The Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians

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OF THE

History.

Volume II.

of the ©

Volume I. 1898-1900.

Edited by FRANZ BOAS

New York: Published by Order of the Trustees. / FOR SALE BY G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS, New York and London ; _J. B. BAILLIERE ET FILS, Paris; RE RIEDLANDER & SOHN, Berlin ; \ AND AT THE MUSEUM.

1900

_ ANTHROPOLOGY, VoL. I.

American Museum of Natural

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COMMITTEE OF PUBLICAT:

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CONTENTS. F

PAGE, . . . vi : : : ; P : ONT os ¢ : 3 F THE EXPEDITION IN 1897 é 5 ; é 4 7 . PAINTINGS oF THE INDIANS OF NORTHERN BRITISH CoLuMBIA. ANZ Boas, ; j ; P , : 2 YTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA Cooxa Inpians. By Franz Boas 25 OLOGY oF Lyrron. By Haruan I. Smitu 129 v

Tuompson INDIANS OF BRITISH Cotumpia. By James Terr. ide 1a

ETRY DESIGNS OF THE SaLisH INDIANS. By LivINGsToN FARRAND. 391

OLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER Recion, British CoLumera.

AREA IVGMITH, ., , (. -. . Sage a aan Lon

443

tli Or TELUSTRATIONS,

Sketch-map of British Columbia

TEXT FIGURES.

opp. page

ARCHOLOGY OF LyrTrTon, B.C.

FIGS, PAGE, FIGS. Em sotone object . 3 ; eon 70. 2-5, Chipped points : : A SHG 6, 7. Chipped points : 136 fil 8-19. Fantastic forms ehepen fom glassy basalt. : : 5 RE 72-74. 20. Harpoon-point i ‘ nay is 21. Handle of digging-stick . ae 037, 76-709. 22-31. Stone pestles or hammers TEES: 80. 32. Mortar or anvil ; : 2 RG, 81. 33. Rubbed sandstone slab_ . 130) 82. 34. Slate fish-knife ; , PetA© 83. 35. Clam-shell spoon. ; £40 36, 37. Wedges made of antler . See IZACE 84. 38, 39. Stone hammers ; : =» WAG 85, 86. 40-43. Celts made of nephrite . 142 87-89. 44,45. Serpentine bowlders from wach go. pieces have been detached . 143 QI. 46. Nephrite cut from a bowlder , 143 92-94. 47. Grinding-stone i : 5 95. 48. Whetstone ; 144 96-98. 49. Knife-blade made foci a oe 99. ver-tooth : : ea 50. Knife-handle made of bone . 144 00, 51-53. Objects made of antler. 6) ol. 54. Adze or chisel made of bone . 145 102. 55. Spatulate object made of antler, 145 | f03-105,. 56. Object made of antler. a LADS 106. 57,58. Pair of grooved stones. . 146 107. 59. Perforated disk : : 5 WAG 108. 60-63. Stages of manufacture of skin- scraper F 147 | 109, 110. 64. Skin-scraper hafied hs in aoeaen eit. handle . : ; : ey, 112, 65,66. Scrapers . : 147 113. 67. Pointed object ede. of acne 148 114. 68. Natural piece of chalcedony . 148 Title 69. Chipped specimen of glassy ba- 116, salt : : i a EAS NG

Lv]

Natural piece of opalescent chaleedony .

Chipped specimen of Bpalescent chalcedony .

Bone awls

Bone point

Bone needles

Dagger made of antler

War-club made of antler .

Copper war-club

Fragment of a comb made ae antler

Copper ornament

Hair ornaments

Copper ornaments

Object made of stone

Pendant made of mica

Perforated shell objects

Pendant made of bone

Pendants made of teeth

Tassel made of dentalium shell and hair : : ,

Dice made of woodchuck-teeth,

Astragalus bone

Bone tube

Pipes :

Pebble with inetaed < cross

Implement made of antler

Bone awl decorated with in- cised lines :

Implement made of antler

Pipe made of steatite

Design on pipe

Fragment of steatite pipe

Animal form carved in antler ,

Animal head carved in antler .

Roll of copper .

Roll of birch«bark

PAGE, 148

148 148 149 149 149 149 150

150 150 150 15 152 152 152 152 152

nS io) 4s S54 154 5)5) 156

156 156 157 157 158 158 158 160 161

vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Tur THompson INDIANS OF BrITISH CoLuMBIA.

Map showing location of Thompson Indians

PAGE, FIGS.

FIGS.

120; 121. 122. 123 124. 125, M020: 2 ih 129. 130. Mor: 132: E338 134. Tecan Os

128,

jean 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151; 152, 153, 154. E55; 156-158. 159. 160. 161. 162. TOs: 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169, 170. w72k mek 174. ry 176. 177:

171,

Arrow-flaker

Wedge made of antler

Stone hammers

Stone axe

Stone adze

Handle of adze

Stone knives

Stone scraper .

Skin-scrapers . :

Pattern for birch-bark Baa i

Details of weaving

Detail of woven bag

Detail of cedar-bark mat.

Netting-stick 2

Plan and elevation of ae ground house

Framework of lodges Oblong basket . Conical basket . Round basket . Flat-backed basket . Birch-bark basket Open-work basket Bag.

Round bag

Bag made of hide Pouch

Stone vessels Wooden tray Spoons

Stirrer ;

Pair of Tongs . Slow-match Buffalo-skin shirt Buckskin shirt. Buckskin jacket Buckskin coat . Buckskin legging Breech-cloth Buckskin trousers Moccasins Moccasins

Trailers of moccasins Socks made of sagebrush- ae Knit stocking . : Head-band made of alow Hair-ribbon

182 182 183 183 183 183 184 185 186 187 189 190 191 19t

193 197 200 200 201 201 201 202 202 202 203 203 204 204 204 205 205 205 206 207 208 208 209 209 209 210 211 211 212 212

213°

179, 180. Ton. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188, 189-191. 192. 193° 194. 195. 196. 197, 198. O08

201-203. 204, 205. 206, 207. 208, 209 210. 21t. 2125 Bites 214. Ps 216-220. 221. 222. BO POL 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. Date

ees Pee 234 235.

Skin cap . : Head-band made of coyote. tails: 21. Hunter’s head-band ; =

Warrior’s head-band Warrior’s hair-ribbon Shaman’s head-band Woman’s buckskin shirt . Buckskin bodice

Bodice made of Pee Short legging . : Woman’s head-band Women’s caps . : Maiden’s breech-cloth Maiden’s head-band : Poncho made of sagebrush- ae Ear-ornament . : ; Woman’s ear-ornament Nose-ornaments x 4 Necklace made of beads ae A

dentalia 2 : a Beaded necklace . : Combs set ie aes

Styles of hair- ates: ; Styles of hair-dress . Styles of hair-dress . Tweezers Designs of anes Root-diggers Woman digging roots Sap-scraper Drying-frame . Bows Hand-guard

rrows Quivers oe Quiver with cover . Powder-horn Dog-halters Deer-fence Snare for small ead Bag-net .

Fish-spear with detacha he points . Three- eee fish- com Eye-shade Fish-hooks Fish-weir A nm . a ; es

FIGS.

a7 238. 2309. 240-242. 243. 244. 245. 246, 247, 248. 249. 250, 4 Be 252. 253, 254. 255. 256. 27, 258. 259. 260. 261, 262. 263.

266, 267. 268. 269. 270. 271-297: 278.

280, 281.

FIGS,

317- 318.

319, 320. 321.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Bark canoe

Types of dug-outs

Paddles

Snowshoe

Snowshoes

Temporary snowshoe

Stirrup

Short spear wih aoa rom

War-knife

War-clubs

Stone dagger

Short stone clubs

Birch-wood club

Tomahawk

Armor

Hide shield

Beaver-tooth dice

Gambling-mat .

Pointer for stick game

Set of gambling-sticks

Ring and spear for game

Dart

Gambling- Hanes

Knuckle-covering for “ lehal ” 4 players

Set of birch-bark cards

Ball

Bat . : E

Lacrosse-sticks L :

Guard-stick for protecting ball

Ball and catching-hoops .

Game of cat’s-cradle

Pipes

Conduit for Eadie wer: (eMele infant .

Cradle of Lower Thowapepas

Birch-bark cradle

Cradle of Nicola band

PAGE, “255

250 256

263

FIGS,

283, 284

287-2809. 290. 2g. 292. 293; (294.

3°5- 306. 397-309. 310,

Scratchers

Drinking-tubes

Girls’ combs

Boy’s head-band

Grave figures .

Sketch of world

Facial paintings

Head-band and sash

Diagrams illustrating move- ments of dancers . :

Hammer-stone with animal head

Bone carvings .

House ornament representing a a man

Conreaiel desions f

War-axe representing wood- pecker .

Design on flap of a poneh

Blanket with dream design

Painted apron .

War-club with design ef a, earth, and thunder-bird

Eanes on shaman’s head- band

Front and back of a poneh

Shaman’s pipe

Pipes ,

Tobacco-pouch min sesian of lizard ; :

Arrow designs on carrying- straps .

Beaded necklace vith puke design .

Fringe showing rhythmic oe tition of five elements .

Drum

Drum and oaenevick

BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS.

Flying-goose pattern Flying-bird pattern . Flying-bird design . Snake patterns. Grouse-track pattern Fly pattern

PAGE 393 394

394 |

394 395 395

FIGS.

323-325. 326, 327- 328, 320. 330.

Arrow-head patterns Stone-hammer design Star pattern :

Mountain patterns .

Lightning pattern

Vil

377 378

379

379 380 380

381

381 382 382 383

384 384 334

334 385 385

PAGE 396 397 397 398 399

_ viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON River ReGIoN, BRITISH Oy FIGS. s PAGE. FIGS, 331. Cache forms of glassy basalt . 408 358. Bone needles 332. Chipped points of glassy basalt 409 359. War-clubs 333. Chipped points made of chal- 360. Daggers . cedony and chert. j 409 361. Stone object 334. Complex chipped points of 362. Head-scratcher glassy basalt : : . 409 | 363, 364. Copper pendants 335. Rubbed points made of slate . 409 365. Copper pendant 336. Bone points . ‘ 410 . 366. Necklace. 337. Harpoon- points made of ie 410 367. Bone pendant . 338. Bone object and wooden ob- : 368. Pendant made of bear’s aaa ject : ; 5 -fthO 369. Pendant made of incisor of © 339. Sap-scrapers . ; : 5 eee Geeruma: , : : Pgs 340. Boneimplements . : 4 AID 370. Bone bead = 341. Stone hammers : : a A 371. String of copper We dentalium 342, 343. Stone mortars . : ; 5 bane beads 344. Fish-knife _ : nA A. 372. Stone objects 345. Wedge made of aide : a ea 373. Gambling-bones 346, 347. Stone hammers. 3 RAS 374. Stone pipes 348. Handle made of antlene. * OES 375. Bone carvings . 349. Celts made of nephrite . Bie 38) 376. Bone object with incised di 350. Celts made of nephrite . eo) sign : : 351. Whetstones . ‘ ee 377. Sap-scraper 352. Chipped stone copiciente 7 eee 378. Dagger with incised dies : 353, 354. Bone objects . : : > Arg 379. Incised designs from dentali- 355. Skin-scraper . 3 Fe oe 2118) um shells .. = 356. Scraper made of scapula . oi Biexe) 380. Stone image : 357. Awls : 420 381. Carved tip of antler. PLATES. I-VI. Facial Paintings of the Indians of Northern British Goltiiie et ft VII-X. Masks of the Bella Coola Indians. in XI, XII. Masks and Caryings of the Bella Coola Indians. . XIII. Views of Fraser River at Lytton. XIV. Fig. 1. Preparation of Skins, Thompson Indians. Fig. 2. Storehouse, Thompson Indians. XV. Views of Underground House, Thompson Indians. XVI. Lodges, Thompson Indians. XVII. Sweat-house, Thompson Indians. XVIII. Deerskin Robe and Poncho, Thompson Indians. XIX, Painted Bowlders, Thompson Indians. XX. Rock-Paintings, Thompson Indians, XXI-XXIII. Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians. XXIV. View of Kamloops. XXV. Rock-slides, with Graves, in Nees Valley. XXVI. Grave at Kamloops.

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MEMOTRS

OF THE

AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTorRY.

The Jesup North Pacific Expedition.

INTRODUCTION.

It is only a few years since anthropology has begun to take its rank among other sciences, and it would seem that it is already approaching the solution of its problem,—that it is laying down the laws governing the growth of culture.

The history of anthropology is but a repetition of that of other sciences. When the facts begin to array themselves in seeming order, the ultimate goal of inquiry appears to be near at hand. The fundamental laws which governed the growth of culture and civilization seem to manifest themselves conspicuously, and the chaos of beliefs and customs appears to fall into beautiful order. But investigation goes on incessantly. New facts are dis- closed, and shake the foundation of theories that seemed firmly established. The beautiful, simple order is broken, and the student stands aghast before the multitude and complexity of facts that belie the symmetry of the edifice that he had laboriously erected. Such was the history of geology, such the history of biology. The phenomena, as long as imperfectly known, lend themselves to grand and simple theories that explain all being. But when painstaking and laborious inquiry discloses the complexity of the phenomena,

new foundations must be laid, and the new edifice is erected more slowly.

4 INTRODUCTION.

Its outlines are not less grand, although less simple. They do not disclose themselves at once, but appear gradually, as_ the laborious construction proceeds.

Anthropology has reached that point of development where the careful investigation of facts shakes our firm belief in the far-reaching theories that have been built up. The complexity of each phenomenon dawns on our minds, and makes us desirous of proceeding more cautiously. | Heretofore we have seen the features common to all human thought. Now we begin to see their differences. We recognize that these are no less important . than their similarities, and the value of detailed studies becomes apparent. Our aim has not changed, but our method must change. We are still searching for the laws that govern the growth of human culture, of human thought ; but we recognize the fact that before we seek for what is common to all culture, we must analyze each culture by careful and exact methods, as the geologist analyzes the succession and order of deposits, as the biolo- gist examines the forms of living matter. We see that the growth of human culture manifests itself in the growth of each special culture. Thus we have come to understand that before we can build up the theory of the growth of all human culture, we must know the growth of cultures that we find here and there among the most primitive tribes of the Arctic, of the deserts of Australia, and of the impenetrable forests of South Amer- ica; and the progress of the civilization of antiquity and of our own times. We must, so far as we can, reconstruct the actual history of mankind, be- fore we can hope to discover the laws underlying that history.

These thoughts underlie the conception of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Its aim is the investigation of the history of man in a well- defined area, in which problems of great importance await solution. The expedition has for its object the investigation of the tribes, present and past, of the coasts of the North Pacific Ocean, beginning at the Amoor River in Asia, and extending northeastward to Bering Sea, thence southeastward along the American coast as far as Columbia River

The peculiar interest that attaches to this region is founded on the fact that here the Old World and the New come into close contact. The geo- graphical conditions favor migration along the coast-line, and exchange of culture. Have such migrations, has such exchange of culture, taken place ?

This question is of great interest theoretically. The American continent is

EN RODUC TION. 5

widely separated from the land area of the Old World, so that the geo- graphical conditions are in favor of the presumption that in the New World culture developed uninfluenced by causes acting in the Old World. Through- out the Old World migrations have brought the peoples of the most distant areas into hostile or peaceful contact, so that there is hardly a tribe that might be considered as uninfluenced by others. If the development of cul- ture in the New World has been quite independent of the advances made in the Old World, its culture will be of the greatest value for purposes of comparison. Therefore it is necessary to investigate with thoroughness all possible lines and areas of contact, and among these the North Pacific coast is probably the most important.

The problem of the investigation may be stated in the following manner : ‘There is little doubt that the American race has inhabited our continent for a very long time. Although no finds have been made that establish its geological antiquity beyond cavil, we have good reason to believe that man inhabited this continent at a very early time. The principal foundation for this belief is the existence of well-marked varieties of the American race, the establishment of which must have occupied a long period. The general characteristics of the race are fairly uniform. The smooth, dark hair ; broad, heavy face; large nose; and rather full mouth,—are common to all the natives of America. But nevertheless a number of distinct types have devel- oped, differing in color of skin, in form of head and of face, and in propor- tions of the body. The differences in these types show that a‘ long period was necessary for their development. They cannot be explained as due to the mixture of different races, because they all partake of the general char- acteristics of the American race, and because the members of each type show a remarkable degree of uniformity. The variability of each type is slight as compared to variabilities which we find in Europe, among the tribes of Asia or of the Polynesian Islands. The small variability is an indication of lack of mixture, and therefore of long-continued development by differentiation.

The long period of occupancy of our continent, which thus seems prob- able, implies that American culture passed through a long period of devel- opment. It is likely that the distinct types of the race developed in isolated spots, and therefore culture must also have followed distinct lines of growth.

But this period has long since passed. At the time when American

tribes entered the field of our knowledge, and even in periods of which

Quilleyute R) 125

SketcH Map or BRITISH COLUMBIA

Showing the Field of Operations of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition in 1897.

OPERATIONS OF THE EXPEDITION IN 1897.

MAP.

The Jesup North Pacific Expedition was organized early in the year 1897. The area in which its investigations are carried on is little known. Although the literature relating to the North Pacific coast is quite exten- sive, very few thorough anthropological researches dealing with it have been published. On the Asiatic side the description of Kamtchatka, by Steller, is worthy of note, and the reports of Leopold von Schrenck, on the tribes of the Amoor region, are of fundamental importance. In America the Russian missionary Vemiaminof gave descriptions of the languages of Alaska, which are of permanent value. Later on, Horatio Hale’s work as a member of the Wilkes Expedition brought clearness into the confusion of languages of the southern part of the coast. Still later important work was done by George Gibbs and Myron Eells in Washington and southern British Columbia; by George M. Dawson in British Columbia; and by William H. Dall in Alaska. A systematic investigation of the tribes of British Columbia was in- augurated by the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which in 1883 appointed a committee charged with this work. The operations of the committee extended over a period of fourteen years, and field-work was conducted under the auspices of the committee from 1888 to 1897. The Jesup Expedition continues the systematic work of this committee over a wider area, and expands it on lines that were not touched upon before.

The committee directed its attention mainly to the languages, customs, and physical characteristics of the tribes of British Columbia, and its work was nearly completed in 1896. It only remained to study the physical types of the northern interior of British Columbia. The plan for this final work had been elaborated prior to the organization of the Jesup Expedition. Since the plan of the latter expedition made it necessary to supplement the work of the committee of the British Association, particularly in regard to arche- ological and somatological research, it was deemed best to combine the two expeditions. The committee of the British Association and Mr. Jesup agreed to pursue a common plan. It is due to this enlightened policy that unnecessary duplication of work was avoided, and that the new work can be taken up where the old work ceased. During the year 1897 anthro- pometric work in northern British Columbia, and linguistic work on the

livre

8 OPERATIONS OF THE EXPEDITION IN 1897.

tribes of southern British Columbia, was carried on for the British Associa- tion for the Advancement of Science, while all the remaining work was done for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition.

The party which carried on operations during the year 1897 consisted of Mr. Franz Boas, of the American Museum of Natural History ; Mr. Living- ston Farrand, of Columbia University, New York ; and Mr. Harlan I. Smith, of the American Museum of Natural History. This party was assisted by Mr. James Teit, of Spences Bridge, B.C. ; Mr. George Hunt, of Fort Ru- pert, B.C., and Mr. Fillip Jacobsen, of Clayoquot, B.C. The party travelled westward by way of the Northern Pacific Railroad, through the courtesy of whose officials the journey was rendered most pleasant. After having made the necessary preparations in Victoria, B.C., they proceeded to Spences Bridge, where they arrived on the 2d of June, and were met by Mr. James Teit. The great familiarity with the language of this area which Mr. Teit has acquired during a long period of residence there, and the deep interest which he is taking in the Indians, make him a most valuable assistant in the investigations. Early in the year 1897 he collected notes on the Thompson River Indians, for the use of the Jesup Expedition ; and with his help a number of additional data were obtained, mainly bearing upon the art of the Indians, their language and physical characteristics. While these inves- tigations were being carried on, Mr. Smith made preparations for archeo- logical investigations in the valley of Thompson River. It was soon found that Spences Bridge was not the most favorable place for excavations ; and for this reason Mr. Smith moved his base of operations first to Kamloops, and later on to Lytton, which is situated at the confluence of Fraser River and Thompson River. At the latter place Mr. Smith was ably assisted by Mr. Charles Hill-Tout of Vancouver, B. C., well known for his researches on the archeology of British Columbia. The Expedition is under great obli- gations to Mr. Hill-Tout for the deep interest that he manifested in its work, and for the kindly assistance rendered by him. At Kamloops and Lytton Mr. Smith conducted extensive excavations on the hillsides and in the valley, discovering numerous remains of\ previous habitations, some of which are without doubt of considerable antiquity. Almost all his finds antedate the advent of the whites, and give us an excellent insight into the culture of the people at that period. Beautiful carvings in bone illustrate the high development of plastic art that had been attained by the Indians ; shells from the seacoast indicate the existence of early intertribal trade ; and numerous implements made of stone, bone, and shell, give a good insight: into the general state of culture of the tribe.

While Mr. Smith was conducting his investigations at Kamloops, Mr. Boas and Mr. Farrand, accompanied by Mr. Teit, started on a lengthy trip northward, which was intended to serve two purposes. It was necessary to

A , ’ oe

_ OPERATIONS OF THE EXPEDITION IN 1897. 9

investigate the physical characteristics of the Indians inhabiting the banks of Fraser River north of Lytton. Furthermore, it was desirable to study the customs and physical characteristics of the Chilcotin, the most southern Athapascan tribe of British Columbia. From here it was intended to con- tinue the journey over the mountains to the coast, in order to study the Bella Coola, an interesting tribe, whose customs and beliefs had never been subjected to systematic inquiry. The party started with a train of ten horses from Spences Bridge. The mountains between Spences Bridge and Lillooet were crossed on narrow trails. It was hoped that a considerable number of Indians would be met with in the high valley of Botani, where the tribes of Fraser River and Thompson River assemble every spring ; but only com- paratively few were met with, and for this reason the journey was continued after a short delay. At Lillooet Mr. Farrand separated from the main party, and visited the villages of the Upper Lillooet on Seton and Anderson Lakes. Meanwhile the pack-train slowly proceeded along the wagon-road leading to Caribou. All the Indian villages that are situated on or near this wagon-road were visited, and a considerable number of anthropometric measurements were collected. After about a week Mr. Farrand, who had completed his work among the Lillooet tribe, rejoined the party. On the 3d of July they reached Soda Creek, on Fraser River, the most northern village inhabited by the Shuswap tribe. Then they crossed the river and proceeded westward, in order to visit the territory of the Chilcotin. After a few days the first village of this tribe was reached. The party proceeded slowly from village to village until the most western Chilcotin village of any considerable size was reached. Now the further investigation of the inter- esting tribe was left to Mr. Farrand, while Mr. Boas proceeded on his journey across the mountains to Bella Coola.

The Chilcotin have been brought into contact with the whites compara- tively recently ; and, although they live in log-cabins at the present time, raise cattle and horses, and till the soil, they are probably the most primi- tive among the tribes of British Columbia. A number of families still roam in the mountains between Lillooet and Chilcotin River, and have not been induced to settle on reservations ; consequently the field of investigation was a most interesting one, and the results of Mr. Farrand’s ethnological inquiries are of great value. He spent most of his time in the larger villages of the Chilcotin ; but during the month of August he visited the isolated families which live on the shores of Tatla Lake and in the mountains. From here he proceeded northward until the ‘pass which leads to Bella Coola was reached. Mr. Boas followed the more northern route towards this pass, crossing the wild plateau north of Tatla Lake. On this journey a few of the Chilcotin who make their home near Lake Nakoontloon were met with. At this place the Coast Range, seen from the east, seems to form an enor-

2—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL, II. JUNE, 1808.

IO OPERATIONS OF THE EXPEDITION IN 1897.

mous gap, and a trail leads westward, following a small river that takes its rise in the high mountains of the range. Gradually the valley narrows, and the beautiful peaks and glaciers of the Coast Range come into view. The trail ascends higher and higher, until, at a height of five thousand feet, the summit is reached. Here a few small snow-fields have to be crossed, and the trail suddenly emerges on the north side of Bella Coola River. The river is seen almost five thousand feet below; and on the opposite side of its deep and narrow valley rises the high peak Nuskulst, which plays a most important part in the mythology of the Bella Coola. Enormous glaciers flank its sides, and a little farther down the river appear other snow- clad mountains of beautiful form. In early times the villages of the Bella Coola were found all along the river, up to a place about twenty miles above Nuskulst; but the tribe has so diminished in numbers, that all the villages on the banks of the river have been abandoned. ‘The trail descends the steep mountain-side until the river is reached, at a point about twenty- five miles above its mouth. Here the deep and rapid river had to be crossed. The party built a raft, on which an Indian embarked in order to fetch a canoe that was seen on the other side. In this the men crossed the river, while the horses swam over. From here a day’s journey brought) the travellers to the village of the Bella Coola Indians. The road passes through a Norwegian settlement that has recently been established in this valley. At Bella Coola Mr. Boas was met by Mr. George Hunt, who, under special instructions, had collected valuable specimens among the Indians. The pack-train returned over the mountains to Fraser River, while Mr. Boas stayed among the Bella Coola Indians.

Here interesting information on the customs and beliefs of the tribe was collected. After this work had been completed, Mr. Boas started down Bentinck Arm. Then he went by steamer northward to Skeena River, where he joined Mr. Smith, who had finished his work in the interior of British Columbia by the beginning of August. Some time was spent near the mouth of Skeena River in making investigations on the graphic art of the Haida Indians, and in studying the physical appearance of the Tsimshian and Haida. Mr. Smith collected a valuable series of photographs, while Mr. Boas was engaged in collecting measurements. By this time Mr. Farrand had completed his work among the Chilcotin. Accompanied by an Indian, he crossed the mountains, and at Bella Coola met Mr. Hunt, who was com- pleting his work among this tribe. Towards the end of August both left Bella Coola, intending to pay a visit to the village of Bella Bella, which is situated just outside the mouth of Bentinck Arm. Mr. Farrand spent here the remainder of the summer, studying the social organization and arts of this tribe. The plan was that Mr. Smith should meet him at Bella Bella in order to assist him in the study of the physical appearance of the Bella Bella

OPERATIONS OF THE EXPEDITION IN 1897. Ted

Indians. This plan was carried out, both travellers reaching Bella Bella at nearly the same time.

After Mr. Boas had completed his work on Skeena River, he journeyed southward on a coast steamer, and was joined at Bella Bella by Mr. Smith and Mr. Hunt, while Mr. Farrand stayed behind, continuing his investiga- tions. The party landed in Rivers Inlet, where a stay of several weeks was made. Mr. Smith again assisted in the study of the physical appearance of the Indians, and after this work had been completed continued his journey to Vancouver, in order to resume his archeological investigations. Mr. Boas and Mr. Hunt, who stayed in Rivers Inlet, succeeded in collecting much interesting material on the language and customs of this little-known tribe. In the middle of September Mr. Farrand reached Rivers Inlet, having com- pleted his work in Bella Bella. Here he was joined by Mr. Boas and Mr. Hunt. The latter returned to his home in Fort Rupert, while Mr. Boas and Mr. Farrand returned to New York.

Mr. Smith, after his return to Vancouver, took up the investigation of the shell-mounds at the mouth of Fraser River, which yielded important results, clearing up interesting points in the history of the Indians. It seems that the physical appearance of the Indians during the period of deposit of the shell-mounds’ on lower Fraser River had undergone material changes. The results that were here obtained are so important, that it will be neces- sary to continue the researches during the coming year. When the rainy season set in, Mr. Smith moved his camp to southeastern Vancouver Island, where he spent some time in the investigation of prehistoric stone monu- ments. Finally, in the middle of November, the winter rains set in, which compelled him to conclude his operations.

During the summer Mr. Fillip Jacobsen undertook to make a collection illustrating the culture of the tribes of the west coast of Vancouver Island. His intimate acquaintance with the Indians, and his varied experience in ethnological work, have made his assistance of great value.

_ The Expedition is also under great obligations to Dr. Charles F. New- combe, who contributed an interesting collection from Queen Charlotte Islands.

The collections of the Expedition are extensive. They embrace speci- mens illustrating the archeology of the interior and of the coast of British Columbia. They illustrate the ethnology of the Thompson River Indians, of the Chilcotin, of the Bella Coola, of the Kwakiutl, and of the Nootka. A very material body of facts has thus been added to our knowledge of the North Pacific coast, and the collections of the Museum have been enriched by many interesting specimens.

ad " v ee 4 ; ot ae . i” me The following method of transcribing Indian words is used in the Pe lications of the Jesup Expedition : a a, e, i, 0, u, . have their continental sounds (short). i, €, iG; ty ceone vowels. : A, E, 1, 0, U, . obscure vowels. : isa 0 ey ie a vonrelsamot articulated, but indicated by position of the m anes . in German Bar. aaa . aw in law. Oy & . 9 in German vol/. 6. . é in bell. A . 2 in hill. ea _. separates vowels which do not form diphthongs. aie . 2 in tsland. au, . ow in how. Wes . as in English. soa ie _ very long, slightly palatized by allowing a greater portion the back of the tongue to touch the palate. **< ‘ a, . posterior palatal 7; the tip of the tongue touches the al of the lower jaw, the back of the tongue is pressed aga the hard palate, sonant. 5 Te . the same, short and « d (surd). Gh . velar &. ya . English &. ee . palatized &, almost 2y. = ikoxes . posterior palatal £, between & and &’. 3, . velar g. Rive . palatized g, almost gy’. Pe, _ ch in German Bach. 3S, . « pronounced at posterior border of hard palate, x . palatal #2 as in German 7h. Syics _ are evidently the same sound, and might be written S01 both being palatized; c (English s#) is pronounced open teeth, the tongue almost touching the palate imm ately behind the alveoli ; s is modified in the same m Gj 2 se alee as ees dst, ) an inner b, P ( pease) English, but surd and sonant are difficult to distin: gk, ; ieee . as in English. y, . as In year. w, m, . as in English. n, |. . . . . . . designates increased stress of articulation. & . . . . . . . is a very deep laryngeal intonation. 4 Xs ‘J z, 7

— os

I.—Factat Parntincs of THE Inptans or Nortuern

British Corumpta.

By Franz Boas.

PLatrs I-VI,

The art of the Indians of northern British Columbia shows a peculiar development, that has for a long time attracted the attention of investigators. While among most primitive people we find a tendency to the development of geometric designs, the Indians of northern British Columbia use for deco- rative purposes almost exclusively animal motives. The animal forms are highly conventionalized, and may be recognized by a number of symbols characteristic of the various animals that the artists try to represent. The Indians have adopted a peculiar method of adapting the animal form to the decorative field. There is no endeavor to represent the form by means of perspective, but the attempt is made to adapt the form as nearly as possible to the decorative field by means of distortion and dissection. The more clever an artist is in designing methods of distortion and dissection which fill the decorative field and bring into view all the important parts of the animal body, the greater is his success.! It will be seen, therefore, that the greater the difference between the form of the decorative field and the form of the animal to be represented, the greater will be the difficulty of adapta- tion. When an animal is to be represented on a bracelet, it is shown as though it were cut from head to tail, and as though the arm were pushed through the opening, the whole animal thus surrounding the wrist. The same method is followed in the decoration of dishes, where the sides of the animal are shown on the sides of the dish, while the opening of the dish represents the back of the animal, its bottom the lower side of the ani- mal. When the animal form is to be shown on flat surfaces, the body is generally represented as split in two, and spread in both directions, so that it appears like two profiles placed side by side.

_ The peculiarities of the conventionalism of these tribes appear most clearly where the difficulty of adaptation of the subject to the decorative field is greatest. I concluded, therefore, that if I could obtain a series of representations on very difficult surfaces, the principles of conventionalism would appear most clearly. No surface seems to be more difficult to treat,

"I have explained in another place the fundamental ideas underlying this art (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, 1897, pp. 123-176). [ 13 ]

I4 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS

and to adapt to animal forms, than the human face. For this reason | resolved to make a collection of facial paintings such as are used by the Indians when adorning themselves for festive dances.

The subjects that are used for this purpose are largely the crests of the various families. These are laid on in black, red, blue, and green ; the colors being mixed with grease, and put on with the fingers, with brushes, or by means of wooden stamps cut out for this purpose.

The collection which is discussed in the present paper was obtained from E'’drnsa, a Haida chief from Masset, one of the most famous artists of the tribe. I have arranged the material in such an order as to begin with the most realistic, and proceed to higher and higher degrees of convention- alism, until in the last group of paintings we find a number of purely geometrical designs representing animal forms.

One interesting point was brought out in the beginning of my investi- gation. The decorations differ according to the rank and wealth of the wearer. The full and rather realistic representations of animals are consid- ered of greater value, and as indicating higher rank, than conventional repre- sentations which consist of symbols of the animals.

Before I begin to discuss the meanings of the facial paintings, it may be! well to make a brief statement explaining the social organization of the Haida. The tribe is divided into two clans,—the Raven clan, or Q’oa'la ; and the Eagle clan, or Giit’ina’,— which are exogamous. Each of these clans is subdivided into a great number of families, many of which derive their names from the localities at which they are believed to have originated. Each family has a number of crests. A few of these are common to all the families of the clan. All the G‘it’ina’, for instance, have the eagle, and almost all the Q’oa'la have the bear and the killer whale. But besides these, each family has a number of special crests, all of which are derived from certain traditions setting forth the adventures of an ancestor of the family. Most of these traditions tell of his encounter with an animal or a spirit, which, from that time on, became the crest of his family. The Haida have maternal institutions counting descent in the female line ; that is to say, the child belongs to its mother’s clan, and inherits its maternal uncle’s rank and property. Not all the members of the family use all its crests. In the beginning the youth seems to possess the most general crest of the clan only,—the G'itina’ the eagle, and the Q’oa'la the bear and the killer whale. As he reaches higher social rank by repeated distributions of property among the members of the opposite clan, he becomes entitled to the privilege of using other crests; but the use of the total number be- longing to the family seems to be restricted to its chief,

I shall now proceed to a description of the designs represented on Plates I-VI.’

1 From drawings by Mr. Rudolph Weber.

OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA. UG

Fig. 1, Plate I, represents on the left side of the face the killer whale ; on the right side of the face, the right whale. The form of the animal is to a certain extent adapted to the form of the eyebrow. The Indian con- siders heavy, regular eyebrows a sign of beauty. Naturally the eyebrow of the Indian is very wide, covering part of the upper eyelid, and ascending rather high on the temples. In order to give the eyebrow line the desired shape, the Indians, particularly the women, sometimes pluck the hair from the eyelid, so as to procure a sharp line along the upper rim of the orbit. A comparison of Fig. 2, Plate Il, and Fig. 3, Plate V, shows that the two animal forms are intended to emphasize the eyebrows of the dancer. The designs of the killer whale and of the right whale are identical. They are identified by their color, red being the color of the right whale, black that of the killer whale. The same use of red and black for identifying right whale and killer whale may be observed in Figs. 14 and 15, Plate III, the first of which represents the back of the right whale, while the second represents the dorsal fin of the killer whale. Red is also used for symbol- izig@etmeneyes of the whale in Fig. 11, Plate 1V. The right-whale and killer-whale design in Fig. 1, Plate 1, is supplemented by the red painting on the lips. This painting symbolizes copper, one of the most valuable possessions of the Haida. It was used by Chief Skidegate, from whom the village tqa’gilt received its current name. He also wore, on festive occasions, a single bristle of a sea-lion, placed upright in his hair, which was tied in a knot on the top of his head. This single bristle indicated that there was no one of equal rank in the whole tribe.

Figs. 2 and 3, Plate I, represent the halibut, and require no further remarks. The whole series from Fig. 2 to Fig. 13 are rather realistic repre- sentations of whole animals or of the larger portion of animals. The designs are not always placed in the position shown on the plate. The red sun with its black rays (Fig. 8) was worn sometimes between the eyes, sometimes covering the mouth and the lower part of the nose. It was also made of wood, and worn on the forehead. In this case the rim of the red disk was inlaid with pieces of abelone shell. This was the ornament used by the chief of the Kits’adé’s of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit. It was called the “house of the sun.” The rainbow (Fig. 9. Plate I) was also placed in different positions. Sometimes it was worn extending from the ear on one side to the posterior corner of the jaw on the other, the concave side turned upward ; the blue line running from the ear downward to the jaw, following the lower border of the jaw, while the green line formed the upper margin. Sometimes it was placed on the forehead, the green border following the hair line. Fig. 10 represents the crescent of the moon. Abe- lone shells are glued to the cheeks. These are intended to represent the faint light of the moon illuminated by the reflection from the earth. Some-

16 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS

times the design is supplemented by a crescent-shaped neck-ring made of wood inlaid with large pieces of abelone shell. In Figs. 11, 12, and 13, large portions of the dog-salmon and halibut are represented. :

The following three figures (Figs. 14, 15, 16, Plate I) symbolize animals by means of their heads. In Fig. 14 is seen the head of the woodpecker in black and red. Fig. 15 is the sea-lion. It is shown reclining backward, indicating that the sea-lion is blowing. The chin is daubed with red. The same design is found frequently in the series of facial paintings represented — here; for instance, in Figs. 11 and 12, Plate II, and Fig. 8, Plate Vie ae represents the throat of the killer whale. The teeth and the long snout in Fig. 16 signify the wolf.

In all the preceding figures the face was treated like a flat surface ; the whole figure, or an. important part of the figure, being placed in a conven- ient position. The only cases in which a certain amount of adaptation to the human face is found, are the whales in Fig. 1, the rainbow as described before, and the crescent of the moon (Fig. 10). .

In the series of designs represented on Plate II (Figs. 1-5), a different principle has been made use of. In some of these the face itself is utilized as part of the conventionalized designs yim \Pig..1, Plate II, we See the) beaver. One of the principal symbols of the beaver is the scaly tail, which is indicated by hachure lines. The tail is generally represented as being raised in front of the beaver’s body. It is shown in this manner in the present design, extending from the chin upward to the nose. The eyes of the person represent at the same time the eyes of the beaver. I explained, in the paper quoted before, that the ears of all animals are shown surmounting the eyes. For this reason the beaver’s ears are here shown immediately over the eye- brows. The beaver’s hat is also painted on the face, and represented in the usual conventional manner by means of three circles, which represent the rings on the hat. The paws are shown on the cheeks. Their position intimates that they are represented as though they were raised up to the mouth, in the same manner in which the beaver is usually represented on the carvings and paintings of the Haida. Fig. 2, Plate I, represents the raven. The eyebrows are here utilized to represent the beak cut in two. The two profiles of the beak are shown in such a way that their tips are placed at the inner angles of the eyebrows. The tongue is shown in red on the upper eyelids, its base being near the outer corners of the eyesau) imam raven’s hat rises on the forehead, over the nose. It is represented by two circles. The wing is shown in black on the right cheek, the tail on the left cheek, The lower side of the body is symbolized by the red painting extending from nose to chin. In this case the peculiar method of dissecting the body, and showing parts of it in such an arrangement as to fill the decorative field, has been applied. Fig. 3, Plate HM, shows the killer whale

OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA. 17

in profile, dissected so as to fit the face. This design is used principally by women. The head of the animal, with its large teeth, is shown on the right cheek ; the tail on the left cheek ; and the dorsal fin on the forehead. The green paint with which the base of the dorsal fin, the joint of the tail, and the eye, are shown, is used exclusively by the family Sta’stas. Sometimes, instead of showing dorsal fin, head; and tail, the dorsal fin alone is used to symbolize the killer whale.

In Fig. 4, Plate II, we have a representation of the dog-fish, arranged also on the principle of dissection. In this case, as in Fig. 1, Plate II, part of the face is utilized to represent the animal. The eyes of the person are the eyes of the dog-fish. On the forehead, over the eyes, rises its peculiar long snout with the two nostrils. The gills are shown by two curved lines just below the outer corners of the eyes. The tail is represented as cut in two, one half extending from the right nostril downward, the other from the left nostril downward. The asymmetrical form of the tail is shown clearly in each half. The dorsal fin is placed on the right cheek, extending from the ear up to the nose. Sometimes this painting is supplemented by black daubs on both cheeks. The color of the dog-fish is red, like that of the whale, as may be seen from a comparison of the present figure and Rionr6, Plate: Tit.

The characteristic colors of the sculpin are red, blue, and black, as may be seen in Fig. 5, Plate II, and Figs. 5-8, Plate IV. Fig. 5, Plate II, must be interpreted as an adaptation of the whole figure of the sculpin to the human face. The mouth is painted red, representing the mouth of the sculpin. On the upper lip rise the two spines which are found over the mouth of the sculpin. The round nostrils are placed on the cheeks, adjoin- ing the outer corners of the mouth, and the continuous dorsal fin is indicated by the blue triangle extending along the bridge of the nose. The tail is shown in black on the forehead. A comparison with the representations of the sculpin on Plate IV shows that in the latter case only a few of the symbols applied here have been made use of to represent the fish.

The two red bars of Fig. 6, Plate II, are the arms of the starfish, which are shown in the form of a cross in Hig w78 Plate al.

In the following series of paintings the animals to be represented are shown by means of symbols. I have arranged them in such a way as to bring out the various parts of the body that have been utilized. In Figs 7, Plate II, we find the large mouth of the sea-monster Ts’an x6’utsé in red and black, with its enormous teeth. The characteristic colors of the mon- ster are red and black, with black dorsal fin. The name may be translated as “grisly bear of the sea.” It is identified with the sea-monster Hagula’q of the Tsimshian. It is represented as half bear and half killer whale, It has two tails,—a bear’s tail and a whale’s tail—and an enormous dorsal fin

3—MEM. AM. MUS, NAT. HIST., VOL. II, JUNE, 1898.

18 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS

perforated at its base. Very often a human face is shown at the base of the fin. The Indians maintain that this face is characteristic of the sea-monster ; but it must be borne in mind that in all the representations of animals we find a tendency to indicate joints by means of eyes, which often develop into faces, and that fins and tails are always shown as connected to the body by means of joints. Fig. 8 is the long proboscis of the mosquito. In Fig. 9 the beak of the hawk is shown, characterized by the returning point of the beak ;1 the red line under the beak represents the tongue of the bird. In Fig. 10 we see the large toothless mouth of the frog. Sometimes the lips are reddened as a symbol of the frog, also symbolizing its toothless mouth. It is interesting to note that the last-named painting is utilized for a variety of purposes. I mentioned before, in describing Fig. 1, Plate I, that this painting represented copper, the symbol of wealth. This seems to be the most frequent interpretation. In the present case it represents the frog, while in other cases it seems to indicate the blood of the slave killed during the celebration of the festival, and buried under a post of the house; but it seems that in the last-named case the painting is not confined to the lips, but extends slightly beyond their margins.

In the following series of figures the feet of the animals are used as symbols. In Figs. 11 and 12 we see the feet of the sea-lion. In Fig. 11 its tail is shown attached to the base of the foot, extending over the cheek, under the right eye. Fig. 13 represents the tracks of the bear, and the bear’s tail on the chin. In Fig. 14 we have the feet of the sea-monster Ts’an xo’utsé; in Fig. 15, the feet of the wolf; and in Fig. 16, the talons of the eagle. The last named are also used in a variety of ways. Some- times, instead of painting the cheeks with the eagle’s talons, the hair is put up in a bunch on top of the head, tied with cedar-bark dyed red in a de- coction of alder-bark, and an eagle’s talon protruding from the knot forward. A large square piece of an abelone shell is fastened to it in such a way that the eagle’s talon appears to hold the shell. Still another method of wearing the eagle’s talons is as follows: A head-ring is made of twisted cedar-bark dyed red in a decoction of alder-bark, and the eagle’s talons are tied to the sides of the ring in such a way that they extend from the sides towards the middle on the forehead. This ornament is used by the chief of the Yakla’nas when celebrating the erection of anew house. On this occa- sion slaves are killed, and buried under the house-post. This ceremony is symbolized by the red painting of the lips, and of the skin immediately sur- rounding the lips. Women wear the symbol of the eagle in the form of ear ornaments made of abelone shell, which are cut in the shape of eagle’s talons. Fig. 1, Plate III, shows the hoofs of the mountain-goat.

' See Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, 1897, p. 131.

OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA. 19

The next series of paintings symbolize the animals by means of their tails. In Fig. 2, Plate III, we see the tail of the fabulous monster Wasx. This monster is believed to be half wolf and half whale. It is capable of hunting on land as well as in the waters. Its favorite game is whales ; and when returning from hunting it carries one whale under each arm, one in its mouth, one behind each ear, one under its dorsal fin, and one held in its long tail. For this reason the curved tajl in which it holds the whale is one of its symbols. Fig. 3 is a rather realistic representation of the wolf’s tail. The chief of the Yak"la’nas, instead of the painting, wears two wolves’ tails tied to the top-knot of his hair, fastened by means of red cedar-bark. With this he wears a twisted ring of red cedar-bark.

The following series of birds’ tails is largely characterized by the form of individual feathers. The hawk’s tail (Fig. 4) is shown spreading, with pointed feathers, while the tails of the woodpecker (Fig. 5), and of the raven (Figs. 6, 7) are shown with rounded tips and parallel feathers. Since the symbol of the raven’s tail (Fig. 5) is not clear, it is supplemented by the additional symbol of the raven’s throat, represented by red paint on the throat of the dancer. Fig. 7 represents the raven’s tail split in two, the body being indicated by the red paint extending from nose to chin, and one-half of the tail being shown extending upward from each side of the mouth. This painting is used by the chief of the Yaktla’nas, and is supplemented by a carved raven-head, which is attached to the top-knot. Three ermine skins are placed in its beak. Fig. 8 shows the wings of the raven on forehead and left cheek ; a single feather, perhaps a tail-feather, on the right cheek. eee waisused by the Giitsé’es, a Tsimshian tribe. The tips of the feathers are cut out of copper and glued to the skin, while the bases are painted green. In Fig. 9 we find a rather realistic representation of a raven’s wing, supplemented by the red throat of the raven.

Fig. to is a painting that is not used by the present Indians, but is found on the mask representing Nenk’ilsLastingai’; that means “the future Nenkilsta’s.” Nenk‘ilsza’s is the mythical name of the uncle of the Raven. The name was later on inherited by the Raven himself, who for this reason is called “the future Nenk‘ilsua’s.” According to tradition he killed the bird ts’a’gul, put on its skin, and flew up to heaven, where he liberated the sun.' The painting represents the feathers of the bird Ts’a’gul.

In Figs. 11 and 12 we find the red tuft of the puffin. This is also used in various positions. It is sometimes worn on cheek and forehead, as shown in the present figures. Sometimes it is placed on the chin. Fig. 13 is the arm of the devil-fish, set with sucking-cups. In Figs. 14, 15, and 16, we have the backs and dorsal fins of the right whale, the killer whale, and the dog-fish. The right whale is characterized by its red color; the killer whale,

" Recorded by George M. Dawson, in Report of the Geological Survey of Canada for 1878-79, pp. 149, B, ff.

