by one of those, agreed to make peace, and gave his daughter to Megat Terawis in marriage. In course of time Megat Terawis obtained a daughter, and Mouse-deer Hill having married again and obtained a son, the two children were wedded, and their offspring became the royal family of Perak.^

Legends and Beliefs about Animals.

The elephant, as being one of the largest and most important of the animals, is naturally one into which the souls of chiefs are believed to migrate after death, and has euphemistic and propitiatorynames by which it is known to the Semang and other wild tribesmen. The following story in explanation of the strained relations now supposed to exist between the elephant and the stick-insect and the tapir is told by the Semang : —

The elephant originally had no trunk and instead four big teeth, and greatly harassed the Semang by stealing the fruit out of their back-baskets or dossiers, even turning up the flowers that Pie had planted. The Semang therefore begged Pie to help them, and he turned himself into a stick-insect and perched on a twig, and when the elephant came to feed on the fruit of the tree on which he sat, he knocked the elephant's lower teeth out and caught him by the nose. At this the elephant naturally drew back, so that his nose got stretched and became a trunk. The elephant, however, then begged for mercy, so he was allowed to go, but was obliged to keep his trunk by way of a reminder.

The elephant next met the tapir, who could not refrain from expressing his surprise at seeing the elephant's altered features, whereat the latter tried to bite him as if he still had his teeth, and would have done so but that the tapir slipped behind a rock. The elephant caught at the rock and used his tusks like a boar, but the tapir said that he would have nothing to do with a "pig." At this the elephant stretched out his trunk, caught the tapir by the nose, flung him down on the ground, and said if he met him again on the hills he would tear his head off. Since then the tapir has stayed by the river-side, avoiding the elephant that lives in the hills. And the elephant has a long trunk, and curved teeth in the upper jaw only, and he gets angry whenever he is called a "pig" ; and strikes every branch that he eats either against a tree or his own foot, in order to drive away any chance stick-insect that may have settled on it. If he fails in doing so and eats the stick-insect, he goes mad at once and goes to search for the tapir. ^

This story is on the lines of local Malay stories in some parts of Kedah and also on the east coast,

^ De Morgan, i. 59-61. 2 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 137.

where the stick-insect is called by the curious name of "elephant's fish -poison," ^ the east coast Malays firmly believing that if an elephant accidentally swallows a stick-insect with any leaves that he may be eating, he will die as certainly as if he had eaten the well-known fish-poison called " tuba."

On one occasion when I was travelling by elephant in Kedah my mahout referred to this story, and in order to test it I got him to give the elephant some wild ginger leaves (of which the elephants are fond) on which a stick-insect was sitting. The elephant looked them over, and seeing the stick-insect, promptly tossed the leaves aside.

The story of the breach between the elephant and the pangolin or manis is told as follows : —

The elephant once attacked some Semang sleeping in the jungle, who called to Pie for help. Pie turned himself into a manis,- and meeting a pair of youn<T elephants, rolled himself up and was kicked out of the way by the male. The female called to the male to follow, but the male replied, " Wait till I have killed this thing." " What thing is that ? " replied the female. " A live stone," said the male. "Swine," said the female, "stones are never alive, bring the thing here." "I am afraid to do so," said the male. "Swine!" cried the female, and the male, losing his temper, seized the manis with his trunk to fling it at his wife's head. But Pie rolled himself up and fastened on to his trunk, and the elephant trying to shake him off, and failing, trod upon it, so that the scales ran into his foot. Pie meanwhile shouting " Kro-o-o-ok." The elephant recognising Pie's voice, asked and received mercy, but the elephant since that day has a finger at the end of his trunk, and fears the cry of the manis and always holds up his trunk when he meets anything likely to hurt him.

The inland Malays say the elephant cannot endure the manis, and are hard to ride when they hear it, and Semang elephant-hunters drive him by imitating the cry of the same animal. ^

The tiger (like the elephant) has many names, and is one of the more important animals into which the souls of dead chiefs are supposed by the Semang to migrate after death.

Tigers and snakes had always been good friends, and when Pie once drove off a tiger which was attacking a man, the tiger henceforth became the enemy of Pie

1 Mai. "tuba gajah " or elephant's ^ V.-St. iii. 138; cp. p. 293, infra, tuha. (" tnha" = Dt'rrts e/li/>itca). Vaughan-Stevens' editor compares the

2 Mai. " tenggiling." Kakkata Jataka, B. iii. pp. vi. vii.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 223

and the mistletoe, and tried to destroy the latter. The snake took the part of the tiger. But the rhinoceros-bird seized the snake by the nape of the neck and flew away with it. Then came Pie, and the bird beginning to speak, the snake fell to the ground and Pie put his foot upon its head and ordered the bird to drive away the tiger. The broad hood of the snake was produced by Pie's treading upon it, and the marks in its neck came from the bird's beak. Hence the rhinoceros-bird now kills the snake when he sees it, and makes a great noise when he sees a tiger, to drive it away. That is why the feathers of the rhinocerosbird are used for tiger-arrows {as charms) and for those only.^

Vaughan-Stevens states that the dead bodies of tigers (as well as of poisonous snakes) were som^etimes ceremonially treated on animistic principles. The Pangan of Kelantan, according to his statement, would formerly deposit a charred stick either upon the body or before the jaws (of a dead tiger or snake), and in the case of a tiger the stripes would even be touched with charcoal in several places. This was to prevent their souls from going near the Semang on their way to their own place.- On the other hand, tigers were sometimes said to show themselves (with snakes, etc.) to souls in Belet in order to frighten them for their wickedness. And yet other accounts declare their souls to be admitted even to Paradise, when however they are believed to change their habits and become graminivorous, or in some other way to be prevented from attacking their natural prey.

From what I myself heard, I may relate that, according to the Semang, if forest leeches (Sem. " lawai "), such as are abundant in the jungle, are picked oft' from the person and burnt in the fire outside the shelter, tigers will be sure to scent the burning of the blood and will hasten to the spot.

Another certain way of provoking the aggressiveness of the tiger-folk is to follow after any member of the tribe who has started on a shooting expedition in the jungle with his blowpipe, no matter whether with the object of accompanying or of recalling him.

Monkeys.

The coconut monkey is the subject of more than one tradition. It is a gigantic coconut monkey, for instance, that is one of the guardians of Paradise, and it is a coconut monkey too that is represented as offering advice to the parents of the race.

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 134. " Ibid. p. 132.

Snakes.

Snakes and serpents of various kinds (more especially the python and the cobra) have a fairly important role to play in the mythology of the Negritos. The most important is the python, which the Semang connect with some of their ideas about nature, e.g. with their theory of eclipses (in which they distinguish a python enfolding and seeking to devour the sun and the moon), and Ikub Hwea (Vaughan- Stevens' " Huya"), the great world-snake of which the rainbow is believed to be the visible portion.

The origin of the cobra's hood and of the cobra's quarrel with the rhinoceros-bird has already been related in connection with the tiger. The same ideas are held about the souls of snakes as are held about those of tigers.

Birds.

Birds also occupy a somewhat important position in the religious life of the Semang, as will be seen in the chapter on the soul, though they do not appear to be regularly watched for purposes of augury. They are, however, believed to convey the souls of new - born children, and among the Kelantan Negritos a mother who has hope of offspring is required to eat this soul-bird ; and the phrase " she has eaten the bird " has become tantamount to saying " she expects to become a moiher."

The bird which according to some Semang versions conveys men's souls is the small Arguspheasant. Besides this, there is the bird which conveys women's souls, and the bird Me-el, which is the inseparable companion of Simei.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF PERAK 225

Yet another bird which figures in Semang mythology is the ring-dove ("tekukor"), which is repre- sented as admonishing the first ancestors of mankind.

Insects.

Of insects, the stick- insect is perhaps the most important from the point of view of Semang folklore, and the strained relations between the latter and the elephant have been set forth above. It is called (as by Malays) the Malacca- cane Spirit, but the noise attributed to it is probably made by a small frog. Fireflies again are connected with the Pie traditions (as given above), and the noise made by the cicadse is said to be the voice of Ta' Ponn's children.

Beliefs about Trees.

In accordance with Pie's command, a tree is believed to fall on a Semang who tells a lie. The leaves of the screw-pine are employed as a charm against falling trees. 1

Children's names are derived from trees near the place of birth. The afterbirth is buried under the birth- or name- tree. The father then cuts notches in it, and Kari does the same with the tree on which he leans. -'

Any tree can be a name-tree. The family (birth-) tree is taboo ; it is not injured, nor is its fruit eaten except by an e.\pectant mother. A woman with hope of children among the Eastern Semang (Pangan) used to visit the nearest tree belonging to the species of her birth-tree and decorate it with flowers. The soul-carrying bird always sits on the same kind of tree.^

The birth-tree on which the notches are cut dies soon after the death of its owner, but should the tree die first, its death forbodes that its owner will soon die also. The tree of a murdered man is believed to fall on the murderer.*

N.B. — There appears to be some confusion in Vaughan - Stevens' account betw-een the name-tree and the birth-tree ; except by chance they cannot be identical.

The soui-bird is said to rest only on trees of the same species as the birthtree, all of which are regarded as identical.

Mazic — The Medicine-man or B' Han.

Among the Semang by far the most important member of the tribe was almost invariably the Shaman or Medicine - man (called B'lian).' These

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 112. ■* Ibid. p. 117.

• V. supra, p. 3. •'' Sem. "hala." " B'lian " is of

3 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 1 1 3. Malayan origin.

VOL. II O

226 NA TURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part ni

B'lians are of course of varying status, but I believe that under ordinary circumstances the chiefs of the Semang tribes are always B'lians of more or less repute, who take (among tribes more or less in touch with Malays) the Malay titles of Pelima ( = Mai. " Penglima") or Pengulu ( = Mai. " Penghulu"). The chief of the Kedah Semang (at Siong) was called " Pelima," but would not admit that he was a B'lian until I had seen him charm the evil spirits out of one of the women, when he admitted that he knew something of the medicine-man's art.^ One of the men seen by Mr. Laidlaw and myself on the east coast had also the reputation of being a notorious B'lian, who had moreover the power of turning himself into a tiger at will.

The B'lians themselves obey certain prohibitions which are not observed by the lay members of the tribe. They will not eat goat or buffalo flesh, and but rarely (it is said never, but I have seen it) that of fowls. I was further informed that the oldest and " best " of them, that is to say, in their own words, " those who know all the magic of the tribe," receive a special form of burial, the body being deposited in a rude tree-shelter built among the branches, together with a modicum of food and water, a jungle - knife, etc. This method of tree -burial is believed to enable them to enter into Paradise (which is not the Paradise of their lay fellow-

1 B'lian is naturally a title of respect turned. Thus we read in Newbold

(as Bomor and Pawang are among the (ii. 416) of the "treacherous" B'lian

Malays), and as such is occasionally "that watches over the tigers, and

used by the Malays, the result being which is supposed on rainy nights to

that confusion sometimes arises as to visit the abodes of men, and under pre-

ils exact meaning. The name B'lian text of asking for fire, to seize and tear

again may be applied both to the man themintopieceswithitsenormousclaws."

who can become a tiger and to the In Sarawak the word is always female,

tiger into which he is believed to have it appears. Cp. p. 149, n. i, ante.

CHAP. V NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 227

tribesmen), by flying over the demon that scares the latter. They are moreover beheved to be able to proceed, in trances, to the Fruit Paradise and bring fruit back with them ; they can drive out devils ; they alone know the love-charms which never fail ; and they are able to slay men at a distance by means of their " sendings," which are more feared by the Malays than any magic of their own.

Above all, they can turn themselves into tigers during their lifetime, and after death their souls not infrequently enter into wild beasts, such as the elephant, tiger, and rhinoceros, and there abide until their animal embodiment dies, when they duly proceed to their own Paradise.^

The Were-tiger Ceremony.

One of the most interesting episodes of the Cambridge Expedition in 1899- 1900 was our meeting, at the little Malay hamlet of Ulu Aring in the far interior of the Peninsula, with a B'lian named Pandak who possessed a great reputation as a dangerous were-tiger.

The Malays waited for his departure before giving me this information, but although I was not aware of his reputation at the time, I had fortunately asked him a good many questions about B'lians and their reputed powers, and he had given me a good deal of interesting information. From what he told me

• Mr. N. W. Thomas writes me that man does not, it is true, take the form

most probably this common feature of of his manito, but practically the

Shamanism first arose from the belief familiar is the manito of the Shaman,

that animals are cleverer than men. At all events this power that the B'lian

The Shaman's magical powers are claims of becoming a tiger seems clearly

supposed to be due to the aid of the to account for the painting of his face,

animal, and he takes its form to put on solemn occasions, with the tiger's

them into practice. The manito (in- stripes, which are supposed to make other

dividual totem) is another case. The tigers [and men? — W.S.] afraid of him.