20 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS

by the black color and a perforation in the middle of the fin. . Fig. 1, Plate Iv, represents the dorsal fin of the Wasx (see p. 19). It differs from the fin of the whale and of the shark in that its tip is turned backward. Fig. 2 shows the same fin in a different position, occupying the whole chin and lower part of the cheeks. Fig. 3 shows the dorsal fin of the sea-monster Ts’an xo’utsé. Its peculiar characteristic is the black color, and its great width as compared to the dorsal fin of the killer whale. Fig. 4 is the short bear’s tail of the same sea-monster, characterized by the two colors black and red. Figs. 5-8 are all symbols of the sculpin. In all of them the lips are painted red, representing the mouth of the fish. In Fig. 5 the spines of the back are represented in blue on upper lip and nose. In Fig. 6 the two spines which rise over the mouth are shown in blue, diverging upward from the mouth. In Fig. 7 the vertebre of the fish are added to the mouth. They are represented by a series of four blue circles extending upward from nose to forehead, each circle representing one vertebra. In Fig. 8 the pee= toral fins are placed on each side of the mouth.

Fig. 9 is difficult to explain. It is said to symbolize the raven’s hat ; but the form of the ornament does not agree with the typical conventional- ized hat design, which consists of a series of rings, as in Figs. 12 andre The significance of the painting is therefore doubtful. In Fig. to we find the horns of the mountain-goat; in Fig. 11, the large eyes of the whale,

indicated by a red painting all round the eyes. sar

Fig. 12 represents another sea-monster called Ts’em’a’s: It is symbol-.

ized by its hat and two large red ears, which are painted over the eyebrows, and extend down over the upper eyelids. The tradition of the Ts’em’4’s has evidently been borrowed from the Tsimshian, among whom the same mon- ster is called T’s’Em’a’ks, which means “in the water.” It is said to live in rivers, and to be a dangerous foe to travellers. The traditions rather suggest that the Ts’zm’4’s is the personified snag. This opinion is supported by the painting shown in Fig. ro, Plate VI, in which the Ts’Em’4’s is repre- sented by a long bar, broadening at its lower end. Fig. 13 was described originally as the mountain-goat, the ears being placed over the eyes, and the ornament in the middle representing a single horn. It is not certain that this interpretation is correct. At a later date I revised the collection, and asked the Indian to repeat the names of the beings whom he intended to represent in his sketches. His answers were in almost all cases identical with the first descriptions ; but in the present painting he said first that ig represented the Ts’pm’a’s. He interpreted it as identical with Fig. 12 ; but later on he corrected himself, saying that the ears of the Ts’em’a’s are not black. The interpretation of the central ornament on the forehead as the horn of the mountain-goat remained doubtful, however. It resembles in type the representations of the hat; but it is likely that the rings surrounding

OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA. 21

the horn of the mountain-goat would be represented in the same manner as the rings of the hat, or the vertebre of the sculpin in Fig. 7, Plate IV. It seems that circular ornaments surrounding a long object, when represented on a flat surface, are turned up, so that the actual representation resembles a row of cross-sections of the object. In Fig. 14 we have the feet of a bear, placed so that the heel portion surmounts the eyebrows. By this means the heel portion of the foot is made to serve two purposes. It represents both part of the foot and the ears of the animal.

The conventional symbols applied in the following figures are of sucha character that, without a full explanation, it would not be possible to dis- cover what animal they are intended to represent. The small triangle on the nose, shown in Fig. 15, is intended to symbolize the mouth of the devil- ietewein Fig. 16 the large teeth of the sea-lion rise ‘over the eyebrows, while the chin is painted red, symbolizing the throat of the killer whale. InyFig-1, Plate V, we see a large red oval in the middle of the face, which represents the bladder of the sea-lion. This painting is also supplemented by the red chin symbolizing the throat of the killer whale. The combina- tion of colors is the characteristic symbol in Figs. 2 and 3. In Fig. 2 we find the tail of the sea-monster Ts’an x0’utsé, which is in form identical with the tail of the killer whale. The latter, however, is black on both sides. In Fig. 3 we have one black and one red eyebrow of the same sea-monster. In Fig. 4’ we find a curious principle applied. The painting represents the tail of the halibut protruding from the mouth of the dancer. This painting is not intended to symbolize the halibut, but the sea-lion swallowing a halibut ; that is to say, the whole face of the dancer is intended as a repre- sentation of the sea-lion, which is characterized by the food: it is eating. The chin is again painted red, indicating the throat of the killer whale. The crossing black lines in Fig. 5 symbolize the ribs of the bear. We have here reached a purely geometrical design intended to symbolize an animal form,—a development which has never been found heretofore in the art of the North Pacific tribes. The head of the dancer shown in Fig. 6 is daubed all over with red. It represents the white head of the eiole = The icolor red is used to represent the white parts of the animals. The upper part of the head of the dancer is here identified with the upper part of the head of the eagle. Similar to this is the symbol of the red-headed woodpecker, which consists in a liberal application of red paint all over face and hair.

In Fig. 7 we notice a narrow red line on each side of the face. This is intended to represent the red feathers in the wings of the woodpecker. In this case the sides of the head are identified with the sides of the ani- mal. The painting represented in Fig. 8 has been discussed before. It is the throat of the killer whale, which appears so often in combination with other designs. The long bar, with a series of five crescents, shown in Fig. 0,

22 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS

represents the throat of the monster Ts’an xo’utsé, which is characterized by a series of white spots. In Fig. 10 we find a broad red band surrounding the whole face. ‘This is intended to represent the eagle’s nest. In Fig. 11 we find one side of the face painted black, the other side painted red. This is also the symbol of an animal. It represents the halibut, the left side of the face indi- cating the upper dark side of the animal, while the right side of the face represents the light lower side of the animal. This painting is generally used in connection with a peculiar hair-dress, the whole hair being tied up ina knot on top of the head, and ten ermine skins being placed inside the knot, which is fastened by means of red cedar-bark. Fig. 12, which represents mos- quito bites, requires no explanation ; but in Fig. 13 we see a principle applied which becomes evident in many carvings of totem-poles.* Since in many cases the rear side of the object cannot be decorated, the subject of the decoration is split along its rear, and spread over the front of the object. In this manner the trunk of a tree, with holes made by a woodpecker, is utilized in this figure. We notice two vertical black bars in the middle of the face, representing the outlines of the tree. The holes made by the wood- pecker on both sides of these lines must be explained in the following way : The tree has been split on the rear side, and both halves of the rear portion have been extended in such a way as to cover both sides of the face ; so that the fields to the left and to the right represent the rear of the tree. Figs. 14 and 15 symbolize copper plates, which are considered the most valuable property by the Indians. The copper plates have an. almost rec- tangular form, being about twice as high as wide. They are strengthened by means of a ridge running from the middle of one long side to the middle of the opposite side. One of the squares is divided by another ridge, the two ridges forming aT. The red bar on the faces in Figs. 14 and 15 repre- sents the second ridge, which is considered the most valuable portion of the copper plate. The Indians have a custom of breaking the coppers and distributing them among the members of the tribe. When thus broken up the second ridge is kept until the last, and has a much higher value than all the other portions of the copper. The ridge is sometimes extended over the hair, which in this case is tied up in two knots, one on each side of the bar. The knots are tied with red cedar-bark, to which a large square piece of abelone shell is attached. In Fig. 16 we find two pairs of parallel black lines, which remind us of Fig. 5, Plate V. Their meaning is, how- ever, entirely distinct from the meaning of the previous figure. They represent a rock-slide, more particularly the trees uprooted by the falling masses of stone. Fig. 1, Plate VI, is identical with Fig. 6, Plate V, but it has a dif ferent meaning. It represents the red clouds of the evening sky, the clouds being symbolized by the red paint covering the top of the head. In Fig. 2

1 See Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, 1897, p. 156.

OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA. 23

the outlines of the face represent the horizon ; and the red spots all round it, the cirrus clouds on the horizon. The same kind of cloud scattered over the morning or evening sky is shown in Fig. 3. Fig. 4 represents the dark cumulus cloud of a thunder-storm, the red sections indicating the blue sky between the dark clouds, which are symbolized by the black sections of the face. Figs. 5 and 6 are always used in conjunction. They also symbolize the cumulus cloud of a thunder-storm ; the red line in Fig. 6 correspond- ing to the red sections in Mig. 4, and the black lines to the black sections. In\ Fig. 7 we observe again two biack bars resembling those shown in Figs. 5 and 16, Plate V. In this case they are intended to represent dark stratus clouds. Fig. 8, Plate VI, which consists of red painting around the eyes, is identical with Fig. 11, Plate IV, which represents the large eyes of the whale. The present figure signifies the after-image of the rising sun. The person using this design wears earrings made of abelone shell, which are cut in the form shown in Fig. 8, Plate I. A very interesting modification of this painting consists of a single large red circle placed on the right or left temple, which is also intended to represent the after-image of the sun.

The painting shown in Fig. 9 is not used in the same class of cere- monials to which all the preceding paintings apply. It is employed in a religious ceremonial in which live dogs are torn and devoured. I have not been able to discover any meaning in the two pairs of black bars placed over the eyes, while the painting on the chin and mouth is explained as the blood of the dogs. In Fig. 10 we have a representation of the monster Ts’Em’a’s (see p. 20). Fig. 11 is a painting used by Giitsé’es,a tribe of the Tsimshian, and is said to represent a fish-net.

The Indian who made the series of paintings for me was not able to give any explanation of Figs. 12 and 13, which represent the beaver and the sea-otter respectively. He explained that Fig. 12 was principally used dur- ing mourning ceremonials, and that the black lines extending from the eyes downward represented tears; and he presumed that the ornament over the mouth represented the beaver’s tail, but he was not certain in regard to that point. Fig. 13 is a tattooing used by the family Kunla’nas. He was unable to explain why it represents the sea-otter, but merely stated that it was obtained by the family immediately after the Deluge, when they landed at Naéku’n.

The explanations given here show that while a considerable series of facial paintings are no more conventionalized than the paintings found on other objects, the intricacy of the decorative field has led the Indians to develop geometrical designs, although no other cases are known in which such designs are applied by these tribes to symbolize animal forms. It is of importance to note that the same decorations may symbolize a variety of objects. Thus the design for the whale’s eye, and that for the after-image

24 BOAS, FACIAL PAINTINGS, ETC.

adapting the subject of decoration to the decorative field has been a

of the sun, are identical. The head of the eagle, and the evening sky, a expressed by the same painting. The ribs of the bear, the rock-slide the stratus cloud, are so much alike that, without a statement on the part « the Indians, it would be impossible to know what is meant. The collectic is of theoretical interest mainly because it. shows that the difficulty

powerful element in substituting geometrical forms for less conven designs, and in showing a series of important transitional forms. We | here also the first steps in the development of color symbolism, which an important part in the arts of other tribes, while it hardly occurs

in the more realistic decorative motives of the Indians of the North Paci

coast.

T].— Tse Myruotocy.or tue Betta Coora INDIANS.

By Franz Boas.

PLATES VII-XII.

CONE NESE

PAGE. |

Peteemionof the Tribe. .... . 26 | Tradition of Srnxi 62 : Tradition of Nukii'ts. . 63 ilemieicerniare:s. § 5 =. . wk, an 22.0 Tradition of Nusq! £ Ist ; 64 ae Tradition of NuLié’ix 64 III. General Description of the Mythology Teadinon of Sine 65 of the Bella Coola : | Tradition of Sdtsi 65 Meempperieayven . . . . . . 28 Tradition of Satsq é 67 See eaven. www. 28 Tradition of Another Vilese : 68 Re | 8 | Tradition of Nusqa’'pts 69 The Lower Worlds .. . 20 Tradition of Na’us 70 The Country of the Salmon, and ihe | Origin of the Salmon . . 38 | V. Miscellaneous Traditions : The Canoes of the Salmon an af hers aheey: re 43 the Winter Ceremonial . . . 40 Wines Sueneig «. ik 8, 86, 87, 88 Bee temdae lw 4D Tenors 90 Anawlikuts’al x. . , poy ee ae The Mink 95 Protectors of the etaan has: 42 | Thee Deer. 97 Toa lav’it, the Protector of the Maine Re Hea haa pre iBin-goat Hunter . . . . . 45 The Woman who cieied the stam 100 ae , , The Wolves . : 7108 IV. Village Communities and their Tradi- fee frond Suit Tid 568 tions : The Glacier . . 109 List of Wilaces—. | sa Fuss | The Black Bear . 5 scare eeagenorSElia . . . . . . 50 | Gragimionor Nusxé'q! . . . . . 53 | VI. Remarks on the Ki'siut and Sisau’k’ IT4 Tyedition of Aiglaxn . . . . . 59 | Ueemionor Stskéin . ... . 60 | VII. Development of the ss of the Bereeono Nuseéx. . |... 61 | Bella Coola 120

[ 25 |

4—MEM, AM. MUS. NAT, HIST., VOL. II. AUG., 1808,

26 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

The Bella Coola are a small tribe inhabiting the coasts of Dean Inlet and Bentinck Arm, two long and narrow fiords situated in about latitude 52° north, in British Columbia. Their habitat extends along Bella Coola River, which empties into North Bentinck Arm. The name “Bella Coola” is a corruption of the word “ Bilxula,’ by which name the tribe is known to the Kwakiutl. There is no term in their own language embracing all the tribes speaking the Bella Coola language. It seems that at a former time the tribe was quite populous ; but, owing to various epidemics and the introduction of other diseases, its numbers have dwindled down, so that at the present time it has been reduced to only a few hundred souls. The language spoken by the tribe belongs to the Salishan family, more par- ticularly to the group of dialects spoken along the coasts of Oregon, Wash- ington, and British Columbia. The great similarity between the Bella Coola and the other Coast-Salishan dialects leads me to assume that at one time the tribes speaking these dialects inhabited contiguous areas. At the pres- ent time the Bella Coola are separated from other tribes speaking Salishan languages by a considerable stretch of country, which is inhabited by tribes of Athapascan and Kwakiutl lineage. Vocabulary and grammar have been highly modified, particularly by an extensive elision of vowels. The rela- tion of their language to the other dialects of the Coast Salish is similar to that of the Tillamook, another language belonging to the ‘Salishan family, which is spoken on the coast of Oregon, in an area separated from the rest of the Salishan territory by the district inhabited by the Chinook.

Physically the Bella Coola bear evidence of long-continued contact with the northern Coast tribes, and also with the Athapascan tribes of the interior.

Evidently intermarriages have been quite frequent, so much so that their.

present physical appearance differs considerably from that of the southern Salishan tribes, of whom they form a branch. The same is true in regard to their customs and beliefs, which differ fundamentally from those of the southern Salishan tribes.

In the present paper J shall describe the mythology of the Bella Coola, and discuss its development.

it.

Our previous knowledge of the mythology of this tribe is based on studies made by Adrian Jacobsen, Fillip Jacobsen, Goeken, and the writer. In 1886 I published a few brief notes on their traditions.’ Goeken pub-

1 Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1886, p. 206.

1 ee a

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 2

lished some remarks on the religious life of the Bella Coola in 1886, which, however, contain so many misconceptions that they cannot be used to advantage. At the same time [| published a brief description of the tribe, based on information received from a small group of members of the tribe who were travelling in Germany. In this description also there are a number of misconceptions. The Indians were shown a collection of masks from Vancouver Island with which they were not familiar. They gave, however, explanations of these masks, judging by the similarity to masks of their own tribe ; consequently the explanations given there are not cor- rect.” In 1890 I fell in with a number of Bella Coola who were fishing for salmon in Fraser River. The information obtained from them was published in the reports of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1891. A. Jacobsen published a description of their ceremonies in 1891.4 Fillip Jacobsen described some of their traditions and customs in 1894 and 1895.° I published a collection of traditions in 1894 and 1895.°

PI:

All the collections which have been made heretofore do not bring out clearly the principal characteristic of the mythology of the Bella Coola. The tribes of the North Pacific coast consider the Sun as the most important deity, but at the same time they believe in a great many beings of super- natural power. For this reason their whole mythology is very unsystematic. The Bella Coola, on the other hand, have developed a peculiar mythology, in which a number of supernatural beings have been co-ordinated. A system has been evolved which justifies our terming the supernatural beings “deities.” The general features of this system are as follows :—

The Bella Coola believe that there are five worlds, one above an- other. The middle one is our own world, the earth. Above it are spanned two heavens, while below it there are two underworlds. In the upper heaven resides the supreme deity, a woman who interferes comparatively little with the fates of mankind. In the centre of the lower heaven, that is in the zenith, stands the house of the gods, in which reside the Sun and all the other deities. Our own earth is an island swimming in the ocean. The underworld is inhabited by the ghosts, who are at liberty to return to heaven, whence they may be sent down again to our earth. The ghosts

’ Original-Mittheilungen aus dem kéniglichen Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Berlin, 1886, pp. 183-186.

2» Tbid., pp. 177-182.

® Seventh Report of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, pp. 2-18 ; Report of the 61st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Cardiff, 1891, pp. 405-449.

Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 18gr, Pp. 383-395.

® Ymer, Tidskrift utgifven af Svenska Sillskapet for Antropologi och Geografi, 1894, pp. 187-202 ; 1895, pp. I-23.

® Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, pp. 281-306 ;

1895, pp. 189-195.

28 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

who die a second death sink to the lowest world, from which there is no return.

The upper heaven is called Atsa’axL, or Snutx‘Lok-’a’ls ti Sonx: t’aix’, or Sonxaut Omq’o’mkilik’a. The deity ruling there is a woman who is called Qama‘its, or Tsi sisnaaxiL (“our woman ”), or Ek«!yak'imtous’iL (‘‘ afraid of nothing” . |

This heaven is described as a prairie without any trees. It is said that in order to reach it one must go up the river.from the house of the gods in the lower heaven. In another tradition it is said that in travelling from the lower heaven to the upper heaven one has to pass the rent in the sky which is called Tstna’létas ti Sonx: t’aix. The house of the supreme deity stands in the far east, and a gale is continually blowing over the open country, driving every thing towards the entrance of her house. Near the house, however, it is calm, In front of the house stands a post in the shape of a large winged monster, and its mouth is the entrance to the house. In front of the house-door there is gravel of three colors,—blue, black, and white. Behind the house is a salt-water pond in which the goddess bathes. In this pond lives the si’siut or xtsaltsalo’sEm. This being sometimes descends to our world. Wherever it moves, the rocks burst, and slide down the sides of the mountains. It is described as a snake or a fish (see pp. 44, 66). )

In the beginning of the world the mountains were of great height. They were human beings who made the world uninhabitable. Qamaéa’its made war upon the mountains. She vanquished them, and made them smaller than they used to be. During this fight she broke off the nose of the mountain Yulyule’mi, which is situated near Nut!n’l. Its face may be recognized even now; and the Indians say that when its name is called, it

answers. There are two mountains near the head-waters of Bella Coola River. The one is called Suex'Lékoai’L ; the other one, Na’axt. The for- mer had a fire, called Snutai’k‘nimsta, burning in his house. This fire warned him of the approach of enemies. When Qama’its made war upon the mountains, the fire warned its master. Qama’its was coming down the river in her canoe, which is named “T!kun.” When she approached, he broke her canoe, and she returned to heaven. The canoe has been trans- formed into stone, and may be seen to this day at the foot of the mountain Siex'Lékoai’L. It is said that Qaméa’its visits the earth every now and then. Her visits cause sickness and death. She is described as a great warrior. In the centre of the lower heaven, which is called Sonx’, stands the | house of the gods. This house is named Nusmr’ta (the House of Myths), or Nusk!oa.tnai’x‘sta (“where man was created”), or Nusk-Latne’msta (“the house from which people come down”), or Nusqulxoai’x:sta (“ the house to which people go”). In front of the house stands a post called Nuttnée’k'ta. It is painted with representations of all kinds of birds. A | |

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 29

white crane (?), Q0’x0x, is sitting on top of the post. The master of the house is Senx, the Sun. He is also called Ta’ata (“our father”), or Smai’ya- kila (“the sacred one”), or Smayalo’orla. It seems that he is the only deity to whom the Bella Coola pray. They do not pray to Qama’its, the deity of the supreme heaven. I have not found any prayers directed to the other deities of the lower heaven. I recorded a number of such prayers directed to the Sun. They are as follows :—

ALk!xiL/Lsux Taatau’! (‘“ Look on us where we are going, Father !’’) Taatau’! avk-altx‘omdo'Lx! (“Take care of us, Father !’’)

Taatau’! Lk-altxumtd’Lx ala mentatt’a'ts! Taatau’ aLép’aldsaLtoLx! (“ Father! take care of our road! Take care of us 1)

After a long-continued rain, they pray :—

Tspdse'mx Taatau’! k6v’ié/lxustimo’tx, Taataw’! (“Wipe your face, Father! that it may be fair weather.”’)

The mountain-goat hunter prays :—

Osqa yistutanx, Taatau’, ta menme’ntsné, Smayalotlau’! (‘‘ Let your children look atme, Smayalorla, Father !’’)

A person pursued by misfortune prays :—

Nuqlamék‘i’mtsx Taatau’! anuqomak‘ma't6 ti q!ayanEmtnemt’ai’x. (“ Make me happy, Father! You have given me too much misfortune.”’)

A sick person prays :—

Nuqlamek‘i’mtsx Tdaatau’! sk:a sasq!oalosté'mx Taatau’! (“ Let my life be long, Father !’’)

The successful hunter, or the woman who has found a plentiful supply of berries, prays :— Nonogalamé’ktuts ti mantt’aix: sk‘a ndqlamék‘imts sk-a poLtus anoai’k-méts’ats sk‘étsk‘is ti sq!aitst’aix.. (“ Father! You make me happy. You give me what I desire. Thus I find what I wished for.’’)

The Bella Coola also make offerings to the Sun. Hunters throw four small slices of seal-meat, of mountain-goat tallow, etc., into the fire as an offering to the Sun, in order to obtain success in hunting. Sick people burn parts of their clothing, which they decorate with red cedar-bark, as an offering to regain health.

The second deity, who is called Axk’unta’m, seems to be of equal im- portance. Senx and Ark’unta’m stay in the rear of the House of Myths. Near the fire stays Snavk’ulx:a’ls. He is an old man who formerly ruled over

30 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

the House of Myths, but who has given up his place in favor of SEnx and Auk’unta’m. These two might be called the rulers of mankind. In most traditions they are described as trying to destroy man, notwithstanding the fact that they are considered the creators of mankind. This peculiar charae- teristic of these deities is clearly brought out in the traditions recorded on pp- 78 ff. In one legend which I collected in 1890, Avk’unta’m’s mother, Nunusomik-éeqonE’m, is described as a Cannibal, who inserts her long snout in the ears of man, and sucks out his brain. Eventually she was transformed into the mosquito.' I did not hear her mentioned as one of the deities residing in the House of Myths. According to the same tradition, the salmon were obtained by a man who gambled with Ark’unta’m, the stake being the salmon. Axk’unta’m lost, and the man took the salmon down from heaven. Another legend of the origin of the salmon is recorded on p. 38, where it is told how the birds obtained the salmon. According to still another tradition (p. 94), the Raven obtained the salmon by marrying a salmon girl. In the tradition quoted above, Axk’unta’m also gives to man the power to cure disease by means of the water of life, which the shaman sprinkles on the sick person.

A number of inferior deities live in the House of Myths. They might be called the assistants of the principal deities. In order to understand their functions, it is necessary to state that the deities residing in the House of Myths have particular charge of the religious winter ceremonial of the Bella Coola which is called ka’siut, and which corresponds to the ts’étsa’eqa of the Kwakiutl. I have described this ceremonial, and its importance in the social life of the Kwakiutl, in another paper.’ The kt’siut is of equal importance to an understanding of the social life and mythology of the Bella Coola. It is sufficient to say at this place that the ceremonials per- formed during the ki’siut are mostly dramatic representations of myths referring to the various deities, particularly to those of the House of Myths: therefore masks representing these deities are used in the ceremonials. Plates VII to XII® show a series of these masks. Figs. 1, 2, and 4 (Plate VII) are Senx, Axk’unta’m, and Snurk’ulx‘a’ls. The functions of many of the inferior deities seem to refer solely to the ki’siut. These deities and their functions are as follows: Six'sék‘ilai’x: (Plate VII, Fig. 6) ordains the death of man and animals. According to one statement that I received, there are four deities of this name in the House of Myths. It is his particular duty to kill those who transgress the laws of the ku’siut. This deity is men- tioned by Jacobsen, who calls him Sek-seik Kallai.’ Nusné’neq’als (Plate VII, Fig. 7), or the Snéné’iq of the House of Myths, sits by himself in one

1 Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 293. 2 Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1895, pp. 311-738. ® Drawings by Mr. Rudolph Weber.

4 Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft ftir Anthropologie, Ethnologie and Urgeschichte, 1891, p. 388.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 3)!

corner of the house. He prevents those who are not initiated in the secrets of the kua’siut from approaching the house. The Snéné’iq is a fabulous monster, the peculiarities of which are described in a number of traditions (see pp. 83 ff.). S’anorix‘muta’lt (Plate VII, Figs. 12 and 13) is a boy who performs ki’siut dances all the time. When the deities resolve to send a new dance down to our world, it is conveyed by S’anoLx‘mura’lt. It is the office of another deity to sing, accompanying the ka’siut dances of the gods (Plate Vil, Fig. 3). Anugat’o’tsem is a deity in regard to whose functions I have not been able to obtain detailed information. It is said that he intervenes on behalf of man when Senx and ALk’unta’m threaten to punish him. There are two goddesses in the house who also intervene in favor of man when the principal deities threaten him with death and sickness. Their names are Snitsma’na (Plate VII, Fig.9) and Aiatila’axa (Plate VII, Figs. 10 and ie They wake man after sleep. Without their help, nobody could wake from sleep. Aiavila’axa is at the same time the guardian of the moon. Every month she restores the moon to her full size, and she cleans her face after an eclipse. The moon is called A’ni’arg‘ila (Plate X, Fig. 10). The eclipse is ' Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 112.

32 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

having charge of the birth of all animal beings. While she is rocking the

cradle, she sings, —

“ yoésxoesmaix'nimdta nékd/k’s La noéx’L!e’malsaix’ au au au au, 4 Bere zx “45 wal = Aayotsétsk’6x"’ats six’ixOLaya mk’téts’ats snemnemk~’a ltowasoats ayawa sdyonxséats au au au au.”

Another deity living in the House of Myths is the mother of flowers, called Nono’osqa (Plate X, Figs. 7 and 9), the daughter of Snukpa’nuits. It seems that this last name means “going to the right.” This evidently refers to the fact that the Sun is believed to move on his path towards the west, face forward, and consequently during the spring months ascends the sky moving towards the right ; so that Snukpa’ntits, moving to the right, means at the same time the springtime, when the sun is moving up the sky. This is the time when flowers begin to sprout. Every spring Nono’osqa gives birth to all the plants in the order in which they begin to appear. A shaman is called to her aid by two old women who assist her (Plate X, Figs. 8 and 11).

Every year, at the time of the winter solstice, the deities determine who shall die during the ensuing year. Two beings called Kakéstsai’oL ola xma’noas are placed on the ends of a long plank, which is supported at its centre, and swings like a seesaw. Then all the men and all the animals are called to stand near the ends of the plank. When one of the swinging beings falls down from the plank, the person standing near it will die sooner than the one standing at the opposite end. The deities have a messenger called Nutsekoa’lsika (that means “long ear”), who carries all the news from our earth up to the House of Myths. Axk’unta’m has two children, — the deer, who is called Snod’lexelts ALk’unta’m, that is, “the foolish son of Atk’unta’m” (Plate VII, Fig. 8), and Léexonixis Auk’unta’m. I have not been able to learn any thing in regard to the functions of these two beings. :

While Senx and Axk’unta’m are principally concerned with the fates of mankind, they do not personally interfere with the doings of man. Their thoughts are carried out by four brothers, who are called collectively Mas- masala’/nix or Ontsk-é’mtenem (Plate VIII, Figs. 1-4). These brothers are Matapa’litsék: (“the one who finishes his work by chopping once”), Yula’- timot (“the one who finishes his work by rubbing once”), Mat’apé’exoék: (“the one who finishes his work by cutting once”), and Iv’itu’lak. They have a sister called L’a’quméiks. These four brothers live in an elevated room in the rear of the House of Myths. They are engaged in carving and painting. It is said that they gave man his arts. They taught him to build canoes, to make boxes, to build houses, and to carve in wood and to

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 33

paint. They taught him the methods of hunting, and, according to some, they made the fish. The Bella Coola say, when carving a design, that Mas- masala’nix gives them the idea which they are working out.

SEenx has a daughter named Sp'ix-pikne’m, who invented the art of working cedar-bark. Her figure is also used in the ka’siut ceremonial, in which the invention of the preparation of cedar-bark is represented. This deity has an assistant called Omatosé’k-, who supports the stick over the edge of which she is breaking the bark. When first breaking bark, she shouts, “Arétx sidya’ltxau ti Omatosé’kstix-” (“Bring to me Omatosé’k-”). After'he has been given to her, she shouts, “ Arétx sidya‘Itxau ta tqenk-Lts ” (“Bring me the board on which to break the bark”). After receiving this, she demands the cedar-bark breaker, saying, “ALétx snukpan.ai'ts ti sp’é’k'tats.” Finally she asks for cedar-bark, saying, “ Avétx k*Loltolemx'laix: ti sp’é’k-étstéx:.” Then she begins to work, singing,—

“ E’sta aLk’x‘auwé't 6L’enst’r'msta la lau's E'sta ntsané'ts tsi Sp’éx-p’ék-inr/mtas Senxala’otla.”

(“ Behold me, ye who are not initiated ! I am the Cedar-bark Breaker of Srenxala‘orla.’’)

It seems that most of the Bella Coola maintain that the Raven also lives in the House of Myths, but this point of their mythology is somewhat obscure and contradictory. According to the tradition of a number of fami- lies, the Raven was one of the beings sent down by Senx to our world to become the ancestor of man, but at the same time it is told that he invented certain arts. It is stated that he made the first salmon-trap (atk’u’l), which is used in connection with the salmon-weir.

It is also said that Masmasala’nix attempted to make the whistles for the winter ceremonial, that he was unsuccessful, and that the Raven succeeded in making them; also that the Raven came down to give the world its present shape. He instituted the festivals of the Bella Coola, and then returned to the House of Myths.

Besides all these deities, there are nine brothers and their sister particu- larly concerned with the observations of the ki’siut ceremonial (Plate IX, Figs. 1-9). The names of the brothers are, Xémxémala’oLla, Xé’mtsiwa, Omq’omkilik-a, Q’o’mtsiwa, Aimala’ouela, AVumki’lik-a, K*lé’lias, Qulaxa’wa, A’tmak" ; and of their sister, L’étsa’apléLana. These deities are painted with certain designs. Xémxémala/otla and Xé’mtsiwa are painted with the de- signs of the full moon (the former carries a staff wound with red and white _ cedar-bark) ; Omgq’omki'lik-a and Q’o/mtsiwa, with the design of the half moon; Aimala’6LEla and Ai’umki’lika, with the design representing the stars ; Kulé’lias, with the design of the rainbow ; Qulaxa’wa, with the de-

5—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. AUG., 1808.

34 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

sign of the salmon-berry blossom ; A’tmak® has the shape of a kingfisher ; and w’étsa/apletana is painted with the design of a sea-lion bladder filled with grease. She wears rings of red and white cedar-bark. The carving representing the kingfisher has the wings attached to the sides of the head, while the tail rises over the forehead. Xemxémala’orla is said to carry a small woman in his arms. Her name is Nuspo’xta. When the brothers and their sister threaten to do harm to man, she entreats them to desist. In some traditions these deities are described as the children of Avk’unta’m.?

In one tradition 1étsa’apléLana is described as visiting houses and stealing provisions. She is then pursued by the person whom she has wronged, and returns to the House of Myths. The deities are unable to ~ cure her; but the person who wounded her is called in, and withdraws his arrow, whereupon she recovers.' Formerly | had the impression that these ten deities were particularly concerned with the sisau’k ceremonial,” but this impression has not been substantiated by the information I received during the past year. The ten deities appear much rather as deities of the ki’siut.

In the rear of the House of Myths there is a room named Llo’sta, in which the son of the deities lives. His name is Ba’exoLla or Snupaaxora't. When Senx and Axk’unta’m desire to destroy their visitors, they send them past the door of Ba’exorla’s room. The latter then rushes out of his room and devours the visitors. He also initiates the Cannibal. According to the tradition of the tribe Sr’nxtemx’, they acquired membership in the Cannibal Society in the following manner: Ba’exotla came down to the mountain Sqtst, where he met with the son of Srnxalo’bela, the first of the tribe. He conducted him up to the House of Myths. He took him into his room, and gave him the name Q’oalaiu’tstimot. He put a snake into his body, which enabled him to pass through the water. When the youth applied his mouth to the body of a person, the snake tore pieces of flesh from the body, and devoured it. Then Ba’exorla took the youth to the upper heaven, past the rent in the sky, and to the house of the supreme deity, Qama‘its. The two approached the house, being blown towards it BY: the strong gale prevailing in the open country of the upper heaven. They found Qama‘its sitting in front of her house ; and she said to Ba’Exozla, “ Why don’t you come in? You wish that your friend should obtain great supernatural power. Bring him to my house, and I will give him what you desire. Stay for a short while where you are, and I will show you what I am doing. Watch closely when the post of my house closes its eyes.” After a little while the post closed its eyes. It grew dark at once, and the two visitors fainted, but soon they recovered. When the post opened its eyes again, it grew light. The visitors remained sitting on the ground, and

} Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 294. 2 Seventh Report on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, p. 6.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 35

suddenly a strong wind began to blow, which rolled them over the prairie until they reached the door of the house. Then suddenly the wind calmed down. They remained sitting on the ground near the doorway ; and Qama’its said, “ Watch closely when the post of my house closes its eyes.” They were sitting opposite each other, watching the post; and when it closed its eyes, they were transformed into two stones, but they soon regained human shape. Then Qama’its asked them to enter. Now the woman took the youth’s blanket, and gave him another one made of bear-skin set with fringes of red cedar-bark. She told him that this blanket was to keep him warm, and that it would direct his course. Next she fetched some water from the salt-water pond behind her house. She sprinkled it over the faces of her visitors, and told the youth to sing about his experiences in the upper heaven when performing the Cannibal dance. If she had not sprinkled the faces of her visitors with water, they would have died. She said to the youth, “Your country is not far away. Do not be afraid of the dangerous road that you have to pass. Later on there shall be many Cannibals like you. Do not be afraid to touch the food that another Cannibal may offer to you. You are strong because you have seen me.” Then Qama’its sent him back to the lower sky. Here the gods placed him on the back of a bird (Sq*xsen), which carried him down to the sea. As soon as the bird reached the water, it uttered its cry, and at the same time the young man uttered the cry of the Cannibal. The people heard it, and said to one another, “ That must be the boy whom we lost some time ago.” They connected many canoes by means of planks, and paddled out to the place where the bird was swimming about. They covered the canoes with red cedar-bark and eagle-down, and tried to capture the youth ; but when they approached, the bird swam towards the village. They surrounded it with their canoes; but the bird flew up, and disappeared in the sky, and at the same time the youth flew towards the village. When the people landed, he attacked them, taking hold of their arms; and the snake, which was still in his body, tore pieces of flesh out of their arms. The people sang and beat time in order to appease him.

In a second room in the rear of the House of Myths, next to that of the Cannibal, lives Kok0o’sLxEm, another son of the deities. His room is called Nus’o’Ixsta. He initiates the Olx-dancer (see Chap. VI).

The path of the Sun is guarded by a number of deities. At sunrise is stationed the Bear of Heaven, Snano’s ti Sonx: t’aix: (Plate X, Fig. 2s He is described as a fierce warrior, who protects the Sun against the attacks of his enemies, and he is the cause of the warlike spirit of man. His hair is tied up in a knot on top of his head. His mask is used in the sisau’k:

36 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

ceremonial, and sometimes in the ki’siut. The following song belongs to his mask and dance :—

: ; ! Z 2 a oN .. :

Nanémd'tstxuit ti q’oyaki'mtst’aix’. Nd’noq’awéxum ts’En t’ayOLelat’aix’ ayati snano’s ti sOnx’ t’aix', wa, nan, ai!

(“Cry now, as though you had left me! I shall tie up my hair, warriors, like the Bear of Heaven.’’)

At sunset stands an enormous post which is called Nutéexoa’axtatas ti Sonx: t’aix. It supports the sky, and prevents the Sun from falling down into the lower world. The trail of the Sun is described as a bridge which was built by Masmasala’nix. The bridge is as broad as the distance between the winter solstice and the summer solstice. The Sun walks, his face turned ‘towards the west. In summer he walks on the right-hand side of the bridge, in winter.on the left-hand side of the bridge, which explains the varying heights of the sun in the course of the year. The extreme right and extreme left of the bridge are called Sé’emt (“the place where he sits down,” that is, the solstices). At each of these points a being is placed who is called Auk:xé’unEm (Plate X, Fig. 3). It is their duty@ipomee that the Sun does not tarry too long at the solstice. If in summer or winter he should be inclined to stay too long or to return too soon, they regulate his course. When the Sun tarries too long at the winter solstice, the people say, “éx tsés pa’nia” (“salmon will be dried late this year”). If he leaves it without tarrying, they say, “ ék*! x: tsés pa’nia” (‘soon we shall dry salmon”). Three guardians named Naqumigqa’otsaix (Plate X, Fig. 1) accompany the Sun on his course, dancing around him all the time. The halo is called Itwu’xtsia ti Mant t’aix: (“the cape of our father”). A sun- dog that appears westward from the Sun is called ALqox ti Mant t’aix: (“the painted face of our father”). The Bella Coola believe that when it drops down to our earth, it causes epidemics. During an eclipse the Sun is be- lieved to lose his torch. The rays of the Sun are his eyelashes.

There are twenty-four guardians appointed to take care of the sky. They are called Nexolakai’x:. According to\tradition, the sky must be con- tinually fed with firewood. Once upon a time they put too much firewood into the sky and made it burst. All the pieces except one, called S’aL- wal6’sEm, fell down to our earth. The fragments hit the faces of the twenty-four guardians, and distorted them. They tried to mend the sky, but did not know how to do it. They went down the river, and came to Masmasala’nix, whose assistance they asked. Masmasala’nix gathered up the broken pieces, and glued them together. Up to that time the Sun had staid in the east, but now he began to go on his daily course. At that time Masmasala’nix built the bridge over which the Sun travels every day. He placed a wedge in the opening of the sky, into which the Nexolak:ai’x:

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 37

have to put the firewood. This opening is called K-awa’umsta, that is, “mouth kept open by means of a wedge.” Masmasala’nix spoke: “The sky shall not burst again. This wedge shall keep its mouth open.” The following ko’siut song refers to these deities : —

Ai’mats ta mnatsai’ tisxts ti SO'Nx'tsg'i t’aix’.

Ai€Lx ta mnatsai’ 1 ti S’atwalo’sems ti Sonx’ t’aix:

Ska ya'lx‘tux ti si’lxno ta mnatsai’.

Ska anoga wa Exemé’x ti K‘awa’umstask: ti Sonx: t’aix’ ta mnatsai’.

(“ My child perished like the sky when it broke. Go to S’atwald’srm of the sky, my child! Gladden my heart, my child!

Sit down in the mouth of the sky, my child !”’)

Our world is called A’nék6’6L or Qenki’lst, that is, “the land below.” It is an island swimming in the boundless ocean. In the far east a giant is sitting with legs apart, who is called Avép!alaxtnaix. He holds a long stone bar in his outstretched hands. The earth is fastened to this stone bar by means of two stone ropes. Sometimes he gets tired, and moves his hands to take better hold of the stone bar. Then we have an earthquake ; and the Bella Coola say, “ Snénik"pstak‘imtoxs,” that is, “he takes hold of our world.” When he moves our earth westward, we have epidemics. When he moves it eastward, all sickness disappears.

In the ocean lives a being called Séisats, who twice every day swal- lows the water of the sea and gives it forth again. This is the cause of the tides. A mask representing this being appears in the ki’siut ceremonial, He is represented as a human being, the face of which is painted with white stripes, which symbolize the various levels of the sea.

The world below us is the country of the ghosts (koLk"Lole’mx:). It is called Asiuta’nEm. Descriptions of the ghosts’ country are principally obtained from shamans who believe they have visited that country during a trance. According to the statement of an old woman who believed that as a little girl she had visited the country of the ghosts during a trance, the entrance to the country of the ghosts is through a hole situated in each house, between the doorway and the fireplace. The country of the ghosts stretches along the sandy banks of a large river. There is a hill behind their village, the base of which is covered with sharp stones. When it is summer here, it is winter there. When it is night here, it is day there. The ghosts do not walk on their feet, but on their heads. Their language is different from the one spoken on earth. The souls, on reaching the lower world, receive new names. The village of the ghosts is said to be sur- rounded by a fence. They have a dancing-house, in which they perform

38 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

their ki’siut. It is just below the burial-place of each village. The dancing- house is very large and long. It has four fires. The women stay on the floor of the house, while the men sit on an elevated platform. The houses have doors, but the ghosts who first reach the lower world enter the house through the smoke-hole. A rope ladder placed in the smoke-hole facilitates their entrance. Two men stand at the foot of the ladder. They are called Anoet’axsarai’x’. For a person who has once entered the dancing-house there is no return to our earth. The souls are at liberty to return to the lower heaven, which they reach by ascending the rope ladder. Those who return to the lower heaven are sent back to our earth by the deities, to be born as children in the same family to which they belonged. Those who enjoy life in the country of the ghosts, and who do not return to heaven, die a second death, and then sink to the second lower world, from which there is no return.

I received another description from an old man. He stated that he reached the country in his canoe. He saw two trails,—one the trail of the living, one that of the dead. He followed the trail of the dead, and reached a village in which there was a dancing-house. The language of the ghosts. differed from that of the living (see p. 42).

The Bella Coola believe that in the far west is situated the land of the salmon, which is called Mia’ltoa. The salmon leave this country early in the spring every year, and ascend the rivers. They are believed to return to their own country in the fall. The following tradition is of importance, explaining the manner in which the salmon were first brought from their country to the rivers of our world :—

Once upon a time a man named Winwi'na lived at Q’o’mqitis. One day he was sitting in front of his house, looking at the river. He thought, “1 wish fish would ascend this river.” At that time not a single salmon visited Bella Coola River. Winwi’na entered his house and lay down, thinking about the salmon. One night while he was asleep he dreamt that with the help of all the animals he had made war upon the salmon, that he had vanquished them, and that since that time the salmon had ascended Bella Coola River. When he awoke he invited all the animals to his house, and told them about his dream. They all came, and when they had entered he shut the door. Then he spoke: ‘My brothers, I have invited you to my house that you may hear what I wish to do. You shall help me to obtain what I desire.” The Mink asked him in what they were to assist him ; and he replied, “I want to go to Mia’ltoa. There is not a single fish in our river, and I dreamt that with your help I vanquished the fish. Let us make war upon them. I shall certainly take some slaves, and we will place them in this river.” Mink retorted, “I am glad that you are speaking,

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS, 39

in regard to this matter. I asked my father the Sun (see Chap. V) to give us salmon, and I think he gave you the dream which you told us.”

All the birds agreed, and they resolved to start as soon as possible. Then Winwi’na asked Masmasala‘nix to build a canoe. The latter complied with his request, and made a self-moving canoe, to which he gave the names “Winaidtstuts” and “Kunkunu’gtstuts.” In the third moon after the winter solstice the canoe was completed, and Winwi‘na started, accompanied by the clouds, the birds, and by all the animals. The Hermaphrodite was sitting in the stern of the canoe. They went down the fiord; and when they passed the village of Bella Bella, they saw the Cormorant sitting on the beach, who asked to be taken along asa passenger. They travelled westward for a long time, and finally they reached the country of the Salmon. They saw that there were no trees. The country was a vast prairie. A large sun was shining in the sky. Soon they descried the village of the Salmon. They sent out the Raven as a spy. When he returned, he told them that in the evening the Salmon were in the habit of playing on the beach. Mink sug- gested that this would be the best time for carrying some of them away. Then the Crane (according to another version, the Hawk) said, “I shall carry away the Sockeye Salmon.” The Wren said, “I shall carry away the Hump- back Salmon.” The Kingfisher (according to another version, the Crane) said, “I shall carry away the Dog Salmon.” The Raven said, “I shall carry away the Silver Salmon.” The Fish-Hawk said, “I shall carry away the Olachen and the Salmon Trout.” The Cloud said, “I shall carry away the Spring Salmon.” Finally the Cormorant said, “I am only a passenger, and I will take whatever I can get.” The Mink remarked, “TI will not say what I am going to carry away: I only want to tell you that you must each take one male and one female. Now start. You are invisible to the Salmon. When you apprcach them, they will not be able to see you, just as we cannot see the ghosts, even when they are walking by our side.” They left Winwi'na to guard the canoe. ‘Then all the birds and the Mink took each one male and one female child of the various kinds of fish. When they carried them off, the children fainted, as though their souls had been taken away. Their bodies remained at the place where they had been playing. The Salmon did not see their captors, and did not know why the children were fainting. The birds returned to the canoe, carrying the fish. Then Winwi'na said, “ Let us go on and see what is beyond the country of the Salmon.” Soon they arrived at a place called Qoalé’nia (this name is not quite certain), in which vast numbers of berries were growing. Here the Hermaphrodite went ashore, and picked all kinds of berries, which she carried into the canoe. Then they returned home. For seven months they had staid in the country of the Salmon. They reached the coast shortly after the winter solstice (7). When they passed Bella Bella, the Cormorant

40 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

said, “This is my home. I will go ashore here.” He went, and took along the Salmon which he had captured. Ever since that time there are salmon at Bella Bella. The others travelled on, and came to the mouth of Bella Coola River. Then they threw all the various kinds of fish into the water. The Salmon jumped, and began to ascend the river. Then Winwi’na arose in his canoe and told each at what season he was to arrive. He scattered the berries over the mountains and through the valleys, and told them at what season to ripen. After he had done so, he invited his com- panions into his house, and gave them a feast.

In this tradition the birds and animals are not called by their ordinary names, but by mythical names. These names are as follows :—

ENGLISH. ORDINARY NAME. MYTHICAL NAME, Spring salmon amL t’Olt’d'1x'timot Sockeye salmon samL nanitak‘anéextene’m (“very long”) Humpback salmon k‘ap’ai’ anuk*pemai’x’. Dog salmon t!li siaia'Itoa (‘fair weather’”’) Silver salmon wats k«!pstdstdsai laix’ (“‘ making himself beautiful ’’) Salmon (sp. ?) d'sip’aq Cloud sk‘! €’noas tsa’koak: (“long hand”) Hawk (?) stsIx'ts’EX anuk'!k‘iqtsaix’ (“looking down into water”) Wren mO6xat’a'laqa Vikma luLaix’ (‘“jumper”’) Crane xaq’a'ns masaxé lian Raven qoa’x Lxoa’xoaqsai laix: (“rising early”) Cormorant L’O'pana k’0a'k’oag ila Hermaphrodite sx ‘ints aLa’ya'o

According to the belief of the Bella Coola, Winwi’na’s canoe arrives from the country of the Salmon every year. It stays in the country of the Bella Coola for nine months, and then returns to the country of the Salmon. At the moment when it leaves, another canoe, which is named “ N6d’ak'nEm” or “ Nunuk:au’tsnem,” which brings the kia’siut ceremonial, arrives from the country S’anok! pta’Itua. The canoe reaches a distant point of land before the departure of the canoe of the Salmon. After four days it reaches a nearer point of land. Four days more, and it is seen at the point of land. nearest to the mouth of Bella Coola River. Another four days, and it reaches the mouth of the river. The Indians believe that there is a house named. Snd’amutenank: at this place. A post is standing in the water in front of the house. It is called Snutéxoalaaxtstena’nk:. In the house live three men who are named Naapsutaaxai’x, A’mttag‘ilis, and Tix'ti‘k’a’nEmém. The- canoe is tied up in front of this house. As soon as it arrives, the ka’siut ceremonial begins. At the head-waters of Bella Coola River, forming the: watershed between Bute Inlet and Bentinck Arm, is a mountain called.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 41

Smaya’na, that is considered a human being. It is said that his children make the canoe go up Bella Coola River with the rising tide, A’nxumk:ila. The canoe travels the distance from the mouth of the river to the mountain Smaya’na in a single tide. The canoe “N0o’ak'nEm” stays for four months. Then the canoe “Kunkunu’gtstuts” returns from the country of the Salmon, while “ No’ak‘nEm” leaves again. It is said that all the gods of the House of Myths come to the villages of the Bella Coola in the canoe “No’ak:nEm.”