228 NA TURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part rii

it appeared that he had (or beheved that he had) the power of turning himself into a tiger at will, in which guise he would feast upon bodies of his victims (whether dead or alive), always, however, excepting and burying the heads} " When a B'lian wishes to become a tiger," said Pandak the B'lian, "he takes a handful of incense {i.e. benzoin) and says, ' I am going to walk' ('Ye chop'), and sets off into the hilly parts of the forest, often two or three valleys distant from his shelter of leaves. There he kindles the incense, and dipping his right hand into the smoke (to collect the fumes in it), he holds it just above the level of his right shoulder funnel-wise, and blows the smoke through the funnel thus formed. This process he repeats a second time in front of the left shoulder, and again just in front of his face, — at the same time invoking the spirits of the mountains to grant his wishes. He then recommences, and collecting more smoke in his fist, blows through it as before — this time, however, close to the ground. He next squats on his haunches and leans forward on his hands, turning his head quickly to left and right.

" Presently " (I tell the tale in his own words) " his 'skin changes, fur grows, and a tail appears.'"' Thus he remains from seven to twelve days, during which time he raids the neighbouring cattle-pens till his craving is fully appeased, when he returns to the spot that he started from, squats down as before, and turns himself back by means of saying simply, ' I am going home ' (' Ye wet '). Throughout the period of his absence, however prolonged, his wife,

1 This claim of the Semang medicine- Customs," p. 95, a/iie. man is evidently the foundation of the ^ According to Mr. H. N. Ridley,

atrocious custom attributed by the the tail, in one version of the story,

Malays to the Udai ; see "Burial is the first part to appear.

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Vol. II. p. 22S.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 229

sitting at home, must keep the fire always burning and from time to time burn incense. Otherwise he would disappear entirely. On regaining his human form, he is usually extremely sick and vomits up the still undigested bones that he had swallowed in his tiger-shape." It is, I was told, impossible to shoot him, as would otherwise be done, in this stage, as he invariably disappears before there is time to fire a shot.

Medicine.

We now come to the subject of medicine and exorcism, which latter forms the most important part of the Semang medicine-man's ritual. In the estimation of the Semang, Diseases are not caused by demons, but are demons, and require to be exorcised as such.

I will therefore describe an actual case in which I was by good luck enabled to see one of the Semang methods of" casting out devils " from a person believed to be possessed.

One of the women in the Semang encampment at Siong in Kedah suffered terribly at times from severe pains in the limbs, and one day while I was there she was seized with one of her paroxysms, and after much weeping and crying suddenly got up and rushed out into the jungle at the back of the encampment, shrieking as she went. The sight was a very distressing one, as I could not make out anything for certain from her exclamations except the fact that she had great pain in her limbs, and as I had come over from the nearest Malay village, which was some miles distant, early in the morning, and had left my medicine-case behind me, I had no means of alleviating the poor woman's sufferings. However, when all the Semang in the

encampment had one by one slipped out after her, I too followed in order to see whether anything could be done for her, or whether she was about to die in the jungle, as some of her tribe assured me. On reaching the spot I found her sitting down with her legs stretched out in front of her, whilst the chief (Pelima) was digging away as if for dear life with a pointed stick to try and uproot the stump of a sapling a few yards away from her back. After a good deal of hard work, which caused the perspiration to stand out upon him like beads, he succeeded in uprooting the stump, and thereupon taking some soil from the hole he rubbed it upon her back and stomach. He then showed me the identical stump, the stem ot which was pinched in — a sure sign, he declared, of the late presence of the demon of which it had been the embodiment.^ He then dug up a second root, which proved to be that of a creeper whose roots had grown across each other in a manner suggestive of the mandrake ; this too he declared to be the habitation of a dangerous demon, and soil taken from the hole from which it had been uprooted was rubbed on the woman in the same manner as before. By this time his patient had commenced to recover, and he informed me further that the cleared space where she happened to be sitting had been the site of a previous encampment, and that he had thus been exorcising these two evil spirits from the spot where she used formerly to bathe (the inference being ihat they had attacked her while bathing). The roots being extracted, the Pelima proceeded to perform the peculiar rite known

1 One of these roots (the stump) gut kli "(=" Beard of the K'li fish"), belonged to a saphng of the " Peng- and the other that of a creeper called ling " tree, called by the Malays " jang- " awe kembong "( " k. creeper ").

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 231

to the Malays as " sembor sirih," ^ and to conclude the ceremony two of the audience picked up a couple of dead and fallen saplings and hurled them forcibly into the surrounding jungle, in order (as they explained) that the evil spirits might go with them. By this time the woman had, strange to say, for the time, at all events, perfectly recovered, and in the course of about half an hour she was able to walk back to the encampment, two males of the party working off their emotion by running up a couple of forest trees (placing the flat of the foot against the trunk), and shouting for joy.

On coming away I begged of the Pelima the two queer stumps which had given him so much trouble to uproot, which are now at Cambridge.

According to Logan, the Semang not infrequently imposed upon the superstitious Malays, when they wished to procure a supply of tobacco and had no products to barter, by presenting them with medicines which they pretended to derive from particular shrubs and trees in the woods, and which they represented as efficacious for the cure of headache and other complaints.^

I may add that we learn from Vaughan-Stevens that charred sticks and the blackening of the feet with charcoal were regarded as effective charms against disease,^ also that the body is painted for magical purposes.*

The women also wear combs inscribed with magic patterns against disease.^ The wind-demon is believed to deposit the disease upon the forehead, hence the importance of having the charm upon the head. In the huts the combs are not worn.

1 " Sembor sirih." To perform this '^ J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 426.

rite the Malay medicine -man ejects ^ Cp. supra, p. 59.

chewed betel -leaf accompanied by a * Cp. supra, p. 38.

charm upon some part of the patient's ^ The Pangan women of Ulu

person, which in this case was the Kelantan wear "huchong" leaves

stomach and small of the back. stuck in their combs as charms.

The men had a corresponding set of charm-patterns for their quivers and charm-holders, the latter having been substituted, as more convenient, for the partly charred sticks originally given by the Pulto.i

The women also had the " tahong," or birth -bamboo worn for magical purposes during pregnancy. -

Love-charms.

I now come to the famous love-charm of the wild tribes which is called " Chinduai," and appears to be very widely if not universally known to them, though its actual origin is quite uncertain.

The Chinduai is said by the Semang to be the name of an exceedingly small and rare plant, a few inches only in height, and possessing a very small white blossom of extraordinarily powerful fragrance.

When the plant is met with it is pulled up by the root (and burnt ?), and a few drops of oil are dropped upon it, after which a little of the oil from the plant is smeared upon the forehead and breast, and the following mystical formula repeated : —

En-en Bonn, Ta-ta' noi, Nai ka-bleb, Chuang boi, Chepoi dooi. Tug-tug loi.

I spent a good many hours in endeavouring to discover the exact meaning of the words, with, however, only partial success. It may therefore serve as a problem to be worked out at leisure by those who enjoy such linguistic enigmas. It is only fair, however, to say that I doubt whether it is in the ordinary Semang dialect. The Siong people told me that they themselves could not explain it properly, because the language of their charms was harder to understand than what they usually spoke. It quite possibly

^ See vol. i. p. 437. ^ Vol. i. pp. 45S, 459.

CHAP. VI NEGRITOS OF KEDAH 233

belongs (as do so many charms in Malay and most other languages) to a more archaic dialect. A tentative version runs as follows : —

Look, look, comrade ! As this oil drips, Alone by yourself Approach towards rne, (And) yearn towards me (As this) oil spreads upwards.

Sendings or " Pointings .''

The following information concerning the bamboo sendings or rather "pointings" ("tuju") used by the B'lians of their tribe was furnished me by the Semang themselves.

The ordinary "tuju" is a mere slip or sliver of bamboo about two inches long. This is laid upon the right palm, and commanded to go and kill its intended victim. It thereupon flies through the air, and on reaching its victim pierces him to the heart. ^ The "tuju" with the nick in it was (they told me) far the more deadly than the one without, as on reaching its victim it would "twist itself round his heart-strings."

One form of the ceremony is as follows : — Wax from a deserted bees'-comb is taken and fashioned roughly into a taper. This taper is lighted, and a little incense burnt. The sliver (" tuju ") is then commanded to proceed directly, turning neither to the right hand nor to the left until it reaches its destined victim.

When I asked some members of the tribes at how

^ The nicked " tuju " may very arrows of the combatants are repre-

probably, I am inclined to believe, sented as a kind of small serpents or

represent a degenerated bamboo arrow, dragons which did not require to be

the nick still carrying on the tradition shot with the bow, but flew of their

of the barbs. It must be remembered own accord to the mark, directed

that in the version of the Ramayana, as merely by the magic power, or will,

modified by Malay shadow-players, the of those who owned them.

great a distance one of these sendings could be expected to take effect, I was told " as far as from here (Siong) to Ulu Selama," a distance of probably two days' journey across country.

The Malays especially fear the power of these " pointings," which are, they believe, almost invariably fatal.

II. — Sakai.

The beliefs of the Sakai, whether concerning celestial or terrestrial phenomena, have been very imperfectly described, and the scanty details that have been collected on this subject, except perhaps for the materials collected by Luering, are in no way characteristic, though they appear, so far as they go, to be very similar to those of the Semang.

Sakai Legend of Early Man — Origin of the Blowpipe Patterns.

Originally man and beast lived on fruits alone, and every tree and plant (even rattan and bamboo) bore sweet and wholesome fruit. Demons ("Hantu"), however, dwelt in all of them, and hence men, whenever they desired to fell a tree, used to knock upon its trunk to warn the Demons to leave it. The land, however, was full of apes, who used to break off twigs at random through mere wantonness and thus incurred the wrath of the Demons ; so that many trees took to bearing seeds only, or protected their fruit by means of hard or prickly shells ; or else bore but sour or noxious fruits. Then famine commenced, and Tuhan' ordered the people to slay wild beasts also for food, and taught them the use of the blowpipe. Whereupon certain trees and plants offered to make their sap poisonous and lend it to man, so that they might be revenged upon the apes. The bamboo Demons, however, soon became wroth with man as well, because so many stems of bamboo were used, and entering the blowpipes either diverted the darts, or licked off the dart -poison to spoil their shooting. Then they applied once again to Tuhan for help, and Tuhan grasping in his red-hot hands a clump of "Seven Bamboos" (into which the Demons had crept), forthwith turned the Demons themselves into stone.

The Batin,- who had fallen asleep, now awoke, and Tuhan (seeing the Demons in his blowpipe stretching out their necks) called to him and told him to put the Demons into the fire by means of a long rattan (cane). So did the Batin, and so did they all, and thus many demons were killed.

After that Tuhan had annihilated the Demons, he observed, on his way, that the Batin and his people were suffering greatly from hunger and thirst. Therefore he touched the ground where the Seven Bamboos had been growing, until there shot up a number of fresh young bamboo sprouts, such as are willingly eaten by

' Tuhan is of Malay or Malayan to southern (probably Jakun) influence, origin. The title of Batin, too, points - SeeVaughan-Stevens, iii. 128, 129.

SAKAI OF PERAK 235

the Sakai, and indeed by all native races of the Peninsula — as well as full-grown bamboos, which contained water. Thus all the chiefs obtained enough to eat, and henceforth they cooked the sprouts of bamboo in the internodes of the fullgrown stems themselves. And since the thorns of the rattan had scratched the interior of the tube, each headman gave his own tribe the marks which had appeared on his own bamboo, as a magic design to protect them against the Demons, and hence each clan derived its own so-called " pichod "-mark.

Then each of the headmen made a quiver for himself out of one of the internodes of the Seven-fold Bamboo, and out of the abnornal growth, by drilling a hole through it, a buckle for his own girdle, in which he carried the quiver. Later, people took to burning into their quivers patterns representing the various marks that had been left by Tuhan's red-hot hands upon each separate part of the bamboos, no two tribes selecting exactly the same pattern, since each demon was most easily quelled by the particular design which had slain his own relative.

And when Tuhan had given them a complete series of charm-patterns, each tribe followed the graining (" Baris hidup") of the node which fell to its chief.

This is the reason that the " Orang Sakai " are fond of ape's flesh. ^

World-beliefs.

The Sakai of Ulu Bertang say that Rahu is a monster which appears to resemble a dragon, since it " swallows like a serpent." It is seen to crawl across the heavens, and its colour is at once both green and black ('* bla-ur bl-ak "). The moon sees Rahu approach and becomes very red ('• rengan "), perhaps from fear. To help the moon, people strike drums and bamboos ("awad") together, and scream out to frighten Rahu, This is what they shout and sing :

The moon has been eclipsed by Rahu,

We call out to the moon, we call out to Rahu,

O Rahu, let loose my moon, oh ! -

" Then the moon is let loose (' berhol ') by the monster, and we are all glad, for if the moon were not it would be very dark. We do the same when Rahu tries to swallow the sun."

World-legends — " IClang B'lok'' the World-eagle. On the east side of Gunong Renduai, in Ulu Bertang, in the Kinta district of Perak (near Sungei

1 Vaughan-Stevens, iii. 128, 129. Ha chngru gicha, chngru Rahu,

2 Ya kilip gicha ya Rahii, O Rahu berhol gicha eng, oi !

Siput), the low-lying reaches of which are now known as S. Batu Putih, or " White Rock River," there is a hollow ("gugup") in a steep and inaccessible wall of limestone, at about half its height. This is the nest of the " K'lang B'lok," a giant eagle, which at one time nearly succeeded in destroying all human beings.^ Only two persons had managed to escape, both the youngest members of their respective families, a boy called Ba-lut {i.e. " youngest son "), and a girl called Wa-lut {i.e. " youngest daughter "). These two owed their safety hitherto to the possession of a magic knife (called "jehud paung "). When they found that they had alone escaped with their lives, the youth approached the maiden saying, " Marry me ? " ^ The girl replied, "All right! if you will cause the K'lang B'lok to die, I will be your wife." The boy replied, " I will kill the K'lang B'lok." ' After saying this he climbed to the cave and waited for the return of the giant bird. It was then about noon, but suddenly the sky became dark, and the sun disappeared behind the wings of the bird, the rustling of which was like the sound of thunder (" 'ngkuh "). Ba-lut then stretched out his right arm with the magic knife, which proved to be so sharp that in its flight the approaching bird cut its own neck against it and died. Then Ba-lut married W^a-lut, and they two became the ancestors of all the people now living in this world.

To this Dr. Luering of Perak, who sends me the foregoing tale, adds that he was informed, not by the

^ " Mai lik gi-cha " (Mai. " manusia "K'lang" may bean archaic form of

habis di-makan "). Mai. " helang " = " kite," "hawk,"

• "Guy ru eng"="live {lit. sit) " fish - eagle." Cp. Vocabulary, H

with me." 54; " Balog " (in Kedah Semang) =

^ " Buli eng perdat K'lang B"lok."' "stone."

SAKAI OF PERAK zyj

teller of this story but by a third person, that there could be no doubt that the cave which was pointed out to Dr. Luering himself was really the nest of the K'lang B'lok, because many years ago, no one knows how many, a man succeeded in climbing up to it, and there he saw two very large eggs of the K'lang B'lok, which, however, had been turned into stone, and could not therefore be hatched. " Oh, if they ever were hatched, this world would come to an end, and we should all be eaten up. No one can withstand the might of K'lang B'lok." This was the exclamation made by Siamat, the man who recounted the story, when asked whether he had ever heard of the eggs of the K'lang B'lok having been seen. The cave can only be reached by rope-ladders.

Another bird connected with Sakai beliefs by Dr. Luering is the Coucal (" but-but " = Mai. " bubut "), which has the power of healing the broken legs of its young ones. People go and find the nest, if they have good luck, for one may search for a lifetime and never find it. When the bird has young, if you break the leg of one of them, its cries will attract the mother, who will come and see what is the matter, and when she has found it out she will fly into the jungle to find the plant called " akar temu urat," or " creeper with the meeting leaf-ribs," which she will rub upon the injured limb. Next morning if one returns to the nest it will be found that the young bird is quite well again. This medicine has sometimes been obtained by frightening the mother-bird so that she drops the plant, but the Sakai know how to find it in the jungle, and some Malays also know the plant. ^ To prepare it for use you have but to steep it

^ Cp. p. 157, ante.

in oil, and rub it upon the affected part, when it will join even broken bones and heal all manner of wounds. Dr. Luering's authority said that he was shown the plant some years ago, but unfortunately had never found it since, and his informant had died, but he remembered distinctly that his informant broke the growing plant about two inches from the ground, and joining the broken pieces again, tied them with a string. The next morning the two pieces had again grown together, so that there was no sign of them ever having been broken. It was also impossible to break them at the former place, though they could still be broken elsewhere. Seeing this was believing.

To return, the Sakai are said to indulge in a ceremonial exorcism of the spirits of thunder, during the prevalence of which they go out of their houses and brandish their poles and arms, to frighten away the evil spirits.^

The forces of nature are thought to possess the souls of certain evil spirits or demons, which cause them to harm people. The forces themselves are not demons. The harm which is sometimes caused by wind and lightning is the work of demons. If a demon is banished by a powerful charm, he dare not in such a case cause (for instance) the lightning to deviate from its destined goal, e.g. to set the jungle on fire, in order to do harm of another kind by striking a man. The winds are believed to be seven in number, each one lying above the other ; seven, like three, being a mystic num.ber to the Sakai. The whirlwind — a product of several meeting winds (called " Angin Puting B'liong ") — is cone-shaped like the haft of an

1 /. /. A. vol. iv. p. 430.

SAKAI OF PERAK 239

adze { = Mai. " puting "). This name is said to be taken from the cone-Hke shape assumed by leaves when they are being rolled up by the wind in question.^

The earth, moreover, is regarded as a thin, flat crust floating upon a nether ocean. The heavens consist of several layers or tiers, the lowest of which may probably be identified with the traditional region of " Kelonsong Awan " (lit. " Husks, or Shards, of the Clouds"), beyond which lies the Sakai Island of Fruit-trees."

The inhabitants of the upper heavens consist of Tuhan or Peng,^ the "god" of the Sakai, and a giantess named " Granny Long-breasts " (' Gendui Lanyut "), whose task of washing human souls will be described more fully in the succeeding section. Both men and women go to this Paradise, but children, instead of undergoing the ordeal, are allowed to go and play in a place called " Noon," which lies underneath the aforesaid " Cloud-husks."

Sakai Soul-theories.

About the appearance and attributes of the soul as conceived by the Sakai, we have at present no information whatever.

After death, however, the Sakai say that " Granny Lanyut" or "Long-breasts" ("Genowie Lanyoot"),the Queen of Hell, washes their sin-blackened souls in hot water.^ All men's souls must be purified,*^ and after death they proceed to Neraka (the Infernal Regions),

1 No. It is really from the Malay ^ Perhaps to be identified with the word for water-spout (from its conical Semang Ponn, q.v.

form). The passage may perhaps refer ^ The original has " Tingha Howi,"

to " B'landas" beliefs, at least to some which I take probably to = Mai.

of Malayan origin. — Vaughan-Stevens, " Tengah Hari," i.e. "Noon." ii. 148, 149. ° Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 130.

2 Ibid. These too are Malay an beliefs. ^ Ibid. This is also Malayan.

where they come before the aforesaid personage, who is described as a giantess with pendulous breasts, which she throws over her shoulders. Elsewhere she is described as sitting in the usual posture of a Sakai woman, sideways, with the feet drawn up to the left, and with her hands resting on her knees, except when she was engaged in washing the souls. She makes the souls (after their purification) walk along the horizontal edge of a monstrous chopper, which hangs with point turned away from her over a big vessel, to the middle of which it nearly reaches. The water in this vessel is kept at boiling point, Granny Lanyut herself stoking the fire. A block of wood (" tras lepong " ?) juts out from the opposite side of the copper so as nearly to meet the point of the blade, and the souls have to spring across the intervening gap. Bad souls fall in, good ones escape, the latter proceeding along the block of wood in the direction of the Island of Fruit-trees. Here they wait till Tuhan sends them a friend of the same sex to show them the way to the " Husks of the Clouds."

If they have no friend, they must wait for the arrival of another soul who has a friend there. Upon this journey the two sexes are separated, and none but adults are allowed to proceed ; all children (" without limit of age or sex ") stay with Tuhan instead of proceeding to Granny Lanyut. When eventually they go to the place called "Noon" (?) they spend their time in play, and (like their elders) do not require to

eat.

The souls that fall in are fished out by Granny Lanyut as soon as they are clean enough, when they are rubbed, and set upon the block of timber.

If they then require further purification, they are

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 241

thrown in a second time, and if necessary a third time, and so on up to seven times, when if they still remain black, they are cast out by Granny Lanyut to wander on earth again as demons (of the kind most appropriate to the sins they have committed)/ Two such " lost-soul " demons are the Degup Demon and Grave Demon, to both of which we shall presently revert.

The Sakai Deity.

Tuhan, the Sakai (" Blandas ") god, and Kari, the Semang Thunder-god, are (says Vaughan-Stevens, without, however, giving any proof) quite different persons.

About Tuhan we are unfortunately told very little. We gather, however, that he is the supreme judge of the souls of men, who are sent before him by Granny Lanyut, and that the demons are the agents of his punishments. And elsewhere we are told that whenever the Sakai have done wrong, Tuhan gives the demons leave to attack them," and that against his decree there is no contending.^ He is not prayed to, as his will is unalterable.

The name of the chief spirit or god of the Sakai is, however, in other places given by Vaughan- Stevens as Peng ; e.g. in that writer's account of the " tuang-tuang " ceremony,^ where Peng's power over the demons is described.

Spirits and Demons. Of Sakai demons (" Nyani ") in general we learn from Vaughan-Stevens that there are both male and female demons, but that there is no intercourse between

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 131. " Peng " is uncorroborated.

2 Ibid. Note that the name at least ^ Ibid. p. 132.

of " Tuhan " is Malay. The name of ^ Z.f.E. xxvi. 163.

VOL. II R

242 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part iir

them, and consequently no propagation of the species. They prefer, nevertheless, to live in pairs like human beings. Peng (or " Allah ") is able to annihilate them, and can also increase their numbers, but nobody (else) can kill them. The magician alone is in a position to keep them at a distance, when they want to inflict injury upon any one, and that only if Peng himself has no reason for permitting them to cause it, as otherwise the power of the magician is ineffectual. We are also told that demons, especially the male ones, are not afraid of wom.en ; and that at the " tuang-tuang " ceremony they enter the ring from above and pass out of it through the ground.^

Of other spirits and demons Vaughan-Stevens gives the following information : —

The demons into which the souls that cannot be purified are changed vary from those which are merely shut out of the " Cloud-Husks" to the Hantu Degup or Ghost Demon, which suffers from cold, thirst, and hunger.

The Sakai think (as has been already mentioned) that they must have done something wrong before any demon (with the exception of the Degup Demon) gets permission from Tuhan to attack them. In any case, however, they consider that all demons should be avoided " like the tiger," and when sick (though not when dying) they seek to frighten them away (or oppose them by means of spells), just as if they were human beings. -

1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 163. idea of prayer is quite foreign to the

• Hence when Vaughan - Stevens Orang Hutan " is due to a similar emdeclares (ii. 132) that there is no trace ployment of popular phraseolog)-. See of ^t-xaoxi - worship, he is evidently J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 430. — "The Sakai using the word "worship" in its deprecate the Nyani or superior spirits, narrow (and popular) sense. So too and the Pateh or inferior ones, which on pp. 135, 136, his remark that "the are male and female."

CHAP. VI SAKAl {'BLANDAS-) 243

There are four chiefs of the world of demons, viz. : a Batin, Jinang, Jurukrah, and PengHma.^

The symptoms of a man killed by the Degup Demon resemble those caused by snake-bite in the foot. Men can easily escape from a demon by running, because both its feet are reversed. If, however, they are overtaken, the demon shakes them and they soon fall dead. All deaths by demons are permitted by Tuhan, who decides how long each man ought to live.

The Degup Demon.