The arrival and the departure of these canoes are strictly regulated according to the calendar of the Bella Coola, which for this reason should be explained in connection with their beliefs. The Bella Coola divide the year into two parts, which are separated by the winter and summer solstices. The solstices are periods of indefinite length, between which five months are counted. Each solstice is reckoned, therefore, as approximately six weeks. The names of the months are as follows :—

Sée'mt (winter solstice) Sér'mt (summer solstice) Sx6le’mx*EnEm S?Lxum

ALad'nstimot Sexexé’mut

Siaq’u'm Sinutla lsEmtenEm

Siqid'1x" Tsi sitak'a’ns tsEau Anaiilikuts’ai’x: Sind’moak: LEMULé'm

The canoe “ No’ak‘nem” arrives, and “ Kunkunu’qtstuts ” leaves, in the month Sinucla’lsemteneEm. The canoe “No’akineEm” leaves, and “ Kun- kunu’qtstuLs ” returns, in the month Sx6lze’mx‘EnEm. .

At the moment when the canoe “No’ak‘nEm” arrives, a deity called Anatlikuts’ai’x: (Plate XII, Figs. 1 and 2), who is believed to live in a cave, opens the door of her abode. There is one deity of this name to each vil- lage. Her cave is called Nuskésit’tsta. It is said that one Anatlikuts’ai’x: lives on the mountain Sqtst. Her house is described as a large hollow bowlder suspended from the top of the mountain by means of a rope. Each Anatlikuts’ai’x- has an older sister who is called Nutsé’xzen—Em. When the canoe “ No’ak‘n—em” appears, and she opens her door, she steps outside and stands in front of her house, dancing, with trembling hands. When a person sees her, he faints. His soul is taken into her house, and is initiated into the secrets of the ku’siut.

A particular Nuskésii’tsta is believed to be at the foot of the creek Ano’nk’, on the northern side of North Bentinck Arm, near the mouth of Bella Coola River. A woman called Nustsxoaxlo’stxuit lives there. She is described as emaciated, of black skin, and as wearing a black blanket. <A certain chief who lived long ago was the first to see her. He was initiated by her, and after his return he performed a dance, and told what he had seen.) Phen he died.

6—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. Il. AUG., 1898.

42 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

There is a special deity who initiates the shamans. His name is Lata- ia’iL or Sxai’éxoax (Plate XI, Fig. Opal eslives: in. the woods. He carries a wooden wand wound with red cedar-bark, which he swings in his hands, producing a singing noise. Around his neck he wears a large ring made of strips of bear-skin and red cedar-bark. He sometimes plays in ponds which are believed to be in certain mountains. When he jumps into the water, it boils. When a woman meets him, she begins to menstruate ; when a man meets him, his nose begins to bleed. When initiating a person, he touches the chest of the latter with his wand, and paints his face with the design of the rainbow. Then he swings his wand, the noise of which causes the person who hears it to faint. He creates sexual desire in man and animals. A shaman who was initiated by this being told me that he very often sees LaLaia’iL, who tells him who will die and who will fall sick. Sometimes he sees that the body of a person is black. Others he sees dancing on their heads. These are signs that they will die at an early date. I obtained from this man the description of the visit to the country of the ghosts, quoted before (p. 38). He told me that when reaching the country of the dead, he saw the ghosts of his deceased relatives sitting in the house. When they saw him, they began to weep, and said, “ Don’t come here. We don’t want to see you so soon.” While they were speaking to him, the chief’s speaker entered the house, and called all the people to come to the dancing-house of the ghosts. One of the ghosts painted his face black and white, and tied long strips of white and red cedar-bark in his hair. The people were called four times. Then they started to go to the dancing-house. The entrance to the door was over a narrow plank. When he had just stepped on the plank, he suddenly saw Lataia‘iL, with his large neck-ring made of red cedar-bark and strips of black bear-skin, who took hold of him, turned him round, and told him to return to his own country, because, if he should once enter the dancing-house, he would not be able to return. Then he revived; and from that time on, LaLaia’/iL was his supernatural helper.

A. Jacobsen describes this spirit as follows :’—

“The most prominent among the spirits of the shamans is Kle-klati-eé’il [Laxaia’iL |. He lives in the woods, where the youth who intends to be initiated tries to find him. When the spirit meets him, the youth faints. When he recovers, he begins to sing a song, the tune and words of which have been given to him by the spirit. Now he has become a shaman, who uses this song in all his incantations ; but he does not retain it throughout life, because he meets his guardian spirit almost every year, and then he receives new songs. The Indians believe that Kle-klati-é’il has human shape, but he is clothed in cedar-bark, and wears a great many rings of cedar-bark.

' Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 104.

| |

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 43

Some of these he gives to the shaman.... A third spirit is the Skaia [Sxai’éxoax], which is believed to live in rivers, and to have the shape of a salmon. When a shaman who is inspired by this spirit makes an incanta- tion in a house, singing and dancing, as all the shamans do, whoever approaches the house and hears the song turns back. They believe that whoever passes the house during the incantation will be punished with death by the spirit Skaia.”

I believe this spirit is identical with Laaia’iL, who, as stated before, has the second name Sxai’éxoax. According to Jacobsen, some shamans are initiated by the ghosts. He says that the ghosts are believed to have bald heads and blue faces. I am under the impression, however, that the people initiated by them are not shamans, but ka’siut dancers (see Chap. VI).

Another being who initiates shamans is described in the following tra- dition :—

Once upon a time there was a man and a woman who had four sons. The three elder ones died. Then the father and mother and the youngest brother were very unhappy, and the old people cried for grief until they died. The young man was now left all alone. He left his village, intend- ing to go away and never to return. He pulled his blanket over his head and walked on. Sometimes he would stop to pray. He lived on the meat of mountain-goats which he shot. He built a small hut high up on the mountains, and dried the meat. He was crying and praying all the time. He prayed to the Sun to give him a gift which would restore his hap- piness. One day early in the morning he ascended the mountain. He addressed the rising Sun, saying, “ Look at me, how unhappy I am.” After he had gone a short distance he came to a ravine. The bed of the ravine was filled with pretty pebbles. There he met a beautiful man, who was no other than the Sun, who had descended from the sky. He had caused the water of the creek that runs through the ravine to disappear. When the young man saw the stranger from a distance, he thought, “He seems to be looking for me.” He went nearer ; and when they met, the Sun said, “I am the one to whom you are praying all the time, and I came to help you. Now be happy. When you open your mouth and speak to me, I know your thoughts at once. I help those who address themselves to me. Take this.” With these words he handed the young man a switch carved in the shape of a man. ‘The Sun was carrying it under his arm, the point of the switch directed downward. “Fold your arms and hold this switch to your chest, and then return to the village. When you approach any one, hide the switch under your arm. You will find a person who wears a nose- ornament of beautiful green color. Then you must try to hit the ornament with this switch, and throw it to your right side.”

44 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

He walked on, and after a while he noticed a man sitting at a distance. | Then he hid the switch under his arm. When he came near, he saw that the man wore a large green nose-ring. He hit it with his switch, and threw it to the right-hand side. Then the man said, “ You have attained me as your supernatural helper. Your name shall be S’a’tema [from ‘a’tema,’ ‘dead’|. Many people have seen me, but nobody has done what you did. If you had not struck my nose-ornament, you would have died on seeing me. You shall have the power to heal the sick by the touch of your hands. Whenever a person dies and is put into a box, after the box has been placed in the burial-ground, go there. You will find me sitting on the coffin. If then you knock the nose-ring from out of my nose, I shall leave, and the dead will revive. He will break the box, and will arise.”

Then the young man felt very glad. He returned to the village, and by following the instructions of the spirit he resuscitated the dead. He was given many blankets, and the men whom he had resuscitated gave him their daughters in marriage.

Other shamans are initiated by L’étsa’apléLana. The same man who gave me the record of his supposed visit to the country of the ghosts (see p. 38) told me that at another time he saw L’étsa’apléLana flying in the air outside of his house. She wore a ring of red cedar-bark around her neck. She was turning round all the time. Songs were coming from all parts of her body. Although she did not open her mouth, it sounded as though a great many people were singing. She gave him a song, or, as the narrator expressed it, “she threw a song into his body.” At that time he was sick, suffering from a wound in his leg inflicted by an axe. He said four days after meeting the spirit he was able to walk, and since that time she has assisted him in curing diseases.

The si’siuL is another helper of the shaman, and the means of curiag disease (see p. 28). It appears that it obtains\its supernatural power from the fact that it lives in the water in which the supreme deity washes her face. When a person sees a si’siuL, he should throw sand on it, by which means he will be able to catch it. Its skin is so hard that it cannot be pierced with a spear or knife. The person who catches it should not try to cut it with his knife, but should stretch his hand backward, and thus he will find the leaf of a ee) which is the only thing that can cut its skin. He should not touch the si’siut with his hands, but hold it with hemlock twigs. He should wrap it in white cedar-bark and tie it up in his blanket. If it is not thus tied up, it will disappear. It must not be taken into the house, but should be placed in a small box and hidden under stones, or buried in a hole under the root of a tree. It is a most potent means of curing disease. Sick people will buy small pieces of the s siuL, for which

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 45

they pay high prices. The piece is thrown into water, in which it is kept for four days. Then the water is used for washing the body. If a healthy person uses this water, he will live to an old age. Sick persons chew the white cedar-bark in which it is wrapped up, in order to regain health. They must not swallow the cedar-bark, but only the saliva that gathers in their mouths. A person who has chewed the cedar-bark becomes invulnerable. The eye of the si’siun is described as about a foot in diameter, and as transparent as rock crystal.

Toa’lav’it is the spirit who protects the mountain-goat hunter. He himself is invisible ; but great hunters sometimes see his hat, his moccasins, or his mountain staff moving about. The following tradition describes some of his characteristics : —

The Raven and the Lynx lived in one house, each occupying one side. Early in the morning the Raven went out to catch salmon with the harpoon. He was very successful, and carried the fish home. Toa’lau’it watched the Raven, who, when he arrived at the house, roasted his salmon. The children of the Lynx were sitting near by, and looking at the Raven while he was roasting the fish. They wished to participate in the meal, but he did not give them anything. Then the children were very sad. Now the Lynx made up his mind to make arrows and to go hunting mountain-goat. He went out and cut some wood for his arrows; then he told his wife to make a quiver, which he called Ts’o’laprla. She did so, and wove a quiver of cedar-bark. The Lynx was quite impatient for the sun to rise, SO eager was he to start hunting. [Early in the morning he arose and ascended the mountain. When he reached the limit of the trees, he sat down on a flat rock and looked for goats. Then he saw the staff of a man who was com- ing down the mountain. He did not see the person himself. He thought, “Who is that? Who may be hunting here?” The stick approached him; and when it came near, he saw Toda/lat’it, who wore a large hat. His hat was named Q!po_ (that means a “barren mountain-top”). Toa’law’it reached the Lynx, and sat down opposite him. Neither spoke a_ word. After a while Toa’lau’it arose, took the arrows of the Lynx, and said, “ How beautiful these arrows are!” He took up one after another until he had looked at all the four arrows of the Lynx. Then he asked, “Who made these arrows?” The Lynx did not reply. Toa’lat’it asked again, “ Who made these arrows?” Then Lynx replied, “Toa’law’it made my arrows.” Then Toa‘lav’it was very much pleased, and said, “Is he the one who made your arrows ?” —“ Certainly,” replied Lynx. Then Toa’law’it took his arrows and threw one after another down the mountain, and said to the Lynx, “Now go down the mountain and look at your arrows. If you spoke the truth, every

46 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

one of them will have killed a large mountain-goat.” The Lynx descended the mountain, and saw that every one of his arrows had killed a goat. Then he was glad, because now he had food for his children. He jumped and danced for joy. And Toa’lav’it said, “I am Toa’lav’it. I am so called because I am the mountain-goat hunter. Now return to your village. From now on, I am your supernatural protector. The next time you go hunting, and you do not find any mountain-goats, sit down and throw your arrows down the mountain. Every one will kill a goat. But do not lose those arrows. If you should lose them, you would never kill another mountain- goat.” The mountain-goats were so large, that Lynx took only their fat,. which he put into his quiver and climbed down the mountain. He arrived at his house in the afternoon. He left his quiver outside, and the Raven saw him coming in. The Lynx sat down by the side of his wife. He did not say a word. His wife and his children also received him in silence. In the evening, when it was dark, he said to his wife, “Go and fetch my quiver. It is hanging outside on a stick.” She went there and tried to lift it, but it was too heavy. She returned to her husband and told him that she was not strong enough to lift it, and asked him to fetch it himself. He said, “Tt is not heavy.” He went out himself and brought it in. He opened it and took out the fat ; and he gave some of it to his children, but he did not give any to the Raven’s children. Then the Raven was very sad. After a little while, the Raven’s children began to cry, because they wanted some of the fat.

Early the next morning the Lynx went to fetch the meat of the moun- tain-goat. The Raven watched him, and saw where he went. When he saw that the Lynx had killed mountain-goats, he made up his mind to go hunting too. He told his wife to make him a quiver while he went out to cut wood for his arrows. In the evening the quiver and the arrows were done. In the afternoon the Lynx came home, bringing the meat of the mountain-goats. Early the next morning the Raven started, following the tracks of the Lynx. He reached the place where the Lynx had sat down. He sat there, and placed his arrows by his side. He looked around for mountain-goats. After some time he saw a staff moving along in the dis- tance. It approached, and soon he saw a man coming down the mountain. It was Toa’lav'it. He reached him, and sat down opposite the Raven. They did not speak a word. After a while Toa’la’it arose, took up the arrows, and said, ‘“‘ Man, your arrows are beautiful. Who made them?” The Raven did not reply. Then Toa’lav’it said again, “Tell me who made your arrows.” Then the Raven answered, “The name of the man who makes my arrows is Raven.” Then Toa‘lau’it took the arrows, threw them down the mountain, and said to the Raven, “You are bad!” And he turned back, and ascended the mountain. The Raven went down the mountain, trying to find his arrows..

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 47

They had hit a stone, and their points were broken. He staid there some time, and when it was nearly dark he returned home. Before he reached his house, he cut his own belly and took out some of the fat from his intestines. He cut it in five pieces, and replaced his intestines. He put the fat into his quiver. When he reached his house, he hung the quiver up outside, and entered. He imitated everything the Lynx had done. When it grew dark, he told his wife to fetch his quiver. She brought it, and he told her to open it and to feed his children. She took the fat out, placed it on a stick, and put it near the fire; and as soon as it grew warm, the Pavenmeetied, ““Tttt! Don’t put it so near the fire. I feel sick when you do so.” He jumped up, took hold of the fat, and put it back in his belly. The Lynx said, “ Formerly I fed your children, but you were the first not to treat me properly. You did not give any food to my children.” Then the Lynx took some fat, and flung one piece to each of the Raven’s chil- dren. He cut some meat and gave it to them also. Then the Raven said, “T will give you one of my children, that it may grow up in company with yours.”

It is said that the former spirit Toa’lat’it was killed at one time by an Indian who took his place. This tale is recorded in Chap. IV. It belongs to the tribe of the village Nusxé’q!. A similar tradition is told of Astas,} by which name the Carriers call the Raven, their principal culture hero. Many traditions referring to Astas are common to the Carriers, the Bella Coola, and the Awi’k’én6x of Rivers Inlet. ,

The Bella Coola believe that a being called K*tsos is the father of all mountain-goats. When a hunter meets him, he thinks he sees a kid. Then he should close his eyes and open them again. If the animal is Ktsos, it will appear in its real shape as a buck of enormous size. The hunter should then ascend the mountain. If he should descend, he would fall and die.

The thunder-storm is produced by the Thunder-bird, who lives on the mountains, in the company of a number of spirits, who are considered his particular friends. The Thunder-bird himself is represented by a black mask with red nostrils. The nose is strongly curved, the forehead bulges forward, and the chin protrudes almost as far forward as the nose (Plate XI, Fig. 1). His herald is called Avxula’tenum (Plate XI, Wigs 2). «His face is painted with orange and blue stripes, and he carries a speaker’s staff, which is painted with spirals of the same color. He watches the door of the Thunder-bird’s house. In his house live the Rabbit (Plate XI, Fig. 3) ; the Owl, who is considered the rival of the Thunder-bird (Plate XI, Fig. A) the Mountain, Lo’qots (Plate XI, Fig. 5) ; the Raindrop (Plate XI, Fig, 6):

' Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 300.

48 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

The Thunder-bird and his companions appear in the ki’siut ceremonial. When they enter the house, a dancer appears who carries an instrument in the shape of a bird-rattle (Plate XI, Fig. 7), which is provided with holes in its lower side, and has a loose back. This implement is filled with cedar-bark and eagle-down, and is shaken by the dancer. The eagle-down is thus made to fly about in the house, symbolizing the wealth and power of the Thunder-bird. ;

Livi:

In the preceding pages I have summarized the principal features of Bella Coola mythology, which are characteristic of the traditions of the whole tribe. Besides these, there are other groups of traditions which are very conflicting. One reason for the existence of numerous contradictory traditions must be looked for in the peculiar social organization of the Bella Coola. In former times, when the tribe was populous, the Bella Coola inhabited a great many villages. The inhabitants of each village are con- sidered the descendants of a number of mythical ancestors who were sent} down by Senx. Each of these village communities has traditions of its own, which are its property, and which are not well known to the rest of the tribe. Many of these traditions refer to the origin of our world, and for this reason a number of the most important myths differ in various villages. Indications. of such conflicting ideas may be found in the traditions recorded in the preceding pages. To make this subject clear, it is necessary to describe somewhat fully the traditions belonging to a number of village communities. Before recording these traditions I shall enumerate the villages of the tribe. The following list is the result of repeated inquiries. In it the names and locations of the villages are given in consecutive order from the mouth of Bentinck Arm upward along Bella Coola River, and the names of the mythical ancestors of the village communities have been added where these have been ascertained.

VILLAGE, LOCATION. ANCESTORS. ce) Oat. At the bay of this name. 2. SE’Lia At the entrance of South Bentinck Arm. Totosd’nx. Semsiuta’k‘as, Nusqoa’- 3. Nusxé’q! On North Bentinck Arm. f xlané, Sxints, and z A ( their sister E’nv’aLana. 4. Pé'fsela At the entrance of the valley opening on { 27 Sp the north side of the mouth of Bella oe oes ee pS Coola Raves { Mentsi’t, Sisia’L. . . ii’ 7O e a’ 5. Atqla’xi The present mission at the north side of Isy0'yot, Xemxe pe Bella Coola River, near its mouth. ne nae SS ang their sister Nuqai’tsta_

Io.

Ea.

27:

7—MEM. AM.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

VILLAGE.

. Osmax mik-é’Lp . Tx é’ix'tskuné . Selku’ta

pa’ gta

Stsk: € Tie

. SENXL

. Tsom6’or

. Snii’t’Ele . Nak‘i’ts

. Nusa’tsem

. Ase’nané

. Nuqa’axmats

. Tsxoaxqa’né . Nasq!£’Ist

Nutwé’ix

Snt’L’ela Sla’axL Q’oa’px Ntiku

Asé’ix

SdtsL Satsq

MUS.)

NAT HIST,, VOL. Ii.

LOCATION. North side, at mouth of Bella Coola River, above No. s. North side, at mouth of Bella Coola River, above No. 6.

North side, at mouth of Bella Coola River, above No, 7.

North side, at mouth of Bella Coola River, above No. 8.

South side, near mouth of Bella Coola i River. l

South side, near mouth of Bella Coola | River, above No. ro. ls

(Nos. 4-11 jointly are called Nuxa'lk’!.)

ANCESTORS.

é’mlaix’, O’mq’omki- lik ia and their sister Sxéma’na.

( Yuyo’Ikumai, Anuxé’m-

About one mile above Nuxa‘lk'!,

On Bella Coola River, above No. 12.

On Bella Coola River, above No. 13. On Bella Coola River, above No. 14.

At junction of Nusa’tsem and Bella Coola Rivers.

On Bella Coola River, above No. 15.

On Bella Coola River, above No. 17.

On Bella Coola River, above No. 18.

On Bella Coola River, at foot of Mount Nisq!r’lst, above No. 19.

28 miles above mouth of Bella Coola

On Bella Coola River, above No. 20. River, above No, at.

On Bella Coola River, above No. 22. On Bella Coola River, above No. 23. At head of South Bentinck Arm.

(Nos. 25-27 jointly are called Ta’lio.) t mouth of Salmon River, Dean Inlet.

Dean Inlet.

SEPT., 1898.

laix’, SEnxal6’otla, and their sister Nusk‘i’/m-

No’ak ‘ila, TsxLEmima- k-ai’x’, and their sister Snutk’’ana’ls.

Luk'lai’x’,

LxXumteEné’m.

| Qx6xunk’ma’né.

E’mask'‘in ov Axq’éexa’, ) Anutapak Emalai’x’, Is-

yu’yot, one more man, and their sister.

oto’sk'ma.

Sxumxumlai’x’, S6’nx- mai, Sinoxi’ aL, and their sister Qandatsla’ qs.

'ALliximot sis ti Sonx t’aix', Séxé’m, Xé’m- tsioa Anuxé’m, Kés- mi’o, Nutseq6’ax, and their sister Kémiowa’ - na.

50 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

It is very remarkable, that, besides the ancestors of the villages enum- erated here, the Bella Coola state that the Sun created a number of men whom he sent down to a mountain on Skeena River, and that they became the ancestors of a part of the Tsimshian. Another group of men was sent down to Bute Inlet, and later on migrated to Bella Coola River. The names of these villages and men are as follows : —

VILLAGE. ANCESTORS. , a : eo a , egy MOY, . Nusqa’pts (Skeena River) Teqd’mno1, A’usté, Sx6’ya, and their sister K“'imiLga’n. Na’us (Bute Inlet) Nanatskuit, Anoxéma’axéts, Spa’n- pattnaix’, O’meatk:as.

The full traditions referring to them will be found at the end of this chapter. Each of these ancestors, when sent down to our world, received a salmon-weir, which was placed across the river at the locality where they built their village. I shall now relate a number of traditions of the various villages. |

TRADITION OF SE’‘LIA.

In the beginning our world was dark. At that time Totoso’nx descended from heaven, and reached our world on a mountain near the river Wa’k‘i- temai (Fraser River). Here he built a house, in which he lived in the company of the Raven. The latter had a black canoe which was called “Raven.” The two resolved to travel in order to find people. They de- scended the river until they came to the sea. After some time they reached a house which was covered inside and outside with abelone shells. The totem-post of the house was also covered with shells. It shone like the sun. ‘They saw a canoe on the beach, and this too was completely covered with abelone shells. A chief, whose name was Prlxané’mx: (“abelone man”), invited them to enter his house. As soon as Totosd’nx reached this place, the sun rose. If he had not found the place of the abelone chief, there would be no sun. ‘Totoso’nx did not wish to stay. He looked at the house, and saw something turning about on top of it. When they came nearer, he saw that it was a Mink, which was running about on the roof, Many people were inside the house. When Totosd’nx approached and saw the beautiful canoe, he wished to have it. He offered the chief their canoe in exchange. This offer was accepted, and Totoso’nx travelled on with the abelone canoe. The Raven staid with the abelone chief. Totosd’nx continued his travels, following the course of the sun. First he travelled southward, and came to the post which stands in the west of our world. From here ke travelled on, and reached the copper country, which is situated

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 51

a little farther to the north. When he saw the country from a distance, it looked like fire. When he came near, he saw a house which was built of copper. On the beach there was a canoe, which was also made of copper. The chief was sitting in front of the house, and invited him to come in. A carved post in the shape of a man was standing in front of the chief’s house. It also was made of copper. Then Totoso’nx offered to exchange canoes with the chief. The chief took the abelone canoe, while Totoso’nx took the copper canoe. The chief also gave him a large box made of copper, and he gave him his daughter ta’liayéts in marriage. Besides this, he gave him olachen, which was to serve as food for his daughter. In the copper box were all the whistles and other paraphernalia of the sisau’k: ceremonial. He travelled on, and reached our country in the north. When he arrived, the sun began to shine for the first time. He met a chief, to whom he gave the sisau’k: whistles. Wherever he met people, he presented to them the whistles of this ceremonial. Thus he met the Haida, the Tsim- shian, the Git’ama’t, the Gitlo’p, the Xa’exaés, the Heée'iltsuq.

He travelled on, and reached Wa’nuk (Rivers Inlet). There he threw the olachen into the water. They multiplied, and since that time there have been many olachen in that river. He travelled on, and came to Nux‘i’ts, to So’mxoL, and to Ts’i’o, on the lake above Rivers Inlet. He gave the chiefs of these places the sisau’k: whistles. He arrived at Asé’ix, in Talio’mx:. Here he left whistles and olachen. He did the same at Q’oa’px and Na’ik*! in South Bentinck Arm. Then he travelled down the fiord to the little island Qr’nk-ilst, at the mouth of South Bentinck Arm. Here he left the sisau’k: whistles. Finally he came to Sr’Lia, near the entrance to South Bentinck Arm. He liked this place very much, and was surprised not to see any people. He travelled on, and reached the mouth of Bella Coola River. Here he staid four winters. He used his whistles, and performed the sisau’k: ceremonial. At the end of this time a quarrel arose between him and the chief at Bella Coola, therefore he turned back. When he came to Se’Lia, he stopped and built a house. The house resembled in shape that of the chief ta’lia. He called the house “ta’lia.”” His wife, the daughter of the chief of the copper country, had many children. They increased rapidly, and became the tribe Seria’mx’. He invited the neighboring tribes to a feast. He performed the sisau’k: ceremonial. He never gave feasts in honor of his youngest son, Se’nxag-ila.

Se’nxagila was dissatisfied with the way in which his father treated him. He went to bed, and for four days could not be induced to rise. On the fifth day he rose early in the morning and left his father’s house. He lay down on a point of land, crying. There he staid all day. For four days he staid at this place. At midnight he returned home and lay down in his bed. He would not be induced to come down to the fire in the middle of

52 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. the house. His mother said to her husband, “ Do you know what ails our son?” After four days he left the house again, and lay down on the point of land. Here he fell asleep. Suddenly, at midnight, he felt somebody shak- ing him, saying, “Arise ! I am going to give you supernatural gifts.” When he looked up, he saw a young Seal standing beside him. The youth arose. When he looked up again, he saw the Seal’s house on the water. It had risen from the bottom of the sea. The house was full of loons, one of which was sitting on a pole in front of the house, crying continually. Sxr’nxagvila and the Seal entered, and inside there was a large fire. It was as bright as though the sun were shining from out of the water. They approached the house. In front of the door was a monster, K’i’lxta (Plate XI, Fig. 8). At the threshold was the monster Sk:amtsk:. Se’nxag-ila and the Seal entered the house through the roof, thus avoiding these dangerous creatures. Q’omo’qoa,' who wore a hat of enormous size, was sitting inside. He was the chief of the house. In the right-hand rear corner of the house he saw two men sitting. The name of one of them was Nunuxémalslai’x:. Another man was sitting in the left-hand rear corner, beating the drum. His nam was Be‘lquit. Two others were blowing whistles. They were performing the sisau’k: ceremonial. .

Now, Se’nxag‘ila had seen the whole house. It had become his super- natural property. He left it, and the house disappeared under the water. Then he returned home, and told his father what he had seen. He ordered his father to sweep his house, and to strew it with new sand. He invited all the neighboring tribes in, and distributed a great many presents. After the festival, Sr’nxagvila built a house like the one he had seen on the water, and he took the name Ax’axsmo’sEm (“the one who invites”). His house was painted with designs of waves, gulls, loons, and of the monsters Sk:amtsk: and K’i’lx:ta. When dancing, he wore a cap made of loon-skins.

Fillip Jacobsen records another version of this tradition.2 He calls Toto- so’nx “ Wakilmaj,” which is evidently a misprint for “ Wakitmai,” which is the name of Fraser River, where, according to my version, Totosd’nx de- scended from heaven. Wakitmai is a word borrowed from the Kwakiutl language, meaning “the greatest river.” Following is a brief abstract of this version of the tradition »—

Wakitmai (Totosd’nx), Omkil (O’mgvilis ?), Kamokija (Q’o’moqoya), and Kvassina (Qoatsi’nas), and their sisters Litsemkil (Le’tsumg‘la ?) and Kolil, descended in the shape of ravens from heaven to Bella Coola. At that time there was no daylight with the exception of about one hour every

' Masks representing this being and his wife have been figured in Internationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie, Vol. III, Plate III, Figs. 1 and 2. The specimens in question are in the American Museum of Natural History (Cat. Nos, z3é and ;15),

= Ymer, "0895, (pps Ly th.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

UL wW

day, and the sea extended far up Bella Coola valley. At their request, Masmasala’nix made a self-moving canoe for them, which was called “ Koo- koo.” They travelled to Fraser River, and then continued their journey southeastward, accompanied by their speaker. After some time they reached the house of Pelkhanny (Prlxané’mx‘). They were invited in, and received as a gift the secrets of the sisau’k: dance and some mother-of-pearl. (There is no mention of the appearance of the sun.) After four days they continued their journey, and reached the house of Klallia (ra’lia), the chief of the coppers, from whom they received other secrets of the sisau’k- and some copper. On returning, they reached. Rivers Inlet, and on a small island met an old woman who was twisting branches from a tree. When she looked at their canoe, her eyes assumed the peculiar lustre of mother-of-pearl. The woman was the crab, whose eyes still retain this lustre. Her answers to their questions showed them that they had been absent many years, although they thought their journey had lasted not more than four days. They dragged their canoe from the head of Rivers Inlet to the lake above, thus creating the river which empties into Rivers Inlet. Sea-lions and whales ascended through this river into the lake. Wakitmai transformed the whales into stone. He threw his canoe-pole at the sea-lions, intending to drive them back. He missed them, and the pole stuck in the mountain. It may still be seen there. For this reason the mountain is called Skallakt (Skolo’k-L), which means “canoe-pole.” He had also received a magic wand from the chief of mother-of-pearl, one end of which possessed the power of restoring life, while a touch of the other end caused death. By means of this wand he transformed the sea-lions into driftwood. The brothers continued their _ journey to Tallio (Ta’lio), where they met a family. Then the brothers separated, and Wakitmai settled at Bella Coola. He married the daughter of the couple whom he had met at Tallio. He had a son and a daughter, who grew up in four days. Then Wakitmai initiated them into the sisau’k: ceremonial which he had received. He went up to Alkondam (ALk’unta’m), from whom he received further instructions. One of his sisau’k: masks represented himself in the form of a raven; the other one, the chief of the mother-of-pearl.

TRADITION OF NusxeF’al.

The Sun sent down Semsiuta’k‘as, Nusqoa’xlané, their sister E’nvarana (“darkness”), and the Hermaphrodite (Plate XI, Fig. 10) to Nusxé’q!, which is situated on Bentinck Arm. The Sun desired that two Bears should assume human shape and live with them, but his wishes were not realized; only their eyebrows assumed the shape of human eyebrows. These two Bears were living at Mo’asla’L.. There is a cascade at this place, at the foot of

54 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

which they caught salmon. The Bears obtained there all the food they needed. One day SEmsiuta’k'as went down the river to see the sea. He was sitting near the mouth of the river, and then the Sun sent the olachen to the river. The Hermaphrodite was the first to see them, and began at once catching fish. If he had not done so, there would have been a great many olachen in this river. But women are forbidden to catch them, there- fore the Sun grew angry, and took away the greater number of the fish. Instead of them, he sent cohoes salmon. When Semsiuta’k:as reached the sea, he took the name Nonotxoq!£’maix’. He went across to Argqla’x_ and married Nuqai'tsta, the daughter of Isya’yot. On the following day she had a child, which after four days had grown to be a youth. His name was Xe’mak:sta. Then they all went back to Nusxé’q!. When they reached there, the boy wished to go up the river. He carried his bow and _ bird- arrows along. When he had gone some distance, he met some people who wore ornaments made of red cedar-bark and bear-skins. The youth saw them, and they approached him. They invited him to follow them to their house. They were Bears, although they looked like men. When they had entered the house, the Bears invited the youth to sit down. They started a fire by striking together two green stones. Then they said, “We will roast some salmon.” They took some skunk-cabbage and roasted it; and when it was done, they placed it in a dish and gave it to the boy. When the boy began to eat, he found that what appeared to be skunk-cabbage was really salmon. Their dish was made of the knee-pan of a Bear. The youth thought that the food they gave him would not be sufficient to still his hunger. The Bears knew his thoughts at once, and said, “You will not be able to eat all that we have given you.” The young man began to eat, but he was unable to empty the dish. When he had eaten, he took a drink of water ; and the Bears finished the dish, and placed four berries (st!zls) in it. Again the youth thought, “ That is not enough for me;” and the Bears knew his thoughts at once. When the youth took up a berry and began to eat, he saw that another one had taken its place, and he was not able to empty the dish. After he had eaten, he wished to return home. But the Bears said, “Stay here. You may return to-morrow.” The Bears showed him to a bed on one side of the house, while he himself lay down on the opposite side.

Early the next morning the Bears said, “ Now let us start. We will take you home.” But the one night that he had staid at the Bears’? house was actually a year. The youth was carrying bis bow, and the Bears wished to have it: the youth gave it to them. Then one of the Bears stretched his hand backward in his bed, and took out a beautiful staff made of crystal. He said, “If you want to heal a sick person, touch him with this end of the staff; but if you want to kill your enemies, point the other end at them, and they will die. This shall be your supernatural power.” Once

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 55

more the Bear stretched his hand backward in his bed, and took out some eagle-down, which he gave to the youth; and he gave him a bear-skin blanket and said, “If any one should maltreat you when you return home, take this down, put it on your left shoulder, and shake it. Then it will fly up, and when it settles on his skin, he will fall sick. Then, if you wish to cure him, approach him with the healing end of your staff, and he will recover.” The Bears gave him the name Stsk:!la, and said, “ When you arrive at the house of your parents, do not enter at the door. Stay behind the house. Soon somebody will come, and then you may show yourself. And when they find you, tell them to open the rear of the house. There you shall enter, and you shall sleep in the elevated room in the rear of the house.” The Bears accompanied him until they were near the village. Then they returned. The youth staid behind the village.

Soon he heard his mother crying in her house. Then he approached cautiously, and knocked on the wall close to the place where she was sitting ; but she only cried the louder. She thought that the people were teasing her. Again he knocked on the wall. Then the woman wiped her face and stopped crying. She told her youngest son to see who was knocking on the wall of the house. He ran out and soon returned, saying, “ My brother is standing outside.” Then she struck him with a stick, saying, “Why do you say that? He died long ago.” Then she said to her older son, “Go out and see who is knocking on the wall.” Soon he returned, saying, “My younger brother spoke the truth. Our elder brother has returned, but he does not want us to come to meet him. He wants father to open the rear of the house.” This was done, and an elevated room in the rear of the house was prepared. Xé’mak’sta entered, and staid in the room for three nights. His youngest brother always staid with him.

On the fourth evening he said to his youngest brother, “To-morrow I shall go to Nuxa’lk-. I wish to see my relatives. But I shall soon return. Do not be sad because I am going to leave.” Then he walked along the north side of the fiord, over the mountains. He came to a house at Avxla’xt. He saw a man sitting behind the house, and addressed him, saying, “Tell my relatives that I wish to see them. Let the young women come out here.” The man entered the house, and soon returned, leading two women. When they reached the place where Xé’mak‘sta was standing, he said, “Sit down. You shall see who I am. Look at me well. Now I shall stand over there.” Then he took his staff and pointed its deadly end towards the women. They fell down dead. While they were lying there, he touched their bodies with his hands. Then he turned his staff, pointed it at them, and they arose. Now they loved the young man because he had resuscitated them, and they wished to marry him. The young man stepped behind their backs, went round them, and when he came in sight again he

56 BOAS. THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

had assumed the shape of a bear. His body was covered with red cedar- bark. Then the women were afraid. He went round them, passing behind their backs, and when he re-appeared in front, he had re-assumed his human shape. Then he put some eagle-down on his left shoulder, and approached them. He shook himself, and the down fell on them. At once their skin became covered with sores, and their bodies inflated. He went round them once more, and healed them by means of his staff. When they had recoy- ered, they were highly pleased with the great powers of the young man. Then he said to them, ‘“‘ Now return to your houses.” ‘They went, but very soon they began to long for the young man. They returned and lay down with him. Then he sent them back home and asked them to return in the evening.

He sent his friend to bring other women, whom he seduced in the same manner. He had all the young women of the village visit him. They all bore children to him. After all the women on the north side of the river had visited him, he swam across and did the same to the women on the south side of the river. When the people learned what he was doing, they resolved to go to his house and kill his mother. The young man who had led the women to Xé’mak:sta heard about it, and told his friend what he had learned. He said, “The people intend to kill your mother because they think you will be sad when you hear about her death. They are furious because you have seduced their daughters and wives.”

Now the people prepared their canoes, and started early in the morning. They took along all their canoes, in order to prevent Xé’mak'sta from following them. Xé’mak:sta said to his friend, ‘Tell me when they start, but do not say any thing about my plans. Look and see if you cannot find an old broken canoe that has been placed over the salmon-weir.” The young man said there was a canoe of that kind. Xé’mak:sta instructed him to wait until the people had left, and then to take the canoe down and place it in the water. He also told him to wait for him at K:tso, at the mouth of Bella Coola River. The young man did as he was bidden. As soon as he placed the canoe in the water, it was whole like a new canoe. He landed at K°tso, where he was met by Xeé’mak:sta, who jumped into the canoe, shook himself, and assumed the shape of a bear. Xé’mak-sta went up and down the canoe once, and then he resumed the shape of a man. He said to his friend, “Let us go to Anu’sx on the north side of the fiord.” There they landed. Then he said, ‘“ Now I shall run home over the mountains. Watch me as I run along, and follow slowly in your canoe. You will see what will happen to the people.” At that time the trees on the mountains were small. When they were near the shore, Xé’mak:sta turned round and assumed the shape of a bear. Then he ran over the mountains, and reached his home long before the people were able to get there. He entered his father’s house and told

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. Ovi

those within that the people of Nuxa’lk- were coming, intending to kill his mother because their daughters were all in love with him; but he promised to vanquish his enemies without any assistance. Now the canoes were approach- ing. Then he sent his speaker to the beach, and told him to warn the enemies. When they were within hearing distance, he shouted, “Do not come ashore! The shaman is here and will kill you.” The people laughed, and said, ““ How is that possible? He is in our village.” —“ You lie!” replied the speaker. “He is here.” But they did not believe him. They ranged themselves in a row, waiting for the tide to carry them in. At high water the signal was given to land, and then all paddled for the shore. Then Xé/mak'sta took his bear-skin blanket and covered it with down. He stood on the roof of his house and shook himself. The down flew about and set- tled on the canoes, and all the people fell sick. They groaned with pain, and their skin became sore and swollen. Then he entered the house and called his father and his friends. The speaker shouted, “Did I not tell you not to come here?” The enemies were unable to propel their canoes, and were groaning with pain. After a few hours the youth said to his mother, “Now watch me. I am going to cure them.” He took his staff, and pointed the healing end in the direction of the canoes. Then all the people recovered. The down flew back to him, and he hid it. When they had recovered, they shouted, and threatened to kill the youth and his mother. They landed, and were about to enter the house, when he pointed the deadly end of his staff at them. ‘They fell down dead. Only one of the people who had staid in the canoe remained alive. After a few hours the youth said to his father, “Now I will resuscitate them.” He touched the chief of Qo’mqutis with the end of his staff, and he arose. . Now the chief offered the young man his daughter in marriage, and asked him to resuscitate the other people too. The youth did so, and the people arose, rubbing their eyes as though they had slept. And every one whom he resuscitated requested him to restore his friends to life too, and they gave him their daughters in marriage. Semsiuta’k-as’s son had four boys. These young men went up the river to hunt mountain-goats. They pitched camp, and then they separated, and each went to a different creek. Early in the morning they ascended the mountain, and three of the brothers returned in the evening loaded with game. But one of the brothers did not return. The other brothers grew anxious, and when he did not return on the evening of the following day, one of them went out to search for him. He followed his tracks, but did not find him. The two remaining brothers waited a long time, but neither of the other brothers re-appeared. After two days the third brother went out. He said to the youngest brother, ‘‘ Please stay here. I must go and find my brothers.” The young man waited, but his brothers did not return. Two days after the

S--MEM. AM. MUS./ NAT. HIST., VOL. II. SEPT., 1808.

58 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

third brother had started, the youngest one left the camp to go in search of his brothers; but he did not follow the trail his brothers had taken. After a while he saw smoke far away in the distance. He thought, “ Maybe my brothers are staying there.” He went near, and saw a house. He looked in at the door. He saw a woman standing in the house, who had her blanket tied around her waist. She was dressing a large skin which was stretched over a frame, The young man thought, “I will go and touch her genitalia.” He entered, and when she bent down, scraping the skin, he touched her. The woman was frightened. She looked back and saw him. She was very beautiful. Her name was ALmrEnmeEna’m. She talked to the young man, and asked him to lie down with her. He complied. Then she set before him a dish filled with meat of the mountain-goat, and she said, “Do not eat too much. My husband will be here soon, and he will try to offer food to you, but do not be afraid. I shall assist you. Take care that you do not fall asleep. He will come back late in the evening, and he will give you much to eat in order to make you sleepy. Take this bag and hide it under your blanket, and when my husband turns his back, slip the food into it. He wants to see you eat all he gives you.” And she continued, “After he has fed you, he will tell you to lie down to sleep. Then, when you hear my husband saying, ‘Hwu, hm!’ imitate his sounds. If you should not reply, he will take his statf and he will point it at you, and you will be dead. He always ties his dogs to the bed-post. If you succeed in killing my husband, you may marry me.”

After a while the man came in. The woman saw his staff far away. He was carrying two mountain-goats which he had tied to his belt. The man was no other than Toa’lav’it. Now he came in and said to his wife, “ Somebody has been to see you.” He sat down and said, “A man is here. He slept with you, therefore you did not tell me.” —“ Yes,” she replied, “it is true.” Then Toa’lau’it made no further remark. After a while he ordered his wife to build a large fire. He intended to cook the meat, and to set it before ‘the visitor. He carved one of his mountain-goats, and he ordered his wife to heat stones in the fire. Then they roasted the neck of the goat on the spit, and Toa’lat’it cut the fat and put it in a dish. Then he set it before the man. Toa’law’it watched to see if he. was eating. The man tried to leave a part of the food in the dish; but Toa’la’it went up to him and said, ‘Why do you eat so slowly? See how fast I am eat- ing!” And he devoured a large dish full of meat very rapidly. He swal- lowed it without chewing. Toa’lau’it next took the fat of the mountain-goat and placed it in a dish, which he gave to the young man. He emptied it into his bag. Next he gave him a piece of the brisket; and when Toa’lav’it turned away, he hid it in the bag. Toa’lax’it was watching him all the time, but every now and then his wife spoke to him in order to induce him to

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 59

look in another direction. Now they had finished eating. Then Toa’lav’it showed the young man the place where he was to lie down. He told him to go to sleep quickly, because he himself was very tired too. He said to him, “Do not trouble to arrange your bed. You are too tired.” Then he led his two dogs to his own bed, and tied them to a post. His dogs were wolves. He tied one to each side. Now Toa’lau’it lay down, and soon he shouted, “Ee!” As soon as he had done so, the young man answered in the same manner. After a while, Toi’lau’it uttered the same cry, and the young man replied. When it was almost daybreak, the young man heard (oata@eatecnoring. He shouted, “Ke!” three times, but Toa’law’it did not reply. Then the woman whispered to him, “Arise! Take his staff and point it at him.” The young man did as he was bidden. As soon as he pointed the staff towards Toa’lav’it, the latter died. The woman ordered the young man to free the dogs. As soon as he had untied them, they bit off the head of their former master. The young man had vanquished him.

Next to Toa’lau’it’s house there was a deep precipice. The woman said to the young man, “Throw Toa’law’it’s body down this precipice.” While he was doing so, he looked down and saw his lost brothers lying in the abyss. If the youngest one had not touched the woman, he would have died too. Then the woman said, “ Now your name is Toda’lav’it, and these dogs shall be your dogs, and this staff shall be your staff, and this quiver shall be your quiver.” And when it grew day the woman said to him, ** Ascend the moun- tain and sit down there. When you see a goat, shoot it with one of your four arrows. If your aim should not be true, your arrows will turn and hit it, anyway. When you go hunting on the mountains and do not see any goats, take your staff and point, and for each time you point you will have a goat. And take my dead husband’s hat and his blanket and his belt. You must not carry the goats on your back. Carry them at your belt, one on each side. You will be able to carry them be they never so heavy.” On the following day the man started. He killed a large goat and hung it on his belt. Soon he returned home. Then the woman said, ‘‘ Now you are just like Toa’lav’it. You must sleep with me for four nights, and four nights leave me alone.” And she said, “If you see any one who wants to have goats, and feels very unhappy, you shall help him. You shall meet him, and he will find many goats.”

TRADITION OF ALQLA’XL.

Isyt’yot, Xémxé’mtEnEm, Snuxnata’ls, and their sister Nuqai’tsta, were sent down to the mountain SqtsL. Xémxé’mt—EnEm had a son who was called Attsi’ax. Their house was called Nuqoaxd’ts wa tk:la’nats. That means “the raven box.” The posts inside the house represent men. The

60 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

front is painted with the design of a raven. They are the ancestors of the Argla’xt. It is said that Nuqai’tsta married the son of SEmsiuta’k-as, the ancestor of the tribe of Nusxé’q!.

TRADITION OF STSK‘E’IL.

Alk’ala’lis, with his ‘three brothers, was sent down from heaven to the mountain Skoldo’k‘L. They descended the mountain and settled in Stsk-é’iz. Here they were visited by the Raven and his tribe. They saw that the people of the Raven had an abundance of abelone shells, while they them- selves did not possess any. Then Alk-ala’lis said to his brothers, “Let us try to find abelone shells.” They covered the bottom of their canoe with — mats, launched it, went aboard, and started. Whenever they met any one, they hid on the beach. Finally they reached the ocean ; and after they had travelled a long time without finding abelone shells, they intended to return, but they had lost their way. When they turned their canoe to go back, they seemed to be surrounded by land on all sides. They did not know! which way to turn, and began to cry. Night came on; and when it grew

daylight again, they saw a Raven soaring over the canoe. He came down lower and lower, and finally lighted on the canoe. He said to them, “My name is Qa”xaxsila. I am going to give you supernatural power. I shall show you the way you desire to go. You will find a cave in yonder mountain. Cover your canoe with mats, and enter it.” They did as they were bidden. They found that the roof of the cave was covered with starfishes, which fell down on their canoe, but they were kept from them by the mats with which they were covered.

After some time they emerged into the open. They found themselves near a beach which was covered with abelone shells. They filled their canoe, and covered their paddles and their hats with shells. Then Alk:’ala’lis’s brother took the name Winx:si/wala, his second brother took the name Nuswé’namx’, and the third one took the name Sat!i’/la. Now they were glad, and they prepared to return to their home. The Raven, who had staid with them, gave them directions which way to go. They returned after a year’s absence. When they were approaching their village, Alk-’ala’lis said to his youngest brother, to tease him, “I am sure only your wife has re- mained true to you; but our wives, I think, have given us up for lost, and have taken new husbands. When the brothers arrived home, they found that only Satli’la’s wife had remained true to her husband. All the others had taken new husbands. Then the elder brothers were ashamed. They showed the people their canoe filled with abelone shells. They married again; and Alk"ala’lis had a daughter, to whom he gave the name ALptlxa’nyuLé’x.

ieee itil Net ee i es eee

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 61

Later on he had another daughter, whom he called A’tsta. Then he took the name Ix-ialxotsai’x:. He called his house Tla’palst, and the painting on the front of it represents a canoe called “T!kun.”!

The tradition of the ancestors of the village Stsk-é’ir is not quite certain. Besides the preceding legend, I received the following one: Isya’yot, Xé’m- tsiwa, Xémxémala’oLla, and two women, Létxumlaix‘aia’na and ALq’éxayana, were sent down to Skold’k-L. Before they left heaven, Masmasala’nix had given them the olachen. They also carried the nusxé’mta, the box in which the daylight was kept. Their speaker was emtenk:ai’x:. He caused the olachen to disappear, and later on to re-appear. It is also said that when they came down from heaven a cold wind was blowing down the mountain Skolo’k't. Then the Raven took his canoe-pole, and pushed it upward towards the mountain, thus causing the wind to stop. For this reason the mountain has its name, which means “ canoe-pole.”

There is stiil another tradition referring to the origin of the tribe of Stsk'é’iL. The Sun made one man whom he called Q’éét and Eq’ora’m, and he made another man whom he named Aqla’m. He gave to Q’éét the skin of the bird Q6’x6x, which is sitting on the post of the House of Myths for use in his dances. For four days these men sat at the foot of the pole. Then they descended to our earth, carrying the nusxé’mta, which gave them light on their way downward. They reached the mountain Sk6l0’k:L, whence they descended to Stsk-é’ir. Here they built a house. Q’éét saw a man sitting in front of a house which was built of branches. His name was Qoa'lsant. Q’éét married his daughter. He visited many villages, where he married the daughters of the chiefs. Therefore he had relatives in a good many places. He married at Nuqa’axmats, Sni’t’rle, Nuk-i’ts, Asr’nané, Nasq!e’Ist, NuLvé’ix, Sta’ix:, Q’oa’Lna, Bella Bella, and Rivers Inlet. All his wives gave him their houses. Then he returned to his own country, while he left his children with their mothers. He had two men who were guarding the entrance to his house. Their names were Qoiotsi’tas and Naamtotsai’x.

eh TRADITION oF NUSE’EX.

The Sun sent two Ravens, and their sister the Crow, down to Lxtsaétx (Gitamat). They carried the nusxé’mta, in which the sun was Kepe. 2 lhe Raven asked his younger brother to break the nusxé’mta; but the latter refused, requesting his elder brother to do so himself. Then the elder Raven broke it. After he had thus liberated the sun, he took the name Kunkune’m. His brother took the name Xémlai’x:. Then their sister told

' This is also the name of Qama‘its’s canoe (see p. 28).

62 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

them to leave the country, and to seek a new home. Kunkunr’m went to Satsq, where he built a house near a lake. There he caught beavers and other animals; but he desired to find people, and descended towards the sea. When he reached the fiord, he met an eagle with human face, whose name was Qoa’sta. He asked him, “ How long have you been here?” And he replied, “I have been here a long time. I am older than you.” ~He proceeded down Deans Inlet. He met a bird named ALmena’m, and he asked, “‘How long have you been here?” He also replied, “I have been here a long time, I am older than you.” His people, the SatsLEe’mx:, were the saw-bill ducks. Kunkunr’m asked the bird for a canoe, that he might proceed down the fiord. Then the bird made a canoe for him, burning out a cedar-tree. He gave him a double-bladed paddle. Finally he reached Nusé’éx, on the south side of Bella Coola River, near its mouth. Here he built a house. Then a woman named ALEexma’na came down to this place. Her blanket was set with small coppers, which made a noise whenever she moved. She told him to place a copper in front of his house. He met two women named Xémlaix’’a’na and Xé’mtsiwa in Stsk-ée’it. He called all these women his sisters. Kunkunk’m’s brother and sister settled in Satsq.

TRADITION OF SENXL.

Yuyo'lkumai and Qoa’x were sent down by the Sun to the top of the mountain SqtsL. The Sun said to Yuyo’lkumai, “You shall give to the tribes their languages, and you shall live in Senxi.” When Yuyo’lkumai came down with his sister, Nusk:i/mnaL, the Sun gave him the names Anuxé’mlaix: and Srenxald’otla.’ Qoa’x was very sad, and was sitting quite still on the top of the mountain Sqtst. He did not like the earth, and wished to return to the sky. He had lost his fire-drill. Then he assumed the shape of a deer, and ran up the mountain, and while there he found the fire-drill and took it back. At that time theré were no trees on the ground, only small herbs. Yuyo’Ikumai took leaves and made a small hut just large enough to sit in. He lay down to sleep. Very early the next morning he arose and looked outside. Then he saw a large salmon-weir in front of his hut. The Sun said to Yuyo’lkumai, “Lie down on the top beam of the salmon-weir, and look into the water. I am going to place a stick in the water as long as a cubit. I shall put on it four abelone shells. If you should not find it in the water to-morrow morning, you may conclude that there are no people like yourself in the world.” He did not see the stick on the following morning, and concluded that there were no people living higher up the river.

’ Another time I understood that these were three men and one woman.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 63

At that time the Sun did not shine very brightly, and the Raven thought, **I will ascend the river to find a better Sun.” He did so, and after travelling a long time he came to a house called Kowa’msta’. He entered, and saw the sun-box hanging from the roof of the house. He cut the rope by which the sun-box was suspended, and carried the box away. As soon as he touched the box, the present Sun came out of it. Then the Raven returned, and he sang a sisau’k: song, telling how he liberated the Sun. He took the name Kunkunr’m. He travelled on, and came to the house of Yuyo’lkumai, to whom he gave his new name and his sisau’k- song. Then the people were very glad that they had a good Sun.

Yuyo’lkumai was very sad because he had no house. The Sun knew his thoughts. One evening he lay down to sleep. Early the next morning he arose and stood near his salmon-weir. When he looked at the middle of the river, he saw a bright light. It was the Sun, who had come down the river. He beckoned to Yuyo’lkumai, who went to meet him. Then the Sun asked, “Why are you sad? To-morrow morning you shall see a house like the one you desire to have. Do not think you are poor. I am going to give you everything you desire. To-morrow morning you shall see a new house standing right here. It will be your property.”

When Yuyé'Ikumai awoke next morning, he looked around, and saw the house standing there. It was close to the salmon-weir. The front was painted with the design of the Sun. He entered the house and sat down, and thought, “What shall I eat in my new house?” The Sun heard his thoughts. When it grew dark, and no food had come to him, he lay down and was very sad. On the next morning, when he awoke, he heard people singing near his salmon-weir; and when the Sun arose, he saw a large canoe tied up at the post of the weir. It was filled with provisions. There were fish of all kinds, Peeetmiecrs eit was the canoe “ No’aknem” or “ Nunuk:au’tsnrm ”? (“bringing food”), and the occupants of the boat gave him the song and dance sqoa’lxoalem, and they gave him the name Xé’mtsioa.

RRADITION OF NUK‘ TS.

Lxumtené’m was sent down by the Sun to Snukosikd’ot. He became the ancestor of the Nuk:i’ts. He acquired the giant Qoatiwa’la as his super- natural helper. The house of the giant was full of copper plates, which sounded every morning. He left his house every morning and travelled all over the world, carrying away to his house women from all the villages. Then he married them. He gave his copper plates to LxumtEené’m, who then

' Compare K‘awa’umsta (‘‘ open mouth of sky ;”’ literally, ‘‘mouth kept open by means of a wedge”’), p. 36. ® The canoe that brings the ka’siut (see p. 40).

64 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

took the names Atix‘lixuma’k: and Anuk‘i’ts’—em. His last name means “whirlpool,” signifying that his house swallows wealth as a whirlpool swallows

whatever comes near it.

TRADITION OF NusaQ!z’LsT.

Toto’sk'ma was sent down to the mountain Nusq!z’Ist, where he built a lodge of caribou-skins. He took the name Xémxémala’6tla. At that time the Raven was travelling all over the world in order to see if salmon were living in all the rivers. He met Totd’sk‘ma, and said to him, “ There shall always be salmon in the river Sa’s_met.”

TRADITION OF NULLE’IX.

The Sun sent Sxumxumlai’x’, So’nxmai, Sinoxi’aL and their sister Qana- atsla’qgs down from heaven. They were the first Nutxé’ix. They reached the earth on Mount Setsk-aiix. They brought a salmon-weir with them. They lived in an underground lodge, the entrance to which was in the mid- dle of the roof, the floor being reached by a ladder. The woman had a child who was continually crying. One day, while she was holding the child in her arms, she looked up and saw looking down the entrance-hole a person whose throat and face were perfectly white. She nudged her husband, and called his attention to the person. He looked up, and knew at once that it was the Snéné’iqg. He took his bow and arrows, but he did not rise. Then he spanned the bow, shot, and hit the Snéné’iq right in the throat. The latter rolled down the roof of the house. Early in the morning the man arose, climbed the ladder, and saw the Snéné’iq lying dead in the grass, his face turned upward.

The old Snéné’iq lived in the mountains. When her son did not return, she set out to search for him. She did not find any trace of his body, and she gave him up for lost. Just below Sta’ix: she sat down on a flat rock, crying bitterly. She cried, “O-uuuu!” Her cries were so loud that they were heard far away. Four strong men set out to see who was crying. They saw her from a distance, and did not dare to ascend the river any farther. They were afraid of her. When they returned and told that they had seen the Snéné’iq sitting on the bank of the river, all the people were afraid. They did not know what to do. There was one man living in the village who did not participate in their discussion. While all the others were expressing their

fears, he did not say a word. Early the next morning he put a mat in his

canoe, launched it, and went up the river with his steersman. He was not afraid. When he reached the place where the Snéné’iq was sitting, he stopped on the bank of the river just opposite her. Then the young man

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 65

told his companion that he was going to cross the river to see the Snéné’iq from near by. He did so, and when he reached her, he touched her feet, and joined in her wails. After a short time she stopped. Then the young man said, “ I came here because I am your friend.” And she replied, “I lost my child, therefore I sit here wailing.” Then she arose, took a copper on which she had been sitting, and said, “ My dear, you pitied me, therefore I will give you supernatural powers. I will be your supernatural helper. Look at my house. It is very large, and beautifully painted. When you build a house, decorate it in the same manner, and every thing I have here shall be yours. You shall distribute it among your people. I am now going to Na’us.”

The young man returned home, carrying the copper in his mat. He told his friends what had happened. Upon his request, they accompanied him to the house of the Snéné’iq, and helped him to carry down the presents which he had received. Then the young man gave a festival, and distributed the presents among his tribe.

TRADITION OF STU 1x".

itemounesent down ALli’x-imot sis ti Sonx t’aix’, Séxé’m, Xé’mtsioa, Anuxé’m, Késmi’o, Nutseq6’ax, and a woman, Kémiowa’na, from Nusma’ta. They came down at a place near sunrise called ALtitxa’axLelxs ti SOnx t’aix’. In their house all the languages were written down, and were distributed among the various tribes. Nutseqo’ax did not assume human shape, but remained what he had been in heaven, a wolf. They began to travel down Bella Coola River. Anuxé’m staid at Kounalos, near the source of Bella Coola River. Késmi’o staid in the country now inhabited by the T!aa’nsné (“Carriers”). The others went down towards the sea over the mountains. Séxé’m carried their house in a small box. Its name was Nuts’axma'ls. Finally they arrived on Mount Ni’ya. That means “bare mountain.” They descended to the river, and put down the house, and it enlarged until it reached the natural size of a house. A horse-fly was painted around the door, and on each side a sun was represented.

TRADITION OF SOTSL.

The Sun sent Isyi’yot and Xé’mtsiwa down to the mountain Suwa’k:x’, near Na’u!el. Their sister, who came down with them, was named Qa’qma. Xé’mtsiwa and Isyi’yot wore eagle blankets. When they left the mountain Suwa’k-x’, Isyt’yot said to his brother, “ Let us make canoes. If you should finish yours first, come to visit me. If I should finish mine first, I will come

; 9—MEM. AM, MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. OCT., 1898.

66 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

to see you.” Then Isyi’yot went down the mountain and settled on the north side of Bella Coola River, at the foot of Mount SqtsL, where he built a house. He was the first to finish his canoe, and started to go to Nod’u!el. He came to Snuqti’tq, a small river on North Bentinck Arm, where he erected a post. He went on, and came to Q’a’nuk, which is opposite to Snuqui’tq. He went on, and came to Snosk"!_L, Sxwaxué’lk:, Stsqoa’sma, A’nuLxum, K-a’p’ai, and Ts’é’xots. In all these places he erected post Then he saw his brother, who was sitting on a log, wrapped in his blanket. First he thought that he was an eagle, but soon he recognized him. He thought, “‘ Didn’t he assume humana shape ? Did he retain the shape of an eagle, which he had in heaven?” Xé’mtsiwa was looking at the river all the time. When Isya’yot reached him, he said, “ Didn’t you assume the shape of a man?” His brother replied, “ No, I could not do so, because this place is too dangerous. I brought down the olachen, but it cannot go up this river.” Isya’yot retorted, “I have taken possession of a great many places. I erected posts wherever I went.” Then Xé’mtsiwa said, “ That is not right. You ought to take possession of one place only, of the one where you built your first house. Now look at my country.” Then Isyt’yot saw that the river was disappearing under the mountain Suwa’k:x-, that it was impossible to ascend it in canoes, and that no fish was in the river. Then Isya’yot said, “ Let us call some people, in order to make this country inhabitable.” Then both arose, and considered what to do.

At this time Noak‘i’la, with his brother Ts’a’k’us and _ his sister SL’ax'L’axta’aL, came down from heaven. They came out of the hole in heaven, and intended to descend the river to Na’x!el; but Noaki’/la found that the river was exceedingly dangerous, and they did not know how to proceed. Then he called Masmasala’nix. He wanted him to make a canoe. Masmasala’nix came down to his assistance, and made a canoe, which he called “ Qoaqoa’usaloL.” When they reached the place named A’sk«lta, Noak‘i'la’s brother and sister landed. They became the ancestors of the tribe of that place. Noak-i’la himself proceeded down the river, and came to the place where it disappeared under the mountain Suwa’k:x:. Then he asked Masmasala’nix to break the mountain, in order to open a way for the river. The brothers Masmasala’nix tried to split the mountain by means of wedges, but they were unable to do so. Then Noak-i‘la called the hauhau. It came, and pecked the mountain with its beak, intending to break it, but it did not succeed. Then he called the xtsaltsalo’sem, which is also called si’siuL,' a snake which lives on the mountains. It crawled about on the mountain Suwa’k:x:; and where it crawled the mountain split in two, making

"The si'siuL is described as similar to a fish. It has only one head; while among the Kwakiutl it is represented as having one head at each end, and one in the middle. The Bella Coola say that when first seen it is very small, but becomes larger and larger when being looked at (see also pp. 28, 44).

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 67

a passage for the waters of the river. Then Noaki/la descended the river and met Xé’mtsiwa. Now Xé’mtsiwa was happy, because a way had been opened for the river. He threw off his eagle dress, and became a man. Isyt’yot returned to Nuxa’lk:. His descendants use the eagle mask and the eagle blanket. |

TRADITION OF SATSQ.

In Satsq lived the chief, Smawu’n, who had descended from heaven to the mountain Yilyule’m_. The name of his youngest son was AW’6sqEmnai’x:. This young man had a son, whose name was So’nxuak-as. He wished his son to marry, but the latter refused to do so. Often his father invited girls to the house, but he refused them, and sent them back to their parents. Finally his father grew angry, and said to him, “Leave my house, if you do not want to marry, and go wherever you please.” Then the boy became sad. He went into his room and lay down. He staid in bed for four days, because the words of his father had hurt him. Then he arose and ascended the mountain behind the house. After travelling a long time, he came to a river. He followed the course of the river downward. After some time he heard a noise like that produced by the striking-together of two sticks. He crept up cautiously to discover its cause. When he came near enough, he saw a log lying on the ground, which was turning all the time, but he saw no living being near by. He also saw an axe chopping it, as though a man were building a canoe, but he did not see any one. He saw the canoe being finished with marvellous rapidity, and then moving towards the water. It was sliding over a number of sticks that were lying on the ground, but he did not see any one placing the sticks under the canoe. The young man followed the canoe cautiously. Now it reached the water. He looked down the river, and some distance away he saw houses from which smoke was rising. The canoe went down towards the smoke, and landed. Then he saw four men come out of the houses, launch a canoe, and go up the river. They went past him up the river. When they had reached a place a little above him on the opposite side, they started to cross; and he thought, “It looks as though they were coming to see me.” Soon the canoe landed, and one of the men said to him, “Come aboard. We have known for a long time that you were coming to pay us a visit.” He accepted the invitation, and they returned to the village. The name of the chief of the village was Ha’mts’it, one of the ancestors of the Gitlop. Masmasala’nix had been making a canoe for him, but had remained invisible to the young man. They went down the river Sxstswax. They landed near the village; and when they entered the house, the young man was told to sit down on the right-hand side of the fire. They gave him to eat; and after he had finished eating, the chief arose,

68 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

took his four daughters, and placed them opposite the young man, on the left- hand side of the fire. Then the chief said, “I knew that you were going to visit me, and that you left your home because your father scolded you. Here are my daughters. Point out the one whom you wish to marry.” He selected the second one. Her room was in the rear of the house. The front of the room was painted with the design of a whale. Then the chief sent his daughters back into their rooms. He said, “If you had selected my oldest daughter, I should have given you all my traditions ; but since you selected the second one, I am going to give you part only. Now return to your father, and tell him to come to fetch my daughter.”

The young man returned, and after a day’s journey reached his father’s house. After he had staid there one day, his father and his tribe went to fetch the girl. They carried much property, which they intended to give to Chief Ha’mts’it. When they arrived at the village, they staid outside the house, and the chief told his family tradition, as is the custom among the Bella Coola. Then they were married. |

While they were sitting in the house feasting, they heard whistles in one of the rooms. After a while the sound stopped. Then Ha’mts’it said, “Now you observe that I am a true chief. These whistles belong to me. I give you this box containing my dance ornaments, the whale painting, and the whistles. Don’t be afraid to sound the whistles. Use them during the sisau’k. I am the only one who uses whistles in the sisau’k. You are using whistles in the ka’siut, but not in the sisau’k’.” Then he gave him one side of the river, so that the middle line formed the boundary between his own country and that of the young man. ‘Then he filled with grease a large ladle, which was carved in the shape of a raven, and gave it to the chief. He said, “ Heretofore I used this spoon in my feasts, but now it belongs to you.”

They staid there for four days, but the girl did not come out of her room. On the fifth day Ha’mts’it sent them back. Then they prepared their canoes, and Ha’mts’it brought the girl out of her room. She carried four small stones. Ha’mts’it said, “I want my daughter to have two of these stones on each foot. They shall be her slaves, and they shall assist her when she distributes property.”’ Then they returned to their own village, and the young man built a large house.

TRADITION OF ANOTHER VILLAGE.

The Sun sent down an eagle named Anutapak‘Emalai’x: to Mount Ts’elk't (“eagle”). With him came Isya’yot, one other man, and one woman whose name I have not been able to learn. The eagle took the

‘It seems that these stones were intended to symbolize female slaves, each stone representing a slave.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 69

name Sikulkultso’t, and built a house. Before he came down from heaven, he wrote down the languages of all the different tribes, the cries of the animals, and the songs of the birds, and distributed them. He had a child whose hair was as white as an eagle’s head.

TRADITION OF Nusqa’PTs.

The Sun sent down Téqo’mno., A’usté, Sx0’ya, and their sister K-imit- ga’n. Teéqo’mnor did not want to go to Bella Coola. He preferred to go to Nusqa’pts, which is situated on Skeena River. Therefore the Sun took him down to that place. The Nusma’mt (the Tsimshian) saw the place Nusqa’pts, which is situated on a small lake, and desired to have it for their own use. Then Téqo’mnoL became angry, and fought with the Tsimshian. They killed Téqo’mnov’s brothers. Only Téqo’mnoxt himself and his sister K-imitqa’n were saved. ‘They were very sad, and went up the River Nusqa’pts to return to the Sun. While Téq6o’mnoL was walking up the river, he met a Bear, who said to his sister K-imitqa’n, “I want to marry you.” —“ No,” she said, “1 do not want to marry. If I should lie down with you, I should always

»)

be thinking of my brothers.” They came to the source of the river. They saw a person approaching from a distance, and soon they recognized the Sun. — “Yes,” replied

K-imitga’n. “My brothers have been killed, and therefore I came up the

He asked, ““ Why did you come here ? Are you unhappy ?’

mmemetonsee you. Then the Sun said, “ We will go up to heaven.” He took her up and married her. The next morning the woman had a son, who was called Sqot (“wasp”). It grew night, and it grew day again; and the boy had grown very much, so that he was quite tall. Then the Sun said to his wife, “I want you to return with your son. If the people want to attack you again, tell the boy to use this bow, and let him shoot upward, making a chain of arrows which will reach downward from the sky.”

Then K‘imitga’n and her son returned to the earth. One morning the boy went out to play with the other children of the village in which they were living. Some of the children pushed him, and the boy said, “ Don’t do that, else my father will be angry. He told me so.” Then the children laughed, and said,’ ‘‘ Who is your father?” Sqor replied, “The Sun is my father.” One of his playfellows retorted, “‘ How is it that your father is so beautiful and you are so ugly ?” and they all maltreated him. He cried, and went back to his mother’s house. He said, “I am going to shoot my arrows toward the sky, that my father may know how the people have maltreated “me.” Early the next morning he took his bow and shot an arrow towards the sky. It stuck there. Then he shot another one, which hit the notch of the first arrow. Thus he continued until he had made a chain of arrows.

7° BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

Then he climbed up to the sky, went to his father, and said, “ My play- fellows maltreated me.” After he had reached his father’s house, he gathered up his arrows. The Sun said to his son, ‘To-morrow I shall punish those who maltreated you.” Then he stretched his eyelashes down to K-imitqa’n’s house, and told his boy to descend along them. Early the next morning the Sun looked at the house of the people who had maltreated the boy. ‘Then he wiped his forehead, and the perspiration fell upon the house. It caught fire at once. The floor of the house became red-hot, and the people rushed outside. They jumped into the water, but the water began to boil. Only K-imitqa’n’s house did not burn. She stepped out of the door, looked at the people, and said, “I am glad to see that you are being punished.” The people perished in the water of the lake. Then the Sun wiped his face again, and the fire ceased to burn. Now the people who had escaped knew that the boy was the Sun’s son. They treated him kindly, and since that time they have increased in number.

TRADITION OF Na’US.

Anoxema’axots, Spanpa.tnai’x', O”meatk-as, O”meatmai, and Nana’tskuit were sent down to Na’us. They desired to move to Nuxa’lk:!, and travelled overland until they reached the mountain Nusq!z’Ist, where they found stones for making axes. At that time the bird Qlé’lx”’ana was living on Nusq!k’lst. He was frightened away by the arrival of Anoxema’axdts and his brothers, and went to Mount Smayda’na, which is between the headwaters of King- combe Inlet and Bella Coola River. He made the salmon ascend Bella Coola River up to Mount Smaya’na.

One winter Anoxema’axots’s brothers went out in their canoe to fish by the light of torches. Suddenly an avalanche came down Mount Nusq!2’lst, burying the village and killing Anoxema’axéts. One man who was living in this village had a post to which a copper was fastened. His house was not destroyed by the avalanche, and when the brothers returned they heard him shouting, and dug him out.

I obtained another curious tradition referring to Nana’tskuit. Nana’tskuit lived at Na’us, which is near Kingcombe Inlet. His brothers were Q’6’mo- qoya and Qoatsi’nas, the Raven. His sisters were Niupelxané’ta and Pelxané’xas. They left their home and travelled for a long time, until they reached So’mx6r, on the lake above River’s Inlet. There they found a small river. The Raven thought, “ Why is this river so small, and the lake so large?” The Raven went up the river and discovered the cause. He found that the Beavers had dammed the whole river. He broke the beaver-dams,

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 71

and the river increased very much in size. He saw the Beavers swimming by in the river, and he caught them. Then they went down the river. When they reached its mouth, Nana’tskuit took out a small house, which he put down. It increased in size at once, and became as large as a real house. He placed a post in front of the house, and put an eagle on top of it. They settled at this place.

The Raven, however, wished to travel all over the world. He spread his wings and departed. After some time he saw a copper. He alighted on top of it, and sat there with spread wings. His wings measured one fathom. The chief of this country was named Tai’taim (“copper”). He heard the noise of the Raven alighting. He arose and went out. He said to the Raven, “ Why do you sit here? Come into ue house. If you so desire, you may have this whole country for your own.” The Raven entered the house. The interior of the house shone like fire. He was made to sit down in the rear of the house, and was treated well. They offered him all kinds of food, but he did not eat. Early in the morning, however, he ate copper plates. Tai’taim gave the Raven the sisau’k: ae ina gave him the names La’qoag‘ila and Tai’taim.

Then the Raven returned. When he reached the house of his brother, he gave him two copper plates, asking him to use them as ornaments, and told him to use the Raven mask when dancing the sisau’k:. Following is his song : —

——S Se

A -hai-yo-lai-ya hé- ya-lai-ya_ hai- yo- lai - ya ya - la, Ts’Edéna yidanaxui ahaisOtaiya tsoOnauéaxtég'ina.

Av’aik"ts nx”auts qowisut’aix’ sit’aid’utsutstki sn6d’stxmistsk‘i. Asxmalosut’a’x ta La’liasut’ax.

Then the Raven went up the river again. He saw a place which looked green and blue all over, and he desired very much to obtain possession of this beautiful color. When he came near, he saw that the ground was covered with abelone shells. He alighted. The chief of this country was called Prlxané’mx: (“abelone man”). He saw the Raven sitting on the shells, and invited him to come into his house; and he offered him the shells, saying that he might use them in his dance. Then he gave the Raven his hat. It was covered all over with abelone shells. He told him to wear his hat while dancing the sisau’k-, and gave him his name, Nonukomo’tslaix:. Then he sent him back. When he reached his brother’s house, he gave him a great many abelone shells.

72 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

Then he said to his sister, Pelxané’xas, “ Accompany me to Asé’ix * (Onn South Bentinck Arm). They started, and soon came to Ts’i’o, a lake a little above Asé’ix. He took along the eagle which was on the pole in front of his brother’s house. ‘Here they found the chief, At’e’ntsit, who invited them to accompany him to his own river, calling the Raven his brother. But Atp’ntsit coveted the Raven’s abelone shells. Therefore the latter left him. He saw that the branches of the trees interlocked above the water of the river. He spread them apart. Then he went down the river. Near its mouth he saw smoke rising from a place. He was atraid to go there, thinking that the people might attack him ; therefore he staid some distance from the village. He put up the pole surmounted by the eagle, and he took the name Nia’kunaraix:. Then he gave his sister the name Naayalx*aLaix’ (“making good trail”). He adorned both his houses with the abelone shells. A chief named Avk’unta’m lived at Nokoa’koa’sta, on this river, opposite the place where the Raven had built his house.

One day the Crane alighted on top of the Raven’s house, and was crying. The Raven thought, “ What is crying on my house?” Then the Crane replied, “I am going to give you supernatural powers.” The Crane, invited by the Raven, entered, and said, “ Don’t speak to me, just look at me.” In the evening the Crane went down to the river. He took the Raven’s canoe and caught plenty of fish, so that the canoe was quite full. Then he returned to the house. The Eagle on top of the pole saw the canoe filled with salmon, and shouted for joy, “Tititititititi!” Then the people who lived on the opposite side of the river heard the Eagle, and asked each other, “ Why does that Eagle cry early in the morning ?” They crossed the river in their canoes; and when they found all the fish, they knew that the Raven was a successful fisherman. Every night the Crane went to catch fish. One evening he went down to the beach, and saw an object of very large size moving up towards the river. He thought, “I will harpoon it.” He struck it, and when he hauled in his line, he saw that he had caught K‘i’lx-ta (Plate XI, Fig. 8), the sea~monster whose skin is covered with pitch. All kinds of ani- mals were glued to its skin. Then the Crane returned to the house, and gave the sea-monster to the Raven. It was to be his supernatural helper. Every time the Crane arrived, the Eagle cried, and all the people knew that he had caught an abundance of fish.

Another day the Crane went down to the sea again to catch fish, then he heard a noise as though some one were using a hammer, and he did not know what it was. The noise sounded nearer and nearer. Finally he saw a large canoe with many people, who were singing and beating time. The Crane thought, “1 wish they would come near 1” The canoe reached the point where he was sitting ; then he cast his harpoon, and made fast the line. The people did not know what held them, and they made many efforts

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 73

to free their canoe. But the Crane hauled in his line, and pulled the canoe ashore. Then the Crane said to the chief of the canoe, “I caught your canoe.” The chief replied, “If you have succeeded in doing so, you have obtained me as your supernatural helper. This is the canoe ‘ No’ak:nem.,’ We carry food all over the world. What do you wish to have? Do you wish to have my box? You may have it. It is always full.” But the Crane did not reply. He wished to have the chief’s song. After a while the chief asked, “Do you wish to have my song?” Then the Crane replied in the affirmative, and the chief gave him the names K-a’mspoxtamém and Spu’xpuxtemém.

The Crane returned to his house, and sang the song which he had obtained. The canoe returned to its own country. When the Crane approached the house, the Eagle cried with a different noise, because he knew that the Crane had obtained supernatural power. Then he entered, and said to the Raven, “I have found Supernatural power, and captured a large canoe ; and the chief of the canoe gave me his song and his dance, and he told me the name of the canoe. Take what I have found. The dance is called sqoa’lxoalam. When you perform this dance, use my mask. You shall never cease using this dance, and you shall give it to your children, and to your children’s children.”

Vis

Before I begin to discuss these legends, I will give a number of tradi- tions in detail, some of which illustrate the beliefs set forth in the preceding remarks, while others furnish important points of view for an investigation on the origin of the mythology of the tribe.

THE SALMON.!

In a place named K’’i’pots, near Senxl, on Bella Coola River, there used to be a salmon-weir. A chief lived at this place whose name was Siano’k!pt (“satiated”) and Si’Lmak: (“salmon-weir”). His wife’s name was Atsqutd’L. One day she was cutting salmon on the bank of the river. When she opened the last salmon, she found a small boy in it. She took him out and washed him in the river. She placed him near by, entered the house, and said to the people, “Come and see what I have found in my salmon!” She had a child in her house, which was still in the cradle. The little boy whom she had found was half as long as her fore-arm. She

1 Fillip Jacobsen records a version of this tradition in Ymer, 1894, pp. 193ff. He calls the young man who visits heaven Kloma, which corresponds to LO’ma in my spelling.

10—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. ocT., 1898.

74 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

carried him into the house, and the people advised her to take good care of him. She nursed him with her own baby. When the people were talking in the house, the baby looked around as though he understood what they were saying. On the following day the people were surprised to see how much he had grown, and in a few days he was as tall as an ordinary child. Her own baby also grew up with marvellous rapidity. She gave each of them one breast. After a few days they were able to walk and to talk.

The boys went to play on the bank of the river, and the Salmon boy said, ‘“ Let us make a little hut and play there. We will make two-pointed arrows and shoot birds.” When the hut was completed, he sent the other boy back. He asked his friend to return at noon, and instructed him to shout when approaching the hut. He said, “ You must always shout before you enter this hut. If you should ever forget to do so, I shall die. Then you must carry me to the water and place me on sticks. Then watch from a distance and see what will happen.” Then he hid in the hut while his companion departed. At noon the latter returned in his canoe. When some distance from the hut he shouted. Soon he reached there, and found the hut full of birds, which the Salmon boy threw into the canoe, almost filling it. The boy returned to his father’s house, and the people helped him unload the canoe. They built a large fire in the house, heated stones, and boiled water, in which they cooked the birds. On the following day the Salmon boy went again to his hut to shoot birds, but he did not catch any thing. The day after, he again asked his friend to come in his canoe to meet him. The hut was full of birds, and he filled the whole canoe. Thus he continued filling the boy’s canoe with birds on alternate days. The people of the town were well provided with meat.

One day when the boy approached the hut in his canoe, he did not shout. He landed without making any noise, and went ashore. Suddenly he opened the door of the hut and said, “ Let us go home.” When he looked about, he saw a salmon lying on the floor almost dead, and quiver- ing, and it was vomiting pieces of quartz. Then the boy was afraid. He returned to his mother, and said to her, “I forgot my brother’s command, and opened the door too quickly, and found him dead.” The people went to the hut, carried the salmon to the water, and placed it on sticks. The boy watched from a distance. He saw a canoe coming up the river, which was manned by many people. He thought, “It looks as though they were coming to see my brother.” When the boat reached the place where the dead Salmon lay, one of the occupants of the canoe said, “ We come to fetch you.” —“* Hm!” said the Salmon. He arose and went aboard. Then his brother shouted, “ Wait for me! I will join you.” The Salmon boy said to the steersman, “‘ Keep near the bank of the river.” The boy ran down to the bank and jumped aboard; then the canoe turned, going down the river. The

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 75

other people in the canoe were unable to see him. They proceeded down the river, and finally arrived in the country of the Salmon. When they landed, they discovered the boy. One of them said, “Is not the Spring Salmon his mother?” The Salmon boy replied, “ He is my brother.”

The next day they proceeded on their journey, and the Salmon boy said to his brother, “Do not be afraid when we reach the Shore of the next country, which is not far from here. There is a strong smell. Take a long breath before we reach it, and cover your nose with your hands.” Then they reached the country of the Smelt. There was an overpowering stench off the coast ; but he obeyed his brother’s commands, took a long breath, covered his nose with his hands, and thus passed unharmed. Now the Salmon boy said, “Do not be afraid when we are passing the next place. Something will fall upon us like snow. Then shake yourself, that you may not be harmed.” Soon they reached the place of the Herrings, and scales were falling in great numbers ; but the boy shook himself, and the scales did not harm him. Now the Salmon boy said to his brother, “The next place that we shall reach is a very good one.” When they reached the place, they found every thing covered with grease. It was the village of the Olachen. Then the Salmon boy said, “We are not very far from another village. It stands on a nice opening, and is a beautiful place to look at. You will see many children playing behind the houses.” Soon they reached this place. Here they landed, and the Salmon boy ordered the other people to go on, while he himself staid there with his brother. It was the country of the Salmon. It was a large country. In the first house lived the Spring Salmon, in the second house the Sockeye Salmon, in the following the Hump-back Salmon. The Calico Salmon, the Dog Salmon, the Cohoes Salmon,—all lived there. Many canoes were on the bank of the river. Now they found the children who were playing behind the houses. One of the children said, “I smell something strange that does not belong to our country. It smells just like the country where we go every spring.” They did not see the boy.

The two young men were passing by the houses, and looked into the doorways. There was a house in the centre of this town; there they saw a beautiful girl sitting in the middle of the house. Her hair was red, and reached down to the floor. She was very white. Her eyes were large, and as clear as rock crystal. The boy fell in love with the girl. They went on, but his thoughts were with her. The Salmon boy said, “I am going to enter this house. You must watch closely what I do, and imitate me. The Door of this house tries to bite every one who enters.” The Door opened, and the Salmon jumped into the house. Then the Door snapped, but missed him. When it opened again, the boy jumped into the house. They found a number of people inside, who invited them to sit down. They spread

76 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

food before them, but the boy did not like their food. It had a very strong smell, and looked rather curious. It consisted of alge that grow on logs that lie in the river. When the boy did not touch it, one of the men said to him, “ Maybe you want to eat those two children. Take them down to the river and throw them into the water, but do not look.” The two chil- dren arose, and he took them down to the river. Then he threw them into the water without looking at them. At the place where he had thrown them down, he found a male and a female Salmon. He took them up to the house and roasted them. The people told him to preserve the intestines and the bones carefully. After he had eaten, one of the men told him to carry the intestines and the bones to the same place where he had thrown the children into the water. He carried them in his hands, and threw them into the river without looking. When he entered the house, he heard the children following him. The girl was covering one of her eyes with her hand. The boy was limping, because he had lost one of his bones. Then the people looked at the place where the boy had been sitting, and they found the eye, and a bone from the head of the male salmon. They ordered the boy to throw these into the water. He took the children and the eye and the bone, and threw them into the river. Then the children were hale and well.

After a while the youth said to his Salmon brother, “I wish to go to the other house where I saw the beautiful girl.” They went there, and he said to his Salmon brother, “ Let us enter. I should like to see her face well.” They went in. Then the man arose, and spread a caribou blanket for them to sit on, and the people gave them food. Then he whispered to his brother, “Tell the girl I want to marry her.” The Salmon boy told the girl, who smiled, and said, “He must not marry me. Whoever marries me must die. I like him, and I do not wish to kill him; but if he wishes to die, let him marry me. He may lie down by my side, but he must not cohabit with me. Tum ad litus iit, ubi lapides duos sustulit longos et rotundos. Cum advesperasset, lapidibus sub bracchio celatis cubiculum ingressus cum uxore decubuit. Salmonaceus puer autem cum eum ingre- dientem vidisset, eum prorsus perisse existimabat. Deinde adulescens ille cum uxore coire conabatur, sed eum his verbis repellebat: ‘Num mori cupis? Fac finem orandi, nam tui me miseret.? Tum ille respondit : ‘Num me mortalem tantum, unum e multis, esse putas? Immo illae orcae similis ego sum. Numquam igitur moriar.’ Sic postquam adulescens impetravit ut mulier, precibus superata, eum secum coire pateretur, statim unum e lapidibus mulieris in vaginam inseruit. Vagina autem dentibus armata est qui lapidem momorderunt et molebant donec prope detritus est. Cum adulescens haec animadvertisset, lapide hoc exempto alterum in locum eius in vaginam condidit. Dentes iam prope consumpti erant quam ob rem

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 77

lapidem hue illuc torquere incipiebat nec desiit dum prorsus eos sustulisset. Quod cum fecisset, hoc lapide item remoto penem iam inseruit. Hunc mulier arripuit sed nihil ei nocuit, dentes enim iam nulli fuerunt. Mox adulescentis amore flagrans mulier eum e lecto surgere non patiebatur. Item postridie mane cum ceteri mortales e lectis surrexissent, mulier ipsa e cubi- culo exiit sed virum lecto haerere cogebat. Tum salmonaceus puer perter- ritus eam interrogavit: ‘Occidistine fratrem meum? Coiitne tecum 2’ Respondit mulier: ‘Sane mecum coiit nec mortuus est. Puer autem ei credere nolebat, sed cum cubiculum ingressus esset fratrem vivum et inco- lumem vidit.”

The woman was the Salmon-berry Bird. After one day she gave birth to a boy, and on the following day she gave birth to a girl. She was the daughter of the Spring Salmon.

After a while the girl’s father said, “ Let us launch our canoe, and let us carry the young man back to his own people.” He sent a messenger to call all the people of the village; and they all made themselves ready, and early the next morning they started in their canoes. The young man went in the canoe of the Spring Salmon, which was the fastest. The canoe of the Sock-eye Salmon came next. The people in the canoe of the Calico Salmon were laughing all the time. They went up the river; and a short distance below the village of the young man’s father they landed, and made fast their canoes. Then they sent two messengers up the river to see if the people had finished their salmon-weir. Soon they returned with information that the weir had been finished. Then they sent the young man and his wife, and they gave them.a great many presents for the young man’s father.

The watchman who was stationed at the salmon-weir saw two beautiful salmon entering the trap. They were actually the canoes of the salmon; but they looked to him like two salmon. Then the watchman put the traps down over the weir, and he saw a great many fish entering them. He raised the trap when it was full, and took the fish out. The young man thought, “I wish he would treat me and my wife carefully ;” and his wish came true. The man broke the heads of the other salmon, but he saved the young man and his wife. Then he carried the fish up to the house, and hung them over a pole. During the night the young man and his wife resumed their human shape. The youth entered his father’s house. His head was covered with eagle-down. He said to his father, “I am the fish whom you caught yesterday. Do you remember the time when you lost me ? I have lived in the country of the Salmon. The Salmon accompanied me here. They are staying a little farther down the river. It pleases the Salmon to see the people eating fish.” And, turning to his mother, he continued, “You must be careful when cutting Salmon. Never break any of their bones, but preserve them, and throw them into the water.” The two

78 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

children of the young man had also entered into the salmon-trap. He put some leaves on the ground, placed red and white cedar-bark over them, and covered them with eagle-down, and he told his mother to place the Salmon upon these.’ As soon as he had given these instructions, the Salmon began to come up the river. They crossed the weir and entered the traps. They went up the river as far as Sti’ix:, and the people dried the Salmon according to his instructions. They threw the bones into the water, and the Salmon returned to life, and went back to their own country, leaving their meat behind. The Cohoes Salmon had the slowest canoe, and therefore he was thé last to reach the villages. He gave many presents to the Indians. He gave them many-colored leaves, and thus caused the leaves of the trees to change color in the autumn.

Now all the Salmon had returned. The Salmon-berry Bird and her children had returned with them. Then the young man made up his mind to build a small hut, from which he intended to catch eagles. He used a long pole, to which a noose was attached. The eagles were baited by means of Salmon. He spread a mat in his little house, and when he had caught an eagle he pulled out its down. He accumulated a vast amount of down. Then he went back to his house and asked his younger brother to accom- pany him. When they came to the hut which he had used for catching eagles, he gave the boy a small staff. Then he said to him, “ Do not be sorry when I leave you. I am going to visit the Sun. I am not going to stay away a long time. I staid long in the country of the Salmon, but I shall not stay long in heaven. I am going to lhe down on this mat. Cover me with this down, and then begin to beat time with your staff. You will see a large feather flying upward, then stop.” The boy obeyed, and every thing happened as he had said. The boy saw the feather flying in wide circles. When it reached a great height, it began to soar in large circles, and finally disappeared in the sky. Then the boy cried, and went back to his mother.

The young man who had ascended to heaven found there a large house. It was the House of Myths. There he resumed his human shape, and peeped in at the door. Inside he saw a number of people who were turning their faces toward the wall. They were sitting on a low platform in the rear of the house. In the right-hand corner of the house he saw a large fire, and women sitting around it. He leaned forward and looked into the

‘This custom prevails up to this day. When the first salmon are caught, a stick wound with red cedar-bark is stuck into the ground at the bank of a river. (A specimen of this stick is in the Museum, Cat. No. 7285.) A line is attached to it, and the salmon, after they have been caught, are strung on this line, which lies in the water. Then the Indians spread leaves of skunk cabbage on the ground, which are covered with a large coarse mat made of cedar-bark. On this mat red and white cedar-bark is placed as a pillow for the salmon. The people say ‘‘ haqulé'i”’ (meaning unknown, said to be an archaic expression). Then they take small strips of cedar-bark and offer them to the salmon, saying, ** Ep’ax oLt’ai x" qamxamélau’”’ (‘‘Take this, salmon ;”” qamxamélau is an archaic name for the salmon). Next they strew eagle-down over the salmon, which is placed with its head on the cedar-bark. All the salmon that have been caught are laid side by side on the cedar-bark. Then they are carried up to the house and roasted.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 79

house. An old woman discovered him, and beckoned him to come to her. He stepped up to her, and she warned him by signs not to go to the rear Smetneehouse. She said, “Be careful! The men in the rear of the house intend to harm you.” She opened a small box, and gave him the bladder of a mountain-goat, which contained the cold wind. She told him to open the bladder if they should attempt to harm him. She said that if he opened it, no fire could burn him. She told him that the men were going to place him near the fire, in order to burn him; that one of them would wipe his face, then fire would come forth from the floor, scorching every thing. The old woman told him every thing that the people were going to do. Her name was Snark’ulx:a’ls, or Atq’oalai’xelx:. Now the man in the rear of the house turned round. He was the Sun himself. He was going to try the strength of the visitor. When he saw the young man, he said to Snaik’ulx:a’ls, “Did anybody come to visit you? Let the young man come up to me. I wish him to sit down near me.” The young man stepped up to the Sun, and as soon as he had sat down, the Sun wiped his face and looked at the young man (he had turned his face while he was wiping it). Then the young man felt very hot. He tied his blanket tightly round his body, and opened the bladder which the woman had given him. Then the cold wind that blows down the mountains in the winter was liber- ated, and he felt cool and comfortable. The Sun had not been able to do him any harm. The old man did not say any thing, but looked at his visitor.

After a while he said, “I wish to show you a little underground house that stands behind this house.” They both rose and went outside. The small house had no door. Access was had to it by an opening in the centre of the roof, through which a ladder led down to the floor. Not a breath of air entered this house. It was made of stone. When they had entered, the Sun made a small fire in the middle of the house; then he climbed up the ladder and closed the door, leaving his visitor inside. The Sun pulled up the ladder, in order to make escape impossible. Then the house began to grow very hot. When the boy felt that he could not stand the heat any longer, he opened the bladder, and the cold wind came out; snow began to fall on the fire, which was extinguished; icicles began to form on the roof, and it was cool and comfortable inside. After a while the Sun said to his four daughters, “Go to the little underground house that stands behind our house, and sweep it,” meaning that they were to remove the remains of the young man whom he believed to be burned. They obeyed at once, each being eager to be the first to enter. When they opened the house, they were much surprised to find icicles hanging down from the roof.

They climbed down the ladder, and the youth, looking up, saw their genitalia. When they were coming down, he arose and scratched them.

80 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

The youngest girl was the last to step down. ‘The girls cried when the youth touched them, and ran away. The Sun heard their screams, and asked the reason. He was much surprised and annoyed to hear that the young man was still alive. Then he devised another way of killing his visitor. He told his daughters to call him into his house. They went, and the young man re-entered the House of Myths. In the evening he lay down to sleep. Then the Sun said to his daughters, “ Early to-morrow morning climb the mountain behind our house. I shall tell the boy to follow you.” The girls started while the visitor was still asleep. The girls climbed up to a small meadow which was near a precipice. They had taken the form of mountain-goats. When the Sun saw his daughters on the meadow, he called to his visitor, saying, “ See those mountain-goats!” The young man arose when he saw the mountain-goats. He wished to kill them. The Sun advised him to walk up the right-hand side of the moun- tain, saying that the left-hand side was dangerous. The young man carried his bow and arrow. The Sun said, “Do not use your own arrows! Mine are much better.” Then they exchanged arrows, the Sun giving him four arrows of his own. The points of these arrows were made of coal. Now the young man began to climb the mountain. When he came up to the goats, he took one of the arrows, aimed it, and shot. It struck the animal, but fell down without killing it. The same happened with the other arrows. When he had spent all his arrows, they rushed up to him from the four sides, intending to kill him. His only way of escape was in the direction of the precipice. They rushed up to him, and pushed him down the steep mountain. He fell headlong, but when he was halfway down he transformed himself into a ball of bird’s down. He alighted gently on a place covered with many stones. There he resumed the shape of a man, arose, and ran into the house of the Sun to get his own arrows. He took them, climbed the mountain again, and found the mountain-goats on the same meadow. He shot them and killed them, and threw them down the precipice; then he returned. He found the goats at the foot Ofjtme precipice, and cut off their feet. He took them home. He found the Sun sitting in front of the house. He oftered him the feet, saying, ‘“‘ Count them, and see how many I have killed.” The Sun counted them, and now he knew that all his children were dead. Then he cried, “ You killedimay children!” Then the youth took the bodies of the goats, fitted the feet on, and threw the bodies into a little river that was running past the place where they had fallen down. Thus they were restored to life. He had learned this art in the country of the Salmon. Then he said to the girls, “ Now run to see your father! He is wailing for you.” They gave him a new name, saying, ‘“ SL’e’mstalalost’aix: has restored us to life.” The boy followed them. Then the Sun said, when he entered, “You shall marry my two eldest daughters.”