The Degup Demon is a lost, but immortal soul, which being so spotted that Granny Lanyut is unable to purify it even after seven times bathing it in boiling water, has been expelled by her from hell, and is undergoing punishment on earth for its sins. It is visible, and always slays ' all whom it meets, without, however, causing them pain. It cannot go far from the spot where its body is buried, but seeks for warmth and comfort in the vicinity of the grave. Even, however, when it finds what it seeks, it derives no benefit, " Unbearably tormented, it seeks relief and finds none, except on the grave, and when it fails to find the latter (the grave) it may be heard at night shrieking " Gup ! gup ! gup ! " (Vaughan - Stevens declared that he had often heard it, by night only, but attributed the cry to a small owl or gecko.) When it finds the grave, it cowers down upon it, taking the form of an old man or woman whose feet are turned backwards (as is the case with other demons).^

^ Vaughan - Stevens, ii. 134. A soever it met, it might only frighten them,

proof of Malayan influence. '^ In his account of the "tuang-tuang"

• Yet (pp. 133, 134) V.-St. says that ceremony, after stating that the soul of

though (unlike other demons) it had a magician could not be damned, whilst

power from Granny Lanyut to kill whom- that of a Batin could, Vaughan-Stevens

244 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part m

The Sakai will leave any place at once where even a single evil-doer dies, the whole tribe moving on and rebuilding their village, and never returning to the deserted site. The number of deaths, however, does not matter if the deaths may be attributed to other causes (than the Hantu Degup), nor if all the deceased bore good reputations. Hence the Sakai avoid Malays, who always have (with them) a bad reputation, although they maintain that dead Malays go to a different place.

The Grave De77ion.

Of the Hantu Kubur (or Grave Demon) Vaughan- Stevens says ^ that the use of the anchak (" anchap "), or sacrificial tray, which is suspended over Sakai graves, is to receive food and water destined for the Grave Demon. ^ It is again for the Grave Demon that the fire on the grave is lit. The soul (Mai. " semangat ") of the deceased has already gone to the nether regions (" Neraka"), but his wicked deeds continue to wander about near the grave in the form of a grave demon in order to find some human embodiment into which they can enter. A good man gives them, no opportunity, but a bad one allows them to enter, and becomes worse in consequence. If the Grave Demon finds no such new place of abode, it

continues as follows : — " If the soul of ment (since as a Batin he was accustomed

a Batin was damned, the punishment to having food brought to him). But

consisted in this, that his soul was ordinary people fled before him, and

turned away by Granny Lanyut as the magician, whenever he came upon

unwashable, and returned to the earth him, struck at him with his fearful

as a Ghost Demon or Hantu Degup. stick : the stick with the triple tiger's

Anhungered, he saw an abundance of claw-like growth, from the stem of a

fruits on cverj' side ; thirsty, he saw kind of rattan, which the Malays call

water everywhere, yet could not reach Dahan, and which inflicts exceedingly

it either, so that his soul wandered painful wounds" (Z./ .£. xxvi. 148). about continually in order to find ^ V'aughan-Stevens, ii. 141.

somebody who would bring it nourish- - Cp. supra, p. 98.

CHAP. VI SAKAl {'BLANDAS') 245

must return to the grave in three days' time. The use of the fire is to show it the way. If after the three days it finds no new home, it sits by the fire at night, eating and drinking the contents of the " anchak " or tray, and sleeping throughout the daytime, and having continued in this state for seven days, it dies outright and vanishes for ever. Hence after seven days no more food is put in the tray. While it is alive and being fed it is harmless, and does no harm to the survivors, who visit the grave either to bring it food or to attend to the fire. As the Grave Demon is invisible, no one can tell whether the deceased left behind him a Grave Demon or not. Therefore the fire is lit and the food offered on behalf of all the members of the tribe, both big and little.^

Demons of the Atmosphere.

In Vaughan- Stevens' class of invisible demons there are many kinds of demons of the atmosphere which work through the agency of rain, heat, mountains, lakes, stones, and trees. These are, however, not very dangerous, and seldom kill.

The Demon Huntsman (Hantu Seburu) is a lost soul that has been excluded from the "Cloud-Husks" (" Kelonsong Awan "), and sent back to earth by Granny Lanyut. Like the " Lofty Demon," it resembles a jungle-man, and disappears from sight the moment it is seen. It is never far from water, and is sometimes swallowed in drinking and thus introduced into the blood. It also resembles the Baunan Demon, except in form, which in the case of the latter is that of a huge black human figure.

1 Vaughan- Stevens, ii. 141. Cp. ib. 83 «., for a " Hantu" with "vampire" proclivities.

246 NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part m

The Mati Anak (or Stillborn-child Demon) has two forms, that of a frog and that of a bird. Like the other three demons, it is a soul expelled from Paradise by Granny Lanyut, and resembles such souls in all other respects.

The Jemoi Demon resembles a black dog, which disappears as soon as it is met with. It is seen in bushes after a long day's journey, and seems a sort of personification of fatigue, the sight of it bringing great bodily prostration, and the legs of the victim swelling up until he is unable to move from the spot. In other respects it resembles the foregoing.^

There are also many tree-spirits which belong to the class of invisible spirits, but are not very dangerous, and seldom kill.' Also the crop-spirits belonging to the same class, chief of which is the Hantu Juling or Squinting Demon, which is exorcised with so much care at the harvesting of the rice.^

Before leaving the subject of demons, reference should be made to the Sakai custom of hanging up the jaws of apes (that have been shot with blowpipe

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 135. the head of the hatchet in the helve 2 Before a tree is cut down, a Sakai and returned it to its owner, subtaps three or four times on the tmnk sequently doing the same for the other with the back of his implement. The tools. The ceremony of burning the legendary explanation is that this cere- felled timber was likewise accompanied mony is a notice to quit to the Hantu by magical ceremonies. At the plantof the tree. Vaughan-Stevens could ing of the rice the magician performed never get a satisfactory explanation. — various ceremonies intended to make V.-St. iii. 128. the rice grow short, to protect it from ■* The process has already been de- wild animals and CNnl spirits, and to scribed, but may here, for convenience' make the seed fertile. Care had to be sake, be in brief recapitulated. Before exercised not to awake the mousefelling the trees for a padi-clearing all demons.

the tools had to be charmed. Women Before the commencement of harvest and children might not be present on a magical ceremony was performed to account of the dangers from evil spirits. secure the soul of the rice ; this was Saplings were cut and erected at followed by a feast, after which the sunrise and the handle of a hatchet labours of the harvest, till then in the hung from them. After repeating a hands of the women alone, were connumber of charms the magician replaced tinued. Supra, vol. i. p. 344 ^(('.

SAKAI OF PERAK 247

darts and eaten) from the roof of the house. ^ This is done in order to keep away the ape-demons, which cause epileptic fits. This form of madness ("gila"), as the Sakai call it {i.e. the grinning and showing of teeth that is seen in apes as they fall from the tree after being shot, and before the hunters kill them with the parang or chopper), is inflicted upon the hunter by the ape -demon, if the latter is not diverted from the object of its revenge.^

Dr. Luering of Perak writes me, that the spirits which most afflict the Sakai of Ulu Bertang are the following : — " Nyani' manus," the tiger spirit ; " Nyani' s'rak," the jungle or forest spirit ; " Nyani' tiu," the river or water spirit. These three spirits can more or less be overcome by the skill of the Sakai, either by charms or medicine, but another spirit called " Nyani' jehu'," or the tree spirit, is so quick in working mischief that no help is possible. He comes down from the trees when no man knows, and before any one suspects it, has slain his victim.^

Dr. Luering inquired after the elephant spirit, which is so much feared by the Perak Malays, and which, the Malays believed, had quite recently killed one of the greatest chieftains of the state (the Dato' Penglima Kinta, who died of dropsy), but the Sakai knew nothing of any such spirit. Questioned as to small-pox (Mai. " champak " = Sak. " ginas "), they said that it was a " Nyani' gop " or Malay spirit, which was very hostile to the Sakai, while it treated the Malays kindly. The chieftain of the Sahum tribe remarked that he used to estimate his tribe at about three

^ The Perak Sakai similarly suspend 21, p. 162. ^ Z.f. E. xxvi. 169.

the(lower)jawsof civet-cats("musang") ^ For the offerings made in expelling

and other animals, as well as bunches of these spirits (the " Balei Nyani '■), v.

hornbill skulls.— /./e.^. 5., S.B., No. Fasc. Mai. p. 46.

248 NA TURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

hundred souls, but within the last year twenty-four had died of small-pox. Dr. Luering's informant added : —

" We believe in ' kramats ' or sacred places, at which we worship like the Malays, burning incense (' kemenyian '). We learnt this from our ancestors. Of course, some of these sacred places belong to Malay spirits (' Nyani' gop '). In case of sickness we make vows there (' bcrkaul '). We have no other word for making a vow,

" These spirits have sometimes been seen : Malay spirits look like Malays, others look like ourselves. There is a sacred spot on Gunong Banglang,^ near the steep rock-wall there. I have never seen it, but our people go there to make vows. Another is on Gunong Renduwai, where the K'lang B'lok was killed. Of course there are many more, and some are very powerful, but there is no name for them except that of the place where they dwell."

According to Vaughan-Stevens (in his account of the " tuang-tuang " ceremony), the term "physic" is somewhat misleading, for it is only in very few cases that the magicians act to any extent as physicians. They are really magicians pure and simple, the corresponding profession in the case of the southern tribes being rather that of medicine - man (or " Poyang "). As the latter, however, has not been formally initiated into the mysteries of the magicians, as preserved by the wilder tribes of the jungle, a new profession has arisen there, viz. that of healing diseases with infusions of herbs applied inwardly.

The ancient demon- or devil - man is something quite different. Through the magic power bequeathed to him by his ancestors, he exorcises all kinds of

' Or " Balang" (Malay), south-east of Batu Pipis.

CHAi'. VI SAKAJ {'BLANDAS') 249

demons and diseases, and the few plants that he employs are applied outwardly either in pressed form or in that of an infusion.'

The Sakai magicians in ancient times exercised an influence far exceeding even the prerogative of a chief. On every occasion their counsel was required, and even the Batin '^ did not undertake any action of importance, such as a migration or a war, without their approval. Moreover, they filled an important role both at births and at marriages, though not (it appears) at funerals.'^

The chief power of the magician consisted in his universally recognised attribute of being able to assure the health of his clientele, and to provide for them the means of nourishment and the like by virtue of his charms. The magician of the wilder tribes is distinguished from his colleagues of the south by the fact that he still believes firmly in the power of his charms.

Besides this, the magician could punish any persons who offended him by permitting the demons to torment them and make them ill, this result being attained by his refusing them his protection against the demons that were always ready to torment mankind. He had, moreover, the right to step into a house and take away the charms that were hung up in the house, and any one who hindered him from so doing was compelled to suffer the penalty of being killed by means of his club. The supreme god (Allah, Tuhan, or Peng) alone had the power and the right to dictate to the demons on whom they should inflict their injuries. No demon could injure a magician, and the latter's death (no matter from what

1 Z.f. E. xxvi. 145. Cp./.I. A. vol. iv. p. 430. 2 A Malayan official. ■' '/.. ''. E. xxvi. 147.

cause) was regarded solely as the act of heaven. The chief reason alleged for this belief was that the power of the magician had been developed to its utmost {i.e. that he had learnt everything that magic had to teach him), and that he was therefore entrusted by Allah with the charge of caring (in an unrecognised way) for the souls of the dead, whether in heaven or the Isle of Fruits. The soul of a magician could never be damned, but that of a Batin could.^

The trappings of a Sakai magician consisted of his headband, necklace, girdle, kneebands, and staff.

His headband was painted " in black colour and without dots " (to distinguish it from the red pattern with black dots worn on ordinary occasions by all members of the tribe).

His necklace (" koy-iss ") consisted of a "string of seeds of a kind no longer procurable," to which was attached a tortoise - bone pendant, with tiger's teeth or beads on both sides."

His girdle consisted of tassel - like bunches of "s'lowk" (.?) leaves.

His kneebands consisted of " linok " or squirreltails, strung as closely together as possible.

His hair was allowed to fall down to its full length (for it was never cut !) over his face, so that his features were all but hidden.

His loin-cloth (unlike that of his fellow-tribesmen) was entirely plain and undecorated.

The emblem of his dignity — a staff — was made from Satambun (" Tamoon ") wood, and was said to have been originally the emblem of a Batin,'' which was

^ Z.f. E. xxvi. 147. /'. n. 3, infra. that had died out, nor is it likely that

2 This statement is scarcely credible. any formerly imported seeds have ceased

It is not at all likely that the seeds lo be imported.

could have belonged to plants or trees ^ This and similar statements ap-

CHAP. VI SAKAl {'BLANDAS') 251

adopted at the time of the first influx of Malays, in place of the ancient mark of the magician, viz. a rare deformed growth or " sport " of the bamboo, which was incised with powerful charms for quelling evil spirits. None but the magicians might bear this staff, which it was believed would injure any one else who tried to do so.^

One of these staffs which was collected by Vaughan- Stevens measured 62 cm. in length, and bore, firstly, a charm designed as a protection against the " P'wlH " {}), or " Vampire of Shake-Net Island " (which was the traditional first home of the race) ; secondly, a charm against the ape spirit or epilepsy ; and thirdly, a charm against the argus-pheasant spirit or lunacy.-

In addition to his staff, the Sakai magician also occasionally employed a sprinkling - brush named " chen-ow," with which, in the performance of certain ceremonies, he sprinkled the demons.^

It may be here further noted that all the Sakai, whether magicians or not, whenever they find themselves compelled to handle any magical object, are in the habit of taking a leaf into the hand, to prevent the demon (Hantu) that resides in the said object from passing directly into their persons.^

I may add that iron may not (according to Vaughan-Stevens) be used for cutting either the hair or the finger-nails.^

pear to point to the fact of their having "P'wlli"' may be a corruption of

originated amongst tribes under the " Pa wul," a Blandas Grave Demon, ;-.

influence of Malayan culture. p. 105, ante.

1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 166-169. ^ il^'d. p. 166. ■* Ibid. p. 167.

2 Ibid. p. 169 ; cp. p. 264, infr. » y^/^'. xxix. 178.

Medicine-huts.

We are also informed that a special type of medicine - hut was formerly owned by the Sakai magicians (in addition to their own private dwellinghut)/ that the latter stood " deep in the forest," that it was built on the level of the ground, and that it was protected against intruders by means of a post, which was planted in the ground in front of it, and hung about with a medley of bones, leaves, and flowers.

The shape of these huts is said to have originally been round, and none but magicians were allowed to enter them, or to see their contents, which consisted of bamboos incised with special charms.^

Vaughan-Stevens was only allowed to enter such a hut once (and that only after a sort of ceremony of admittance into the tribe, which consisted in fernseed bruised in water being poured over him). The walls and roof of the house were hung with tufts of dried plants, and bamboos of all sizes lay scattered about upon the ground and in every corner, all of them being covered with incised patterns.^

Exorcism or *' Tuang-tuang'' Ceremony ['' Kuwet-niss''). " Kuwet-niss " is, as it appears, the older name for

1 Vaughan - Stevens adds that the Sibylism. An arbour of thorns is

Sakai magicians of the present day framed, into which a man and his wife

employ their own dwelling-houses as are put. The neighbours perform a

medicine - huts ; though even now a chant outside, and a strange noise is

cave will sometimes be fitted up to do then supposed to be heard, which is

duty for this purpose. believed to be a sign that the spirit

• Z.f.E. xxvi. 145. Strong confirm- they have invoked has possessed the

ation of this statement of Vaughan- pair enclosed in the arbour. The

Stevens with regard to the Sakai latter then come forth, and whatever

medicine-huts is to be found in they utter is regarded as an expression

J. I. A. vol. iv. p. 430: "They (the of the will of the spirits alluded to." Sakai of Perak) practise a sort of ^ //;/(/. p. 144.

CHAP, vr SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 253

the ceremony of exorcism, which is also called " tuang-tuang." The first expression is employed by the Sakai among themselves, and the second appears to be especially used by the civilised (i.e. Malayising) tribes. The latter is applied not only to the act of exorcism, but also to the bamboos employed for that purpose.^ Since only a thoroughly skilled magician is in a position to bring the ceremony to a quite successful completion, it is now somewhat rare, the magicians who possess the old tradition sedulously avoiding the Malays on the ground that their "medicine-hut" would be defiled if it were entered by a stranger.^

The ceremonial headbands of the men, or " lat," as distinguished from those of the women, "rib" ("reeb"), were stiff bands of bark-cloth, and were always worn, whereas the headbands of the women, though made of the same material, were only worn on occasion. The hair of the men was allowed to fall down after the example of the magician, and was merely bound by the headbands, whereas the women bound up their hair in some kind of knot, which they employed the headbands to fix.

The patterns painted upon these headbands were alleged to represent the owner's name in each case.

These patterns, as has been said (together with the face-painting and blowpipe patterns), might not be employed until the Sakai youths were married and had thus been admitted into the tribe.

Since the painted headbands might only be worn on special occasions, the black patterns were not

1 These "tuang-tuang "were bamboos notes. They were intended for use as

decorated with magical patterns and amuletsagainstdisease, spiders, drought,

struck on the ground during magical etc., or as rain-charms. Supra, vol. i.

ceremonies, so as to produce musical p. 472, seq. ^ Z.f. E. xxvi. 144.

retained on the headbands of the lay members of the

tribe, and only the red pattern with black dots was

allowed.

The black patterns were called " demon " patterns,

because they afforded protection against the demons,

who, as soon as they saw them, were obliged to flee.

The magician who presided at the ceremony wore his own pattern in black and without dots.^ The object of this was partly to hinder the demons (who had been invoked by the bamboos of his servant) from entering the circle in the middle of which he himself stood, and partly so to lead the demons round the circle as to confront them with the patterns of all who were present, so that during the ensuing chase they should know which persons might not be injured by them. But in order to avoid terrifying them too much, and thereby hindering them from imprinting the patterns on their memories with sufficient exactitude, the Sakai purposely let fall their hair over their faces, so as to prevent the black stripes in their facepainting from becoming too noticeable. The magician and his attendant did the same. In this way it was possible for the demons to approach the headbands and observe the patterns. In order to make them plainer to the demons, the dots of the red pattern were made black instead of the recognised white, since white dots against the dull " anatto " red were difficult to distinguish. In former times, when a species of red ochre was employed, the dots were white, as in the case of the face-paintings. -

These preparations having been made, the magician after a short silence strikes the end of his bamboo

1 For the customs of face-painting ployed for purposes of magic), cp. and body-painting (which were em- supra, " Maturity Customs."

• Z.J.E. xxvi. 162.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 255

(" tuang-tuang ") a few times upon the ground, the pupil accompanying him with one of the decorated bamboos in each hand. Soon after this all the men join in with due solemnity, and continue for about an hour ; so long, in fact, as the magician himself continues. As soon as he ceases, all of them stop, and laying their bamboos behind them, proceed to the particular business (whether hunting or fishing or whatever it might be) for which this strange ceremony was preparatory.

Meanwhile not a word was spoken, and little, if any, gesticulation was used. In some cases two bamboo sticks called " sok-yet " (38 cm. x 3 cm.) were used at the ceremony ; one stick being held in each hand and struck upon the other in the air.

In former times the womxcn might use none but " smooth " {i.e. undecorated) bamboos in contradistinction to the men.^

Women and children were obliged to attend the ceremony, since it was considered unsafe for them to be far from the men when so many demons were being invoked.

The women took their places in the circle, each woman sitting behind her husband, with her children in turn behind her. Between the two circles (of men and women) there was a broad space left vacant for the passage of the demons, so as to enable the latter to look at the headbands of both men and women simultaneously. The demons, especially the male ones, are not afraid of women, and hence the women did not allow their hair to hang down over their faces, the black stripes on their face-painting being thus left visible. This device prevented the

^ Z.f.E. xxvi. 172.

demons from breaking through between two women and attacking the unprotected children.

The demons entered from above into the space between the men and women, but as soon as the beating of the bamboos was at an end, and escape was possible, they went down through the earth in obedience to the magician's will.

It was alleged that the women wore no designs on their headbands, but were recognised by the demons who had previously seen them in their husbands' company, and protected by the charms inscribed upon their husbands' headgear.^

The idea that lies at the bottom of the ceremony is the following : —

The painted bamboos of the pupil are to call together all the demons to see what the magician is doing. The decorated bamboos of the other men are intended by means of their patterns to render the demons powerless for the ensuing day. At the same time, if Allah {i.e. Tuhan or Peng) intends a man to be injured, there is no remedy against it. Each individual man now knows how to cut the charm-pattern to suit his particular case, but he may not employ the general charm-pattern for himself alone, as he would then conjure up all the demons against himself, without any chance of self-protection. On the othei hand, if a man should (as he properly might) incise either the tiger or snake-charm for himself alone, and thereupon sound it, he would certainly be safe if the tiger and snake-demons heard the sound, but as certainly not if they did not hear him. Since, however, the chase was only undertaken as a rule by fairly large parties, there was usually little

^ Z.f. E. xxvi. 163.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 257

danger for any particular individual, so that the charm if employed was almost uniformly successful. And since every member of these hunting parties had to be equipped with the charm-leaves, the prizes and rewards that fell to the magician were great. ^

Another Form of Exorcism [Sazuai).

This consists of an incantation, or rather spell, which is performed on behalf of an invalid when all else fails. The exact words employed are not known as yet, but the form of the ceremony itself is known to every Sakai.' The patient is laid with the head towards the west under cover of a roof or screen made from the fresh leaves of a palm, which resembles the arecapalm, and is called "dampong." An opening is left through which the magician (or Pawang) enters. This entrance can be closed so as to conceal both the patient and the magician from observation. The latter takes a censer (" sungkun " or " sangkun " ?) with him, which consists of a half coconut-shell containing burnt resin (benzoin). He then squats down at the feet of the invalid, and raising himself breast high swings the censer seven times over the patient's couch. Next he seizes a leaf of the " dampong "-palm, and therewith belabours the invalid, or rather the demon by which he is possessed, with the object of driving it either into the network of loops or a cage which hangs over the head of the patient.^

The loopwork varies greatly, both as to form and material, probably according to the demon it is intended to catch.

1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 173. ceremonyshows more Malayan influence

■- In orig. " Orang Hutan." This than the last. ^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 141, 142. VOL. II S

The magician now stamps his feet and dances wildly, shrieking and shouting until the demon, to escape its chastisement, takes flight by entering into the cage. The magician then stops and murmurs certain magic words, which are believed to prevent the demons from escaping.

Then he goes out with the loopwork, which he takes home and hangs up there. If it comes in half, the demons escape, and return to their original dwelling place. This particular process is called " Tekan Badan Sawai." Yet another spell, called "Tekan Badan K'luar," or Birth-blessing, belongs to the original duties of the magician's profession, and as it is not kept secret, it can be performed by any man or woman who chooses. The magician generally imparted this incantation (like that for the dying) to the Penglima of the place and his wife, so that in urgent cases they might be able hastily to take his place. ^

Alleged Tote^nism}

Unfortunately Vaughan-Stevens does not seem to have found any consistent theory on the subject, and his notes, which, as his editor tells us, were gathered on many different occasions, so often confuse the clan with the tribe that it is impossible even to gain any clear conception of the Sakai traditions on the subject. It seems, therefore, useless to attempt any reconstruction. The only facts to be gathered are the following : —

In dealing with the face -patterns of the Sakai, Vaughan-Stevens gives an account of an alleged clansystem. The Sakai are said to compose five original

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 142, 143. must add that to me the evidence (!)

2 Cp. pp. 32, 62-64, ante. I am appears to be of the text-book order

indebted for this summary to Mr. and to conflict with all we yet know

Thomas, an expert in Totemism. I of the Sakai. — W.S.

CHAP. VI SAKAI QSENOJ') {'BLANDAS') 259

groups, which formed sub-groups, when the tribe ceased to inhabit a single locahty, each of which adopted a name closely allied to that of the parent group. The alleged five main groups, found among the Senoi, the Kenaboi, and Besisi, were the Snake, Fish, Leaf, Thorn, and Tiger clans. The sub-groups of the Snake clan take as their eponymous species the Python, the Cobra, the Hamadryad, and so on. The original purpose of the crest of the sub-groups was as a property mark on blow-tubes and as a pattern for face - painting, according to the account given by Vaughan-Stevens. He does not, however, seem to have been able to collect any examples of the former sub-groups.^ As to the latter, which he distinguishes from the patterns, none of which he gives, he says he was able to get them from the magicians, though they were no longer used owing to the clan (" tribal ") assemblies having fallen into desuetude.^

The Sakai marriage regulations were said to be based on this clan-system, but instead of being exogamous, they were strictly endogamous, marriage out- side the clan involving expulsion from it, a practice that gave birth to new clans—Civet-cat, Crocodile, Scorpion, etc., which soon attained a numerical superiority.

In the absence of any information as to the sacrosanctity of the eponymous species, it is premature to use the term totemism in speaking of this system. At the same time the fact that a quasi-totemic nomenclature is found in conjunction with a marriage system resembling that of the mythical period of the Arunta, renders even this alleged Sakai organisation of extraordinary interest and importance.

1 Probably because there were none to collect. — W.S. 2 Z.f.E. xxvi. 150-152.

26o NA TURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

Among the Semang there is no trace of totemism.