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. SI

On the next morning the people arose. Then the Sun said to them, SV hat shall I do to my son-in-law?” He called him, and said, “Let us raise the trap of my salmon-weir.” They went up to the river in the Sun’s canoe. The water of the river was boiling. The youth was in the bow of the canoe, while the Sun was steering. He caused the canoe to rock, intending to throw the young man into the water. The water formed a small cascade, running down over the weir. He told the young man to walk over the top of the weir in order to reach the tap. = Tle tdid«so, walking over the top beam of the weir. When he reached the baskets, the beam fell over, and he himself fell into the water. The Sun saw him rise twice in the whirlpool just below the weir. When he did not see him rise again, he turned his canoe, and thought, “ Now the boy has certainly gone to Nuskya’xék.” The Sun returned to his house, and said to his daughters, “I lost my son-in-law in the river. 1 was not able to find him.” Then his daughters were very sad.

When the boy disappeared in the water, he was carried to Nuskya’xék: ; and he resumed the shape of a salmon while in the water, and as soon as he landed he resumed human shape and returned to his wife. The Sun saw him coming, and was much surprised. In the evening they went to sleep. On the following morning the Sun thought, “How can I kill my son-in- law?” After a while he said to him, “Arise! We will go and split wood for fuel.” He took his tools. They launched their canoe, and went down the river to the sea. When they reached there, it was perfectly calm. There were many snags embedded in the mud in the mouth of the river, some of which were only half submerged. They selected one of these snags a long distance from the shore, and began to split it. Then the Sun intentionally dropped his hammer into the water, and thought at the same time, “Do not fall straight down, but fall sideways, so that he will have much difficulty in finding you.” Then he sat down in his canoe, and said, “Oh! I lost my old hammer. I had it at the time when the Sun was created.” He looked down into the water, and did not say a word. After a while he said to the young man, “Do you know how to dive? Can you get my hammer? The water is not very deep here.” The young man did not reply. Then the Sun continued, “J will not go back without my hammer.” Then the boy said, “I know how to dive. If you so wish, I will try to get it.” The Sun promised to give him supernatural power if he was able to bring the hammer back. The youth jumped into the water, and then the Sun ordered the sea to rise, and he called the cold wind to make the water freeze. It grew so cold that a sheet of ice a fathom thick was formed at once on top of the sea. “ Now,” he thought, “I certainly have killed you!” He left his canoe frozen up in the ice, and went home. He said to his daughters, “T have lost my son-in-law. He drifted away when the cold winds began to

11—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. I. OCT., 1898.

82 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

blow down the mountains. I have also lost my little hammer.” But when he mentioned his hammer, his daughters knew at once what had happened. The young man found the hammer, and after he had obtained it he was going to return to the canoe, but he struck his head against the ice, and was unable to get out. He tried everywhere to find a crack. Finally he found a very narrow one. He transformed himself into a fish, and came out of the crack. He jumped about on the ice in the form of a fish, and finally resumed his own shape. He went back to the Sun’s house, carrying the hammer. The Sun was sitting in front of the fire, his knees drawn up, and his legs apart. His eyes were closed, and he was warming himself. The young man took his hammer and threw it right against his stomach, saying, ‘““Now take better care of your treasures.” The young man scolded the Sun, saying, “ Now stop trying to kill me. If you try again, I shall kill you. Do you think I am an ordinary man? You cannot conquer me.” The Sun did not reply. In the evening he said to his son-in-law, “I hear a bird singing, which I should like very much to have.” The young man asked, “ What bird is it?” The Sun replied, “Ido not know it. Watch it early to-morrow morning.” The young man resolved to catch the bird. Very early in the morning he arose, then he heard the bird singing outside :—

_ |

(tremolo)

TT?

He knew at once that it was the sku’laten (“ptarmigan”?). He left the house, and thought, “I wish you would come down!” ‘Then the bird came down, and when it was quite near by he shot it. He hit one of its wings, intending to catch it alive. He waited for the Sun to arise. The bird understood what the young man said, whe thus spoke: “The chief here wishes to see you. Do not be afraid, 1 am not going to kill you. The chief has often tried to kill me, but he has been unable to do so. You do not need to be afraid.” The young man continued, “ When it is dark I shall tell the Sun to ask you to sit near him, and when he is. asleep I want you to peck out his eyes.” When the Sun arose, the youth went into the house carrying the bird, saying, “1 have caught the bird; now I hope you will treat it kindly. It will awaken us when it is time to arise. When you lie down, let it sit down near you, then it will call you in the morning.” In the evening the Sun asked the bird to sit down next to his face. When he was asleep, the bird pecked out his eyes without his knowing it. Early in the morning he heard the bird singing. He was going to open his eyes, but he was not able to do so. Then he called his son, saying, ‘“‘ The bird has blinded me.” The young man jumped up and went to his father-in-law, and

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 83

said, “ Why did you wish for the bird ? Do you think it is good? It is a bad bird. It has pecked out your eyes.” He took the bird and carried it outside, and thanked it for having done as it was bidden. Then the bird flew away. When it was time for the Sun to start on his daily course, he said, “I am afraid I might fall, because I cannot see my. way.” For four days he staid in his house. He did not eat, he was very sad. Then his son-in-law made up his mind to cure him. He did not do so before, because he wanted to punish him for his badness. He took some water, and said to his father-in-law, “I will try to restore your eyesight.” He threw the water upon his eyes, and at once his eyes were healed and well. He said, “ Now you can see what power I have. The water with which I have washed my face has the power to heal diseases. While I was in the country of the Salmon, I bathed in the water in which the old Salmon bathed, in order to regain youth, therefore the water in which I wash makes every thing young and well” From this time on, the Sun did not try to do any harm to the young man.

Finally he wished to return to his father’s village. He left the house, and jumped down through the hole in heaven. His wife saw him being transformed into a ball of eagle-down, which floated down gently. Then her father told her to climb as quickly’ as she could down his eyelashes. She did so, and reached the ground at the same time as her husband. He met his younger brother, who did not recognize him. He had been in heaven for one year.

THE SNENE’iQ.

Once upon a time there was a youth whose name was Anutxo’dts, who was playing with a number of girls behind the village. While they were playing, a noise like the cracking of twigs was heard in the woods. The _noise came nearer and nearer. The youth hid behind a tree, and saw that a Snéné’iq was approaching. She was chewing gum, which caused the noise. He advised the children to run away, but they did not obey. When they saw the gum, they stepped up to the Snéné’iq and asked her to give them some. The Snéné’iq gave a piece of gum to all the children, and when she saw Anutxo’6ts, who was advising the children to return home, she took him and threw him into the basket which she was carrying on her back. Then she took all the other children and threw them on top of him into her basket. After she had done so, she turned homeward. Then Anutxo’dts whispered to the girls to take off their cedar-bark blankets, and to escape through a hole that he was going to cut in the basket. He took his knife, cut a hole in the bottom of the basket, and fell down. The girls also fell down one by one until only one of them was left.

84 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

All the children returned home and told their parents what had hap- pened. The mother of the girl who had not been able to escape began to cry, mourning for her daughter. She cried for four days and four nights. Then her nose began to swell, because she had been rubbing it all the time. She had thrown the mucus of her nose on the ground. Now when she looked down, she saw that something was moving at the place where it had fallen. She watched it from the corners of her eyes, and soon she discovered that her mucus was assuming the shape of a little child. The next time she looked, the child had grown to the size of a new-born baby. Then the woman took it up, and the child began to cry. She carried it into the house, and washed the baby for four days. Then the child, who was very pretty and had red hair, began to speak, and said, ‘“ My father, the Sun, sent me to ask you to stop crying. I shall go out into the woods, but pray don’t cry, for I am sent to recover your daughter. I know where she is. Make a small salmon-spear for me, which I shall need.” Thus spoke the boy. |

Then the woman asked an old man to make a salmon-spear, which she gave to her son. His mother gave him ear-rings made of abelone shells, and the boy played about with his spear, and always wore his ear orna- ments. One day when his mother was crying again, the boy said, “ Mother, I ask you once more, don’t cry, for my father the Sun sent me down to bring back your daughter. He will show me where she is. I shall start to-day to recover my sister from the Snéné’iq, who stole her. Don’t worry about me.” Then the boy went up the river Qoa’Lna. After he had gone some distance, he came to a tree which overhung the river. He climbed it, and looked down in order to see if there were any fish in the water. Soon he heard a noise some distance up the stream, and gradually it sounded nearer. Then he saw the Snéné/iq coming down the river. When she reached the tree, she stopped and looked down into the clear water. She saw the image of the boy, who was sitting on the tree, and thought it was her own reflection. She said, ‘‘ How pretty I am!” and she brushed her hair back out of her face. When she did so, the boy imitated her movements in order to make her believe that she was looking at her own reflection. When she laughed, he laughed also, in order to deceive her. But at last the Snéné’iq looked upward, and saw the boy sitting in the tree. Then she addressed him with kindly words, and asked him to come down. She said, “What did your mother do in order to make you so pretty?” The boy replied, ““ You cannot endure the treatment I had to undergo in order to become as pretty as I am.” The Snéné’iq begged, ‘Oh, come down and tell me. I am willing to stand even the greatest pain in order to become as pretty as you are. What are you doing up there?” Then the boy said, “I was watching for salmon, which I desire to harpoon with my

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 85

salmon-spear.” The Snéné’iq repeated, “Oh, come down, and do with me whatever you please in order to make me as pretty as you are.” The boy replied, “I don’t believe you can endure the wounds that I have to inflict upon you.” She replied, “You may cut me as much as you please. I want to become as pretty as you are.” Then the boy climbed down the tree, _and the Snéné’iq asked, “What must we do first ?” He said, “We must go up this river AnuLxu’mxmé to find two stone knives with which my mother used to cut off my head.” They walked up the river, and found the stone knives. Then the boy said to the Snéné’iq, “Now lie down on this stone. Put your neck on this knife.” The Snéné’iq did as she was bidden. Then the boy took the other knife, told the Snéné’iq to shut her eyes, and cut off her head. The head jumped back to the body, and was about to unite with it, when the boy passed his hands over the wound, and thus prevented the severed head from joining the body again. Thus he had killed her.

Then he went to the Snéné’iq’s house. He found his sister whom the Snéné’iq had killed and smoked over her fire. He took the body down, and patted it all over with his hands. Thus he resuscitated the girl. On looking around in the house, he found the dried bodies of other children, whom he also brought back to life. Then he took the girl and the other children home.

Now the boy was grown up. His mother was very glad. She wanted him to marry. She selected a girl to be his wife. They built a house. He ordered his wife to sleep in the bedroom on the right in the rear corner of the house, while he himself slept in the left-hand rear corner. After four days his wife had a son, who grew up very fast. One day the young man said to his mother, “ Do you know my name? Do you know whose son Tam” THis mother replied that she did not know. Then he said, “ My name is ‘Son of the Sun.’ It is now time for me to return to my father. Don’t allow any one to harm my son, for I shall guard him; and don’t feel sorry about me when I disappear. Now go and gather some eagle-down.” His mother went from house to house, begging the people to give her some eagle-down. The people brought it to her house. Once more he charged his mother to guard his son well, and he threatened to take revenge upon any person who should harm him. He continued, “ Don’t mourn about me, for to-morrow I shall go home to my father, who sent me to recover your daughter. He heard you crying, and wanted me to come to your assist- ance.” His mother replied, “I shall try not to mourn for you, but you know that I have loved you ever since you were born. I love you now on account of your works.” Then the son of the Sun continued, “ My son shall take my name.”

On the following morning he carried the eagle-down out of the house. He placed it on the ground, and all the people assembled to see what

86 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

would happen. He told his boy to beat time on a board, and at once the eagle-down began to ascend to the sky like smoke. He jumped into the down and was wafted upward. The people noticed a strong wind blowing upward, and the young man had disappeared.

THE SNENE’iQ.'

Once upon a time the people of Q’6o’mqitis found that the bodies from their burial-ground were being carried away. They accused one another of robbing the graves. In one of their disputes a man by the name of Kxua’naL arose and said, “I.do not think that any human being is robbing our grave- yards. Our ancestors told us that the Snéné’iq (Plate VII, Fig. 7) carries away the bodies. I will pretend to be dead, and you shall bury me. Then I shall discover who is carrying away the bodies.” His sister begged him not to do so, but he persisted. Then the tribe agreed to it. They placed him in a box, and carried him to the graveyard. Then his sister and all the women began to wail, as is customary, “ Ananai’ qamatsai’!” (“ Ananai’, my dear! ”) In the evening one of Kxua’nau’s friends hid near the grave. After a while he saw a large black being approaching the grave. It was the Snéné’iq, who broke the box, took out the man, threw him into the basket that he carried on his shoulders, and started to go up the river. Then Kxua’nav’s friend shouted, “ Hold on to the branches of the trees! We will try to rescue you.” Then he ran back to the village and aroused the people. They took up their torches, and started in search of the tracks of the Snéné’iq.

Kxua’naL watched his opportunity, and when he saw the branch of a tree overhanging the trail, he held on to it; but the Snéné’iq pulled with all his strength, thus compelling Kxua’nat to let go his hold. Then the Snéné’ig fell down forward, his basket tumbled over his head, and the man dropped to the ground. Then the Snéné’iq broke wind\and the man began to smile. The Snéné’iq observed that he was moving, and said, “Is this a dead salmon?” (qamxamilau’ nuquawaxa’; he called the man a salmon.) The Snéné’iq put his hand on the man’s chest, in order to feel if the latter were breathing. Then Kxua’nat kept perfectly quiet, and as soon as the Snéné’igq felt re-assured that the man was dead, he threw him into his basket and went off again.

When the day dawned, the Snéné’iq arrived at his house. There he placed the man on the floor. Kxua’nat blinked with his eyes, and saw the old Snéné’iq, his wife, and his two young ones, sitting round the fire. On the left-hand side of the door there was a harpoon. He resolved to try to take this harpoon if he should succeed in making his escape. Then the

; 'I published another version of this legend in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, pp. 290, 201.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 87

young Snéné’iqs stepped up to the man, took hold of his testicles, and said, “These will be our ear ornaments.” But the old Snéné’iq remarked, “Don’t say that. I am not sure if this is the right kind of salmon. I never caught anything like it. It was so heavy that I was hardly able to reach our house.” He sharpened his knife, spread a mat on the floor close to the man, and _ placed the latter on it. Then he blew on the man’s chest, as the Indians do when they begin to cut a bear. As soon as he began to cut, the blood flowed. Kxua’naL jumped up, clapped his hands together, and the four Snéné’iqgs were so much frightened that they all fainted. Kxua’naL took the harpoon and ran out of the house down the mountain. When he had almost reached Bilqula River, he heard the Snéné’iqg, who was pursuing him. The monster was about to overtake him. Then the man jumped into the river, for the Snéné’iq is unable to swim. — Finally Kxua’naL went ashore again, and reached his own village.

He invited the people to his house, told them of his adventure, and proposed to them to kill the Snéné’iq. He told the people to gather together all the cast-off cedar-bark towels and cedar-bark blankets that lay under their houses, and to take a large bucket full of urine. They did so, took their bows and arrows, and went up the river until they came to Nurié’ix. The Snéné’iq’s house was on top of a mountain near by. They climbed the mountain, and when they approached the house they saw the Snéné’iq sitting in front of his house. When he looked at them, lightning came out of his eyes and made the people faint. Nevertheless they continued to climb the mountain. They attacked the Snéné’iq with their bows and arrows, and he retired into his house, shutting the door behind him. Then they tied the cedar-bark blankets and towels, which they had brought along, to the ends of long poles, ignited them, and pushed the burning cedar-bark into the Snéné’iq’s house. They poured the urine into the house. The poisonous smoke of the old cedar-bark and of the urine made the Snéné’iq, his wife, and his children sick. They began to cough and to sneeze, but very soon every thing was quiet. Then Kxua’nav and his friends opened the door and took off the roof boards, and they found that all the Snéné’iqgs were dead. The people went into the house, and took all the wealth that was there -accumulated. Then they returned home.

THE SNENE’iQ.’

In early times the people in Nurwé’ix lived in underground lodges, the entrance to which was through a hole in the middle of the roof. One night a woman was awakened by a noise on the roof of the house. On looking

‘I published another version of this legend in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. 288.

88 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

up, she saw something looking down the entrance. Then she aroused her husband. He thought that an enemy was about to attack them. He did not arise, but took his bow and arrow, which lay near by, and shot. He hit the throat of the supposed enemy, and heard him rolling down the roof of the house. As soon as it grew daylight he went out, but he did not find any thing.

On the next day one of the people of the village went up the river. He heard loud wailing some distance up the river. The cries were so loud that they frightened him, and he returned. He reported to his friends what he had heard, and a great many men went up the river, but they were all frightened by the noise. Finally a young man by the name of Kodanatoxai’x’ offered to go and see what was causing the noise. He went up the river in his canoe, accompanied by one friend, and they saw a large Snéné’iq sitting on a flat rock. As soon as the young man saw her, he began to imitate her wails. Then the Snéné’iq said, “Come here! I am glad that you join in my wails, for I lost my son. I will return your kindness. My son, whom I lost, had a house on this mountain. You may go and take every thing that you see there.” Then the Snéné’iq arose, took a copper on which she was sitting, and presented it to the young man; and she told him that in her son’s house he would find a variety of masks, which he should use in the ka’siut. She said, “I am going to leave this country now, and shall go to Na’us.” The young man returned, and showed the copper to his father. He invited the people to accompany him to the Snéné‘iq’s house. They started, and arrived at the place where the Snéné’iq had been sitting. There they searched for the trail up the mountain. After looking for some time, they found the body of the young Snéné’iq, the arrow still sticking in his throat. He had died while trying to return to his house. Thus they discovered the trail. They covered the body with bushes, and climbed up the mountain. When Koanatorai’x: entered the house, he found great quantities of meat, tallow, great numbers of skins, and many masks. He carried these home, and distributed the meat and the skins. In winter, when dancing the ki’siut, he used the masks which he had found.

THE SNENE‘iQ,!

Once upon a time there was a girl who asked her mother for some mountain-goat tallow. Her mother did not give her any, and she began to cry. Finally the girl said, “If you do not give me any tallow, I shall cry all night.” Then the mother took up a pair of tongs and struck the girl, saying, “If you do not stop crying, I shall turn you out of the house, and

']T published another version of this legend in Verhandlu der Berli 3 i i Re ears pape cer a ae ngen der Berliner Gesellschaft ftir Anthropologie,

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 89

the Snéné’iq will come and take you away.” Then the girl cried, “I wish the Snéné’iq would come and take me.” All of a sudden they heard some one trying to open the door, and saying, “Come here, I will give you some tallow.” The girl said, “Now I shall get what I desire;” but her mother warned her, saying, “Don’t go. I think that is the Snéné’iq. I will give you some tallow now.” But the girl refused to obey. She ran to the house door and opened it. The Snéné’iq took her, threw her into her basket, and carried her to her house. She spoke very kindly to her, and offered to fetch her little sister as a playmate; but the girl asked her for the tallow which she had promised. While the Snéné’iq was gone to get the tallow, the girl felt somebody touching her rabbit-skin blanket. She looked around, and saw an old woman sitting just behind her on the floor of the house. The old woman said, “Don’t eat the tallow that she has gone to fetch. It is not mountain-goat tallow, but it is the fat of dead people. Also don’t touch any of the berries that she may bring you, for they are insects, and if you eat them a root will grow from your back, and you will not be able to move. I ate from her food, and a root grew from my back into the ground, so that I cannot move. If she offers to bring your little sister, ask her to do so, and then I will show you how you may kill her. There is only one box in which she keeps food that you may eat. It stands in that corner. Ask her to give you food from that box.”

After a while the Snéné’iq came with a small basket of berries. She said to the girl, “I have been picking berries for you. Now eat. They are good and sweet.” But the girl refused, saying, “Those are not berries, those are insects, and I don’t eat them.” Then she threw the basket into the fire ; and as soon as what seemed to be berries touched the fire, they began to run in all directions. Next the Snéné’iq went to fetch some tallow. When she brought it to the girl, the latter said, “I don’t eat man’s fat, 1 want to have mountain-goat tallow.” Then the Snéné’iq was surprised. She said, “I will go now and fetch your sister.” The girl encouraged her, saying that she felt lonely.

In the evening the Snéné’iq started to fetch the girl. Then the old woman addressed the girl, saying, “ Now you must kill the Snéné’ig. If you don’t do so, you will never return to your home. I was carried away by her. I ate of her food, and now a root holds me to the ground; and if any one tries to cut it, I must die. If you stay here more than four nights, a root will grow from your back, and fasten you to the floor of the house. It is easy to kill her.” The girl replied, “She is so large, and I am so small, how shall I accomplish such a feat?” Then the old woman continued, “Do you see the mountain-goat horns in that corner of the house? Take ten of those, and put one on each finger, and one on each thumb. When the Snéné’iq comes back to-morrow morning, stand at the door of this house,

12—MEM, AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. OCT., 1898.

go BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

so that she will see you, put the mountain-goat horns on so that they cannot fall off, and then open and close your hands and sing, ‘ Yi, yi, yi! Open your eyes, close your eyes, and fall down, open your eyes, close your eyes, and fall down!’ Watch to-night, that she may not surprise us.”

On the following morning, as soon as the Snéné’iq came in sight, the - girl put the horns on her fingers and thumbs, and stood in the doorway ; but the old woman instructed her to wait until the Snéné’iq had climbed halfway up the steep mountain-side. Then the girl began to sing, and opened and closed her hands to the rhythm of the tune. Then the Snéné’iq cried, “Please don’t do that. If I fall down, you will never be able to come down the mountain.” But the girl kept on singing until the Snéné’iq fell back- ward, and rolled down the mountain. Then she entered the house and told the old woman that the Snéné’iq was dead. The old woman instructed her to climb down the mountain, and to look for the body of the Snéné’iq, and burn it, and to blow the ashes to the four winds. She obeyed, and the ashes were transformed into mosquitoes. Then the girl returned to the house. ,

Now the old woman asked her to bring some cedar-bark. When she had received it, she made four baskets. She told the girl to put meat, tallow, and blankets into these baskets. The meat and the blankets which she put in became exceedingly small, so that she was able to place vast amounts in the baskets. Then the woman instructed her to enter the secret room in the left-hand corner of the house. There the girl found red cedar- bark for all the various dances, and a great number of masks. She put these into one of the baskets. Then the old woman sent her home. She went, carrying the baskets.

When she came to the rear of her father’s house, she put down the four baskets, and went to the street. There she was found, and led into the house. She told her father to send a man to fetch the four small baskets which she had left behind the house. He sent four strong men, but they were unable to lift the baskets. Then she went out herself, and returned, carrying all of them. As soon as she placed them on the floor of the house, the baskets grew to an enormous size. She took out the meat, the tallow, and the blankets, and her father distributed them among the people. In the winter dance she used the masks and the cedar-bark that she had obtained.

THE RAVEN.

There was a widow with a beautiful daughter. The Raven married the widow, but soon began to covet the daughter, and to think how he could get possession of her. Now he had devised a plan. He did not light a fire in his house for two days, until the girl began to complain of the cold. Then he offered to go to get firewood. First he went to the alder, made a cut in

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. gl

its bark, and asked, “What do you do when you are thrown into the fire?” The Alder replied, “I burn very quietly and steadily.” Then the Raven retorted, “ You are not the one whom I want.” Next he went to the pine, made a cut in its bark, and asked, “ What do you do when you are thrown into the fire?” The Pine retorted, “My nose runs and the fire crackles.” “You are not the one whom I want,” said the Raven. He went to the red cedar, made a cut in its bark, and asked, “ What do you do when you are thrown into the fire?” Tum Thuya respondit, “In gremium mulierum insilio quae forte prope ignem sedent.” “ Forsitan,” inquit corvus, “te velim. Nisi quem meliorem invenero, revertar.” Cum ad Pseudotsugam mu- cronatam venisset, ex cortice eius quaesivit, “Quid tu facis, cum in ignem iniceris?” “Si me erectum ponis,” respondit cortex, “recta puellarum in gremium incido quae prope ignem sunt.” “Te demum,” inquit corvus, ‘““cupio.” Cum corticis frusta adscidisset et ea orasset ut se adiuvaret in puella potienda, ea domum tulit et in focum imposuit. Cum ignis conflatus esset, puellam haud procul sedere iussit ut se fovere posset. ‘ Primum tergus,” inquit, ‘“postea pectus in ignem converte. Deinde conside et pedes extende ut commode refovearis.” Dum sic sedet, in gremium eius cortex, ut promiserat, incidit ut genitalia ureret. Puellae lamentanti corvus, “Reme- dium optimum,” inquit, “ cognovi, quod tibi statim medebitur. Herba autem in silvis est cuius erecta stirps semper sursum deorsum movetur. Hanc tu quaere et cum inveneris ei inside.” Cum puella eius dicto oboediens exisset, corvus ipse domo egressus se in silvas abdidit et arena se ita texit ut penis tantum emineret. His comparatis optabat ut puella ad se veniret, quod cum fecisset, quasi quendam stirpitem sursum deorsum se moventem vidit, sed cum diligentius inspexisset et corvi oculos agnovisset, eo vehementer verbe- rato domum rediit. Sic corvus misellus graviter spe deiectus est.

Then he planned what to do next. At this time Mo’xmuk’t (a bird living on the mountains) invited all the people to a feast. The Raven was not invited, and he planned how to obtain the food that they were preparing. He pretended to be sick. and said to his two children, “It is ridiculous that Mo’xmuk"t pretends to be a chief. He has nothing but leaves to eat. But you had better go and see what kind of food he is preparing.” Then the two young Ravens went, and saw that he was broiling meat. When the food was almost done, the Raven arose, and crept stealthily behind the house at which all the guests were assembled. By this time the meat was done, and the people were placing it on long planks. Then he cried, “ Wina, wina, wina, wina’! éx’a, éx‘a, éx‘'a, éx'a’!” Then the people stopped, and said, “ Who is crying there?” But the Raven ran home as quickly as possible, and lay down by the side of the fireplace. He asked his children to strew ashes over his body so as to avert suspicion of his having left the house. :

g2 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

Now the people sent two messengers to the Raven’s house, in order to see if he might have uttered the cries; but they saw him lying down near the fireplace, and noticed that he was covered with ashes. Then the messengers returned, and reported what they had seen. The people dis- cussed the meaning of the cries, and finally resolved to send to the Raven, who was renowned on account of his experience, and to ask his opinion. Two messengers went to see him. When they asked him, he said, “ Those cries mean that your enemies will come to kill you. Escape while there is yet time. Don’t stop to take your food along, but run away.” The people followed his advice. He said, “I cannot join you, because I am sick. It does not matter whether the enemies kill me or whether I die of disease.” As soon as the people had left, he arose, took all the meat, and hid it near his own house. On the following morning the people returned, and saw that the village was undisturbed, only the meat had disappeared. They looked askance at the Raven, suspecting that he had stolen their meat.

On the following day the Raven thought, “I will go to visit the Deer.’ He went there, opened the door of the Deer’s house, and said, “ At what season are you fattest?” The Deer replied, “ At the time when the people have dried all their fish.’ Then the Raven left him, and returned at the time when all the fish had been dried. He said, “ Léqumai’, come! I want to speak to you. Let us go up the mountain, and let us tell about our ancestors.” They went up the mountain; and the Raven said, “ Here is the place where I am accustomed to sit and to bask in the sun. Let us sit down here.” It was a meadow near a steep precipice. The Raven induced the Deer to sit down near the precipice, while he himself sat down a little farther back. Now he supported his head on his hand, and began to cry, ‘How long your forelegs are, how long your forelegs are!” Then the Deer looked at him. The Raven said, “Now you must cry next.” Then the Deer began to cry, and sang, “ How gray your nose is!” And the Raven retorted, singing, “ How long your nose is !”

Thus they continued for some time. When they had finished crying, the Raven asked, “ How long have you been in this world?” The Deer replied, “It is a long time that I have been here. Tell me first how long you have been here.” Then the Raven said, “I became a man when the mountains began to rise.” The Deer retorted, “That is not so long. I am older than you are. I became a man before the Sun gave the world its present form.” Then they began to cry again; and this time the Deer sang, “How ugly his foot is! His foot is all covered with scars.” Then the Raven grew angry, pushed the Deer, and threw him down the precipice. Then he assumed the shape of the Raven, and flew down the mountain, crying, “Qoax!” He ate part of the Deer’s meat, and concealed the rest under stones.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 93

Then he returned home and lay down. He thought, “What shall I do next?” He made up his mind to travel. After some time he reached a house the door of which was open. He stepped in and looked about. He saw that the house was full of dried fish, which was moving as though women were working at it; but he did not see anybody. Then he went out and called his sisters Stsuwaaste’lqs (“crow”), Nuk’éxne’m (“ mouse ”), X‘ilx: (“gull”), and K’éxwa’gs (“rat”). He told them what he had seen, and asked them to help him carry away the provisions. He said, “I do not see any people; but implements moving by themselves are at work on the provisions.” They entered the house, and the Raven took the fish down from the drying- frames, and asked his sisters to pack it into baskets and to carry it away. After he had thrown all the fish down, he descended to the floor of the ‘house, and intended to go out; but he felt himself held by arms and feet, and was beaten without mercy. His sisters were treated in the same man- ner. They were taken, and their private parts rubbed over his face. Then he found that the Echo inhabited this house.

He returned home, and thought what to do next. He was hungry, and was glad when, after a little while, Maxuat!a’laqa (a small water-fowl) invited him to his house. He accepted the invitation, and sat down near the fire. Then Maxuat!a’laqa took a box, held his foot over it, and cut his ankle with a stone knife. At once salmon-eggs fell down into the box, filling it entirely. The Raven ate, and carried home to his sisters what was left over.

On the next morning a woman named K’uéla’is (“young seal”) invited him to a feast. He sat down near the fire, and she took a dish. She cleaned it, placed it near the fire, and held her hands over it. Then grease dropped down into the dish, filling it entirely. She gave it to the Raven, who ate heartily, and took home to his sisters what was left over.

On the following day the bird Aix’a’xoné invited him to a feast. He placed a box near the fire and sang,

geass

Aix’ - a-xo-né xo-né xo-né qax.

At once the box was full of salmon-berries. The Raven ate, and carried home to his sisters what was left over.

Now he resolved to invite Maxuat!a’laqa. On the following day the bird came. Then the Raven took a box, put his foot into it, and cut his ankle, but nothing came out of it; and he said to Maxuat!a’laqa, “Go back! I have nothing to give to you.” In the evening he made up his mind to invite the young Seal. He felt of his hands all the time, to see

94 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

if fat were dripping from them. On the next morning he invited her. He placed a mat for her near the fire, took a dish, cleaned it, and placed it on the mat. Then he held his hands over the dish, but not a particle of fat dripped out of them. His hands, however, were burnt to a crisp by the heat of the fire. Then he said to the Seal, “Go back! I have no food for you.” Then he invited the bird Aix’a’xoné. He placed a box near the fire, and tried to sing the bird’s song; but there was only a single berry in the box. He continued, but did not succeed any better. Finally he sang ‘“ menk:,” and the box was full of excrements.

On the following day he made up his mind to marry the sockeye Salmon. He said to his sisters, “Let us go to the Salmon country. I want to marry the sockeye Salmon.” His sisters went with him in his canoe “’Tupa’nk'L.” They travelled westward. When they reached the country of the Salmon, he told his sisters that he intended to carry away the chief’s daughter, and he ordered them to make holes in the canoes of all the Salmon by pulling out the filling of the knot-holes. Then they went up 4 the house where he was invited, and feasted. After they had eaten, the Raven prepared to carry to his canoe the food that was left over. He said to the chief’s daughter, “ Will you please help me to carry my food to the canoe?” She did so, accompanying. him down to the beach. He went aboard, and asked the girl to step into the water, in order to reach the canoe more easily. He induced her to step farther and farther, and finally took her into his canoe. Then his sisters struck the sides of the canoe “’Tupa’nk'L” with the palms of their hands, and it went of itself. The Salmon rushed to their canoes in order to pursue them; but after they had gone a short distance, their canoes foundered.

The Raven and his sisters carried away the young woman, and reached their home safely. The woman had beautiful long hair. Her husband asked her, ‘Where did you get that long hair?” She replied, “I pulled it and made it grow.” Then the Raven said, “Oh, please pull my hair too, and make it grow !”—‘“ No,” she said, “I don’t want to do it. If I should do so, your hair would become entangled in the salmon there drying over the fire, and you would pull them down.” But the Raven insisted. Finally she grew angry, and said, ‘“‘ Well, I will pull your hair.” She did so, and the Raven found that it reached down to his shoulders; but he was not satisfied, he wanted to have it longer. Then she pulled it until it reached down to his waist, but still he was not satisfied. He insisted, until finally she made it as long as her own hair. Then the Raven arose, intending to show himself to the people. While he was going out of the house, he moved his head from side to side, so that his hair flew about. When he passed under the drying salmon, they became entangled in his hair. He tried to pull it out, and finally succeeded. Then he went out and showed himself

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 95

to the people. Soon he re-entered ; and since he was still moving his head from side to side, his hair again became entangled in the salmon. He tried to disengage himself, but found it very difficult. Then he grew impatient, and said to the salmon, “I don’t want to catch you a second time,” and threw them out of the house.. Then his wife arose and said, “I refused to _make your hair long, but you insisted. . I knew that you would maltreat the salmon.” With this she jumped into the water, and all the salmon followed her. They swam back to the country of the salmon, and the Raven lost his long hair. Then he was very sad.

THe MINK.

Once upon a time there lived a woman named Nispuselxsak:ai’x: at Ts’é’qoé, some distance up Bella Coola River. She refused the offer of marriage from the young men of the tribe, because she desired to marry Smai’yakila, the Sun. She left her village and went to seek the Sun. Finally she reached his house, and married Smai’yakila. After she had been there one day, she had a child, who was named T’otqoa’ya. He grew very quickly, and on the second day of his life he was able to walk and to talk. After a short time he said to his mother, “I should like to see your mother and your father;” and he began to cry, making his mother feel homesick. When Smai’yakila saw that his wife felt downcast, and that his son was longing to see his grandparents, he said, “You may return to the earth to see your parents. Descend along my eyelashes.” His eyelashes were the rays of the Sun, which he extended down to Ts’é’qoé. They descended along his eyelashes, and came to Ts’é’qoé, where they lived with the woman’s parents.

T’otqoa’ya was playing with the children of the village, who were teasing him, saying that he had no father. He began to cry, and went to his mother, whom he asked for bow and arrows. His mother gave him what he requested. He went outside and began to shoot his arrows towards the sky. The first arrow struck the sky and stuck in it; the second arrow hit the notch of the first one; and thus he continued until a chain was formed, extending from the sky down to the place where he was standing. Then he ascended the chain. He found the house of Smai’yakila, which he entered. He told his father that the boys had been teasing him, and he asked him to let him carry the sun. But his father said, ‘“‘ You cannot do it. I carry many torches. Early in the morning and late in the evening I burn small torches, but at noon I burn the large ones.” T’dtqoa’ya insisted on his request. Then his father gave him the torches, warning him at the same time to observe carefully the instructions that he was giving him in regard

96 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

to their use. Early the next morning, T’otqoa’ya started on the course of the sun, carrying the torches. Soon he grew impatient, and lighted all the torches at once. Then it grew very hot. The trees began to burn, and many animals jumped into the water to save themselves, but the water began to boil. Then Nitspuselxsak:ai’x: covered the people with her blanket, and thus saved them. The animals hid under stones. ‘The ermine crept into a hole, which, however, was not quite large enough, so that the tip of its tail protruded from the entrance. It was scorched, and since that time the tip of the ermine’s tail has been black. The mountain-goat hid in a cave, hence its skin is perfectly white. All the animals that did not hide were scorched, and therefore have black skins, but the skin on their lower side remained lighter. When Smai’yakila saw what was happening, he said to his son, “Why do you do so? Do you think it is good that there are no people Onrthe earthy =

Smai’yakila took him and cast him down from the heavens, saying, “You shall be the mink, and future generations of man shall hunt you.” |

Then Smai’yakila caused the waters to rise, so that they covered the whole country except a few mountains. The mountains SqtsL, Sma, and Nusq{e’Ist on Bella Coola River, and SimsEmta’né near Bella Bella, were not covered by the waters. The Bella Coola and Bella. Bella tied their canoes to the tops of these mountains, and for this reason they were not lost. The Ki’mxkuitx tied their canoe to the mountain Suwak:. The Talid’mx: tied theirs to the mountain Asts’Elé’k-L. Some of the canoe ropes broke, and the people drifted away to distant countries. The deluge extend- ed over the country of Skeena River; and the people of Nusma’mt, the descendants of Téqo’mnor, drifted away from there, until finally they succeeded in tying their canoe to the mountain Sqtst.

Finally Smai’yakila caused the waters to subside, and the péople descended from the mountains, and rebuilt their villages. The people of Nusma’mt returned to Skeena River, and told their descendants that, since they had tied their canoe to the mountain SqtsL, the mountain belonged to: them, so that they claimed two countries as their home,—the Bella Coola country and that of the Tsimshian. I think that one of the canoes drifted into the country of the whites.

After the water had subsided, Smai’yakila said, “I shall not make another deluge, and I will make the world beautiful.” He told the porcupine that its meat should serve as food for man, and that the soup made of its meat should strengthen man, and prevent him from falling sick. And he said, “ Your quills will be used for piercing the ears of women when they want to perforate them for the use of ear ornaments.” And he gave the

‘Tai’a toto t’ai’x'k'a k’’ds L’E'mstalalds ?

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 97

marten its beautiful fur, and told the people to use it for blankets; and he taught them to make blankets of lynx and marmot skins; and he told the mountain-goat that man should use its hair for spinning and weaving, and that he should eat its meat; and he told the black bear that people should use its skin, and that man should eat its meat, while he forbade the women to eat bear meat; and he told the grisly bear that its skin should be used for blankets, and that its meat should be eaten by men and women.

Then the Raven instructed the people in the ki’siut ceremonials, while to others he taught the sisau’k:.

THe DEeEr.!

The Deer said to his son T’o’pewas, “Let us go in our canoe to fetch fuel.” ‘They launched their canoe, and paddled to the place where they were going to cut wood. The Deer went ashore, while his son remained in the canoe. He carried his stone hammer and his wedges to a large tree, which he began to fell. After he had left, two men and one woman passed by in their canoe. They stopped alongside of the Deer’s canoe, and one of the men touched T’d’pewas, feeling all over his body, and said to his companion, “* He is good to eat.”

The Deer, who was working in the woods, thought he heard a noise near his canoe; but the man stopped speaking, and it was quiet again. Therefore he thought he had been mistaken, and continued his work. After a while the strange canoe went on, and passed out of sight, behind a point of land. When the Deer had finished his work, he carried the wood to his canoe. He said to his son, “ Did any people come here? I thought I heard some noise.” —“ Yes,” replied T’o’pewas, “there were two men and one woman ; and one of the men touched me, felt all over my body, and said I was good to eat.” Then the Deer grew angry. He said, turning his face toward the direction in which the canoe had disappeared, “ Why do they say so ?—those people who whistle through nose and anus, those long-tailed people.” Then he returned to the woods to get more wood.

The woman in the strange canoe heard what the Deer said, and she remarked to her companions, “The father of that boy who you said is good to eat is scolding us.” Her name was Nutsekoa’Isik-an, which means “long ear.” She induced her companions to return. When they reached the canoe, they took hold of T’d’pewas and killed him, biting him in the nape of the neck; then they devoured him.

Soon the Deer came back and found that his son had disappeared. Then he cried. The tears ran down his face. He threw the mucus from his nose down into the bottom of the canoe. Then he said to it, “Where is my

' See also Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1895, pp. 193 ff.

18—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. Il. OCT., 1808.

98 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

son?” It did not reply, and he asked the thwarts. He asked the boards in the bottom of the canoe, and he asked the canoe line ; but they did not reply. He asked the knot-hole. It answered his question, saying, “ Those people whom you abused have returned, and have eaten him.” Then the Deer was very sad. He paddled on, not caring where he went. He sang while he was paddling,—

‘“Arnix'né k’otsané wasiai’s ta mnatsail’ anuswa’Lax’dé, anuswa’Lax‘dé.”

(“It is calm, it is calm, but my child is dead.”)

When he was rounding a point of land, he discovered many people. Then he stopped singing and rubbed his eyes, in order to brush away the tears. Now he saw a large village. Smoke was rising from one of the houses where a feast was going on. All the people had assembled in this house. They had built a large fire, on which they were heating stones. Two young men came out of the house and discovered the canoe of the Deer. They returned, in order to report to the host that a stranger was coming. The host told the people to wait before beginning to eat, because he desired to invite the stranger. When he came near, a person recognized him, and said, “Oh, I know him. He is a very good dancer. Invite him, by all means.” The host sent a messenger to the. beach to call him. The Deer went ashore and entered the house. On looking round, he discovered his son’s blanket.

The host sent three messengers to the Deer, whom he told to sit down near the door. ‘ We are informed that you are a good dancer, and we wish to see you dance.” The Deer did not reply. He was sad because he had seen his son’s blanketi After a short while he said, “ How can I dances? yam my paraphernalia are at home. If they were here, 1 should be glad to dance. I have no dancing-apron.” ‘The messengers asked, ‘‘ What do you wear when you are dancing ?”—‘“T wear knives made of mussel-shells tied to my arms.” The messengers went and searched for shell\ knives, but they did not find any. Finally it occurred to them that an old woman who lived in the village was in possession of some shell knives. A messenger was sent to the old woman, who knew at once what they wanted. She gave them ten shell knives, five to be tied to each hand. The messengers sharpened them, and the Deer tied them to his hands. They gave him a dancing-apron. Then the Deer arose. He said, “ Now I am ready to dance. Prepare your mats, and lie down. Soon you will be asleep. My dance will make you sleep. Take some boards and place them on your mats, because soon you will want to rest your faces on them.” Then he stood up near the doorway, and, dancing around the fire, he sang,—

‘““A’xko tik’asr’msmas aLa’qula sma’o ti sxoa’xult wa se’msmas; aLa’qula sma’o

ti sxoa’xult wa sE’msmas aLa’qula. TséntsitOme’Ix‘ax sla’lemtsanai, sxoa’xults xoaxu’It.”

(“I have no story. Only sleep is my story; only sleep, my story. Slumber, chil- dren, sleep !”’)

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS, 99

Now they were all asleep. Then the Deer cut off their heads with his knives. Only one old woman had not been overcome with sleep. She ran about, calling the people, who awoke, and attacked the Deer. He jumped out of the house and ran along the beach, pursued by four men. When his pursuers gained upon him, he climbed a large tree. His pursuers sat down at the foot of the tree, and one of them said to his comrades, “Go home and ask the old woman if she does not know of some means of getting him down.” One of the men went back, while the other three staid at the foot of the tree, watching the Deer. The messenger told the old woman that the Deer had climbed the tree, and asked her advice. Then she said, “ Why don’t you sing ?”—“ Teach me the song I have to sing;” and she sang,

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The young man returned; but when he reached the tree on which the Deer was sitting, he had forgotten the song. Then they sent two men back to the old woman, hoping that the two would not forget the song. After they had learned the song, they returned. When they had nearly reached the tree, they jumped over a log; and as soon as they had done so, they had forgotten the song. Again they sent back two of the young men to learn the song. After the old woman had taught them the song, she advised them to continue to sing it while they were running back. They were humming the song all the time; and when they had nearly reached the tree, they jumped over a log. Immediately the song was forgotten. They returned again. Then the old woman said to them, “ How does it happen that you always forget the song? Do you jump over a log?” When the old woman heard that they did so, she said, “ You must go around the log.” Now they returned, humming the tune all the way. When they reached the log that lay over their trail, they went around it. Now they remembered the song. They sat down at the foot of the tree and sang it four times. Then a leg of the Deer fell down. They sang again, and the other leg fell down. Now the Deer clung to the branches of the tree with his arms. They sang again, and an arm fell down. Now the Deer clung to the branches of the tree with his only remaining arm. They sang again, and the other arm fell down; and when they sang once more, the whole body fell down. They tore imemmeersto pieces. One of the men took up one of the Deer’s legs and said, “Later on some men shall have one leg shorter than the other one.” ‘That is the reason why some people limp.

100 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

THE HAU MAU.

The Hau’hau lives on the mountain Nusla’xem, in a large cave. His cry is “ Hauhauhau!” His wings are very large and beautiful. Some time ago the woods on the mountain were burned, and he moved away from it. He flew to Nuto’Lk’6L, on the north side of Bella Coola River, where is a stone pillar similar in appearance to a tree. There he put up his residence. Last year he was heard in Nuto’tk’ou.

Once upon atime four men went mountain-goat hunting. In the evening they started a fire, and lay down to sleep, turning their backs toward the fire. One of them took his mountain-stick and placed it upright at his feet. Then they all went to sleep. Early in the morning the man who had placed his staff at his feet was awakened by the violent movements of his neighbor.

He turned and looked at his friend, then he saw that he was dead. The two.

other men were also dead. He raised his head and looked toward the fire. Then he saw a long, slim hook coming out of the fire. He did not know what it was; but he soon discovered that it was a long beak. The beak came out farther and farther, and now he saw a neck as white as a swan’s. Now it entered the anus of one of his friends. Then he knew that it was the Hau’hau who had killed his friends. He took his bow and arrow and hit the throat of the bird. After a little while the head’ came out again. Again he shot it. Thus he continued until ail his arrows were spent. Then he took those of his friends. When almost all the arrows were used up, the sun arose; then the Hau’hau flew away, and the man thought he had not suc- ceeded in killing him. Flying away, the bird shouted “Ha ha hauhaua niLitako’!” (“Our name is Hauhau!”) The four men had camped on a small grassy slope over a precipice. The survivor crept to the precipice from where the beaks came. Then he saw many dead Hau’haus lying at the foot of the precipice. Some were very large, others were small. Then he knew that he had killed a great many, thinking that there had been only one of these beings. He returned to the village, and told the people that the Hau’haus had killed his friends, and that he had shot them: They buried the men, placing the bodies in boxes, which were put on the tops of poles which were surrounded by a fence.

THE WOMAN WHO MARRIED THE STUMP.

Once upon a time there was a woman who went into the woods intend- ing to pick berries. She lost her way. Finally she reached a river. There she saw a wild-looking man approaching her. When he came near, she asked, “Who are you?” He replied, “My name is Stump.” She asked, “Where is your house ?” and he replied, “It is not far from here.”—“ Do you know where my father’s village is?” she asked. He replied, “I know where it is,

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. fol

but I shall not tell you. I want to marry you.” The poor girl did not see any way of escape, and followed the Stump. Soon they reached a trail which led towards a patch of trees. Under these trees was the Stump’s house. They entered and sat down.