As to the Jakun, the only fact pointing in the direction of totemism is one recorded by Favre,^ that some " tribes " of Jakun abstained from eating elephant flesh, alleging that it caused sickness. This, in form, very totemistic belief, is, however, an isolated case. In the absence of further information it is simpler to suppose that some Jakun groups had, owing to contact with Malays or other tribes, given up one of their old tribal beliefs, or, possibly, that those which respected the elephant had acquired from outside a belief in its sacrosanctity.

Charms against Wild Beasts.

Sakai. — A charm against tigers is made in the following way : — A bundle of " s'lowk " leaves is rolled up to represent the tiger's body ; this is transfixed with imitation bamboo arrows made of thin strips of bertambark, on the ends of which are tassels of split " s'lowk " leaves. To the " tiger " is fastened a strip of rattan, on which is hung a leaf painted with magical patterns in dragon's blood. '^ After various other magical additions, including a water-vessel, a flower of the Latoom-plant, etc., had been made, the whole was hung up in the house.

When a man fell ill of dysentery or colic, it was attributed to the tiger-spirit. He was sprinkled with water from the water-vessel, and the spirit was believed to be thereby transferred to the Latoomflower, in which it was believed to be imprisoned by the " s'lowk " tassels. Vaughan-Stevens found these charms among the Central Sakai (Senoi), Besisi, Kenaboi, but not among the Jakun or Benua-Jakun.^

^ Favre in Ann. de la P. de la Foi^ xxii. 303.

2 Cp. Z.f. E. 1894, p. 152. " S'lowk " qu. = " sela' " ("leaf")?

3 Eth. Notizblatt, i. 1-4.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS'') 261

Interpretation of Drea^ns — the Drea?7z Ceremony.

The Sakai attach great importance to dreams, bringing formal reports of them to the magician or the midwife ; the man to the former, the woman to the latter. The dreams of the lay members of the tribe are of no special interest, but the magicians in dreams receive inspiration from spirits that are well disposed.^ Of special significance are those dreams regarded which are awaited by all magicians and the whole tribe on important occasions, the Batin being the chief person involved. These gatherings were held on the highest accessible mountain summit in the territory of the tribe, and occupied several days' time, since it was required that each of the dreams should be repeated upon three successive nights.

There has been no such gathering since the disappearance of Berchanggei Besi ; all that the present magicians know with regard to such ceremonies being that the Batin invoked the help of Tuhan in some form now forgotten, and that the Batin then fell immediately asleep and the dreams came to him in a disguised form, and after his awaking were interpreted by the magicians.^

Sakai children are named in accordance with dreams, in which there appeared the track of a tiger, a tree, an insect, etc.^

Use of Love-philtres.

The Sakai, like the Semang, have a great reputation (especially among the Malays) for love-philtres,

1 Z.f.E. xxvi. 158 [c). The men- [lif. "Iron Claws"), v. p. 265, infra. tion of these officials suggests Malayan ^ Ibid. p. 158.

influence. For "Berchanggei Besi" ^ C^. supra, p. 12.

the most famous of which is made from a plant called " Chinduai," which grows on the Perak mountains.^

It is with this plant that a tale collected for me by Dr. Luering among the Sakai of Ulu Bertang in Perak is connected. It runs as follows : —

Dato' Jaja' (^. Yahya) was the wife of a Malay trader living in the Kampong of Sungei Siput, Kinta, which then was near, or nearer than now, to the sea. As is still the case, the Sakai, on arriving from the far-off Bertang, were accustomed to drop in and call at Malay houses to chew " betel." One day when Jaja's husband had gone to sea, some Sakai from Bertang came to the house, when Jaja', repelled by their ugliness and dirtiness, received them in a very unfriendly mood. She told them that she could not afford to give them any " betel," for her husband was away, and she did not know when he would return, — in fact she had not the means to feed her own children, and how could she be expected to supply " betel " to outsiders, especially to Sakai ? The Sakai went away crestfallen, but vowed that they would revenge themselves. One of them who was a medicine-man (" Pawak "), as soon as he had returned to Bertang, made " chenduwai " or witchcraft, which caused the Ivlalay woman Jaja', though so far away, to

1 Cp. Wray va. J. R. A. S., S. B., called " buluh perindu " or " yearning No. 21, p. 127 : "On the rocks near bamboo," he says: " The small the summit, a quantity of a plant called bamboo called by the Malays ' buluh "Chimbuai"' (jzV) grows. This plant is perindu' is, on the other hand, exmuch valued by the Malays, as it is tremely plentiful on Berumban, and corn- supposed to act as a love-philtre. It paratively scarce on the other hill. I was probably belongs to the Ophioglossaceig, fortunate in being able to collect flowerand is a delicate rush-like plant about ing specimens of this elegant little three inches high, having its spores in bamboo, which is credited with mystic little tassels on the tops of the leaves. " properties by the natives, and is in much And cp. also the same writer in ibid. pp. request by love-lorn swains, whose mis- 158, 1 59, where, in referring to the plant tresses are cold and irresponsive."

SAKAI OF PERAK 263

fall violently in love with him. She seemed to have lost all her reason, for she fled into the jungle calling for her Sakai lover, whom, after days of wandering in the wilds, she at length found at his home in Bertang. Jaja' had had two children by her Malay husband, called Kulop Perak and Si Mat respectively ; and now by her Sakai husband she in due time had two children, who grew up in Bertang as Sakai. When her Malay husband returned from his trip to the sea, he at first made vain endeavours to have his wife restored to him, but failing to recover her, he gave up the search. Nevertheless her Malay sons, Kulop Perak and Si Mat, felt the reproaches of the villagers, that their mother had gone to live as a Sakai, very much. They therefore went to Bertang where they found their mother with her Sakai family. It took a great deal of persuasion to bring her away from there, but at last they succeeded, and she left in the company of Kulop Perak and Si Mat, leaving her Sakai husband and children (whose names are now forgotten) behind. But the nearer she approached her former home, the more reluctant she became to proceed. The thought that the villagers would reproach her for her escapade began to be more and more oppressive to her, and therefore, when almost in sight of her former home, she drowned herself in a little rivulet which they had to cross. Her body was easily recovered by her children, and she was buried close by, but her name is still attached to the river, which goes under the name of Sungei Jaja'. Her Sakai children became the ancestors of the Sakai, who related this story, and who attribute the high standing of their family to their partly Malay descent through Jaja' the Malay.

The woodlouse (?) is related by Vaughan-Stevens to be used as a charm by the women for impairing a man's virility.^

The Sakai (" Blandas ") Traditions!^ The following traditions are assigned to the Sakai ("Blandas") by Vaughan-Stevens, though (by his own admission) they were taken from very mixed sources. They " depend," says Vaughan - Stevens, "upon accounts given by some hundred individual members of the races concerned, and only those accounts which are practically universal have been retained"(!). In parts they resemble the Mantra legends. The oldest of these traditions concerns an island called Guntong Penyaring ("Shake-Net^ I."), said to be situated across the sea in the direction of the rising sun. In the interior of the island was a mountain with two summits. Between these lodged at night great flocks of fruit -bats, which were in the habit of repairing to their feeding-places on both sides of the mountain from thence. By day they remained suspended from the trees near the saddle of the mountain. The Sakai drew nets across the entrance to the gorge in a diagonal direction by means of long cords, and shook them down during the daytime. Frightened, and blinded by the sun, the bats flew into the nets, and the Sakai ate them. The

1 Cp. supra, p. 67. Probably a that Vaughan-Stevens has here tried to

large millipede ("gonggo"'). The compile an eclectic account covering all

Malays have a similar idea. ilse "branches of the race from Johor

• The name "Sakai" stands for to Kedah " (p. 279), in conformity with

"Blandas" throughout these legends. his views (vol. i. p. 26). They form a

In part they are certainly Mantra, but considerable part of 'aughan-Stevens'

the numerous references to Selangor work, and as such have been included,

and Perak, and especially the slate- in preference to omission,

ment as to the many settlements of ^ =Mal. "guntang": i.e. "gun-

" Kenaboi " (counted as " Blandas " by chang [pen-]jaring" — a folk-etymology.

Vaughan-Stevens) " near the sources of Vaughan-Stevens has "Guntong Pin-

the great Perak river," show, I think, jarring."

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 265

tradition terminates by describing how a great ship was wrecked upon the island, and how the water sank and left the ship stranded high and dry upon the rocks. The captain and crew got to land and were kindly received by the Benar-benar, or Benua, a branch of the Orang Laut, or Sea Tribes, who lived upon the coast, whereas the Sakai dwelt in the forest. The Orang Laut belonged (according to the Sakai) to an inferior branch of their own tribe, though others say they originally formed a separate race which mixed with the Sakai by intermarriage. All accounts, however, agree in saying that they stood in some close sort of relationship to the Sakai. This tribe informed the Sakai Batin, who allowed the shipwrecked people to come and hospitably entreated them.

Nevertheless, it is related, some of them went off in the ship's boat, and were heard of no more.

The captain and the rest, however, remained and were well cared for, and soon after the old Batin himself died, leaving no son.^

The Sakai then assembled to elect a new chief, and choosing the captain of the shipwrecked vessel, gave him the title of Batin Berchanggei Besi (lit. the Chief with the Iron Claws). ^

This name is said to have been given to the Batin on account of his great personal strength. He once (it is said) called twenty people together to cut down a certain tree, and when they failed to perform it, he

1 v. -St. ii. 83, 84. Other Sakai Artificial finger-nails of great length

("Blandas")traditionsaregiveninV.-St. are still worn by Malay women when

iii. 97-100, but they are of no real value. performing with a theatrical troupe, and

• Or " nails " : " changgei " = a long also occasionally by highly connected

finger-nail, which has been allowed women at weddings, as in the case

to grow to an abnormal length (as by of the late Haji Gayah of Selangor.

Chinese mandarins). They were They are made of various metals — gold,

formerly worn by Malay chiefs. brass, or as here, of iron.

266 NA TURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part hi

felled it unaided, splitting, however, his long fingernail in doing so.

Batin Iron-claws built a novel kind of house for his subjects upon the summit of a hill, its roof being made of fire-burnt earth, and its foundation-posts, in some cases of exceptionally hard wood, and in others of a giant grass which was as thick as a man's leg, and which possessed a hard outer cuticle, but a soft interior — a form of timber unknown in the island. The roof-tree was not straight, but depressed in the centre, and it had greatly projecting gable-ends. Finally, the walls were of glass.

Sometime afterwards it happened that the son of a Raja fell from heaven, and, staying with the Batin, married his eldest daughter. Later on this prince persuaded many of the Sakai to give up eating swine's flesh altogether.

Now the old Batin, the predecessor of Iron-claws, had a brother who had died before Iron-claws came, and who had left two sons, the eldest of whom was called Abang (" elder brother"), and the younger, Adik (" younger brother ") ; and /\bang ought to have been Batin. But once the two were crossing a stream by means of a tree -trunk, the eldest in front as was customary. Half-way across the trunk broke under Abang's feet and both fell into the water, the elder in an upright posture, the younger in a sitting attitude. And when the younger found he was unhurt he called out in the Sakai (" Blandas ") dialect, " Usui."

The brothers continued their journey, but inquired of a medicine-man when they reached home v/hat this omen meant. The medicine-man said that the elder should always be on his feet and never find rest, whilst the younger should be seated like the Malays and give

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 267

up wandering. The younger brother then determined to seek a place where he might be enabled to fulfil the prophecy, and went to Menangkabau. But Abang remained in the country.

But before the younger son's departure Ironclaws prepared a banquet of all kinds of flesh, and at the banquet the younger son and a number of his friends remarked that although the meat was cooked with swine's fat, the head had not been served. On inquiry they found that through some neglect the head had not been cooked. They then went to the Batin and asked for it to be given them. But Ironclaws finding it had been forgotten made excuses. At this the guests were very angry and said that if the Batin kept back dishes for himself they would not eat any of his banquet, and went away. Then the younger son and all his friends who had refused to eat the swine's flesh went to Menangkabau. Hence arose the custom of exhibiting the produce of the three days' harvest to the guests in order to prove that the entire amount of the rice has been prepared for them.