After a short time Stump said to his wife, “Let us go outside. My \ head is full of lice, and I want you to louse me.” She consented. The man went out first, and his wife was going to follow him; but when she was near the door, she heard some one calling her. She stopped, and on look- ing around she saw a woman who was rooted to the floor of the house. Her name was Nusqééxtéipotsa’ax. She gave her a brad-awl, and _ said, “Take this. The lice of which your husband is speaking are toads. Use this brad-awl to catch them. Don’t be frightened and scream when you see the toads on his head. If you do so, he will certainly kill you. Catch the toads with this brad-awl, and throw them behind you. You must pretend to bite and eat the toads, but merely bite your nail, that your husband may be deceived by the noise.” Then the woman went out and sat down at her husband’s side. He put his head in her Jap, and she began to look for lice. Then she saw the toads on his head. She took them up with the awl, threw them over her shoulder, and at the same time bit the nail of her thumb. Soon the man said, “ What do I hear there? “Are you biting the toads ?” She replied in the affirmative. After a while the Stump requested her to stop, and they went into the house. Before they went to bed he said, “I am going away early in the morning.” When the young woman awoke, she saw that her husband had left the house. Then she arose, went to the woman who was rooted to the floor, and asked, “Is there any hope of my escaping if I run away?” She replied, “You may try it, but your husband is keeping watch of you. His chamber-pot is his watchman, and it will tell him whatever happens during his absence.”

Late in the evening the Stump returned. Then the woman pretended to be very happy to see him back home. In the evening he said again that he was going out early in the morning. The following morning the woman awoke again after her husband had left. Then she told the woman who was rooted to the floor that she intended to escape. As soon as she left the house, the chamber-pot called to its master, saying that his wife was making her escape. He heard it, although he was far away, pursued her, and took her back. On the following day the man went away again. Then the woman who was rooted to the floor told the young wife to take the fire-drill, and to make holes all round the rim of the chamber-pot. After she had done so, she gave her a bladder filled with urine, a comb, and a grindstone. Then she told her to run westward, and instructed her how to use the urine, the comb, and the grindstone. Now she left the house. As soon as she had left, the chamber-pot began to shout, but its voice was not

102 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

so loud as before, because its rim had been drilled. Nevertheless the Stump heard the voice. He came home, and pursued his wife. When he ap- proached her, she threw the bladder filled with urine over her shoulder and ran away. The urine was transformed into a lake, which detained the pursuer, who had to go around it. But soon he began to catch up with her again. Then she threw the comb over her shoulder, which was transformed into a thicket. The pursuer was unable to pass it, and had to go around it. But after a while he began to approach her again. Then she threw the grind- stone over her shoulder, which was transformed into a large mountain, which carried her up to heaven.

When she reached heaven, she found a trail, which she followed. Soon she saw the house of the Sun, and on looking through a chink in the walls she saw a man (the Sun) sitting inside, who said, “Come in.” The woman opened the door, but the doorway was blazing with fire, so that she did not dare to enter. The man told her to jump through the fire. She did so, and entered the house safely. After a short time the Stump reached the house, He looked in through a chink, and the Sun told him to enter. The Stump walked in, but he was consumed by the fire in the doorway.

The woman was invited to live in a room in one corner of the house. There she staid, and after some time she had a boy, the; son of the Sun. He was called T’dtqoa’ya. He was very ugly, and his face was covered with sores. After she had staid for some time, the owner of the house said to her, “Do you feel homesick?” and she replied that she longed to return to her father. Then the Sun bade her to look down, and he showed her the village from which she had come. She asked, “ How can I return?” “Then he told her to walk down along his eyelashes (the sunbeams). She took the boy on her back, and descended along the Sun’s eyelashes. She reached her father’s house in the evening. Her parents and friends were very glad to see her.

The next morning the boy went out of the house, and began to play with the other children, who made fun of him. Then he told them that his father was the Sun; but they merely laughed at him, until he grew very angry. Then he told his mother that he intended to return to his father in heaven. He made a great.many arrows and a bow, went outside, and began to shoot his arrows upward. The first one struck the sky. The second one struck the notch of the first one. And thus he continued until a chain of arrows was formed which reached the ground. Then he climbed up; and, atter reaching heaven, he went into the Sun’s house. There he said, “Father, I wish. to take your place to-morrow.” The Sun consented, but said, “Take care that you do not burn the people. I use only one torch in the morning, and increase the number of torches until noon. In the afternoon I extinguish the torches one by one.” On the following morning the boy took his father’s

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 103

torches and went along the path of the Sun ; but very soon he lighted all the torches. It became very hot on the earth. The woods began to burn, and the rocks to crack, and many people died. But his mother waved her hands, and thus kept her own house cool. The people who had entered her house were safe.

When the Sun saw what the boy was doing, he caught him and threw him down to the earth, and said, “ Henceforth you shall be the mink.”

THE WOLVEs.

There were two chiefs in the village Senx_t. The name of the one was Senxalo’Lela. The name of the other was Nutsxoa’senem. They had two sons, who were gamblers. One day when they were playing, Senxalo’Lela’s son was winning all the time. Nutsxoa’senrem’s son staked all his property and lost it. Finally he lost even his father’s house. Then he staked his father, his mother, his wife, and he lost them. At last he had not even a blanket left. Then Senxalo’nela felt much annoyed. He told the people to leave the village, and to move to another place ; and he ordered them to pack all their property, and to leave Nutsxoa’sEnem’s son to starve to death.

On the following morning the people took down the walls of the houses, loaded their canoes, and burnt what they were not able to carry away. They extinguished the fires, and deserted the young man. His sole property was the set of gambling-sticks by means of which he had lost his all. Before the people left, a friend of the young man had taken some glowing embers and hidden them in the sand; and before he went aboard he told his friend secretly where the fire was hidden. As soon as the people had started, the youth went, took out the glowing embers, and kindled a fire. He staid there for four days without partaking of any food. Then he began to feel the pangs of hunger. He went out and dug some clover-roots. Thus he kept himself from starving. He went about in the woods, gathering fuel for his fire, and moss to cover himself during the cold night.

One morning, when he awoke, he found that a heavy snow had fallen, and had extinguished his fire. Then he began to cry, and thought, “I wish I might die, because I cannot live without fire!” He lay down again under the moss, and cried until he fell asleep. The next morning he awoke, and he continued to cry. Finally he became so weak that he could hardly move.

One morning when he awoke, he heard the voice of a woman, who called him by name, and said, “ What are you doing here?” He replied, “My father and his tribe left me to starve. I have been living here for nearly four months, and I am near death.” Then the young woman stepped up to him and said, “ My father sent me to invite you to his house.” But

[104 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

the young gambler replied, “How can I accompany you? I am too weak even to turn over in my bed.” The woman replied, “ You may think so, but I know you are able to walk.” Then the young woman took an object that looked like a strip of meat from her left breast, and gave it to the young man to eat. When he had eaten half of it, she asked, “ Are you feeling better now? Try to turn over.” The young man obeyed, and he found that the food had given him renewed strength. Then she made him eat the other half, and after he had done so she asked him to sit up. He tried to do so, and found that he was strong enough to rise. The young woman gave him another piece to eat, and after he had finished he was able to stand up, but he was not yet able to walk. The woman took still another piece from her left breast, and gave it to him. After he had finished eating, the young man had regained his whole strength. Then she patted his head with both her hands, and continued patting all over his body. Then his body, which had been very lean, appeared plump and fat. The woman said, “Now let us go to my father the Wolf. He is waiting for us. He told me to come and bring you home at once.” They went on, and the young man felt stronger than he had ever been before.

Soon they reached the foot of a steep cliff. Here they stopped, and the young woman said, “This is my father’s house. Take*care! The door opens and closes its mouth. You have to jump in when it opens. I will go in first. Follow me when it opens its mouth again. When you enter, you will see me sitting at the rear end of the house. If I smile at you, you may come and sit down on my left-hand side; but if I do not smile, then stay in the doorway until you are asked to sit down. Beware of the door!” Now the door opened its mouth, and the young woman jumped into the house. When it opened its mouth again, the young man jumped in, and the door snapped behind him. Then he beheld the young woman sitting in the rear of the house and smiling at him. He walked up to her and sat down at her lett side. He saw that the house was full of people, who were feasting. Above each man an object was dangling that looked like a wolf’s tail.

After a little while the chief of the Wolves arose, and said to his people, “I have invited you, my tribe, to see my daughter and her husband ; but they have been absent so long, that we finished the feast before they entered; but I am glad they arrived before you left my house. Now you may go.” Then the men arose, took the tails that were dangling over them, put them on, and went out in the shape of wolves. When leaving the house, they uttered a shrill howl,

The young man married the Wolf girl who had saved him. After some time they had a child. Then the young woman said to her husband,

“You must be careful that the smoke never touches my blanket.” The young man promised to do so.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 105

One day one of the chief’s sons said to his sister, “Let your husband go with us hunting mountain-goats.”. The woman asked him to accompany her brothers ; but before he went she said, “I must give you strength before you start hunting.” She patted his head and his body, and gave him a tail, saying that without the tail he would be unable to keep pace with her brothers. She also told him which way to go up the mountain, and instructed him not to follow her brothers. He obeyed her instructions, and soon found a trail of mountain-goats, which he followed until he came to a steep cliff. There he found forty goats. They were not able to proceed any farther on account eieeiceprecipice. He killed all of them. Then he’rolled them down the precipice and returned home. When he reached the house, his wife smiled

at him, and said, “How many goats did you kill?” He replied, “I killed forty ;” but she did not believe him. She asked, “Where are my brothers ?” He replied, “They went in another direction.” While they were still

talking, the two young men entered the house, and asked their brother-in- law how many goats he had killed. He told them of his success, and learned that they had not been able to kill any goats. Then the young woman asked her father to assist her in bringing home the meat of the goats that her husband had killed ; and the whole Wolf tribe went, except the young man. He did not like being left behind, and thought, “I will go and see how they will bring the meat home.” He followed them secretly ; and when he came to the place where the dead mountain-goats lay, he saw that the Wolves were eating them. Then he ran home, and lay down, so as to make it appear that he had not left the house during the absence of the people. After a short time the old chief, his wife and her brothers, entered, each of them carrying something that looked like the windpipe of a large animal. They took off their load, and hung it on a pole over the fire. After a little while the woman took a mat from the corner of the house, and spread it on the floor at the left-hand side of the entrance. Then she took one of the windpipes down, opened one end, and began to pull out the meat of the mountain-goats. There was as much as the meat of ten mountain-goats in each-windpipe. She emptied all of them, and the young man saw that they contained the meat of forty goats. They were the baskets of the Wolves. As soon as they were emptied, the wind- pipes disappeared. Then the Wolves dried the meat.

One day the two sons of the chief entered the house. One of them carried a ball about as large as a fist. He said, “‘ We want our brother-in- law to play ball with us.” The young man arose, intending to play with them ; but the young woman said, “Take care! My brothers killed my first husband with this ball. They will let you catch the ball, and after you have caught it they will pursue you, and try to take it away from you. Then they will bite you from behind and kill you.” But the young man

14—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. NOV., 1898.

106 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

did not listen to his wife’s words, and followed his brothers-in-law. They began to play, and he was the first to catch the ball. Then he ran away, and his brothers-in-law pursued him. When one of them had almost reached him, and was just about to bite his neck, he threw the ball back- wards, and thus saved his life. He went home and told his wife what had happened ; and after that, when his brothers-in-law invited him to play with them, he refused.

One day his wife asked him to fetch water for her. He took the bucket and went down to the brook. There he met a pretty girl. They talked together, and he fell in love with her. Before they parted, he asked her to meet him at the brook every day. When he got home, his wife asked him for the water. She took it and said, “ Now I will see if you have allowed the smoke to touch my blanket.” She touched the left side of her neck with her finger, and the finger became red. Then she dipped the finger into the water, which was at once transformed into a thick jelly. Then she turned to her husband and said, ‘Did I not ask you not to allow the smoke to touch my blanket? But you did not obey my orders. You have fallen in love with a woman whom you met at the brook. If ever you do so again, I shall send you away. I pitied you before, but if you do not obey me, I shall send you back and let you starve.” The man replied, “If you had told me plainly what you meant by not allowing the smoke to touch your blanket, I should have obeyed you. I should not have looked at any woman. I will promise you now not to look at or to speak to any woman hereafter.” His wife continued, “Let us go to your father’s house, that you may not see again the girl whom you met to-day.” The young man was much pleased to hear this, because he longed for his own tribe. The next morning they made ready to start. The woman took one wind- pipe filled with food, and her boy carried it. After a short time they reached Nutsxoa’sEnEm’s house. When they were approaching, they saw the old chief sitting in front of the house. He looked at his son, but did not recognize him. When they came nearer, the young man said, “ Father, don’t you recognize me?” When he heard his voice, the old man said, “Oh, my son! Iam glad to see you, and I am glad to see your wife and your child!”

They settled in the house of the old man. After some time the woman asked her husband to fetch some water. He took the bucket and went down to the brook. When he was stooping down to fill his bucket, he heard somebody speaking. He turned round, and saw his former wife. It was the first time he had looked at her since his return. She railed at him, saying, “I think you are your wife’s slave, that you do not even dare to speak to your own wife.” But he replied, “At the time when my tribe left me, you would not stay with me, and you would not even give me a piece of dried salmon ; but the wife whom I now have saved me, and therefore

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 107

I am her slave.” The woman retorted, “Did you not gamble me away like a dog? And now I come back to you, and speak to you as a wife to her husband, for I love you dearly.” Then he forgot the commands of his Wolf wife, and went to his former wife; but after a while she said, “Go: back home now. I am afraid your wife may discover that we met.” Then the man repented having disobeyed his Wolf wife’s orders. He took the bucket home, but tried to hide it. She, however, said, “Give me the water. I want to see what you have been doing.” She touched her neck with her fore- finger, and put her finger into the water, which was transformed into a jelly. She said, “ What have you been doing? You have met your former wife.” The gambler replied, “It is true. I met her at the brook, and did not want to speak to her, but she reminded me of our former love, and then I forgot

my promise ; but afterwards I regretted that I disobeyed you.” His wife said, “I cannot forgive you again. Now I am going to leave you, and you may re-marry your former wife.” The young man made up his mind to watch

his wife, but the second night she and her son had suddenly disappeared. When the man discovered their absence, he arose and followed their tracks up the mountains. He followed them all day. In the evening he followed them by his scent. He was gradually being transformed into a Wolf, and a wolf’s tail was growing on him. On the following morning he came to a bluff, and there he lost their tracks. He felt very sad, sat down, and began to cry. After a little while he heard an old woman addressing him, asking why he was crying. When he looked up, he saw an old Beaver, whom he asked, “Cannot you tell me if my wife and son have passed here ?” The Beaver replied, “ Do you see that cave ? They went in there.” He followed them, and reached a grassy slope, on which he found their tracks. He followed them again until he came to a beaver-dam. Here he lost their tracks again. Then he sat down and cried. Again he saw an old woman, who asked him why he was crying. When he looked up, he saw an old Beaver, who told him that they had entered the water. She said to him, “Go into the water, and don’t be afraid if it reaches over your head. Keep on, and you will reach another world. There you will find your wife and son.” He followed these instructions, and walked into the water; and when it closed over his head, he saw a light. He walked on, and soon reached dry land. There he discovered a small house. When he came nearer, he saw two old blind Wolves, a man and a woman, sitting in the house. He entered, and put some fuel on the fire. Then the old man said, Seetereisea stranger in this house.” The gambler said, “Yes;” and the old man continued, “I know what brought you here. You wish to find your wife and son. Wait a while, and your boy will come here to play.” He had hardly finished speaking, when the boy entered. As soon as he saw his father, he ran up to him. ‘The father asked for his wife, and the

108 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

boy replied that she was hidden in the latrine of his grandfather’s house. Then the father said to him, “Go back to your house and begin to cry. When your grandfather takes you up, continue to cry, and ask for your mother. Continue until she comes out of her hiding-place.” He followed his son secretly, and hid in one corner of the chief’s house. Now the boy began to cry. The people came one by one, trying to quiet him, but nobody was able to do so. He continued to cry for his mother until she came forth from her hiding-place. Then the man jumped forward, saying, ““T have followed you to your home, because I love you.” Then the woman said, “‘ Now I see that you really love me.” And he continued to live with her in the country of the Wolves.

TRADITION FROM SNU’LLAL.

Once upon a time there was a chief of the SE’noLlé whose name was G-a’waté. He had a son who was covered all over with scabs. The boy did not eat any thing but rotten salmon and fish-spawn, and drank the scum of old fish-bones which he boiled. When he had grown up, his father secured a wife for him from a chief of the same tribe; but when the young woman saw what kind of food her husband ate, she deserted him at once.

After a short time his father secured another wife for him, but she deserted him in the same way as the first one had done. He fared no better with the third wife, whom his father procured for him. After that, his father secured him a fourth wife, who staid with him two days; but she left him because he smelled just like rotten fish. Since all the pretty girls of the village refused to stay with him, his father thought, “I will give him a wife who is like him.” The father found a girl whose body was also covered with scabs, and who lived on refuse. He, secured her for his son, who married her. The young man and the woman loved each other; but the four young women who had deserted him teased them so, that the young man began to feel very badly.

One day he took a small box and filled it with tallow of the mountain- goat, and he took four sea-lion bladders filled with eagle-down. He put on a bear-skin blanket, took the box with the tallow and the down, and walked out of his house down to the river. When he reached the mouth of Bella Coola River, he went up the creek Tsat. He was chewing a piece of tallow, and every now and then spat on the bushes which he was passing 3; and he blew eagle-down on to the bushes, which was held in place by the tallow. Thus he continued for four days. He did not hear any thing, and therefore he left the creek. Then he went up the creek Askaut’a’. He did as before. He staid on the creek for four days; but since he did not see any thing, he left, and he went to the creek Sa‘lemt. He did as before, but did

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 109g

not see any thing. Then he resolved to stay in the mountains, and to die rather than to return without seeing a supernatural being. He staid in the mountains for nearly a whole year. Finally he came to a small spring, the water of which was very clear. He noticed tracks, which showed that some anima] visited the spring regularly. He hid near by, and covered his head with his bear-skin blanket. Soon he heard footsteps. He looked cautiously out from under his blanket, and saw a man coming up to the spring. He saw the man jump into the water and bathe, and then disappear again. The youth resolved to stay at this place, and to observe the man who visited the spring. This man appeared every evening. On the fourth day, when he arrived, he called the youth, saying, “ Arise, and come here.” Then the youth arose. The stranger asked him, “ Why did you come here?” He replied, “I left my home because I am so ugly. I had four wives, but they would not stay with me. Then I took one who is just like myself, and she loves me ; but the other four have been teasing me all the time, until I went to the mountains, and now I want you to help me.” The man, who was no other than the Killer Whale, asked him what he had been eating, but the youth tefused to reply. Then the other ordered him to drink from the water of the well, and to take as much as he could. The youth began to drink, and continued drinking until he was unable to swallow any more. The stranger ordered him to sit down. He patted his chest and moved his hands down- ward along his body, patting him all the time. As soon as he began to pat his abdomen, the youth began to vomit rotten fish, salmon-spawn, and the scum of boiled fish-bones. Then the Whale said, “That is the reason why your wives do not love you.” Now he rubbed the youth with the palm of his hand. He ordered him to look in his face. Then he pulled his hair and made it long, and he sprinkled it with the water of the well, which gave it a light brown color. Finally he took four twigs of hemlock, dipped them into the water, and moved them up and down the youth’s back four Gines: Then his skin became white and smooth. Then he moved them up and down the front of his body four times, and this also became white and smooth. Then he said, “From now on your name shall be xwe’laxusem.” He made the youth put on his bear-skin, which he covered with eagle-down, and he placed red cedar-bark round his neck.

THE GLACIER.

A mountain-goat hunter arose very early in the morning. He put on his leggings and began to climb the mountains near Nukvi‘ts. Very high up the mountain there is_a river called Tsimi’lt. Here he sat down, leaning on his arm. He looked at the large glacier from which the river was coming. Suddenly he saw a large fire coming forth from a cave in the

IIo BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

glacier, and falling down near him. It rolled down the mountain. A thread of fire connected it with the cave. Suddenly it turned back, and disappeared in the cave from which it had come. The young man was very much surprised. He looked at the place whence the fire had come. After a little while it re-appeared, moving through the air over the sea, and then returned again into the glacier. Then the young man cautiously crept up to the point from which the fire emerged. Soon he saw it coming out again, and again it returned to the glacier. Then he thought, “I will take my stone knife and cut the thread which holds it to the glacier.” As soon as it came out again, he cut the thread. The ball of fire fell down. He took it up and hid it under his blanket. Then he ran home as fast as he could. When he was near the village, he hid the fire in his quiver, which he tied up. The village in which he lived was very large, and behind the houses there was an open stretch of land. He hung the quiver on the branch of a tree when he entered his house. Early the next morning he arose, made a fire, and told his friends to call the people. He intended to show them what he had found. His friends went into all the houses and called the people. The young man told them to assemble on the open place behind the houses. He told them to arrange themselves in two rows opposite each other. Then he took his quiver and said to the people, “T shall open this. Do not be afraid. I shall throw to you what I have found, and you will throw it across to the people standing on the opposite side. Do not let it fall down, but let it fly to-and fro.” He openeamar. quiver. At once the fiery ball flew out, and they played ball with it, throwing it from one side to the other.

A very few people had staid in the houses, and when they heard the noise, they also came out to see what was going on. Only one old woman, who was unable to move, staid in her house. After a while the people grew tired of playing. They returned to their houses and took their meals, and then they returned to the open place and continued to play. They threw the ball to and fro, and whenever any one hit it, they shouted, “Wa!” The old woman was the only person who staid behind.

While the people were playing, a beautiful young man entered the village. He opened the doors of all the houses, but he did not see a soul. At last he found the old woman. He asked her, “ Where are all the people?” She replied, “I suppose you have just arrived here, else you would know that a man found a wonderful ball of fire. All the people are playing with it behind the houses.’”—‘ Oh!” said the man, “that ball belongs to me. I am looking for it, and I came here to recover it.” The stranger touched the feet, the legs, the body, and the head of the old woman. Then she lay there dead. He assumed her shape, took her staff, which was lying next to her, and left the house. Then he went to the opening where

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. Tit

the people were playing. They saw him coming, and believed him to be the old woman. Then they laughed, and were glad to see her coming too. They told him to sit down, and promised to throw the ball of fire to him too. As soon as the ball was thrown to him, he took hold of it, spread his legs, and put it into his anus. He jumped up, tore off his skin, and appeared in his own shape as a beautiful young man. He was the glacier himself, and the fiery ball was his wind.

THE Buackx Bear.

A chief’s daughter went digging clover-roots. When she reached a place where many roots were growing, she began to dig. Then she stepped on some dung of a black bear. She sat down, and while cleaning her feet she scolded the bear. After a short time she saw a good-looking youth coming towards her. When he reached her, he said, “A short while ago you were scolding me. You said that my dung smelled very badly. Now let us see if yours is better than mine.” He compelled her to defecate. The girl wore a neck ornament made of small coppers. She tore off a few of these, and dropped them unobserved. Then she said, ‘ Behold, there is my excrement!” The bear did not believe her. He struck the small of her back, thus compelling her to defecate. Then he made her ashamed, saying, ‘“ Your excrement smells worse than that of any animal.”

Then the youth, who was no other than the son of the chief of the Black Bears, took her to his own house and married her. One evening he sent her out to gather brushwood for their bed. She obeyed, and soon returned, carrying a heavy load of hemlock-branches. Then the man said, “We must not use this kind of bedding, else we shall have bad luck. Take it back.” He went himself, and gathered devil-clubs. He loosened the soil for a space one fathom square, covered it with rotten wood, and spread the devil-clubs over it. Then he gave her to eat what she believed to be dry salmon, but it was skunk-cabbage. She ate it, and he said, “Now I see that you love me, for you eat my food without asking a question.” Next he gave her dried goat-meat and bear-berries. After she had partaken of the food, he told her that what she had believed to be goat-meat was human flesh. After they had eaten they went to bed. It was in the fall of the year, and they slept until late in the spring. The chief’s daughter thought she had been away a single night, but it had been a whole year. When they awoke, she saw devil-clubs growing all round their bed. Now they made a fire, and she sat at the right of the door, while her husband Sat at the left. He asked, “ Have you any relatives ?”—“ Yes,” she replied, “JT have parents, brothers, and a sister.”—‘ And what are your brothers’ occupations ?” She answered, “The first is a canoe-builder ; the second, a

I12 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

wood-carver ; the third, a singer, and master of ceremonies of the winter dance. I am the fourth child, and I am a dancer. My younger brother is a hunter. The youngest of us is a girl, who is still playing.” Then her husband asked, “Is your brother the hunter old enough to fall in lovers — “No,” she replied, “he is too young.”— “What kind of feathers does he use to wing his arrows ?”—“ For small game he uses two grebe feathers, but for large game two loon feathers.” Then the Bear drooped his head and began to cry. He said, “I know your brother is watching us now. He will kill me. When I am dead, skin me, but be careful to leave my skin whole. You shall wear it as a blanket.” He had hardly finished speaking, when an arrow struck him, and he fell dead. Then two dogs jumped into the bear’s den, followed by their master, who was greatly sur- prised to find his sister. When he prepared to skin the bear, his sister stopped him, telling him of what had happened, and of the instructions the bear had given her. She skinned the bear, and they started to go home. The woman insisted on carrying the bear-skin, although her brother thought that it would be too heavy for her. While they were walking, the young man led the way. His sister and his two dogs followed. All of a sudden he heard his two dogs bark as though they had found a bear. He turned back, but almost immediately the dogs stopped barking» When he asked his sister about it, she replied that she had been playing with the dogs. The youth went on. Soon he heard his dogs bark again, and he also heard the growls of a bear. When he turned back, the noise stopped, and he saw nothing but his sister and his two dogs. He begged her to hasten, but she asked him to proceed and not to mind her. He went on. After a short time the dogs barked again, and a bear was heard to growl. Then the youth hid behind a tree; and soon he saw a large bear coming, accompanied by two dogs. Now he knew that his sister had assumed the form of a bear. Therefore he did not shoot her. He ran back and intercepted his sister, who, as soon as she saw him coming, resumed her human shape. Now they reached the village, and the young woman was heartily welcomed by her parents, her brothers, and her sister.

On the following day she prepared to clean and stretch the bear-skin ; but her brother objected, saying that it was customary to wait four days before doing this work. She replied that she was following her dead husband’s instructions, and that if she did not do so they would be visited by misfortune. Her father asked his son to let her have her way. The youth was afraid of her, because he knew that she had it in her power to assume the form of a bear; so he did not object any longer, but left the house during the night to go hunting in a distant valley.

The woman arose before the break of day, and, without stopping to take breakfast, she began to clean the bear-skin. After this was finished, she

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF. THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. pnts

awakened the people, asking for a bone needle with which to sew the skin to the stretching-frame. She was given one. After a short time she said, |My needle is broken. Give me another one.” She sent her little sister, who was sitting near her, to get another one. She broke one needle after another. At last, when she sent her little sister to get another one, her mother sent word that she had no more needles. Then the woman began to growl like a bear. She put on the bear-skin, assumed the form of a bear, and killed her mother. Then she went through the whole village, and killed all’ the people except her little sister. After that she took off the bear-skin and hung it up. She sat down on the right-hand side of the fire, while her sister sat on the left-hand side. On looking at the bear-skin, the little girl observed that the woman had put all the broken needles into the jaws of the bear-skin to serve as teeth. Forte ante ignem pedibus passis sedebat cum subito menses facere coepit. Postea sorore arrepta vulvam capite eius detergebat simulque se eam ad id ipsum dicebat servasse. When the woman was sitting near the fire, she took out her lungs and put them into her left hand, and she took out her heart and put it into her right hand. She expected that her surviving brother would try to kill her, and she wished to deceive him. Since she had taken her heart and lungs from her chest, an arrow shot into her body would not kill her.

Then she went to sleep. While she was lying there, her brother returned. The little girl told him what had happened, and asked him to shoot through the hands of the bear woman. MHe did so, and she died. Then he ran away with his sister, fearing that the bear woman might revive. They crossed a deep canyon on a log. After they had crossed, he laid the log so that it must turn over when stepped upon. Soon the bear woman was seen following their tracks. She stepped on the log, which turned over, so that she dropped into the chasm below.

The youth and his sister travelled on. While they were walking, he said, “Let us try to find a village. There I will marry you.” The girl agreed. Finally they reached a sheet of water. They saw a village on the other side. Then he shouted, asking to be taken across; and soon a canoe came in answer to his summons. When they had reached the village, the youth told the people that the bear woman was pursuing them, and that he had tried in vain to kill her. The people deliberated as to what to do, and finally decided that the Loon and Grebe should fetch her. The barnacles and sea-worms were to hide under the boards in the bottom of the canoe, and bite her, so that she would jump up and upset the canoe. Soon she arrived, and the people heard her shouting on the other side of the water. The Loon and the Grebe launched their canoe, which was very unsteady, and the barnacles and sea-worms hid under the boards in the bottom of the canoe. They went across, and the bear woman got aboard. When they were in

15—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. II. Nov., 1898.

IIl4 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

the middle of the water, the barnacles and worms bit her. She jumped up, and the canoe capsized. The birds swam ashore. After a short time the barnacles and sea-worms came ashore too. They looked very stout, because they had eaten the bear. Then the youth said to the girl, “There are two trails here,—one leading to the left, the other to the right. You follow the one, I will follow the other. If the trails meet, we will marry; if they do not, we here separate forever. They started, and after a while met each other. Then the youth married the girl. (Mask of the Bear, Plate X, Fig. 12.)!

VI.

It is necessary to make a few remarks on the relation of the ceremonials of the Bella Coola Indians to their mythology. I have not seen any of their ceremonials, and my descriptions are based on inquiries, and upon the accounts published by Fillip and Adrian Jacobsen. |

The Bella Coola have two ceremonials,—the sisau’k: and the ki’siut, which correspond to the Lad’laxa and the ts’étsa’eqa of the Kwakiutl. I have described these ceremonials fully in another paper.2 The sisau’k: ceremonials are mostly dramatic representations illustrating the clan legends, some of which have been recorded in Chap. IV, while the ka’siut ceremonials are dramatic representations of the initiation of members of various clans into certain secret societies. Among these, the Cannibal Society, the Society of the Laughers, and the Society of the Throwers, are the most important. These are called by the Bella Coola the rlaxd’Lela, Olx, and Da’tia. I described on pp. 34, 35, the spirits presiding over the two first-named societies. The information which I obtained on these points is perfectly clear and consistent. I cannot quite reconcile the explanations given by A. and F. Jacobsen to the accounts which I received. It seems that their accounts do not clearly distinguish between the opinions held by various tribes. In the article above referred to, I described fully the opinions held by the Kwakiutl in regard to the origin of their Cannibal Society. They believe that a spirit called Baxbakualanuxsi’waé initiates the Cannibals. He is represented as having an enormous black head with dilated nostrils and large mouth. I have made frequent inquiries among the Bella Coola, but received the uniform answer that this being does not initiate their Cannibals. It is not impossible that a few families may have adopted this tradition from the Kwakiutl tribes, but I have not been able to find it among the Bella Coola. Jacobsen maintains that Baxbakualanuxsi’waé is the particular spirit of the Cannibal among the Bella Coola, and brings forward the well-known

' Additional legends of the Bella Coola have been published in the publications quoted on pp. 26, 27,

Annual Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1895, pp. 311-738.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. IIs

tradition of the Awi’k’enox as an explanation of the ceremonial. The only modification which I note in this tradition is that the Cannibal’s wife is described as sucking out through their ears the brains of children, —an incident which I heard related of the mother of Atk’unta’m2 He calls him “ Beck- Beck-Kvalanit, and in the Bella Coola dialect, Pah-Pah Kualanusiva.” This word is decidedly of Kwakiutl origin, meaning “the one who eats human flesh at the mouth of the river (or at the north end of the world).” Neither have I been able to find any mask representing this being among the Bella Coola tribe. The masks which they use in connection with the Cannibal ceremony are of quite a different character (Plate XII, Figs. 1-8). I am the more inclined to think that Mr. Jacobsen did not clearly distinguish between the customs and traditions of various tribes, since he introduces “Ganikilla Ko” (Qa’nig‘ilak") in the traditions of the Bella Coola, while it is distinctively a legend of the Kwakiutl tribes of the extreme northwest of Vancouver Island. Jacobsen does not distinguish clearly between the sisau’k- and the ku’siut, stating that the ka’siut dances are performed during the sisau’k* in the same way as, among the Kwakiutl, a Lad’laxa may be cele- brated during the ts’é’ts’aéqa. This may be, but theoretically the two ceremonials must be considered entirely distinct. According to the infor- mation which I received, sisau’k: dances may be held in summer, in which case the ka’siut could not possibly form part of the sisau’k: ceremonial. When, on the other hand, the sisau’k: takes place during the kt’siut period, it would naturally be accompanied by ka’siut dances. .

As stated before, the sisau’k: is a ceremonial in which the legend of the clan is illustrated by means of dramatic performances. At the same time valuable presents are distributed among the guests who are invited to witness the ceremonial. The value of the gifts amounts often to several thousand dollars. At this time the family legend is told in general outlines, but the details of the legend are kept a secret, and are transmitted only to those who are initiated in the sisau’k: of the clan. It seems that we must consider the transmission of the sisau’k: legend in the following manner: At any given time it is the property of the chief of the family, who, at the time of the celebration, transfers his rights to his successor, generally to his son. The full tradition is kept secret by the owner. It seems that there is a close analogy between the conditions prevailing in the northwest and those found among the southwestern Indians, among whom certain priests are guardians of traditions. Among the tribes of the northwest coast the chief of a family is the guardian and owner of the family tradition, while among the south- western tribes the priest is the guardian of the tradition belonging to a clan or to a fraternity. My impression is, however, that among the northwestern

' Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1891, p. 394. ® [bid., 1894, p. 292.

116 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

Indians the tradition is considered much more clearly the property of the person who has it in charge than it is among the southwestern Indians. A description of the sisau’k: ceremonial has been given by Jacobsen in the paper above referred to.’

A clan legend which is illustrated in the sisau’k: ceremonial is called by the Bella Coola “SEmsma” or “Sma’yusta.” These traditions are the exclusive property of each clan. The laws according to which they descend from generation to generation differ from the laws prevailing among the other Coast tribes. The inhabitants of each Bella Coola village are not subdivided into clans, gentes, or septs; but each village community forms a unit, and possesses the same tradition. In order to keep the tradition in the tribe, the law requires that no person shall marry outside of his own village community. Thus the clan tradition is kept the exclusive property of the village com- munity by means of endogamy. I have made very careful inquiries in regard to this point, and all the old men make substantially the same statement. Even marriages among near relatives are permitted; and although marriages of people who are distantly related, or not related at all, are preferred, it even happens that cousins marry, or that an uncle marries his niece, in order to keep the clan tradition from being acquired by another village community. It seems, however, that, owing to the influence of the Coast tribes, the endogamic system has begun to give way to an exogamic system. Powerful and wealthy chiefs marry outside of their own village community, in order to secure an additional clan legend through marriage. This new system agrees with the one prevalent among the Kwakiutl tribes.

The ki’siut, as stated before, is a religious ceremony in which all the deities of heaven are personified. The members of various clans are initiated according to their clan traditions; but the same societies and the same deities appear in the traditions of all the various clans. From what little I have been able to learn, it seems that there is an ‘elaborate opening of the whole ceremonial, corresponding to the opening of the ceremonial among the Kwakiutl.” I received the following description of the opening ceremony :—

The person who invites to the ki’siut, that is to say, the man whose son is to be initiated into one of the secret societies according to the tradition of his clan, requests a person who is called E’xém to invite the nine brothers and their sister, who reside in the House of Myths, and in whose charge the ka’siut is placed. The names of the brothers are Xémxémala’oila, Xé’mtsiwa, Omq’omki'lik:a, Q’o'mtsiwa, Aimala’oLla, Ai’umki’lik:a, K»lé’lias, Q’ulaxa’wa, At’mak"; and that of their sister, L’étsa’apléLana (see p. 33). In the rear of the house an elevated room is prepared for E’xém, in which he lies down. He is covered with rings made of red cedar-bark. For four days he stays

1'Ymer, 1895, pp. I-23.

I have described this fully in the Annual Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1895, pp. 500 ff,

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS, 117

in this room. Then the host sends messengers to invite the people. They take statis, and tie red cedar-bark round their heads, and go from house to house, singing, “ Nayaxdéts wa nonosp’otstsé’ he ! ” (“I wish to find some one who understands the winter ceremonial.”) This they repeat in every house. Then they return to the host’s house, who sends them out again, ordering them to sing, “Qots’ak:im totéts wa nonosp’otstsé’ he!” (“IT wish the dancers would wash their hands.”) Again they return to his house. They are sent out once more with the message, “* Xoétsak‘imtotéts wa nono- spotstsé’ he!” (“I wish the dancers would make their hands tremble.”) They return once more to the chief’s house, and are sent out again with the message, “ Tapamak:téts wa nondsp’otstsé’ he!” (‘I want the dancers to look at their hands.”) Now the dancers are ready, and come to the house. Then E’xém arises and dresses. He puts on a head-dress of birds’ skins, ornamented with red cedar-bark. He is accompanied by women. Another man, who is called Nusx‘ia’m1, adorns himself with red cedar-bark. He carries in his right hand a small baton covered with red cedar-bark. In his left he carries a larger stick, on which he beats time with the small baton. He sits down, and now all the people enter. First of all, E’xém comes in, accompanied by many women. Nusx-‘ia’mL begins to sing and to beat time, and E’xém shouts, “Ooo!” E’xém walks around the fire, keeping it to his left, and shaking his bark. Before he begins the circuit, he gives four jumps near the door. Four times he goes round the fire, and every time he reaches the door he gives four jumps. As soon ‘as he does so, Nusx‘ia’mi beats time slowly. When E’xém has finished his dance, the people take him to a place near the door, and a woman sings near him. Nusx‘ia’mi and the people join her, then she dances her winter dance. Before she quite finishes, the people make her stop, and another woman begins her dance. Nusx-ia’mi beats time, and the other people join his song. The people make her stop again. Thus a great many people perform their dances. Now E’xém appears again, crying, “Ooo!” and Nusx‘ia’mi beats time. Again he jumps four times to the right and four times to the left when reaching the door. After this, two more men and two more women perform their dances. After this has been done twice, E’xém stands near the door, looking upward, and says, ‘‘They are very near now.” By this time the whole house is full of people. He goes around the ‘house three times, dancing. Then he stays near the door, looking upward, saying all the time, “They are near by.” When he reaches the door the fourth time, he cries, “They have arrived! Now they are here, dancing on the roof.” E’xém continues to dance in the house, in order to induce them to come down. The first to come down is Xémxémala’oila, who stops at the rear of the house and sits down. E’xém continues to dance, and the others enter in order. E’xém stands near them and says, “Now. I have placed

118 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

them. Let the chief give them red cedar-bark.” The people take small pieces of blankets, and sew red cedar-bark on to them in designs corre- sponding to the paintings on the faces of these deities, and they give these to the deities in order to appease them. Then they throw grease into the fire. During all this time E’xém stands in the rear of the house; and when a painting has been finished, the man who offers it to the deity shouts, “ Xemxémala’6ila taix'tau’!” (“This is Xémxémala’6la.”) And E’xém sings, “ Yayak'laméts’ék'a wa k’wa.teEnai’x‘aL t’aix’ tai’ya; aLt’aL’0’mataxstis nusk:asittstaai’x’ asrElkulatatita’ya.” As soon as he has finished his song, a loud noise is heard on the roof, as though a heavy stone were falling down. E’xém arises and performs a dance, while the noise of whistles is heard proceeding from him.

I am not familiar with the details of the ceremonial, and shall proceed to record the principal characteristics of the various societies. The Cannibal is initiated in the House of Myths by Ba’exorla. I recorded above (p. 34) how a young man was initiated by this spirit, and how he was returned) to his friends. The return of the Cannibal is accompanied by ceremonies similar to those recorded in this tradition. It seems that the ceremonies of the Cannibals of various families are much alike, each having a tradition of its own referring to the initiation. It is believed that all the Cannibals, during their initiation, go up to the sky. I was told that on this journey they have to take human flesh along for food. It is said that in former times the chiefs held a council the night preceding the beginning of the ceremonies, and any one who wanted to show his liberality offered one of his slaves to be killed in order to serve as food for Ba’exotla, The offer was accepted, and a payment made for the slave. The latter was killed, and the members of the Ba’exotla order devoured one-half of the body before the departure of the novice to the woods.

The spirit appears to the novice while he. is in the woods, and takes him up to the House of Myths, where he is initiated. Early one morning he returns, and is heard outside of the houses. He has lost all his hair except a little in the median line of the head. It is believed that it has been torn off by the strong wind blowing in the higher regions. Some Cannibals do not devour human flesh, but tear dogs to pieces or devour raw salmon. The ceremonial consists in pacifying the Cannibal, and exorcising the spirit that possesses him. This is the object of the ka’siut ceremonial. After a Cannibal has returned, the people try to capture him. When he is first heard to approach, the speaker, whose face is painted black, and who wears a cedar- bark ring, and is covered with eagle-down, shouts, “'Tix:ma’ts’En tak’axta’Lit taaL’ai’ots’ai. P’alx’éxtsalatstenai’ tix:ma’ts’en tasiswalo’/Lit t’ar’aidtstai’ |” (“‘ Arise, it may be our Cannibal. Awake !”) The Cannibal is accompanied by four assistants, who are called Aritpa, and who from time to time utter

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. T19g

the cry, “Hoip!” which is intended to pacify the Cannibal. They wear masks (Plate XII, Figs. 4 and 5). The people try to throw a nogse over his head; but he throws it off, refusing to be captured. Then the people shout, “ Ya’i!” beating time rapidly. The Cannibal tears the ropes that hold him, and disappears. Then the people follow him, and search for him until they find him. As soon as they approach, he attacks them, but gradually he becomes quieter. Then the speaker (Alk") invites the people to the dancing- house, saying, “Ip’a’nap kukusiau’t!” That means, “Dance, dancers!” Now the Cannibal opens the door, accompanied by his assistants. He wears the mask shown in Plate XII, Fig. 3. At once a number of women arise, ready to surround him as soon as he enters the house. They are called Avav’au’Ltemx:. The speaker, who holds a staff, arises and shouts, “O a ya’li- watimotx AlqoLayak-ai’s!” That means, “Act like a real Cannibal.” The Cannibal utters his cry, “ Hoaaa, hoaaa, hoaaa !” ending with a long deep growl. He stays in the doorway for a long time. Then he steps into the house, turns his left shoulder outward once, bites one man on the right-hand side of the house, and one on the left-hand side, and then performs his circuit of the fire, leaving the fire to his left. In dancing he holds his fists in front of his chest, one on each side. He moves in a stooping position, raising his feet very high. He dances for four nights, during which time the people try to pacify him by means of songs and dances. After he has first been induced to enter the house, he becomes quieter. Then he tells the people what he has seen during his absence, and the song-leader makes a song on the subject. The women do not learn about the events that took place during his absence until they hear the song. After four days the ceremony of exorcising the S’a’Lpsta (Plate XII, Figs. 6 and 7), the monster that possesses him, is performed. A large dish is ornamented with red cedar-bark ; and the assistant of the S’a’Lpsta (Plate XII, Fig. 8), by means of incantations, makes the Cannibal vomit the snake, or the wolf, or the eagle, that possesses him. Then he is seen to carry the head of the animal under his left arm, while the body is seen in the rear, being held by his assistants. Then this animal is seen to vomit flesh and blood into the dish which has been prepared for the purpose. The Cannibal’s assistants cover the body of the animal with down, while they cry from time to time, “ Hoip!” Then the people beat time very rapidly, and suddenly the S’a’Lpsta has disappeared. The people beat time four times, and after this the Cannibal has become like an ordinary man. He walks around the fire, which he keeps to his right, and says, “Now Ba’exoila has left me.” The contents of the dish are thrown into the water, but the dish itself is burned in the dancing-house. It is supposed that it is thus conveyed to heaven. After the dish has been burned, the Cannibal does not dance any more. Then a bed is prepared for him in the rear of the house, in which he must stay for four days. After this, he is

120 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

allowed to re-enter the houses; but before doing so for the first time, he must stop at the door and shout, “ Wa, wa, wa!” Then he jumps over the threshold. Accompanied by many men, he is led, after four days more, to the river for final purification. He is pushed into the water, but struggles to free himself. He tries to duck his companions, and utters his cries. Finally he is led back. Then he.weeps, because the spirit has left him entirely. The people beat time while he is going back to the house. Then he is offered a piece of salmon, which is placed on his throat, while the people shout, “ Hoip, hoip!” The salmon is taken away again, and after some time he is allowed to take one bite. Then he must lie down. After the dancing season is ended, he is again allowed to eat in the same way as other people do. The piece of salmon that was placed on his throat is eaten by children as a protection against sickness. Finally a ceremony is performed which is called “taking the lip of the S’a’Lpsta out of the Cannibal’s body.” While this is being done, the people cry, “Hoip!” Then they throw the lip upon another Cannibal, who at once falls into an ecstasy. Then the shaman takes it back and throws it up towards the sky, where it disappears. The dish and the spoon that the Cannibal used during his ecstasy are destroyed. For four years he must wear a small ring of red cedar-bark, in summer as well as in winter.

The Olx is also initiated in heaven by the being described before (pease There are different traditions regarding his initiation among different clans. Some Olx, during their performances, walk ropes which are stretched through the house. When he returns from his initiation, small whistles, called Gai’laxa, which imitate the voices of eagles, are heard outside of the houses. Then the Olx enters in a state of ecstasy, scratching the people who assemble to hold him, and tearing their blankets. Finally the people succeed in placing a blanket over his head, and he begins to come to his senses. When he enters the house, the people beat time, then he teaches the chorus- leader a song. The mask worn by the Olx is quite large, and characterized by a large nose (Plate XII, Fig. 9). He carries a dancing-club (Plate XII, Fig. 10), and rings made of red cedar-bark. He is accompanied by two assistants, who also wear masks. ;

Vas

We will now discuss the probable origin of the mythology described in the preceding pages. In order to do so, it is necessary to make a brief statement in regard to the social organization of the neighboring tribes. In another paper’ I have fully discussed the considerable amount of borrowing that has taken place among the Coast tribes, and the relation of their

' Indianische Sagem von der nord-pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas, Berlin, 1895, pp. vi + 363.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. [21

mythologies to those of the interior. It is unnecessary to revert to this subject here. The similarity of the Bella Coola legends to those of the other Coast tribes on the one hand, and to the traditions of the Athapascan tribes on the other, is evident.