When Iron -claws heard that the grave demons (" Degup ") had taken to killing the Sakai, he convened an assembly and proposed to found a new settlement. His son-in-law (the prince who fell from heaven) and a number of the Sakai would not agree to this, but the others assented. Iron-claws then broke up his house on the hill, and re -erecting it on the sea- coast, fenced it with a palisade and called it Pagar Ruyong (Palm-stem Fence). He then gave a great feast. At one end were the dishes containing swine's flesh, at the other end those that did not ; the whole tribe was invited. Those who did not eat swine's flesh sat in one place together, and vice versa, and after the

feast Iron-claws and all who ate swine's flesh proclaimed their determination to leave the island. The son-in-law received the Batin's house at Pagar Ruyong and there remained, no further mention being made of him in the traditions. But when the building was ready the elder brother died, and Iron-claws desired the Benua (or Benar-Benar) to complete the palisade. Afterwards, however, he left it and built a number of boats, in which he, his friends, and all of the Benua who ate swine's flesh and obeyed his orders left the island.

In due course Iron-claws and his people arrived at an uninhabited island, to which they gave the name of Pulau Pasir (" Sandy Island "). Many of his party stayed here, but Iron-claws and the rest went still further, and on reaching a second uninhabited island, called it Pantai Layang. Here too some of the Sakai were left behind.

Next Iron-claws reached a yet larger island (which was also uninhabited) and called it Jawa ("Jowar") or Java. Here his youngest daughter remained with several of her following of Sakai, and Iron -claws and the rest, proceeding still further, arrived at Malacca, which was then uninhabited (as was all that region) and covered with thick forest. Here they made a clearing and called it Pengkalan Tampoi, and Iron-claws, setting off with his Penglima and some companions to explore the interior, arrived at the place where Klang now stands. Here Iron-claws vanished from the sight of men and was seen no more, his people returning to Pengkalan Tampoi.

In view of his own departure, Iron -claws had made Hang Tuah the Batin of Pengkalan Tampoi, and the latter proceeded to build a house on the hill overlooking the present town of Malacca. A great

CHAP. VI SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 269

colony soon grew up here, and in a few years had spread to Mount Ophir (Gunong Ledang). A marshy place was used by the new settlers for yam-culture, and thence called Paya Kladi. Not far off stood a large orchard {" Dusun Besar "), whose fruit, which was in full bearing, had been planted by the Sakai a few years before.^

When Hang Tuah saw that the country was too small to contain the Sakai, he went southwards one day to Johor to have a look at the land there. The Benua had spread southwards along the river Muar, which debouches a little south of Malacca. Hang Tuah here looked round for a little, and then made a great clearing near the place where the town of Muar now stands, and called it Benua Dalam, and a smaller one on the sea-coast, a few miles south of the large one, the smaller receiving the name of Benua Laut Jagun.-

Many of the forest-dwelling Sakai went to Benua Dalam, but the Benua (Benar-Benar) spread themselves partly in the forest-clad country and partly on the coast. One day a Malay praha was proceeding up the coast from Kedah, They were looking for new land, and when they saw the clearing at Pengkalan Tampoi they landed and begged for water and vegetables. They were well received by the Batin in his house, and when they departed one of them asked the Batin to tell him the name of the colony. As the question was asked both were standing near a large tree. The Batin thought he was being asked for the name of the tree, and answered " Kayu Laka"^ (or " Laka Tree "), giving the name by which the tree in question was known to the Sakai.

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 85, 86. ^ A popular derivation of "Malacca. "

There is a Pengkalan Tampoi near

2 0r"Jagong." Ibid. Jugra (Selangor).

The Malays then went on board their vessel and returned to their own country, though only to give their own Raja a glowing description of the beautiful land they had seen. They soon reappeared with a flotilla of prahus, and their leader demanded the land possessed by the Sakai. As this was refused, a battle ensued, in which the Sakai were beaten. They fled to the country where Malaka Pindah now stands ; next morning they continued their flight in a northerly direction.

At Dusun Besar the Batin rested on a great stone and took food. To show that the land was his own, he called a medicine-man, and made, deep in the stone, an impression of his foot and also of the bottom of his betel-leaf pulper, both of which may be seen to this day. The Batin had two full - grown sons, called Hang Jebat and Hang Ketuwi {i.e. Kasturi) respectively; these sons were Jenang, or subordinate chiefs, and were in charge (under their father) of the surrounding settlements east and north of Pengkalan Tampoi. At Muar dwelt Batin Alam, a grandson of Batin Iron-claws.

The fugitive Sakai now arrived at the place where Johol now lies, and here a daughter^ was born to Hang Tuah."

Hang Tuah now wished to make provision for all his children, and as he intended to give the colony of Johol to his daughter by way of inheritance, he left the child in the care of his Penglima and went to what is now Sungei Ujong. On the way. Hang Jebat and Hang Ketuwi quarrelled as to who should

1 Vaughan - Stevens here remarks of the Negri Sembilan. Hang Tuah,

that this Hang Tuah, his daughter, and however, is really the celebrated Malay

his two sons are the " Undang Vang hero mentioned in the Malay Annals. Ampat," or four great lawgiving chiefs - Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 86, 87.

SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 271

possess the country through which they were then travelling, and the dispute ended in a combat which proved mutually fatal. As Hang Tuah was thus deprived of both his sons, he declared he would not wander further to seek a new dwelling-place, and therefore called the river by which he stayed Sungei Ujong (" River of Termination ").^ For a time indeed he tarried there, but again in fear of the ghosts of his dead sons he proceeded to Klang, and here a son was born to him.

There is no account of any attack after that upon Pengkalan Tampoi.

Some years later this last-born son of Hang Tuah was crossing the river by means of a tree-trunk, chewing sugar-cane as he went, and blowing the trash out of his mouth. Some of the latter fell upon the tree and some into the stream, the latter being carried away by the current, so that it was eventually seen by the son of a Menangkabau Raja, who was coming upstream at the time in a little boat, the ship in which he had arrived being at the mouth of the river.

Now this new prince had brought a casting-net for fish, but had caught nothing, and was therefore suffering from hunger. A chief who was with him saw the trash floating down the river, and concluding that some people or other must be dwelling in the vicinity, pushed on until -he reached the tree-trunk. Here he observed the rest of the trash, and following up the track, came at last to the house of the Batin. One of the people who accompanied him prov^ed to be a descendant of one of the younger brother's com-

1 This is a popular etymology. The Jong, a name which is still sometimes real name of the country before the heard, and which I have seen on old British entry seems to have been Semu- official seals.

panions, who had gone to Menangkabau, and this ensured a friendly welcome to the new arrivals.^

As, therefore, they were sitting in the verandah and chewing sugar-cane, the Malay prince turned his eyes to an opening in the side-wall of the house, and through it was able to distinguish one of the Batin's daughters.

With the idea of making her his wife, he asked the Batin if he would exchange presents with him. The Batin, however, said he was a poor man, driven by the Malays from his rightful possessions, and that he now had no possessions. The guest, however, replied that he possessed a daughter, whom he would much like to make his wife. The bargain was quickly concluded, in accordance with Sakai custom, and the guest sending his Penghulu to the ship for his own presents, went home again, and in a few months returned to marry the Batin's daughter.

Sometime afterwards the pair had a son, and according to Sakai custom the mother inquired of the father what name the child should bear. The father answered that if it were a boy it should be called To' Mantri. So the boy was named To' Mantri, and since that time the Sakai of the west coast near Sungei Ujong and Malacca have been called Mantra.

The girl who was born to Hang Tuah in Johol remained there till she was of marriageable age. According to Sakai custom she became Batin (or chief of the tribe) for a whole year, after which she married a Malay from Menangkabau. From the time of her Batinship arose (so say the Sakai) the title of Pangku {i.e. " Vice-") Penghulu.

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 87.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 273

The story runs on in this way to a great length.

The Penghulu of Inas (a small semi-independent district of Johol) came into possession of the wooden chopping-board on which the bats were cut up at " Shake-Net Island," and a spoon of old Sakai make, manufactured from the skull of a bat.^

The Sakai at that time had no fixed boundaries, such as now exist. These are of later date, and were originated by the Malays.

Eventually the last - born son of Hang Tuah became Batin of Sungei Ujong, and since that time the Sakai consider all the land which now belongs to Sungei Ujong, Klang (Selangor), Johol, and Malacca as their own especial fatherland.

After Hang Tuah and his race had died out the Sakai never had a regularly elected Batin again. When a number of Sakai wished to found a new settlement they chose a Batin for themselves ; there was, however, no head Batin who could confirm the new appointment, and thus the power of the Batin shrank and his duties also, so that at last each man of the community was almost his equal.

From another side arose a power superior even to that of the Malays, viz. the Beduanda, who very quickly became the masters of the Sakai.

As the Malays flocked into the country in increasing numbers to seek for land, they merely communicated with the chief of the Beduanda, between whom and the Sakai Batin there was at first still some sort of understanding, but after a time the Beduanda chief ceased to consult the Sakai Batin, and gave his Malay kinsmen all that they wished by virtue of his own authority."

1 V.-St. ii. 87, 88. Cp. the Jelebu regalia, p. 291, infra. 2 /^j^_ p_ §8.

VOL. II T

Only in three districts (Sungei Ujong, Klang, and Johol) did any bargaining take place between the Sakai Batin and the Malays, and even these did not relate to the land, but to the fruit-trees, which, according to Sakai custom, each member of the tribe was required to plant on the land that he possessed. This custom still exists. It is most closely followed by the dwellers in the jungle, but even in small stretches of waste land, here and there, the Malayising Sakai, though they know well that in the course of a year or two they will be far removed from their present home, still plant coconut-palms ^ and fruit-trees of various kinds, the fruits of which they will never gather. This custom was due to the care taken by the old Sakai laws for the welfare of the future race, and the only terms that the Sakai made with the Malays were (i) that no tree planted by a Sakai might be felled by a Malay, and (2) that, later on, no Sakai who wanted fruit from the trees should be prevented from having it."

Thus the Beduanda obtained the extensive territory to which they naturally afterwards laid claim. But they do not belong to the original Sakai stock, although they are connected with them by blood. They are a mixed race, and are considered as such both by Malays and the purer -bred Sakai. They exhibit, moreover, all possible stages of admixture, varying from people who are almost like Malays to people who cannot be distinguished from the Sakai. These Beduanda lay claim to a definite fixed territory, whereas among the nomad Sakai tribes each man desires only so much land for his own as a cock's

^ This statement is open to question. ever, planted by these tribes. The coconut -palm is very .seldom, if 2 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 89.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {'BLANDAS') 275

crow can be heard over, and that only for so long as he stays ; and, moreover, he lays claim only to the products of the trees that he happens to have planted during his temporary sojourn.^

Before the battle with the Rawa men, the Bataks, or the Lubu men " (as the Sakai called them), an attack was made on the Sakai from outside.

The Sakai had spread out alongside of the Malay settlements when the attacks of the Bataks began. These latter lasted for some years, and the outer settlements in Perak had encountered them first. The Sakai now report that their kinsmen were eaten by the Bataks, and that it was from fear of this enemy that they fled hither and thither in the jungle.

In this hasty flight their various tribes and families were united. The pursuing Bataks went east to the sources of the great Pahang river. Here lay many settlements of the Kenaboi, and the Batin of the latter determined to expel the heathen interlopers. He therefore called all his fighting men together, hid most of them in ambush in the jungle, and then entered into negotiations with the leader of the Bataks, and invited him and his companions to a great feast. The Bataks came, but the crafty Batin had mixed the poisonous fruit of the P'rah - tree ^

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 89. gestion or colic ; but probably this

• The Rawa men, the Bataks, and danger is lessened when it is cooked, the Lubu men are all Sumatran tribes, Mr. L. Wray also writes that he

the Bataks being cannibals. was warned by some Batang Padang

^ The fruit of the P'rah-tree, which Sakai not to eat " buah p'rah.'' They

resembles that of the Spanish chestnut, said it was poisonous unless it was

is certainly not poisonous under all cooked. Mr. Wray adds that he had

conditions, and it is in fact a favourite eaten them roasted many times. The

food of the Jakuns, though I myself P'rah-tree belongs to the EuphorbiacecE,

was one day warned by Jakuns of its many members of which order are

"poisonous" properties when tasting poisonous. The bright red young

it. I believe the fact is that it is ex- leaves of the P'rah-tree are cooked and

tremely liable to produce violent indi- eaten by the Sakai as a vegetable.

among the dishes which were placed before the Bataks, so that many died immediately. The rest succumbed to a hail of javelins rained on them by the ambushed Kenaboi. The rest of the Bataks in consequence left the country, and the Batin was called Batin P'rah in remembrance of the event. ^

The second attack came from the Bugis, whom the Sakai call Rawa," and who are described as having come from an island situated not very far off.

The story runs that one Guntar (.^) was at that time the Batin of the Beduanda in Sungei Ujong, and the Sakai used to bring their wares out of the jungle and sell them to Guntar, who thus became a middleman between them and the Malays, one Kelanong being named as the Malay chief. After a time the Malays went further west from the Pahang in order to trade \vith the jungle tribes of the interior, especially in eagle-wood and ivory, which they in turn sold to the Chinese and Siamese of the eastern seaboard. And as the eastern Malays offered the Sakai much higher prices than Guntar, they therefore sold their goods to him no more.

Being vexed at this, he threatened the Sakai, who called to their aid the fighting men of the Senoi, Kenaboi, and Besisi, and went in a crowd to Guntar's house. Frightened at the crowd, the leader of the Beduanda dissembled, and invited the Batins of the Jungle-folk to a council.^ These agreed, and leaned their blowpipes against a coconut-palm, and the tree was thrown down by their great weight. As Guntar

1 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 91. came from Sumatra, which is only just

• Sic. The "Bugis" are inhabitants across the Straits, of Celebes, which is a very long way 3 Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 91.

off the Peninsula. The Rawa really

CHAP. VI SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 277

yielded in every point and withdrew his threatenings, the Sakai again dispersed.

Raging at this check, Guntar, while he simulated friendship for the Sakai, made secret overtures to the Rawa, who for a long time had carried on trade with the west coast, without having any regular settlement, Guntar promised to give the Rawa the land of the Sakai and certain presents if they would drive them away. The Rawa accepted, and soon many of them came to the Peninsula and attacked the Sakai in their own homes at night, thrusting their spears up through the floor and killing the men as they hurried out. Women and children they sold to the Malays, who must therefore have known of the design. The Sakai sought to drive the intruders out of Selangor. Many battles took place, in one place with success. They had taken up a position at Bukit Guling Batang, and rolled rocks and stones from the screes down on the attacking Rawa, who were obliged to retreat. Since the Rawa had better weapons, they killed many and took many into slavery, and in the confusion the Sakai fled in all directions into the jungle, where the Rawa did not venture to follow them.

This is the cause of their wide dispersal, the destruction of their race, and the difference that shows itself in the customs of the separated branches of the race.

Here and there one finds in the remote hillcountry small settlements of Sakai of comparatively pure race, but on the whole their original mode of life and early customs have either been given up or very much modified.-^

According to tradition, enmity broke out in the

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 92. These legends cannot, of course, be taken as history.

end between Guntar and the Rawa, after which all the Sakai men who had not been made slaves fled far away. Guntar is said to have broken his word, on which the Rawa attacked the Beduanda, and took away many of their children to be sold. Then most of the rest sailed back to their land, only a few remaining in Perak and Selangor.

The example once given was not forgotten, and for many generations the Malays of the Peninsula were wont on occasion to take the children of Sakai parents and sell them as slaves, although they made no further organised attack on them.

Here follows the history of the " Orang Jakun " (!). When the Malays of Kedah attacked Pengkalan Tampoi, the Benua united themselves both with the Benua Laut Jagong and with the Benua Dalam people, and Batin Alam withdrew with them to the mountains of Johor. When he heard that the Sakai men had not been again attacked, but had settled in Sungei Ujong, Johol, and Klang, he decided to unite with them ; but this plan w^as opposed by the Benua. In the end, however, he set off with those who wished to follow him, and united himself with the Sakai at Klang.

The Orang Benua who had remained behind in Johor resolved to go southwards, while the rest of the Sakai who could not bring themselves to unite with Batin Alam's people returned to Muar, where soon afterwards wanderers arrived from Menangkabau. Tradition mentions them no more.

The Orang Benua arrived at Batu Pahat in Johor, which was then unoccupied. Here they were afterwards attacked by men in boats. These were not Malays, and it is not known \ ho they were.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {^ BLANDAS') 279

The Orang Benua fled along the coast, and reached the east end of Johor. As they found the country unoccupied they turned towards the interior, and settled on the river Sembrong. Here they lived long in peace, working their way step by step through the forest towards the north-west. Here they met with some people who were fleeing from the Bataks. The fugitives were received as friends, and stayed with them for a time, A few years later came a great host of Sakai fleeing from the Rawa towards Johor. Many of them stayed with the Benua.

The Benua themselves afterwards took their way westward along the Strait of Johor, and fell in with a race of the Orang Laut, and intermarriages took place. Physical proof of the mixture is said to exist in the projecting teeth which can be seen in so many of the Benua, and through them also in the Mantra of Malacca.^

The Benua dwelling on the west coast of the Peninsula belong just as much to the main Sakai stock as the other branches of the race from Johor to Kedah. On the east coast the type of the people is more deeply marked, and the various branches differ less from one another."'

The traditions of the Benua themselves are very poor, but agree in the main with the usual stories of the Sakai.

The Kenaboi folk had wandered far both from the Sakai (" Blandas ") of Sungei Ujong, when they found themselves checked in their march by the Kenaboi river, one of the tributaries of the main stream of the Pahang.

• This is, of course, a mere tradition. ^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 93.

28o NATURAL RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE part iii

They found the country attractive, and settled at Kenaboi (the Mengiri river,^ where the best bamboos grow for blowpipes being not far away). This circumstance determined their choice of a settlement for a long time, when they pushed gradually further down the Pahang to the Pekoi, or, as the Malays called it when they reached it, the Senoi (" Sinnoi ") river.

These two settlements perished through the invasion of the Bataks and the Rawa ; their inhabitants were dispersed, and united afterwards with other tribes.

From Klang a great host of Sakai (" Blandas ") including those who had attached themselves to their companions after the attack on Pengkalan Tampoi, had gone to a place east of Sungei Ujong, which they calied Kring," as their first settlement. Later they spread to the north and east. In consequence of the attack of the Bataks this section of the race — known merely under the name of " Blandas " — went further towards the north.

When, however, the Kenaboi men under Batin P'rah had beaten back the Bataks, the greater part of the now so-called Besisi came back.

Broken up, however, into separate family groups in the time that followed, they ceased to form a separate race, and scattered themselves among the Besisi at Sungei Ujong, Perak,^ and especially Selangor. Their countrymen in these places remarked that half of the new arrivals brouglit with them a foreign dialect. In addressing the inhabitants of Perak, Selangor, and Sungei Ujong they all spoke the Sakai tongue ; among themselves they talked half Sakai,

^ Sic, ? Nenggiri. ^ Probably Triang or Tring.

•^ One of V.-St.'s characteristic inaccuracies. There are no Besisi in Perak.

CHAP. VI SAKAI {' BLANDAS') 281

half an unknown language, whence they were called Besisi, which means " a foreign language." ^

[The remainder of the chapter is taken up with the merest speculations as to the origin of the tribes and their distribution.] ^

Legend of the Origin of Sakai Face-fainting.

When the Senoi had decided to leave the main stem of the Sakai stock in order to seek a new home in the eastern part of the Peninsula, the magicians took counsel together to decide what form the new patterns of body-paintings ^ (which were to distinguish the Senoi) should properly take. A decision with regard to the breast-painting was soon reached ; but this was not the case with regard to the face-painting, some magicians wishing to change the pattern at the eye, others not. At this stage, however, the wife of one of the magicians who had hidden herself to hear the discussion, put her head into the room uninvited, and took part in the discussion. Her husband, who stood near her, had smeared his fingers, like all the others, with " anatto," in order to be able to apply the red streaks. Incensed at his wife's intrusion, he struck at her with his red-dyed fingers, and as they left five marks upon her face, the assembly decided that the women should in future bear five lines upon their face, but the men only three.*

Traditions of Abnormal Races and Can7iibals. The " Orang Ekor," or Tailed Men, who are

^ Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 93, 94. This - See Vaughan-Stevens, vol. ii. pp.

derivation of "Besisi" is certainly 94 to end. inaccurate. 3 z,. f. E. xxvi. 154. * Ibid. p. 155.

spoken of all over the Malay Archipelago as if they were real human beings, are described as appearing from time to time in various parts of the Malay Peninsula. They are said to resemble human beings, and are not believed to be dangerous ; but they will have nothing to do with men, and vanish at once into the forest as soon as they are seen. They wear nothing but a loin-cloth of tree-bark, beneath which may be seen a short tail. Both the men and women have tails, but they are not numerous, and their children are never seen.^

Other traditions of abnormal races are as follows : —

1. A race of gigantic women, or Amazons, who live unmarried. The Sakai, it is said, sometimes find beautifully decorated blowpipes of great length belonging to one of these Amazons, either lying on the ground, or leaning against a tree. In some cases they have been rash enough to carry them away, but had not gone far before they were struck down from behind. Those who were not killed and could observe their aggressor, described her as a gigantic woman who vanished immediately upon the recovery of her property. Nothing more is known of them, though they are described as being real human beings.'-

2. The Sakai (the " Blandas " of Vaughan-Stevens) apply the name " Sakai " to a fabulous race of little, hairy, desert-dwelling people, who are now but rarely

1 Cp. M. IsUcXzymJ.R.A.S., S.B., CY>.Z.f.E.,lndQx,s.v. "Geschwanzte

No. 2, p. 2i6; and the explanation Menschen." I may add that when the

given by Treacher, who in No. xxi. Malay members of the staff of the

pp. loi, I02, of the same journal refers Cambridge Expedition went on board

to a tribe of the Muruts, in Borneo, ship at Klang (on their way to Bang-

who in addition to the usual loin-cloth kok in 1899), they were warned by

wear on their backs only the skin of a their Malay friends to take care on

long-tailed monkey, the tail of which reaching their destination that they

hangs down behind so as to give the were not eaten up by the Tailed Bataks

impression at a short distance that it (Batak berekor).

forms part and parcel of its wearer. - Vaughan-Stevens, ii. 82.

CHAP. VI SAKAI (^ BLANDAS') 283

seen, are very shy, and possess so fine a sense of smell as to know when a human being is approaching.^

These " demon Sakai " (Hantu Sakai) have a sharp blade - like bone in their right forearm which they use in the felling of trees. To gather the fruit from the topmost sprays of a tree they climb the stem, and seat themselves upon a branch, whilst they cut the spray through with this sharp blade. Although they fall to the ground together with the branch they never hurt themselves. -

De Morgan states that he was informed by one of his men (Ibrahim) and the Sakai Penghulu (" Pa' Pinang"), who was travelling with him, on reaching Sungei Kandis, that the part of the country through which they were passing was too cold for the Sakai to live in, but was inhabited by other tribes who were short of stature, and whose only garment was a cincture of leaves attached round the waist. They

^ It is a curious fact that meat-eating they have a piece of sharp iron which

Europeans are said to have a (com- serves the double purpose of an arm and

paratively) strong rank smell, in this a cleaver for cutting wood. Anderson

differing from that of (and noticeable mentions another savage race, according

by) the rice-fed native. to the Malays called B'lian, who are

• This agrees with the Malay tradi- covered with hair, and have nails of

tions of the "orang-outang," or extraordinary length. Their principal

" Mawas," sometimes called Hantu occupation is said to be tending the

Mawas. Begbie (pp. 5, 6) speaks, tigers, which are their peculiar flocks,

however, of the Mawas as a wild tribe as the buffaloes are of the Malays,

of human jungle - dwellers whose They are represented by the Malays

chopper has been confused with the as sometimes coming to their residence

arm that wields it. on rainy nights and demanding fire,

Cp. also Anderson, who states that, which those who are acquainted with

according to Malayan legends, there is a their savage disposition prefer to

race of wild people said to be found in hand them upon the extremity of the

the interior of Bernam ["Burnam," the sumpitan, or blowpipe, or on the

boundary between the states of Perak point of a sword, since were they to

and Selangor], designated Tuah Benua present it with the hand, they would

{sic ? Hantu Benua] by the Selan- inevitably be seized and devoured by

gorians, and known in Kedah by the the savage monster, a fate which the

name of "Mawas." They are repre- Malays firmly believe has befallen

sented as bearing a strong resem- many. See pp. 225-229, ante. blance to the Mawah, or long-armed A "mawas bone " obtained by the

gibbon, but instead of having a Expedition, proved to be part of an

bone in the lower part of the arm, old iron implement of peculiar form.

were further described as having frizzled hair, and as talking an incomprehensible dialect, as living in caves and feeding on wild plants, and as being entirely ignorant of metal, for which they substituted stone implements. The entire range of mountains between Perak, Selangor, and Kelantan was said to be inhabited by them. They were alleged to flee from the approach of men. De Morgan was unable, unfortunately, to obtain confirmation of this statement, but says that he considers it to be probably true.^