It is, however, important to compare their social organization with that of the neighboring tribes, in order to gain a clearer understanding of the origin of their peculiar organization. As stated before, the Bella Coola are divided into village communities, which are organized on an endogamic basis. Each village community has its tradition, which is represented in certain ceremonies. The supernatural beings which play a part in these traditions are personified by certain dancers. “Other Coast tribes have a much more complex organization. The Tlingit and Haida are divided into two clans, each of which is subdivided into a great many families, which, as it would seem, were originally village communities. This opinion is based on the fact that the names of many of the families must be translated as “inhabitants of such and such a place.” The two clans are present in all the villages of the tribe, each family belonging to either one clan or the other. The Tsimshian have the same system, except that the number of clans is four instead of two. Each tribe is divided into families, which embrace the inhabitants of a certain region; but all the families of the whole tribe are classified according to the four clans. Among the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian, descent is purely maternal ; among the northern Kwakiutl tribes, conditions are somewhat different, Baran to observations made by Dr. Livingston Farrand. Here we have village communities which are subdi- vided according to four clans in the same way as those of the Tsimshian, but descent is not purely maternal. There is a strong preponderance of the latter form of descent, but parents are at liberty to place their children in either the paternal or maternal clan. The preponderance of maternal descent is, however, so strong, that from my previous occasional inquiries I drew the inference that descent was purely maternal.

Among the southern Kwakiutl tribes the families constituting a village community are subdivided into a number of clans, but each clan is confined to one village. We do not find a limited number of clans perv ading the whole tribe, as we do among the northern tribes. An analysis of the social organization of this tribe has shown that the present organization has evidently developed from a previous simpler state, in which the tribe was divided into single village communities. The present more complex organization resulted from the amalgamation of various villages. Owing to the influence of the totemism of the northern tribes, each village community adopted a crest, which in course of time became the totem of the clan.1. The Kwakiutl have a peculiar organization, which may be considered a transitional stage between

1 “Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians” (Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1895, p. 332).

16—MEM. AM. MUS. NAT. HIST., VOL. Il. NOV., 1898.

22 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

maternal and paternal institutions. ‘Descent is in the paternal line ; but a man, at the time of his marriage, receives his father-in-law’s crest as a dowry, which he holds in trust for his son, so that actually each individual inherits the crest of his maternal grandfather. The clans are exogamic.

The organization of the Salish tribes of the southern coast, who are lin- guistically closely related to the Bella Coola, is somewhat similar to that of the Kwakiutl. They are divided into village communities, a few of which have amalgamated, as, for instance, among the Salish tribes of Vancouver Island, among whom the tribe consists of a number of septs, each of which owns a separate village. Here the influence of northern totemism is very much weaker. While most of the village communities have certain crests, these do not play so important a part in the social life of the tribe or in its mythology as they do among the Kwakiutl, and the village communities are not exogamic. The Salish tribes of the interior are organized in very loose village communities without any trace of totem.

The fundamental difference between the northern tribes and the southern tribes consists, therefore, in the fact that the northern tribes have a limited number of clans which are present in all the villages, while among the southern tribes the village community is the only unit of organization.

The organization of the Bella Coola resembles most .closely that of the Coast Salish tribes of southern British Columbia. In both cases the tribe is divided into village communities, which possess crests and traditions. This latter -feature is, however, very much more strongly developed among the Bella Coola than among the southern tribes. They differ in their laws of intermarriage. While among the southern Coast Salish tribes there is a ten- dency to exogamy, the Bella Coola have developed a system of endogamy.

The tribes of the Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia claim descent from mythical ancestors, who are believed to have originated at the place which the tribe now inhabit. A number of traditions of this kind bear evidence of having been derived from historical events. Some of the tribes in the delta of Fraser River have traditions which refer to the amalgamation of tribes who descended from the mountains, and who are described as the descendants of animals living in the mountains, and of the natives of the delta.' I believe that the tribal traditions of the Bella Coola which were told in a previous chapter also bear evidence of the historical fates of the tribe. It is very remarkable that the important tradition of Totosd’nx gives Fraser River as the place to which he descended from heaven. In another tradition, Bute Inlet is given as the place at which one of the Bella Coola tribes originated. In still another one, Skeena River is mentioned as the home of one of the tribes (see p. 69). I do not doubt that these allusions to territory

"Ninth Report of the Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science on the North- western Tribes of Canada, 1894, p. 3.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 123

inhabited by Salish tribes refer to the early separation of the Bella Coola tribe from the related tribes of the Gulf of Georgia, and that in their tradi- tions they have retained the memory of the emigration of part of the tribe from the southern territory. It seems also probable that the allusion to the origin of one family of the tribe on Skeena River refers to a mixture with the tribes inhabiting northern British Columbia.

The traditions of the tribes also describe the style of house used by the ancestors of certain village communities; and it is interesting to note that some of these houses correspond to the subterranean lodges that were in use among the Chilcotin, while others correspond to the tents that were in use among the Carriers. It is said that the ancestor of the NuLué’ix used the subterranean lodge which is called tsi’pa (see p. 87), while the ancestor of the Nusq!n’Ist used the skin lodge which is called sk-ma (SeGp. 64),

Since the Bella Coola retain the fundamental traits of the social organi- zation of their congeners in the south, and since their traditions bear evidence of an emigration from that region, and since, furthermore, the linguistic evidence proves that the Bella Coola and the Coast Salish at one time inhabited contiguous areas on the coast, we are justified in assuming that the general culture of the Bella Coola at the time of their emigration must have resembled that of the Coast Salish. The question then arises, How did the peculiar endogamic system and the remarkable mythology of the Bella Coola originate from the much simpler forms that we find among the Coast Salish ?

One of the most remarkabie features in the inner life of the tribes of the northern coast of British Columbia is the great importance of the clan legend, which is considered one of the most valuable properties of each clan or family. It is carefully guarded in the same way as material property, and an attempt on the part of a person not a member of the clan to tell the tradition as his own is considered one of the gravest offences against property rights. The possession of a clan tradition is felt by the Indian to be one of his most important prerogatives. When, therefore, the Bella Coola settled on Bella Coola River, and were thrown into contact with the northern Coast tribes, the lack of a well-developed clan tradition must have been felt as a serious drawback. The physical appearance of the Bella Coola proves that at one time they must have intermarried to a great extent with the Bella Bella. Through these marriages the peculiar customs of the Coast tribes were first introduced among them. This is shown by the fact that a great many of the mythological names can be proved to be of Kwakiutl origin, of which stock the Bella Bella are a branch. Thus the name for their supreme deity, Smai’yakila, is a Kwakiutl word meaning “the one who must be worshipped.” The name O’mq’omkilik:a is also of Kwakiutl origin, and may be translated as “the wealthiest one.” The great frequency of

124 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

words of Kwakiutl derivation will become clear by a glance at the following list, which contains words that can be proved to be of Kwakiutl origin :—

a’Lokoala = shaman.

Alk* = speaker.

E/mask‘in (p. 49) (Kwakiutl, Hé’mask‘in) = the greatest chief.

Hau’hau (p. roo) =a fabulous bird.

L’a’qoag ila =the copper maker.

L’a’quméiks = sister of Masmasala’nix (the ending, ks, designates “woman” in Kwa- kiutl).

a : Léqumail’ = mythological name of deer.

Omq’omki'lik’a (p. 33) (Kwakiutl, Q’6’mq’dm- kilik’a) = the wealthiest one.

PO’Las.

Qandatsla’qs (p. 49).

Q’6md’qoa (p. 52) = the wealthy one.

Q’o’mqitis (p. 49) =rich at opposite side of river.

Q’d’mtsiwa (p. 33) = wealthy at mouth of river.

Smai’yakila (p. 29) =the one who must be worshipped.

Ma’lak‘ilat.

Mentsi’t (p. 48).

Mia’ltoa= the country of the salmon (p. 38) (Kwakiutl, mé) = salmon.

No’akila (pp. 49, 66).

O”’meark‘as (p. 70) =the real O’medt.

O”/’meatmai (p. 70).

si’siuL =a fabulous fish or snake (pp. 28, 44, 48).

Smayal6’orla (p. 29).

T’o’pewas (p. 97) =the fawn.

Winwi'na (p. 38) = war.

Wa’k‘itemai (p. 50) = the greatest river.

With these names and customs the clan traditions must have found their to the Bella Coola, but their social organization differed fundamentally from that of the Bella Bella branch of the Kwakiutl. While the latter, owing to intimate contact with the northern tribes, had adopted the four-clan system with prevalent maternal descent, the Bella Coola were still distinctly divided into village communities that were not exogamic. that the jealousy with which the ownership of a clan tradition was guarded by the Coast tribes was very early introduced among the Bella Coola. Two means were available for preventing outsiders from acquiring the traditions. Among the Coast tribes with prevailing maternal institutions, among whom a

way

It seems very likely

limited number of clans existed, the ordinary law of inheritance was sufficient to retain the tradition inside of the clan. Not so among the Bella Coola. If their organization at an early time was similar to that of the Coast Salish, it is likely that the child was counted as well a member of the father’s as of the mother’s family, although the young woman generally moved to the If the child belonged to the families of both parents, it had the right to use the tradition of either family; and

village occupied by her husband.

consequently in the course of a few generations, the traditions acquired by There were The one was to prevent marriages outside the village community; and this method would seem to

each family would have spread practically over the whole tribe. only two methods possible to avoid this result.

have been most natural for a tribe organized in village communities, members of which were allowed to intermarry. The other method would have been to regulate the laws of inheritance in such a way that the child had to

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 125

follow either father or mother, but that it had not the right to use the property of both parents. It seems to my mind that the former method was more likely to develop under the existing social conditions, and that to this reason we must ascribe the development of an endogamic system among the Bella Coola. The occurrence of endogamic marriage among this tribe is quite isolated on the Pacific coast. All the other tribes have exogamic insti- tutions, and by this means preserve their property rights. It is interesting to note that the southern Kwakiutl, who originally seem to have been organized in village communities, have adopted exogamic institutions ; but there is a notable difference, in the organization of the village community, between the Bella Coola and the Kwakiutl. Among the Bella Coola we generally find four ancestors to each village,—usually three men and one woman. It is true that these are generally called brothers and sister, but they were created independently by Srenx, and are therefore not necessarily considered as blood relations. Among the Kwakiutl the village community are considered the descendants of one single being ; consequently, among the latter tribe they are all relatives, who are forbidden to intermarry ; while among the Bella Coola they are not relatives, and may intermarry.

My inference is, therefore, that the curious social system of the Bella Coola developed through the influence of the customs of the Coast tribes upon the loose social unit of the Salish village community. The possession of clan traditions was felt as a great advantage, and consequently the desire developed to possess clan traditions. These were acquired partly by inter- marriage with the Coast tribes, as is shown by the fact that many of these traditions are borrowed from these tribes, partly by independent invention. The desire to guard the traditions which were once acquired led to the development of endogamic institutions, in order to prevent the spread of the traditions over the whole tribe. | The jealousy with which the traditions are guarded has had the effect of making each family try to prevent other families from knowing its own clan tradition. For this reason the clan traditions of the whole tribe are remarkably inconsistent. We find, for instance, that the well-known raven legend of the northern Coast tribes has been utilized by many families as a family tradition. But while one family uses one part of the tradition, other families use other parts of the same tradition. Thus it happens that among the Bella Coola we find the most contradictory myths in regard to important events in the world’s history. Some families maintain that the Raven liberated the sun, while, according to another one, the Mink was essential in bringing about the present state of affairs. Still others say that Totoso’nx, during his travels, caused the sun to appear. The discrepancies in the traditions referring to the visit of the Mink and Wasp to their father, the Sun, are also very remarkable. Although a considerable amount. of

126 BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS.

contradiction is inherent in all the mythologies of the North Pacific coast, they nowhere reach such a degree as among the Bella Coola; and I presume the fact that the traditions are kept secret by the various families accounts for this curious condition. ;

The prayers of the Bella Coola directed to Senx or Ta’ata bear a remarkable resemblance to the prayers of the Tsimshian addressed to Laxha, the sky. In both tribes we find the idea that when the Sun wipes his face ‘t will be clear weather, and man will be happy; consequently the prayer to the deity “to wipe his face” occurs quite often.

One of the most important customs that the Bella Coola borrowed from the Coast tribes is the ka’siut ceremonial, with which are connected the various secret societies, particularly the custom of ceremonial cannibalism. The ceremonies and the paraphernalia used by the Bella Coola and by the Kwakiutl are practically identical. I told above (p. 34) the legend explaining the origin of cannibalism. Among the Bella Bella and Kwakiutl, another tradition is told to explain the origin of this custom. The tradition tells of a spirit called Baxbakualanuxsi’waé, who lives in the forest, and who initiates the members of the Cannibal Society. The series of traditions clustering around this being differ fundamentally from those referring to the Cannibal Society of the Bella Coola. The custom has also spread to the Tsimshian, who say that the secret societies were introduced by a hunter who was taken into the inside of a cliff by a white bear. Inside he saw a house, in which the various societies were performing their ceremonies. It appears, therefore, that the same ritual which is practised by three distinct tribes is explained by three fundamentally distinct myths; and we must conclude that in this case the ritual is older than the myth,—that the latter has been invented in order to explain customs that were borrowed from foreign tribes, so that the ritual is the primary phenomenon, while the myth is secondary.’

These considerations explain some of the psychological motives for the development of certain traditions and myths, as well as the curious incon- sistency of the clan traditions of the Bella Coola. They do not, however, explain the most fundamental characteristic of the traditions of the tribe. I pointed out in the third chapter of this paper, that, notwithstanding the numerous contradictions contained in family legends, the conception of the word and the functions of the various deities are so well defined that we must consider the mythology of this tribe vastly superior to that of the neighboring tribes. While the latter believe in a great many spirits which are not co-ordinated, we have here a system of deities. The existence of a systematic mythology among the Bella Coola proves that under favorable conditions the advance from the lower forms of beliefs to higher forms may be a very rapid one.

1 See Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895, pp. 660 ff.

BOAS, THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BELLA COOLA INDIANS. 12

“I

Our analysis shows that this system cannot be considered as an impor- tation, but that it probably developed among the Bella Coola themselves. After they removed to their new home, a mass of foreign ideas had come into their possession through contact with their new neighbors. While these new ideas were being remodelled and assimilated, they stimulated the minds of the people, or of a few members of the tribe, who were thus led to the formation of an elaborate concept of the world. The concept which they have developed agrees in all its main features with those created by men of other zones and of other races. The mind of the Bella Coola philosopher, operating with the class of knowledge common to the earlier strata of culture, has reached conclusions similar to those that have been formed by man the world over, when operating with the same class of knowledge. On the other hand, the Bella Coola has also adopted ready-made the thoughts of his neighbors, and has adapted them to his environment. ‘hese two results of our inquiry emphasize the close relation between the com- parative and the historic methods of ethnology, which are so often held to be antagonistic. Each is a check upon rash conclusions that might be attained by the application of one alone. It is just as uncritical to see, in an analogy of a single trait of culture that occurs in two distinct regions, undoubted proof of early historical connection as to reject the possibility of such connection, because sometimes the same ideas develop independently in the human mind. Ethnology is rapidly outgrowing the tendency to accept imperfect evidence as proof of historical connection ; but the comparative ethnologist is hardly beginning to see that he has no right to scoff at the historical method. Our inquiry shows that safe conclusions can be derived only by a careful analysis of the whole culture. The growth of the myths of the Bella Coola can be understood only when we consider the culture of the tribe as a whole. And so it is with other phenomena. All traits of culture can be fully understood only in connection with the whole culture of a tribe. When we confine ourselves to comparing isolated traits of culture, we open the door to misinterpretations without number.

If, then, the demand is made for a more critical method in the com- parative study of ethnology than it has generally been accorded, it does not imply a deprecation of the results of the method. When the human mind evolves an idea, or when it borrows the same idea, we may assume that it has been evolved or accepted because it conforms with the organization of the human mind; else it would not be evolved or accepted. The wider the distribution of an idea, original or borrowed, the closer must be. its conformity with the laws governing the activities of the human mind. Historical analysis will furnish the data referring to the growth of ideas among different people; and comparisons of the processes of their growth will give us knowledge of the laws which govern the evolution and selection

of ideas.

ITI.— Arcuorocy or Lytron, British Cotumeta. By Haruan J, Smrru.

PLATE XII,

Lytton is situated at the confluence of the Thompson and Fraser Rivers, in southern British Columbia. Below Lytton the Fraser River breaks through the Coast Range, forming a deep cafion, while above Lytton it flows through the plateau which extends from the Coast Range to the western range of the Rocky Mountains. The climate of this area is rather dry, and consequently the vegeta- tion is somewhat scanty. The higher parts of the country are covered with open timber. The Indians inhabiting this area at the present time subsist largely on fish, of which there is an abundant supply in the rivers, particularly at the time when the salmon ascend to spawn ; but fish is not by any means as important a staple as it is among the tribes of the coast. Roots and berries, which are gathered on the hills, form an important part of the diet of the people, who also hunt deer and bear, on which they subsist when living at a distance from the rivers.

On account of the importance of the fish diet, the more permanent villages of the Indians are located on the larger rivers, principally on the Fraser and Thompson. Places on the banks of the river which are not too far removed from berrying and root-digging grounds are the favorite resorts of the Indians. Lytton is most favorably located for all these pursuits, and consequently it has always been an important village. Evidently the same conditions prevailed in prehistoric times, as is shown by the extensive remains of villages and the large burial-grounds found at this place.

A large burial-ground on the point of land between the Fraser and Thompson Rivers has long been known. It was first described by Dr. George M. Dawson, who investigated it while engaged in geological work in southern British Columbia during the years 1877 and 1888-90.'_ The collections made by Dr. Dawson are in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada. The botanist Diercks, while studying the flora of this country, collected a number of fine stone carvings, princi- pally from the region below Lytton. These are now in the Royal Ethnographical Museum at Berlin. In the Provincial Museum at Victoria, B. C., and in various private cabinets of antiquities, are several small collections, the results of casual visits to the old burial-place near Lytton. The specimens from similar sources which were preserved in the City Museum of New Westminster, B. C., were totally destroyed by fire in 1808.

1 Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II, 1891, pp. 10-12,

[129]

130 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

In July, 1897, the Jesup North Pacific Expedition made a series of explora- tions in this vicinity. The following descriptions are based upon these explorations, which were carried on by the writer. The accompanying illustrations are from drawings by Mr. R. Weber. In the field, assistance was rendered by Mr. Charles Hill-Tout of Vancouver, who for many years has been much interested in the antiquities of British Columbia, and whose ‘Later Prehistoric Man in British Columbia,’ is the first +éswmé of British Columbian archeology. Mr. J. J. Oakes assisted in excavating, and explored the graves which he discovered on a Chinaman’s ranch, finding several important specimens.

The explorations were largely confined to the main burial-place and village- site, situated on the sand-hill that is found along a terrace between the cafions of the Fraser and Thompson Rivers and immediately to the north of their confluence (Plate XIII). This is by far the most important site near Lytton. The hill is about a hundred feet above the river, and is approximately five hundred feet in length by two hundred feet in breadth, A large pine-tree is growing on the crest of the hill, in the middle of the burial-place. An Indian trail passes to the west of the area, and the government road bounds it on the east. No definite age can be assigned to any of the remains secured, as the wind, which sweeps strongly up the cafion of the Fraser River, is continually shifting the light, dry sand from place to place. It uncovers the graves, disarranges them, and sometimes re-covers the remains. Miners and Indians often camp at this site’; and the objects left or lost by them are scattered on the surface, and often covered by the blowing sand. All these objects must be distinguished from the undisturbed burials of the prehistoric people. The surface is strewn with human bones which have been uncovered by the wind. There are also scattered about shell beads, wedges made of antler, scrapers and chipped points of stone such as are used for arrows and knives, grinding-stones, celts, and other material similar to that found in the graves. There is a large box at this place, in which the Indians deposit the bones and objects as they are uncovered by the wind, but sometimes they bury them. The bones they consider to be those of Indians, although they do not know whether they are of their own ancestors or not. It is reasonably certain, judging from the complete absence of European objects in the undisturbed graves, that they antedate contact with the whites. A number of them must be several hundred years old.

Extending to the north from the hill, and on the same terrace, were found old hearths, indicated by broken and crackled firestones, large slabs of grinding- stones, and remains of underground houses. A few human bones were secured from the edge of a gravel-pit made by miners near an Indian cemetery known to be modern by the portions of the fence which still remain.

Southward from the sand-hill, on the level of the terrace, were found traces of similar hearths, charcoal, and rolls of birch-bark partly burned. Here were also remains of underground houses. There were two large bowlders which the

1 Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Second Series, Vol. I, Section II, 1895, pp. 103-122.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 131

Indians report were used in the ceremonials performed by young men or by youths when reaching maturity. It is said that these youths were required to cover the distance from one bowlder to the other in a prescribed num- ber of leaps.

About half a mile below Lytton, on the high gravel terrace on the left bank of the Fraser River, was found a second village-site. The Canadian Pacific Railroad cuts through the western portion of this terrace, which is considerably higher than the one upon which the town of Lytton is located. Scattered over the surface of the wind- swept sands are numerous evidences of former habitation ; such as chips of glassy basalt, burned and crackled firestones, and the carved Fig. x (g}$;). Stone stone object, apparently of foliaceous steatite, shown in levheigo ag Mare surface, ad ite: Nat use of this object is undetermined.

A third village-site was located on the high terrace on the left bank of the Fraser River, about two miles north of Lytton. The place is a meadow in an open pine forest east of the government road. South of it jsa small brook, ending lower down in a marsh. This may have determined the location of the site, since it affords a supply of fresh water high above the Fraser River. Here were remains of a large number of underground houses, apparently very old, as none of the house-timbers remained. Scattered about near them were chips of glassy basalt, rubbed stones, and skin-scrapers made of stone.

There are a number of recent graves on a lower terrace between this village- site and the Fraser River, the little cemetery lying on a cultivated ranch between the government road and the river. At this point the Fraser has cut into the terrace, forming a steep bluff. Three wooden grave-posts carved to represent human beings, and a rifle, marked the place. Several remains of underground houses were found in the vicinity. These houses were probably more recent than those on the higher terraces, as the pits and embankments were less levelled by _ the action of wind and water. Near them were found points chipped from glassy basalt, stone pestles, and rubbed stones. About two miles farther up-stream, on the verge of the high bluff overlooking the Fraser, and nearly opposite the mouth of Stein Creek, a fourth site was found. Here there were many remains of old houses, rubbed stones, and other evidences of a prehistoric village.

A fifth ancient village anda burial-place were located at the north side of the mouth of Stein Creek, which empties into the Fraser River from the west, at a point about four miles above Lytton. This place is on the table-land overlooking the Fraser River, and near the cemetery of the present Indian village of Slame. Here were human bones, fragments of pecten shells (probably parts of pendants or rattles), fragments of steatite pipes, and wedges of antler, scattered by the wind. On the lower terrace, close to Stein Creek, are remains of ancient houses which measure from fifty to sixty feet in diameter,

Some attention was given to a sixth site, which is marked by burials and traces of habitations on the low sandy terraces on the west bank of the Fraser

re2 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

River, about opposite the main burial-place (Plate XIII). These remains ex- tended nearly a mile to the north, and included several house-pits on the ranch of Mr. Earl, nearly a mile above Lytton. These pits were from fifty to fifty-five feet in diameter, and five feet deep, measuring from the top of the ridge. Human bones, chipped points of glassy basalt, rubbed stones, and other implements were found in the sides of miners’ pits; and several complete burials were found ona ranch cultivated by Chinamen, nearly opposite the main burial-place. These sites may or may not have been occupied at the same time.

All through this region are evidences of prehistoric habitations, located at varying distances from the larger village-sites. This suggests that the mode of life of the prehistoric people was similar to that of the present Indians, among whom one or two families often live at some distance from the main villages.

Resources. — The resources of the prehistoric people of Lytton, as indicated by the specimens found in the graves, hearths, and about the village-sites, were chiefly stone, copper, shell, bone, antler, teeth, the skins of animals, and vegetable substances.

They employed extensively various kinds of stone for making a large variety of objects. Quartzite pebbles were used for scrapers, hammers, and similar ob- - jects. Quartz crystals were found in the sites, and may have been used for drills and charms. Argillite was made into fish-knives, points for arrows, etc. Glassy basalt, agate, chalcedony, and yellow, red, and green jasper were used for various kinds of chipped implements. The material commonly employed for the chipped objects, however, was basalt. Steatite was made into pipes, perforators, etc. Sheets of mica were made into pendants.

Green stones of various degrees of hardness and shades of color were used extensively for celts. Professor James Furman Kemp, of Columbia University, has identified the specimens shown in Figs. 40-46. He says: —

“Thin sections for microscopic study were prepared of each, and specific gravities were determined of each. Sections\were also prepared, for comparison, of jades from China, Siberia, New Zealand, and of jadeite from Thibet.

“ 5}4, [Fig. 45] and 54%, [Fig. 44] are apparently the same material. They are dark green, and have specific gravities of 2.657 and 2.655 respectively. These values are too low for jade [nephrite] or jadeite. I believe the investiga- tions conducted by Dr. William Hallock for Mr. H. R. Bishop have placed 2.90 as about the lower limit for true characteristic jade. Both specimens consist of aggregates of small fibres, of about o.1 mm. in length and a fraction as wide, say 0.02 mm. They have parallel extinction between crossed nicols, and an axis of least elasticity parallel to the elongation. 4%; behaves like serpentine, giving low polarization colors, such as grays; but 54%, is brighter, and is rather active for serpentine. The rock is certainly not jade. Its hardness is not too great for the ae limits of serpentine. Some black magnetite is present in zbie

gotr LFig. 40], o$$, [Fig. 41], 41%, [Fig. 46], and 51%, [Fig. 43), all fulfil the optical and physical tests for jade, They are fine felty aggregates of

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 133 minute rods with extinction angles up to 15°. The specific gravities are those of typical jade: viz., »4$,, 3.011; zee 2-985; sh £5, 3.014; 3145, 3.010. They re- semble Chinese jade in microscopic characters.

“atta [Fig. 42] resembles in structure and optical properties the four just referred to, and looks just like them. Its specific gravity is, however, lower than the values obtained for the others, and is 2.879. This is not a serious difference, but some lighter foreign mineral may be present, although not detected in the thin section. I believe the implement to be jade.”

Tons of green stones were seen along the Fraser and Thompson Rivers in this vicinity. The parent outcrops are said to be in a creek tributary to the Fraser River, some miles above Lytton.

Siliceous sandstone of a rather coarse structure was used for making smooth- ers for arrow-shafts, for stones for grinding grooves in serpentine in order to cut it into convenient forms for implements, and for grinding-stones. Copper clay was used for blue paint ; and white calcareous and yellow earths and red ochre, for paint of those respective colors,

Of the source of the red ochre, Dr. Dawson,’ in his ‘Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,’ writes as follows : —

“There are within the country of the Shuswaps three notable and well-known localities from which red ochre for paint was derived. One of these, named Skwo'-kil-ow, is situated on the east side of Adams Lake, five miles from the lower end of the lake. Another, named Tsul'-a-men, or ‘red paint,’ is the remarkable red bluff from which the Vermilion Forks of the Similkameen River is named, the name of the north branch, Tulameen, representing the Indian word just quoted. This bluff is about three miles above the Forks. The third locality is on the Bonaparte, not far above the mouth of Hat Creek. This has not been precisely identified nor was its name ascertained,

“The paint-producing locality on Adams Lake is still widely known among the Indians, and is said to have been resorted to from time immemorial. There is here near the beach a shallow cave, which has evidently been somewhat enlarged if not altogether formed by digging for ochre. It is hollowed along the strike of some soft pyritous schists, kept damp by springs, and in which the decomposition of the pyrites produces an abundance of yellow ochre. This is collected and burnt, when it assumes a bright red colour. A black shining mineral was also used in old times to paint the face. This was either micaceous iron or graphite, probably the former. My informant did not know whence it was obtained, but several places from which either mineral could be got are now known.”

Copper was made into various objects. Evidently it was much used for orna- ments, such as bracelets (?) and anklets (?), and for the decoration of clothing, as indicated by the copper stain on human bones, elk-tooth beads, and dentalium shells. The copper may have been obtained from the mountains north of Lytton, where native copper occurs.

! Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II, 1891, p. 17.

134 SMITH, ARCHAZZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Many evidences of the association of animals with man were found. While it may be that some of the animals whose remains are found in the village-sites and burial-grounds did not live with the people, having taken up their abodes in these places after they had been deserted, numerous worked and broken bones and teeth show that the animals to whom they belonged must have been useful to the prehistoric inhabitants of Lytton.

Bones of food animals, such as the deer, black bear, birds, and fish, were found with the remains in the village-sites. When the salmon come up the river from the ocean to spawn, they swim in such immense schools that they are easily dipped out with a hand-net. Their bones, frequently found in the old hearths, ‘ndicate the use of this fish for food. Shells of the unio were too rarely found to indicate its use as common food. The mountain-goat,—whose flesh is excellent, and from the wool of which the Indians on the lower part of Fraser River still make blankets,—as well as other game, is yet plentiful in this region ; and although its bones were not found, it was probably used for food, and its wool may have been spun (see p. 146). The jaw-bone of a dog found on the surface of the sixth site may have been brought there since contact with the whites, as there was no proof of the age of this surface specimen.

Bone of deer and other animals was made into awls, scrapers, adzes or chisels, needles, pendants, knife-handles, etc. No points made of bone, that were suitable for arrows, were found. Teeth of the elk and of small carnivorous animals were used for beads or pendants. Woodchuck-teeth were made into dice, and beaver- teeth into points for knives. Antler was made into wedges, harpoon-points, handles to digging-sticks, war-clubs, and daggers, and was carved into various figures. The skins of animals were made into garments, portions of which were found preserved by the dry climate and the action of copper salts. Bones of the deer, bear, puma, wolf, beaver, woodchuck, and weasel indicate the possible use of fine skin garments. Unio shells were made into spoons ; and dentalium shells from the Pacific Ocean, into beads and tassels. Little olivella shells with the spires broken off also served as beads. Large shells ( Pecten caurinus ) were per- forated for pendants or rattles, and pendants were also made of abalone shell.

The present Indians of this area used dentalium shells, which are not im- ported along the Fraser River, but from the region north of Vancouver Island, over the mountains, down to the upper course of the Fraser River. The trade in these shells is in the hands of the Chilcotin, an Athapascan tribe of western British Columbia. It is probable that in prehistoric times dentalium shells found their way to Lytton over the same route. It seems at least that the use of den- talium shells was much more extensive in the interior than it was in prehistoric times in the delta of the Fraser River.

Vegetable substances include charred pieces of wood from the hearths, and other charred fragments which had probably been portions of canoes, sticks, etc., that were found in various parts of the village-sites. Pieces of wood were found wrapped in copper, and preserved by the action of the copper salts, the whole be-

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 135 ing probably an ornament of some sort (see p. 160). Birch-bark charred, or pre- served by the dryness of the climate, was found in the graves as lining or covering, and in the form of rolls. Probably it Was also used for dishes. Charred berries, including bearberry ( Arctostaphylos ), were found in the hearths ; and to this day edible roots are plentiful in the vicinity. That they were dug for food is sug- gested by the presence of the digging-stick handles. The seeds of a western species of Lythospermum, which may have been used for food, were frequently found in the hearths; and large numbers of them were sometimes over the skele- tons in the graves, as if that plant had been used as a covering for the bodies. A kind of gum that was found in a clam-shell spoon and on a bone handle for a stone knife resembles that from the fir and pine. Woven fabric of vegetable fibre, pos- sibly sagebrush bark, and portions of string made of the bark of red cedar (Thuja gigantea), were found in the graves.

funting and Fishing » Digging Roots. — Many implements used in procu ring food were found. By far the most numerous were chipped points for arrows, knives, and spears of various sizes and shapes.’ Va- rieties of these are represented: in Figs. 2-8, those of the type shown in Fig. 6 being the most numerous. The material com- monly used for chipped points is eWassy bias alt. Practically all the

Chipped Points. } nat. size. smaller im p hes fe ee tandnacs ae ments are made of ee Se. . Found in this material. An

unusually large

number of fantastic forms of small chipped objects were found here (Figs 8-13). These are of the same material as the other small points. The specimens shown in Figs. 14- j Ig were collected by Mr. J. D. King, of Figg iy Fig. 5 / Kamloops, B. C., in 1891, and presented to reit; 4, sie. hipped Arsilite daubed with Red ce the Provincial Museum at Victoria. They 3 fit gisif: Chipped Point. Found on surface, 6th site resemble specimens found at Lytton. In the work of the Jesup Expedition such extremely fantastic points were not found at Kamloops. The large point of translucent brown chalcedony shown

Gi G

136 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

in Fig. 5 is one of the most beautiful chipped implements found, and repre- sents a high development of this art. The small implements of chipped glassy

Fig. 6 Chipped Points of Glassy Basalt. % nat. size.

Fig. 6 (33$;@). Found in grave.

_ Fig. 7 (aise). Found on surface, in unfin- ished state.

basalt shown in Figs. 8-13 also furnish evidence of considerable skill. It is remarkable that no rubbed stone points for arrows or spears, such as are nu- merous on the coast, were found, although rubbed fish-knives are quite common, and one rubbed slate point was obtained at Kamloops, ninety-five miles above Lytton in the Thompson valley.

The edges of the specimens seen in Figs. 2, 3, and 5 are smooth. The specimen pictured in Fig. 2 also shows a polish on the ridges made by chipping. In the other two, the edge of that part which one would expect to be covered by a shaft or handle is smooth; and the jagged edge at the point of the one shown in Fig. 5 is very much rounded. If this smoothness had been caused by

the blowing sand after the shafts had rotted away, or by the natural disintegra- tion of the stone, it would have extended over the whole surface.

Fig. 9

Fig. 10 Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 13

Fantastic Forms chipped from Glassy Basalt. Nat. size.

Fig. 8 (5$$;). Daubed with red ochre.\ Found on surface. Fig. 9 (33852), Fig. 10 (s483), Fig. 11 (s3§2), Fig. 12 (g3%e), Fig. 13 (si6z). Found in excavating.

Fig. 14 (98)

Fig. 16 (990) Fig. 17 (989) Fig. 18 (986) Fig. 19 (984)

Fantastic Forms chipped from Glassy Basalt. # nat. size. Lytton or Kamloops. (From drawings, by Miss E. H. Woods, of specimens in the Provincial Museum, Victoria, B. C.)

The Indians now living in the valley of the Thompson River, near Lytton, still possess the art of chipping small stone arrow-points. To obtain the basalt

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 137

they make journeys up the mountains, where they break it fresh from the quarry, in which state they claim that it can be worked more easily than the material sometimes obtained by breaking up the large chipped points found in the vicinity. These they believe were made by the raven before there were men on the earth, and they call them “raven arrows,” Thus it would seem that at least the large ' points were not made by the last few generations of the present tribe of Indians, Two harpoon-points of the type shown in Fig. 20, made of antler, were found. Each point had two barbs on one side; and the , Fig. 20 (s8f). Harpoon-Point, made of Antler. Found in excavating, base, which was slightly wedge- shaped, was perforated. This por- tion of the specimen figured was stained, and better preserved than the rest of the imple- ment, as if it had been protected by a handle extending about half-way to the first barb. The perforations in both specimens were elliptical, as if they had been cut instead of drilled, and did not seem to be worn, as by a thong passing through them. The butt-end may have been inserted in the handle and a string attached through the hole, so that when an animal was speared the point would come out of the handle, but the animal would be held by the string. This would tend to wear the hole in a direction away from the barbs. In one specimen the hole is very close to the Paceeeo that to fasten it to a handle, leaving the hole free for a string, would be difficult. In this case the base need not be wedge-shaped beyond the hole, as in the figured specimen. However, the axis of the elliptical hole extends diagonally in the direc- tion of the barbs. Possibly these points may have been inserted quite a distance into the handle, and fastened there by a rivet, but there is no trace of such a rivet. In the latter case the wedge-shaped base extending far up the shaft would facilitate fast. ening it firmly.

Fig. 21a

It is probable, although there is no direct evi- Fig. ar ci " ig. 38s). Handle of Digging- dence, that traps of various kinds were used for sdf 21 {allp)., Handle of Digging. s : face, 6th site. 4 nat. size. catching some of the small animals whose bones were Fig. 21a. Reverse Side of Tip.

so abundant in the excavations. For gathering edible roots the natives now use digging-sticks. The handle

138 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

of such a stick is usually a piece of bone, antler, or wood, perforated in the middle for receiving the butt of the digging-stick. A handle of this kind (Fig. 21) was found on the surface of the sixth site. It is made of part of an elk-antler, but slightly changed from the natural form by scraping or rubbing. The perforation, which is not exactly circular, has been worn down to an elliptical shape, probably by the rubbing of the digging-stick when in use. It is of conical shape, so that ‘t would hold the stick the more firmly, the harder the downward pressure in digging. The small end of this tapering hole is at the top or decorated surface of the handle, and the large end is below.

AYE

Fig. 22 Fig. 23 Fig, 24 Fig. 25 Fig. 26 Fig. 27

Stone Pestles or Hammers. } nat. size.

Fig. 22 (38s), Fig. 23 (5385). Made of Dioritic Rock. Found on surface. Fig. 25 (g43x)- Found on surface, 6th site. Fig. 24 (2385). Made of Serpentine. Found in grave, 14 feet deep. Fig. 26 (2387), Fig. 27 (e302). Found on surface.

Preparation of Food. — Pestles or hammers (Figs. 22-31) served for crushing dried meat, berries, and other food. They are of various shapes, made usually from _ fine-grained, tough river pebbles, and many are much weathered. Some are simply cylindrical, in which case they are usually but slightly changed from the natural pebble by a little pecking or rubbing. One quartzite specimen (Fig. 29) has a cylindrical head, and the part by which it Z is held is narrower and Fig. 28 Fig. 29 Fig. 30 Fig. 31 somewhat tapering. The

Stone hess 0: ge eae whole pestle is slightly flat-

Fig. 28 (93852), Fig. 30 (25024), Fig. 31 (g}$s). Found on surface. Fig. 29 (g}$s). Found on surface, 6th site. tened

The typical pestle of Lytton has a well-defined head, larger than the tapering body, the sides of which meet the base at nearly right angles, as is shown in Figs.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA, 139 23, 24, and 27. The prevailing form of knob for the handle of this type is hat- shaped. A specimen with conoid knob is shown in Fig, 25. The pestle shown in Fig. 30 is simply a natural water-worn pebble of dark-green, fine-grained chlo- ritic diorite, which has been trimmed here and there by pecking. These pestles seem to have been used for rubbing as well as for pounding. One of them, a fine-grained schistose gneiss (Fig. 31), shows no evidence of having been used for pounding, but its corners and base are rubbed smooth.

Oval bowlders were frequently seen scattered on the surface of the village- sites. Their predominance over other forms, and their great numbers as con- trasted with their scarcity at other locali- ties, seem to indicate that they were of special value in camp. Their size varies from that of an ordinary hammer-stone to a foot in diameter. The larger ones were most likely used as anvils, or for crushing food upon large hand-mills, Some of the larger and more irregular bowlders, such as the greenstone specimen shown in Fig. 32, have a shallow depres- = : sion pecked in one side, indicating their sini® 3? (2883). Mortar or Anvil. Found on surface. } nat use as shallow mortars or anvils.

Large flat pieces of coarse siliceous sandstone were found, which were prob- ably hand-mills upon which to crush berries, dried meat, and other food. They show considerable wear. The one seen in Fig, 33, which is rubbed on both sides, is twenty- five inches in length by fourteen inches in breadth, and an inch and a half in thickness. Smaller pieces are fre- quently found. They are similar to this large specimen, and are prob- ably fragments of such slabs. When an ob- ject of this kind was broken, some fragments may have been used as whetstones or for grinding; others were worked to a rounded or wedge-shaped edge (Fig. 47), and used for cutting serpentine bowl- ders, out of which many implements were made.

Fig. 33 (885). Rubbed Sandstone Slab. Found on surface. About + nat. size.

140 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Slate knives were discovered in excavating graves and hearths. They are similar in form to those now used on the coast for cutting up fish. The specimen shown in Fig. 34 was found in a cache of implements at the side of a skeleton, in a grave a foot and a half deep, at the main burial-place. Several rubbed places show on its flat surface, caused perhaps by its use as a whetstone. Stains along the straight edge on both sides probably indicate the position of a handle that has rotted away. A bone handle of the kind found on the coast would have been well preserved in this dry climate.

: e : ; J ; A spoon (Fig. 35) made Fig. 35 (3387). Clam}shell Fig. 34 (3384). Slate Fish-Knife. Found in cache in grave, from the shell of a unio was Spoon, daubed with Gum.

1 2s 7 . . 1} feet deep. 4 nat. size, Found in grave. 4 nat. size.

found in one of the graves. It was the only spoon-like object discovered, and was partly filled with a gum resembling that from the pine of the neighborhood. .

Food was probably cooked by roasting before an open fire, by baking or steaming in a hole in the ground, in which it was placed and covered with leaves and ashes, and also by boiling. The last is accomplished by dropping hot stones into baskets or boxes containing the food to be boiled. No pottery is found in this region ; but many pebbles, that may have been heated and dropped into the basket, are found here and there about the village-sites ; and great piles of soot- covered pebbles, and others that have been broken and crackled by means of heat and subsequent plunging into water, are found scattered over the village- sites and in the hearths. In some places the hearth-sites are marked by little conical piles of sand, held in place by quantities of these sooty and crackled pebbles.

Habitations. —The houses of the prehistoric people of Lytton were similar to those used by the Indians up to recent times. This is evident from the large number of ancient house-pits at all of the sites explored.

The Thompson River Indians, who inhabit this area at the present time, used to live in underground lodges. This lodge is made by digging a circular hole in the ground, and erecting over it a framework of timbers shaped like a cottage roof. These timbers are covered with fir-boughs and earth. Since there is but little rain, a roof of this kind offers sufficient protection, An opening is left in the centre to serve not only as a chimney and window, but also as a door. A notched log — one end resting on the middle of the floor, the other projecting from this opening — serves as a ladder, and constitutes the only means of entering the house,

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 141

When one of these houses goes to ruin, the circular pit is partly filled, but not enough to be entirely obliterated. It remains asa depression surrounded by a slight ridge. This ridge is composed of the earth and decomposed timbers of the roof. When the house is abandoned, much of the earth covering the roof slides down to the margin of the hole, where it accumulates, while the thin layer left on the roof only partly fills the room. Under the space where the composite door, window, and chimney was, the hole is left about as deep as ever, but may be partly filled with dérzs blown in by the wind.

A good example of a prehistoric house-pit or depression, where an under- ground house had once been, was found at the northern end of the main village- site, and is shown in the foreground of Plate XIII (Fig. 2). It is nearly circular, its longest diameter from the inside edges measuring thirty-nine feet, while the shortest diameter is thirty-seven feet. The corresponding measurements from the outer edges of the surrounding ridge are fifty-three feet and forty-nine feet. The bank between the points where these measurements were taken is from twenty to thirty inches above the level of the ground, and the depth of the hole at the centre is approximately six feet.

Lools. — Numerous wedges made of elk-antler were obtained, which must have been very efficient for splitting timbers in the building of houses, for cutting fire- wood, and for general carpentry work. These wedges were found in the excava- tions (Fig. 36) and upon the surface (Fig. 37). They are usually made from the large part of an elk-antler, near its base, and cut off diagonally across. Some wedges which may have been used for special purposes are made of curved pieces of antler. They resemble in shape the curved wedges of the canoe-builder of the coast Indians. The heads of some of the wedges are bruised and slivéred by being driven with a stone pestle or maul.

The use of a pestle for driving wedges gives it a concave base (Fig. 27) or one / with a hollow in it.

Rubbing tends to form a convex base. Some of the speci- mens have convex bases with a hollow ietherceiere. \1t seems probable that pestles were used for a variety of pur- poses.

The common deeply-pitted hammer-stone was not found at this locality ; but

Fig. 36 (gt§;A). Wedge madeof Antler, Found in excavating. 3 nat. size.

Fig. 37 (si§s). Curved Wedge made of Antler. Found on surface. 3 nat. size.

142 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. stone hammers or mauls were secured, that probably had been hafted in some way, and used on both ends. The granite specimen shown in Fig. 38 has a slight pit on either side, and the two ends are battered. One small granite pebble (Fig. 39) has a groove which extends nearly around it, and which, if continued, would form a spiral. There is no evidence of its use as a hammer-stone. It may have been a sinker, or it may have been covered with skin or other material and used as a club-head. In the latter case the tendency of the groove to a spiral form would allow a withe to be firmly attached.

Fig. 38 Fig. 40 Fig. 41 Fig. 42

Fig. 38 (gi$7A). Stone Hammer. Found on surface. % nat. Celts made of Nephrite. 4} nat. size. size, 16

Fig. 40 (23$x), Fig. 42 (g4§a). Found in grave. Fig. 39 (s}8z). Grooved Stone Hammer or Club-Head. Found 5 : 5 pa ie F ay nies = Fig. 4x (93$,). Found in grave, under left knee.

The coast Indians use celts mounted as adzes for finishing the boards that have been split with wedges. Until recently these celts were made of stone. Those found at Lytton are made of light-green translucent material, and vary

a in size from more than four inches in length by an ZZ! inch and a half in width and a quarter of an inch in thickness, to scarcely an inch in length with other dimensions in relative proportion.’ On some, such as those shown in Figs. 40, 41, and 42, the grooves which were made in cutting them out of the blocks of raw material still show slightly. Other specimens have been polished until no trace of these grooves remains. One celt (Fig. 43) was

hi. oh

' Alri . J Z f" a “ iM) bin) , 4 7 EI, Mii ty Wi i at ' hh vhs) I,

Aa simply made from a flake of nephrite struck froma hig Wahi bowlder, the wedge-shaped flake being but slightly ioe, WWE : | rubbed on the edge until it became a sharp, fine-

SP LM lt cutting implement. Save for this edge and a

Fig. 43 (g}%5). Celt made of a Flak z i Pd ecncien uae ater ys ba ere Se rubbed surface here and there, it resembled a nat- ural flake from a bowlder.

These celts were made from bowlders of greenstone secured along the river-

1 See p. 132 for discussion of the nature of the material.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 143 bank. A series of specimens will illustrate their method of manufacture. Grooves were first ground or rubbed into the bowlders, In some the grooves had been rubbed from both sides until a portion was nearly cut off, after which it had been

ep LL IS

Sa —

Fig. 44 (g3$2). Serpentine Bowlder from which Pieces have been detached. Found on surface, 4 nat. size.

broken away (Figs. 44, 45). Such selvage pieces (Fig. 46) broken off from large bowlders were found. A number of finished celts show this break along one or both edges. Fragments of siliceous sandstones with bevelled edges (Fig. 47) which fit these grooves were obtained. They are evidently the saws or grinders used for cutting the grooves. It has been suggested’ that bowlders may have been cut by means of a string and sand, but the character of some of the grooves does not favor this theory. In many of the specimens strize may be seen parallel to the deepest part of the trough, which show that the cutting-implement was moved in that direction. A string and sand would produce stric of this kind, and a convex groove, z. ¢., one higher in the middle than at the ends. The grooves in a number of specimens, such as the lower groove in Fig. 45, are, however, con-

Fig. 46 (3385). _Nephrite cut from a Bowlder. Found in grave. 3 nat. size.

Fig. 45 (o3§;). Serpentine Bowlder from which Pieces have been Fig. 47 (za80A). Grinding-Stone. Found on deeeies, Found on surface, 3 nat. size, surface. 4% nat, size.

cave, 7. é., deeper in the middle than they are at the ends. A string and sand cannot produce grooves of this kind. The use of a grinding-stone or of sand on a flat piece of wood, the edge of which would take the place of the grinding-stone, or of quartz crystals as suggested by Dr. Dawson,’ might produce both concave

' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II, 1891, p. 19.

144 SMITH, ARCHASOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

and convex grooves. Grooves of the latter kind are shown in Fig. 44, while both kinds may be noticed in the bowlder shown in Fig. 45. Large quartz crystals, which are not very numerous, show little or no signs of use, such as one might expect if they had been employed for cutting grooves , besides this, they are so few in number, as compared to the cut specimens, that their use as cutting-tools seems improbable. On the other hand, the bevelled gritstones were found in numbers that suggest their frequent use as cutting-tools.

The grinding-stones, as suggested before, seem to have been fragments of large slabs, and are all of coarse siliceous sandstone. They are rough frag- ments, one edge of which has been rounded or bevelled, either purposely for cutting grooves by means of which to saw up blocks of stone, or accidentally as a result of rubbing. One specimen was rounded on two adjacent edges. The rounded surfaces of all the specimens are slightly striated parallel to the bevelled edge.

Whetstones, probably for sharpening celts, slate knives, etc., were made of fine-grained schist. These were of frequent oc- currence, and were usually found in a group of implements in graves at the main burial-place. The specimen shown in Fig. 48 was daubed with red ochre, and found with the slate knife pictured in Fig. 34.

Blades for small knives (Fig. 49), probably used in wood-carving, were made from beaver-teeth. The posterior side of the long curved tooth has been cut off, which makes the tool thinner. The natu- ral cutting-edge of the tooth serves as an excellent carving-instrument. The base is == rounded, and was probably inserted in a Fig. 49 Git). handle.

Knife-Blade ‘ LN ESS a A knife-handle made of the rib-bone

Beaver-Tooth.

Found on = sur-

face Nat. size. Of some large animal (Fig. 50) was found ina grave with fragments of glassy basalt,

one of which may have served as the blade. The end into which the blade was inserted is covered in places with gum similar to that of the pine. This was probably used in securing the blade to the handle. There are twelve notches or tally-marks along the side, nearly obliterated by wear. The chipped point Whetston : of glassy basalt figured with this bone handle, al- in grave, Pat. on ssa.” a nat. though found on the surface apart from it, shows how well adapted the handle is to the common forms of stone points.

Fig. 51 shows the tip of an antler with a thin cutting-edge, and may have been used for basket-plaiting. The antler bar seen in Fig. 52 is slightly thinner at its

if ig. 50 (3887). Knife-Handle made )j) of Bone. Found in

grave. 3 nat, size. Fig. 48 (3587A). Fig. soa _(33$5B). Ww h etstone. Point for a Knife, or

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 145 upper end, but it does not present any cutting-edges. It has been made from the outer shell of a large piece of antler. The next specimen (Fig. 53) is the small tip of an antler, the lower end of which is worked to a gouge shape. Its use is doubtful.

The bone chisel or adze (Fig. 54) was found with other objects by the side of one of the skeletons. The chipped objects of glassy basalt (Figs. II, 12, and 19) may have been used for sawing or scraping, and the specimen of the same material shown in Fig. 13 could well have served for a drill.

The uses of the spatulate object made of antler (Fig. 55) and of the barbed and notched object (Fig. 56) are undetermined. The former may also have been useful in basket-plaiting. Being only about a sixteenth of an inch in thickness, it closely resembles a paper-cutter, and is well finished. The latter im- plement is also nicely made, and is remarkable - on account of its orna- ) ; mental notches. ,

LLU yyyp

Mer tiHises

PONS, ng! : @ : ,

Fig. 56

Fig. 55

Fi as ; Fig. 54 (ghéz). Adze Fig. 51 Fig. 52 Fig. 53 £- 54 (abéz

Fig. 55 (sh$2). Spatulate Object or Chisel made of made of Antler, Found in grave. } Objects made of Antler. 4 nat. size. A eins aera: g . ; odial of an Elk (?), ; ‘ Fig. 51 (abdx), Fig. 53 (0822). Found in grave. Pound in grave. 4 Fig. 56 (3591). Object made of Ant- Fig. 52 (gi$5). Found on surface. nat, size, ler. Found in grave. 4 nat. size.

Pairs of coarse siliceous sandstone implements, sometimes daubed with red ochre (Fig. 57), were frequently found in the graves, and scattered among the traces of hearths and village-sites. In general these resemble the arrow-shaft smoothers found in other parts of the continent. They have the form of a half- cylinder with a groove extending the length of the flat side. When a pair of these are placed with their grooved faces together, they form a cylinder about six

146 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

inches in length, an inch and a half in diameter, and with a central bore

a quarter of an inch in diameter (Fig. 58).

If the implements were tightly grasped in

straighten it.

Fig. 57 (3384). Pair of Grooved Stones. Found

the right hand, the thumb and fingers would cause the top of the upper piece to pivot slightly to the left. Such has evidently been the case, as the grooves in nearly all the speci- mens trend slightly from right to left, and the lower right corner corresponds with the upper left in being worn away more than the opposite corners. Held in sucha po-

sition, and with the grooves

fitted to an arrow-shaft, they \
would serve well, not only \ « to smooth the shaft in the (2

same way as. when sand- paper is used, but also to

Fig. 58 (3$$2). _ Cross- Section of Grooved Stones

in grave, } nat. size. The perforated slate disk =n Ms. 57. shown in Fig. 59 was proba- bly aspindle-whorl. It suggests that the wool of the mountain-goat was spun and woven into blankets, as is done by the coast Indians, who formerly used dog-hair and feathers for the warp in weaving such blankets; or it may have been used in the manufacture of fabrics from the bark of the sagebrush, which has been extensively employed in weaving by the Indians of the Thompson River valley, and by the prehistoric people of Spences Bridge and Kamloops, which are within the same area. Small pieces of woven fabric, probably made of sagebrush-bark, have also been found

at Lytton. This slate disk was found in a grave at Lytton, and presented to the Provincial Museum at Victoria, B. C., by Mr. F. M. Stevenson. It is about a quarter of an inch in thickness, and the perforation was drilled from both sides, tapering towards the centre, yet not so much as to pre- vent the whorl from being held to a spindle.

Some fragments of skin, which were evi- dently portions of blankets or garments, were preserved by the dry climate and the action of copper salts. A considerable series of specimens was secured, which suggest the preparation of skins and their manufacture into garments. Scrapers and awls made of stone and bone, and bone needles, belong to this series.

Fig. s9 (455 [123]). Perforated Disk. Found in grave at Lytton. }nat. size. (From a drawing, by Miss E. H. Woods, of a specimen in the Provincial Museum, Victoria, B. C.)

Skin-scrapers were made of quartzite pebbles (Fig. 60), which occur in great

SMITH, ARCHA OLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 147

numbers in the gravel on the bank of the river and on the mountain-sides. Often

Fig. 60 Fig. 6x Fig. 62 Fig. 63

almond-shaped flakes (Fig. 61) were broken from these pebbles. These pieces are about one-third the thickness of the original peb- ble. Sometimes such pieces (Fig. 62) had been used for scraping without additional flaking, as was

Stages of Manufacture of Skin-Scraper. Found on surface. Nat. size. testified by the worn and polished

Fig. 60 (g§$5A). Quartzite Pebble.

condition of the broader end. The

Fig. 61 (e3$gA), Fig. 62 (g3$,A). Flakes from Quartzite Pebble, A , Fig. 63 (g3$sA). Skin-Scraper made from Quartzite Pebble. finished skin-scraper (Fig. 63) Was

Fig. 65

Scrapers. } nat, size. Fig. 65 (s1$7A). Made of Posterior Meta- podial of a Deer. Found on surface. Fig. 66 (g3§z). Made of a Scapula. Found in grave,

simply one of these almond-shaped flakes which had been perfected by being chipped all round the edge.

Many scrapers of this sort, and some natural fragments of conven- lent form from neighboring out- crops, have been seen in use among the women of this region for soft- ening skins. They were inserted in the split end of a wooden han- dle about three feet in length, and held there by winding with a thong that portion of the wood that held the stone. After the skin has been 3 fleshed and freed from hair, it is rig.c4(48), suts-

Scraper, hafted in a

stretched upon a framework of Wooded Handle.

Shuswap Indians, poles, and prevented from becom- Kamloops, B.C. 2

ing hard and stiff by being scraped

and poked with such a scraper until it is thor- oughly dry. The specimen shown in Fig. 64 is much worn by such use.

Scrapers (Figs. 65, 66) were also made of bone, but these are of another shape, and were undoubt- edly used in a way quite unlike that in which the stone scrapers were employed. The specimen shown in Fig. 65 is made of the posterior metapo- dial of adeer. Several of these were found finished, and some in process of manufacture. In an ancient grave at Spences Bridge, twenty-two miles above Lytton on the Thompson River, a scraper of this kind was found with traces of wrapping at the ends.

The Indians of to-day have a scraper of a similar shape, made from a horse’s rib

148 SMITH, ARCHA OLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

or a barrel-hoop by winding the ends with rags to form handles. This they use like a draw-knife to beam deer-skins.

Awls and needles were required for the manufacture of garments. A pointed object made of steatite (Fig. 67), about an inch and a half long and an eighth of an inch in diameter, smoothly polished, was found, as were also several natural pieces of chalcedony (Figs. 68, 70) which may have been used for awls. The chipped specimen of glassy basalt (Fig. 69) and the chipped opalescent chalcedony (Fig. 71) more closely resemble what are usually called ‘drills’ or ‘ perforators,’

ASS SS

Fig. 68 Fig. 70 Fig. 71 Fig. 72 Fig. 73 Fig. 67 (335). Pointed Object of Steatite. Found in excavating, Nat. size. Fig. 68 (g1%7). Natural Piece of Chalcedony. Found in excavating. Nat. size.

Fig. 69 (gz). Chipped Specimen of Glassy Basalt. Found in excavating. Nat. size.

Fig. 70 (g3$7@). Natural Piece of Opalescent Chalcedony. Found in excavating. Nat. size.

Fig. 71 (st8;). Chipped Specimen of Opalescent Chalcedony. Found on surface. 32 nat. size.

Fig. 72 (g187), Fig. 73 (st83). Bone Awls. Found on surface, 4 nat. size.

Fig. 74 (3383). Bone Awl. Found in grave, 4 nat. size. and these may have served in other industries than the manufacture of garments. The bone awls (Figs. 72-74) and the decorated specimen (Fig. 108) are well adapted for use in sewing skins, or, like the bone point shown in Fig. 75, and the antler objects in Figs. 51 and 55, may have been used for plaiting baskets. The specimen pictured in Fig. 72 bears traces of red ochre, although it is much bleached from lying exposed on the surface. Fig. 74 shows an awl made of one half of the distal end of the metapodial of a deer, which is so frequently employed throughout America for awls and other implements.

Needles made of bone (Figs. 76-79), both fine and coarse, were found in the graves, and scattered through the ground. Each of them was provided with an elliptical eye, with its major axis lying in the axis of the needle. The specimen shown in Fig. 76 is ornamented with a pattern consisting of a few incised lines.

War. — Many of the implements that were used for hunting were undoubtedly also used in warfare. The chipped points and knives previouly described cer-

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 149

tainly served either purpose. A number of special war implements have been found. A large dagger or knife (Fig. 80) made of antler, and much weathered by long exposure, was found on the surface of the main burial-site: and from the exca- vations a much disintegrated war-club (Fig. 81) of particular interest was secured.

Fig. 75 (x87). Bone P Be nt. Found on sur- face, Nat. size.

Fig. 76 Fig. 77 Fig. 78 Fig. 79 Fig. 81

ee PBA. size. Fig. 80 (3{$7). Dagger made of Antler. Found on surface. 3 nat.

“Fig. 76 (sh$s), Fig. 77 (sa8), Fig. 79 Gi$x). Found size. ; j ROE ESN E> Fig. 81 (s}$2). War-Club made of Antler. Found in excavating. Fig. 78 (g3§5). Found in excavating, 2 nat. size.

It is made of an elk-antler. The prong near the base is bevelled in the shape of a wedge, and the longer branch forms the handle. The grooved stone shown in Fig. 39 may have been used as the head of a club, similar to those used by the present Indians of southern British Columbia.

A copper war-club was obtained by Mr. James Teit from Indians who dug it

150 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

out of a prehistoric grave at Spuzzum, B.C. This place is at the mouth of the cafion of the Fraser, forty-two miles south from Lytton. The practical difficulties of the journey were great before contact with the whites; but the geographical nearness, and the fact that the present Indians of Spuzzum are of the same tribe as those of Lytton, induce me to describe this specimen with those from Lytton. Its edge is bevelled, and in some places is knife-like. The grip and base are flanged by lateral pounding, and a design is engraved on each side, as is shown in Fig. 82.

Fig. 84 Gifs). Copper Orna- ment. Found in grave. ? nat. size.

Fig. 83 (gtr). Frag- ment of a Comb made of Antler. Found on surface. nat. size.

Fig. 86

Hair Ornaments. 4 nat. size. Fig. 85 Gif). Made of iron, inlaid with haliotis shell.

Fig. 82 (q3%5). Copper War-Club. Found Chilcat, pias in grave, Spuzzum, B. C. Length, 18} in. ; _ Fig. 86 (,¥.,). Made of copper. Excavated from a village- width, 2} in. ; thickness, # in. site near Fort Wrangel, Alaska.

Dress and Ornament. — Skins and garments woven of bark of the sagebrush and of mountain-goat wool probably furnished the material for clothing for the prehistoric people of Lytton. Fragments of deer-skin and fabric woven from vegetable fibre, probably sagebrush, and a considerable number and variety of personal ornaments, were found. Red, blue, yellow, and white paint, and probably charcoal mixed with grease, were used for painting the body. Combs were in use, and body and clothing were decorated with ornaments and pendants of copper, stone, shell, bone, teeth, and hair. A fragment of a comb made of antler (Fig. 83) came from the surface of the main burial-place. It is much bleached and weathered.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. I51

A pair of copper ornaments, one of which is seen in Fig. 84, was found ina grave a foot and a half deep at the main burial-site. The body was so much decayed that it was impossible to see what position they occupied in relation to it. There are some pieces of hair preserved and embedded in the copper salts which incrust them. These ornaments resemble in shape similar objects which were used in recent times as hair ornaments for girls by certain tribes of the coast. T'wo of these (Figs. 85, 86) are figured for comparison. The first is made of iron inlaid with haliotis shell, and is from Chilcat, Alaska. The second, like the Lytton specimen, is of copper, and was excavated from a village-site near Fort Wrangel, Alaska. A copper ornament of the same shape as the one shown in Fig, 86 has been found in a shell-heap at Point Thomas, near Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, B. C.

Other copper ornaments are shown in Figs. 87-89. These were found while excavating in the main burial-place, but the skeleton with which they were buried

Fig. 87 (3i$5A) Fig. 88 Gi$sB) Fig. 89 (33$5C) Copper Ornaments. Found in excavating. Nat. size.

was too much decayed to distinguish the part of the body upon which they were worn. They are very thin, much corroded, and may have served as bangles or pendants.

The pear-shaped object of stone shown in Fig. go is slightly rubbed on the base. It hasa perforation through the smaller end, drilled in the usual way, from each side. It was collected by Mrs. Bailey in 1890, and is now in the Provincial Museum, Victoria, B. C.

A number of pendants or bangles made of sheet-mica, such as the one in Fig. 91, were found in one of the graves which contained a great variety of objects.

Many irregular pieces of the shell of Pecten caurinus (Figs. 92, 93), with edges rubbed smooth and with one or two perforations, were found in the eXCca- vations at the sixth site, and fragments of the same shell were found scattered on the surface of the fifth site. The perforated specimens seem too small to have been used as rattles, and may have been pendants, ear-ornaments, or bangles. Some of them were daubed with red ochre.

Several pieces of abalone shell with squared edges were found in a grave-at the main site. One of these (Fig. 94) was perforated. Probably it was used as a pendant. Such shell ornaments are now highly prized by the coast Indians on account of the iridescence of the shell.

Two triangular bone pendants, one of which is shown in Fig. 95, were found

152 SMITH, ARCH-ZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

in a grave at the main site. The specimen figured is slightly larger than the other. It is well made, very thin, with rather sharp edges, and an elliptical per- foration at the upper end.

Fig. 90 (938 [322]). bject made of Stone. Lytton, 3 nat. size. (From a drawing, by Miss E. H. Woods, of a

ae Ae De : Fig. 92 (ab$sA) Fig. 93 (si%eB) Provincial Mu- a E

seum, Victoria, Fig. 91 (gi$p). Pendant or Bangle made of _ Perforated Objects made of Shell. Found in excavat- B. €.). Mica. Found in grave. Nat. size. ing at 6th site. 4 nat. size.

Pendants like that seen in Fig. 96, made of the canine teeth of the elk, were found in large numbers in the graves. Sometimes they were lying in the vicinity of the neck-bones of the skeleton. The perforation drilled from side to side through the base of the root is usually worn smooth, and many of these objects

Many, ill, has

TMA

Fig. 96 Fig. 97 Fig. 98

: ne * ; Pendants. Found in excavating. Nat. size. Fig. 94 (aifeA). Perforated Ob- Fig. 95 (sé%0). Pendant

ject made of Abalone Shell. Found made of Bone. Found in Fig. 96 (stésA), Fig. 98 (st?o). Made of elk-tooth. in grave. 4 nat, size. grave. 4 nat. size, Fig. 97 (si?4). Made of a canine tooth.

are stained by copper salts. This again proves that ornaments made of copper were in use. Mr. James Teit has learned from the Indians that elk-teeth were often sewed on the garments, and also fastened to the prows and gunwales of canoes with string or gum. One pendant (Fig. 97) was made of the canine tooth

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 153 of a wolf, perforated through the root for Suspension, and ornamented with three grooves running around it. Another (Fig. 98), made of the incisor tooth of an elk, was provided with a groove instead of a perforation for suspension.

Shell beads of various kinds were used for necklaces, fringes, and the like. There are perforated disks or short cylindrical beads which average an eighth of an inch in diameter, a thirty-second of an inch in thickness, with a perforation about a thirty-second of an inch in diameter, drilled with a bevel from each side. Specimens of these shell beads were so numerous on certain parts of the surface of the main village-site, that, after picking up a great many of them, their number seemed undiminished. Dentalium shells, and sections of these shells cut about an eighth of an inch in length, were found, as well as little olivella shells, the ends of all of the latter being broken off, probably to make a hole for stringing. Some of these olivella shells had holes in the body near the lip, which, however, may have been merely accidental. In one of the graves some short cylindrical beads made of sections of dentalium shells were found still upon a portion of the string, which had been preserved by the dryness of the sand. This string, as identified by Mr. Willard N. Clute of the New York Botanical Gardens, is made of the bark of the red cedar (‘Thuja gigantea). This material is more commonly used on the coast, and may have been imported with the shell beads upon it.

Several tassels made of dentalium Shell and hair (Fig. 99) were found in the same grave with a slate fish-knife and a whetstone. These tassels are much stained by. copper salts. A doubled lock of hair, held in the middle by a loop of string the strands of which are twisted to the right, was pulled up into the shell.

Games, Amusements, Nar- cotwcs. — Sets of dice (Fig. 100) were often found with other ob- jects at the sides of the skeletons.

wt ee Although beaver-teeth, some of ence and Hair. Found in grave. Nat. which were covered with red ochre, were found in the same places, and dice made of beaver-teeth were secured from prehistoric graves at Kamloops, B. C., yet all of the dice found here were made from the teeth of the woodchuck. These are so much like the dice made of beaver-teeth which the modern Indians of British Columbia use, that our knowledge of that game enables us to explain these speci- mens. The counting varies slightly at different places, but the game is practically the same. Dr. Franz Boas! describes this game, as played by the Lku‘figen of south-eastern Vancouver Island, as follows :—

“A game at dice is played with four beaver-teeth, two being marked on one of

their flat sides with two rows of small circles. They are called ‘women.’ . . . The

Fig. too (stfsA, 338). Dice made of Woodchuck-Teeth. Found in grave. Nat. size.

"Sixth Report on ‘ The Northwestern Tribes of Canada’ to the British Association for the Advancement of Science.

154 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

two others are marked on one of the flat sides with cross-lines. They are called ‘men... . One of them is tied with a small string in the middle... . The game is played by two persons. According to the value of the stakes, thirty or forty sticks are placed between the players. One begins to throw. When all the marked faces are either up or down he wins two sticks. If the faces of the two ‘men’ are up, of the two ‘women’ down, or U2ce versé, he wins one stick. When the face of the [marked tooth] is up, all others down, or vice versé, he wins four sticks. Whoever wins a stick goes on playing. When one of the play- ers has obtained all the sticks he has won the stake.” The astragalus bone of the deer (Fig. ror) ae Wein eae frequently found, and possibly it was used by jus Bone, Foundinexeavat- th age people, as it was farther east, for dice in

ing. Nat. size.

gambling. The tube with a hole in the side, made of a bird bone, and shown in Fig. 102, may have been used as a whistle ae: or as a drinking-tube. If for the latter purpose, it may have been attached to the owner by astring Base? HBR: fastened into this hole. The smaller end is worn foe smooth, while the larger end shows how the bone was partly cut through and then broken off. A number of small tubes made of bird bones were also found. They vary iis from one to five inches in length, and hr | some of them bear one or more rows of i notches or tally-marks. Some of the fl ends have been partly cut through and i then broken off, and a few are worn ‘ smooth, the bone being polished for a
little distance along its surface. Sticks i | ofa similar shape are used in gambling x among the coast Indians. ) Fragments of the shells of Pecten caurinus may be parts of rattles similar i i to those used in the dances of the coast | Indians of to-day, and it is possible that aa the perforated specimens shown in Figs. g2 and 93 were also strung for use as

NY y

a ee

Fig. 104 (3090)

Pipes made of Steatite or nearly Al- Fig. 103 (3583). Frag- rattles lied Material. Lytton, B.C. 3 nat. size. ment of a Steatite Pipe. d (Drawn from a photograph of specimens

in the Museum of the Geol, Surv. of

Hound ia gtareoRrat The practice of smoking is indicated 2,285,4

size.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 155

by the presence of stone pipes (Figs. 103-105, 111-113). The present Indians of this region mix bearberry (Arctostaphylos uva-ursi Spreng.) with their tobacco to render it less strong for smoking. According to information obtained by Mr. James Teit, before the introduction of manufactured tobacco, the wild, narrow- leaved tobacco (NMecotvana attenuata Torr.) of the region was used. Possibly this plant mixed with bearberry was smoked by the prehistoric people of Lytton. The occurrence of charred bearberries in the old hearths strengthens this opinion.

The pipes were made from steatite. Blocks of the raw material broken from the rock, and pieces of the same which had been cut and rubbed, were found on the surface. Finished pipes, highly polished, and ornamented with incised lines, have been found zx stu in the old graves. The bowl of this style of pipe is of the shape of a wine-glass, and the stem is simply an extension of the bowl, the axes of both being in a straight line. The specimen shown in Fig. 103 was found in a grave at the main site. It is nicely cut from a greenish steatite, and is well polished. The mouthpiece is marked with parallel lines such as would be made with a notched stone or bone. The hole is slightly funnel-shaped for about a quarter of an inch from the mouth, but is straight the rest of the way, showing a high degree of skill in drilling, The pipe shown in Fig. 104 was collected by Mr. Charles Hill-Tout, and the one in Fig. 105 is of the collection made in 1877 by Dr. George M. Dawson. They are both from graves at Lytton, and are made from steatite or nearly allied material. The drawings of the last two are made from photographs furnished through the courtesy of Dr. Dawson.

The river pebble of schistose rock with an incised cross, shown in Fig. 106, was found on the surface of the sixth site. It may have been used in a game of some sort, but I know of no existing game in which such stones are employed. The engraving is not very neatly done, there being several marks where the cutting-instru- ment has slipped, or where notches in it have caused side scratches. The cross was not necessarily borrowed from other people, and is no indication that the specimen was made since contact with the whites.

Art. — The art of these people is illustrated by paint- ings, engravings, and carvings, and also by the ornaments used for personal adornment. A small bowlder was found A on which there was a circle painted in red. Many pieces Figs 16 Gif). Pebble with of bone, antler, etc., are also stained with red ochre, which — [asdrpss,, faund om surface, may or may not have been intentionally applied.

The implement made of antler (Fig. 107) is decorated with a pattern of engraved cross-lines. It was found in a grave at the main burial-site, and is stained with red ochre. It is slightly wedge-shaped at its smaller end, worn by use, and seems to be best explained as an implement used for plaiting baskets. The bone awl shown in Fig. 108 was found upon the surface, much bleached. Its cross-section shows four sides, These are ornamented by incised lines forming

156

SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

X-shaped figures on one side, sets of three parallel lines upon two sides, while the

Fig. 107 (35s). Implement made of Antler. Found in grave. } nat. size.

last side, next to the X-shaped figures, is plain, The incised lines on some of the bone tubes previously men- tioned may have been intended as decorations. The handle of the digging-stick made of antler (Fig. 21) bears an incised design at each end. The similarity of these designs to those used by the present Indians induced me to request Mr. James Teit to submit drawings of these specimens to several old Indians. Their interpre- tations are as follows : —

The ladder-like design on Fig. 21 is a snake or worm pattern, which is intended to represent the striped skin of those animals. When used as patterns in orna- mentation, these were generally drawn or carved with- out showing the head or tail of the animal. The two end designs on the large half of the handle represent a hairy insect. The long line with numerous short lines at right angles to it depicts a snake or a worm, which was probably the manitou of the woman who owned the handle, as it was customary for women having such

Fig. 108 (sh85)- Bone Awl dec- orated with In-

cised Lines, -

Found on sur- face, } nat. size.

guardian spirits to carve representa- tions of them on their root-diggers. Snakes, wood-worms, and various insects were among the manitous most commonly possessed by wo- men in this region. The root-digger and the tump-line were themselves the manitous of some women. The lines which cross each other probably represent cross-trails. The old Indians were doubtful about the other figures consisting of groups of parallel lines.

The Indians, when asked about the probable use of the thin blade of antler (Figs. 109 and 110), thought it might have been a sap-scraper;, part of a dog’s halter, or a head- scratcher. The circular design on it represents the butterfly or the eye. The ladder-shaped marks again rep- resent the snake or worm. The short lines with one very short mark

~ ia . in) i Ky

i, ml iN

Fig. 109 Fig. 109 (3$87). Implement made of Antler. Fig. 110, Reverse of Fig. 109.

Found in grave. Nat. size.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. £57

extending from the middle of each (Fig. 109) may be a sign of the wood-worm, as may also the long lines with marks at right angles to them, but the latter de- sign is more doubtful. |

The pipe shown in Fig. 111 is made of steatite or nearly allied material, and is in the collection from the graves at Lytton, made in 1877 by Dr. Dawson.

Its design (Figs. 111 and 112) probably represents the beings that appeared to the owner ina dream. It was customary for men to carve on their pipes, and chiefly on sacred pipes, representations of the beings appearing in their dreams, especially in their first important dream in which they received their manitou. Owing to the secrecy of treatment of sacred objects, it is difficult to obtain specific interpretations of such de- signs, for these secrets would be kept by the individual even from his friends, and with his death the knowledge of the significance of the design would pass away.

The row of short parallel lines on this pipe may represent either a pemadeoteee, wood-worm or a rattlesnake’s tail.

Pipe made 2 Cae

tit Al . "

lied Material, Lhe ladder designs are again sup- Found in grave,

Lytton, B.C. posed to represent snakes or worms.

% nat. size. (From

| .-27,2. he lines on the stem of the pipe Coe ete ore te Big. at.

Museum of Geol.

Sury., Canada) May depict wood-worm borings,

while a large curve close to the rim may represent the earth, a mountain, or the foot of a mountain. The inverted V-shaped figures on the bowl probably represent a bat, or they may be the flying-goose design.

Among the present Indians the following conventional designs are frequently used. A long line with short strokes arranged at regular intervals perpendicular to it usually represents hair or something similar growing from a surface, as trees from the earth. Zigzag lines represent snake-tracks; when they run down, they may mean lightning. Long straight lines represent trails, creeks, the earth, ete. The grouping of the patterns on such objects determines the meaning to a cer- tain extent. The similarity of the art designs of the prehistoric people to those of the present natives is the strongest argument in favor of the theory that the culture of this area has not materially changed since the times when the pre- historic burial-ground of Lytton was in use and the prehistoric sites were inhabited.

Pipes made of steatite, besides being engraved, were sometimes carved. On some there is a ring around the tube where the bowl joins the stem ; on others, as on the one shown in Fig. 103, there is a mouthpiece with incised ornamentation. The bowl of a pipe, a fragment only of which was found (Fig. 113), was in the form of the head of an animal with its mouth wide open. The material is steatite.

158 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

A very beautiful animal form carved in antler (Fig. 114) has a hole drilled through it, tapering from below upward; and another hole from the posterior end of the carving runs forward about a quarter of an inch, The legs stand out in relief,

Fig. rr3 (g§$). Fragment of a Steatite Pipe. Found on surface, 6th site. } nat. size.

while the stripes on the sides are incised. The piece has been broken or decayed in such a way that it is impossible to tell how much, if any, is lacking. A head of the same style of carving, in the same material (Fig. 115), was found, These carvings are so much alike, that one might be taken for a fragment of the other. These animal carvings are entirely different from the engraved designs, and of a high order of art, which resembles that of both the old and recent coast culture perhaps more than anything else found near Lytton.

Fig. rr5 (s$$5). Animal H er carved tn Antler, Found in grave with speci- men shown in Fig. 114. 3 Fig. tr4 (3$§y). Animal Form carved in Antler, Found in grave. Nat. size. nat. size,

Method of Burial.— Dr. Dawson, in his notes on the Shuswap, refers to bodies found buried sitting upright, and to others lying upon the side. In still other cases he found a few bones placed in such a manner as to suggest that they were buried after the decomposition of the soft parts. Dawson' saw the Indians in Nicola valley rebury a body that had been dead for about a year. He found the heads of many bodies covered with red ochre, which still adhered to the skull when it was taken up. He considers that the objects buried with the dead were to represent their property rather than to be of any future use tothem For instance, * flakes of glassy basalt and crooked arrow-points would represent property, though in themselves of little value. Quartz crystals, calcite, mica, and stone objects

' Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section II, 1891, p. 13,

SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 159

resembling slate-pencils, were found. He saw no iron, and believes that some of the graves at least antedate the coming of the whites to the west coast of America, The bones of small animals and bear-teeth indicate that some were hunters, and the stone adzes suggest canoe manufacture. At Lillooet, about forty miles to the north, Dr. Dawson discovered beads or pendants of galena, and many flat bone beads such as were frequently found by us at Kamloops, but which we did not see at Lytton. He found bodies at Lillooet wrapped in bark.

We did not find any grave in which the body was in a sitting posture. The description of a few graves will serve as examples of the types of graves found by us. In one of them the head was to the east, and the pelvis to the west. The feet were drawn up to the pelvis, so that the knees were in front of the chest. atiead rested on the right side, The arms were flexed parallel to the body, with the hands to the face. The whole body rested horizontally. The depth in the shifting sand was a foot and a half, but originally it may have been a few inches or from ten to fifteen feet, according to the changes in the superimposed sand caused by the wind. There was a knife made of beaver-tooth at one knee; and many implements of antler and a beaver-tooth were in such a position as to suggest that they had been placed in a pouch. This bundle of objects extended in the direction from knee to face.!

In another burial the skeleton lay with the head to the north, The body and head were covered with birch-bark. Red paint was found at the shins; and white and yellow paint, six inches east of the pelvis, or one foot east of the heels, The heels were towards the south, the face towards the west. The body rested in a horizontal position on its right side. The hands were over the face and forehead. Near the chin were dentalia, copper covering a wooden cylinder, as well as pieces of loose copper, and perforated elk-teeth stained by the copper. A nephrite celt was secured from below the lower end of the left femur, with the sharp edge towards the east. Charred berries were found above the shoulder. Six inches east of the head were an arrow-point, roughly chipped points, chips, a little nephrite celt, red paint, bone needles and other implements, a knife-point made of a beaver-tooth, and animal teeth.? Five inches east of the middle of the back a long celt was found.

The skeleton of a young adult lay with head to the north. The body had been flexed as usual. The face was to the east. Little black arrow-points ® were found throughout the grave. Some beaver-teeth and red paint were found between the middle of the tibia and the femur of the right leg. The left leg was not flexed quite as close as the right.

A group of antler implements and chips of black stone, probably the contents of a pouch, were located a few feet east of this grave, and four inches directly west of another skeleton of an older individual, which faced west, with the head to the south. The latter skeleton was disarranged, either by the wind or because

' Two of the antler objects are represented in Figs. 51 and 53.

Some of these objects are shown in Figs. 41, 42, 79, 107. 8 One of them is seen in Fig. 6.

160 SMITH, ARCHAZSOLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

‘t had been reburied. With it were found chipped points of stone and pieces of the same material, a pair of grooved arrow-shaft smoothers, three whetstones, several finely carved pieces of antler, bone awls and needles, a bone scraper and pendants, dice made of woodchuck-teeth, white paint, pendants of mica, and bits of birch-bark.'

At a depth of a foot and a half there were traces of human bones that were so much decayed that the skull resembled a layer of sawdust. The head lay to the north, and the body was doubled up in the usual manner previously described. In the grave were a number of objects, including a point of argillite, celts, chips of stone, whetstones, birch-bark, beads of dentalium, red paint, and a piece of wood covered with copper (Fig. 116)” A second burial of this kind contained, besides traces of the skeleton, a pestle, slate fish-knife, numerous chips of stone, a pair of copper ornaments, a pendant made of abalone shell, tassels of dentalium shell and hair,? and red and yellow paint. These were in a position suggesting that they were originally deposited in a pouch.

Over a few bones, one being the femur of a puma, were found ira: — pieces of birch-bark, rolls of birch-bark, a shell spoon partly filled

around a Piece

of Wood. Found = with gum, red and blue paint, bone awls and needles, a harpoon-point deep. Nat.size. of antler, a bone knife-handle, a bone chisel, bone tubes, beaver-

teeth, a fantastically chipped implement of glassy basalt, two whet- stones, fragments of bowlders from which pieces had been detached, a celt made of similar material, a piece of a pipe made of steatite,’ and seeds of Lythospermum. This plant is still abundant in the neighborhood. It seems that while in seed it had been placed over the body, as the shell-like seeds are mixed with a very black mass, probably the decayed leaves and branches of the plant. Seeds of this kind were found both at Kamloops and at Lytton.

Grotesquely formed pebbles of various bright and clear colors were some- times found in the graves, and these may have been prized as amulets or charms. There were some irregular piles of human bones. In the typical graves the bodies were buried upon the side, with the knees drawn up to the chest. They were often covered with pieces of birch-bark, as was evidenced by small fragments preserved by the dry soil. At the side, in a position indicating that they were buried in a pouch, were found pieces of glassy basalt, points chipped out of the same material, celts, and a number of other implements, varying with each grave. Near the neck elk-tooth pendants were frequently found.

Closely rolled pieces of birch-bark (Fig. 117), varying from an inch to six inches in length, rolled to a diameter of from half an inch to an inch, were found in the hearths, scattered over the village-sites and over the graves. Whether

1 Some of them are represented in Figs. 4, 48, 55, 56, 57, 66, 76, QT, 95, 100, 114, I15.

2 See also Figs. 3 and 4o.

® Some of these objects are represented in Figs. 24, 34, 84, 94, 99-

4 Specimens of some of these are shown in Figs. 12, 20, 35, 46, 50, 54, 74, 77, 103, 109, I10.

SMITH, ARCHAZ OLOGY OF LYTTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. 161

these originally had paintings or drawings on them is not known, nor is any other use known. Many of them have been partly burned, which suggests their use as torches.

Pieces of birch-bark were sometimes buried with the dead by both the Thompson River Indians and the Lillooets. The latter tribe now extends from some forty miles above Lytton into the valley next west, as far south as Harrison Lake. The Lillooets formerly wrapped some of their dead in birch-bark, and often lined the graves with the same material.

Concluszons. — The prehistoric culture of the interior of Brit- ish Columbia, as evidenced by finds at Lytton, Kamloops, and Spences Bridge, was quite uniform, although there may have been slight variations in these localities. On the whole, this culture resembles that of the present inhabitants of the interior of Brit- ish Columbia. The mode of life of the prehistoric tribes, their utensils, their methods of manufacture, and even their customs, must have been practically the same as those of the recent In- dians. One of the strongest evidences for the identity of culture orf 217,(o4fo),, Roll is the ability of the modern Indians to interpret the conventional is excavating. F uatt designs found on prehistoric remains.

There are, however, slight differences between the prehistoric and the recent cultures. These are indicated by the change in the style of arrow-heads, which were much larger among the prehistoric people. The ancient type of pipe resembled the prehistoric pipe of Oregon and California, while the recent pipe is practically of the same type as that found on the plains. No indications were found suggesting that the prehistoric tribes knew the potter’s art, which, up to the present time, is unknown in this area.

The style of carving exhibited in some of the specimens suggests that at this early time the people of the interior of British Columbia were influenced by the coast tribes, who have developed a very high plastic art. The use of slate fish-

knives and harpoon-points may be due to the same cause. The occurrence of dentalium and olivella shells, and of pendants made of the shell of Pecten caurimus and abalone from the Pacific coast, prove the existence of intertribal trade in that direction. On the whole, however, the prehistoric culture of the interior of British Columbia shows greater affinity to that of the western plateaus than to that of the North Pacific coast. Up to this time we have no evidence of a change of type or of a material change of culture since the earliest times of

which we have knowledge.

By Janes Terr.

Edited by oe Boas.

Map, PLaTEs XIV — XX.

CONTENTS.

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Bon

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Wily

XI.

SGU,

XIV.

XV.

CONTENTS.

Subsistence-<!? 2-3) Syn nates Varieties and Preparation of Food Preservation of Staple Foods . Dishes <a joc). Maar eee goes Seasonsyy): iss Bins srg Euniting < sactec. are ecco Mishingeaays aon men ed

Travel and Transportation ;.Trade . Travel and Transportation . . Tradesus Beg eT

Warfare Ree eat eae ere he

Games and Pastimes . . . . . -

Sign. Langud ges: ay ieheng oan

Social Organization and Festivals ce

Social Organization. . .. .

Festivals... ~a. feo) pee ee

Birth, Childhood, Puberty, Marriage, and Death ;

‘

Pregnancy,» | «ar leet: poem Childhood ; >) 2) em SE WI0Sy asin bins , leo ee een ; Puberty: Gotan Ok ee Marriage. © ire, orc ee ene

Customs regarding Women 7 Age, Burial Customs of the Upper Thompsons Burial Customs of the Lower Thompsons

Religion?scc)| «oy ee ee eee Conception of the World . . Es Prayers and Observances . . a Festivals’. ta. sos sep ee Guardian-Spirits 2 acs cages Souls "ee ) Mae hee eee Shamanism. 3) feces eee Prophets a0 per akue = eaee Ethical Concepts and Teachings

Medicine, Charms, Current Beliefs. a

: Medicines 2% — sets oa eae

Surgical Operations NN Cotas Charms: / 0 2h eae wv, Current’ Beliets "ya)a0 2. ee Art (by. Branz Boas)\aee. oe are DecorativetArt®= Se" eo eee Music. eee ee Dancing |. 5757 2. ee Conclusion (by Franz Boas) pede APPENDIX

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EDITOR'S NOTE.

The following description of the Thompson Indians is based on two manu- scripts prepared by Mr. James Teit, — the one a description of the Upper Thomp- son Indians, written in 1895; the other a description of the Lower Thompson Indians, written in 1897 as a result of work done by Mr. Teit for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. To these manuscripts have been added notes furnished by Mr. Teit, explaining the uses, and methods of manufacture, of specimens which he collected for the expedition. Other information was furnished by him in reply to inquiries of the writer concerning questions that seemed of interest, The detailed descriptions of methods of weaving, and the patterns for costumes, are based on examination of specimens in the Museum. The chapter on art and the conclusion were written by the editor. The former is the result of his study of specimens and photographs, and of personal inquiries conducted with the assist- ance of Mr. Teit.

Mr. Teit is fully conversant with the language of the Thompson Indians, and, owing to his patient research and intimate acquaintance with the Indians, the information contained in the following pages is remarkably full. Physical characteristics, language, and the mythology and traditions of the people, are not included in the present description. The traditions of the Upper Thompson Indians, collected by Mr. James Teit, have been published by the American Folk- Lore Society.

The drawings for the text illustrations in this paper were prepared by Mr. Rudolf Weber. The plates are reproductions of photographs taken by Mr. Harlan I. Smith. I am indebted to Prof. N. L. Britton for identification of the plants referred to. I have to thank Miss H. A. Andrews and Miss M. L. Taylor for valuable help in preparing the manuscript for the press.

Following are the more important publications bearing on the ethnology of the Thompson Indians: “ Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,” by George M: Dawson (Transactions Royal Society of Canada, 1891, Sect. II, pp. 3-44) ; “Sixth Report of the Committee on the North-western Tribes of Canada,” containing the ‘Second General Report on the Indians of British Co- lumbia,” by Franz Boas (Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, pp. 632-647) ; ‘“‘ Tenth Report of the Committee on the North- western Tribes of Canada,” containing the “ Fifth Report on the Indians of British Columbia,” by Franz Boas (Jézd., 1895, pp. 522, f-); “ Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia,” collected and annotated by James Teit, with introduction by Franz Boas, Boston and New York, 1898 (Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, Vol. V1), ‘Report on the Ethnological Survey of Canada,” 1899, containing “Studies of the Indians of British Columbia,”

pp. 4-88.

New York, February, 1900. 65] FRANZ BOAS [165

LAKE

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LOCATION OF THE THOMPSON INDIAN:

AND

4 4S

NEIGHBORING TRIBES. —

The area formerly inhabited by the Athapascan trib of Nicola Valley is indicated by shading, ~

122°

I.—INTRODUCTION, HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL.

Name or tae Trige.— The Indians to be described in the following pages

were called “ Couteau” or “ Knife” Indians by the employees of the Hudson Bay Company ; but at the present day this name has been entirely superseded by that

of “Thompson” Indians, taken from the name of the river in the neighborhood of which they have their homes, They call their entire tribe Nuak-a'pamux. They are also so designated by all the neighboring tribes of the interior, although they are sometimes called Litkatimi’x and Sa'lic by the Okanagon, and Nko/ata- mux by the Shuswap. The Lillooet occasionally call them Cé’qtamux, which name is derived from that of Thompson River. In all these words the ending ‘““muxX ” means “ people.” The Indians of the Fraser Delta, whose territory ad- joins theirs on the southwest, call them Srma’mila (said to mean “inland people,” “inland hunters,” or “people up the river”). Their language belongs to the Salishan stock.

Hasirat.— Their habitat is the southern interior of British Columbia, mostly east of the Coast Range, but it extends far into the heart of that range (see opposite map). It is about a hundred miles in length, by ninety in breadth. Through this territory flow three rivers, — Fraser River; its principal tributary, Thompson River; and a smaller tributary of the latter, Nicola River. In the valleys of these rivers, or in close proximity thereto, are found the princi- pal villages of the tribe, while the country on either side is their hunting-ground,

Their neighbors to the north and east are the Shuswap, to whom they are nearest akin. To the northwest of their territory live the Lillooet, to the south and east the Okanagon, while at the mouth of the cafion of Fraser River they border on the Coast Salish. In former times a small tribe of Athapascan affinity inhabited the upper portion of Nicola Valley. They have become merged in the Thompson Indians.

The tribes with whom they are familiar, and their names, will be found on the map. The Upper Thompson Indians had no knowledge of any Coast tribes except. those of Lower Fraser River. Some of the tribal names, such as Smilé’gamux (‘the people of Similkameen ”), signify the location which the people inhabit, regardless of their tribal affiliations. A number of more distant tribes, the location of which is not given on our map, were known to them by name, These were most of the Salish tribes of Montana, Idaho, and the in- terior of Washington; the Sahaptin; the Kootenay; and the most northern Shoshone tribes, who were called “tail people” because they wore attached to their head-dresses a long string of feathers reaching down to the feet. A tribe to the southeast called Stiltx:, ten days’ journey from Spences Bridge, neither Salish nor Sahaptin, came sometimes to trade fish near the mouth of Nicola River. The Crees were also known by name. Before the advent of the whites no other tribes were known. The Hudson Bay Company’s employees are called

[167]

168 TEIT THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

“the real white men,” a name also applied by a few Indians to French-speaking people.

Divisions oF THE TRIBE. — Their territory may be divided into two parts ; the dividing-line being near Lytton, at the junction of Thompson and Fraser Rivers. Here the latter enters a deep cafion, through which it rushes with impetuous force, until it emerges at Yale, some fifty-seven miles farther down, having cut its way through the Coast Range. The country on either side is extremely rugged. Towering mountains, which reach beyond the snow-line, extend on every hand. The valleys are very deep and narrow, often merely gorges. The rainfall is abundant, especially in the southwestern part of this district, and therefore the whole country is clad with heavy timber, mostly fir and cedar. As might be ex- pected, agricultural and pasture land is scarce ; game is also rather scarce: so that the Indians depend mainly on the products of the streams for their livelihood. The winters are short, but there are occasionally heavy falls of snow. Such is the country of the Lower Thompson Indians.

The country north and east of Lytton, and immediately east of the Coas Range, is of a totally different character. Although it is rugged and hilly, the contours of the mountains are round, and their slopes gentle. They are inter- sected by numerous deep and narrow valleys, while still farther east rolling hills or plateaus prevail. 2

The valleys and lower parts of the country are covered with sagebrush, grease-wood, etc.,— evidences of a dry climate; while the higher grounds and mountain-tops are covered with grass and scattering timber, mostly pine. The conditions are favorable for stock-raising, and patches of arable land are found. Game, especially deer, is much more abundant here than in the lower section, and there is much greater facility for engaging in agricultural pursuits. The climate is extremely dry, with hot summers and moderately cold winters, the latter generally short and accompanied by slight snowfalls.

The country below Lytton is named Uta'mgt (meaning “below,” or “to the south”), while that above Lytton is called Nku’kima (meaning “above,” or “to the north”). By adding ‘-mux” (‘people ”) to the previously mentioned names, we have the designations by which the inhabitants of the two sections are known ; viz, Uta’mqtamux (“people below”) and Nku’kimamux (“people above”). The former name especially is often used without the ‘“-mux.” These two divisions are the “Lower Thompsons” or ‘“Cafion Indians” and “ Upper Thompsons” of the whites, by which terms I shall designate them.

The Lower Thompson Indians have their villages at favorable spots along the banks of Fraser River, from a little below the village of Si’ska in the north, to a few miles below Spuzzum in thesouth. Their hunting-grounds extend west- ward to Harrison Lake and the mountains east of the lower course of Lillooet River, southward to the head waters of Nooksack and Skagit Rivers, and eastward to the head waters of Tulameen and Coldwater Rivers. Along this line they come into contact with the Lower Lillooet ; the Coast Salish, whose villages and

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 169

hunting-grounds are confined to the immediate vicinity of Fraser River, while the Thompson Indians hunt in the mountains a few miles to the south ; the Klickitat; and the Okanagon.

The villages of the Lower Thompson Indians seem to have been much more stationary than those of the upper division of the tribe. Many families wintered for generations, in fact as long as can be remembered, at the same spot. Since the advent of the whites some of the smaller village-sites have been abandoned. The inhabitants removed to the larger villages, which happened to be near settlements of the whites. Decrease in the number of inhabitants has been one of the prime causes of removals.

The present villages of the Lower Thompson Indians, from south to north, are as follows :—

Lame. Location.

Spé’zém (“little flat”) Spuzzum...... West side of Fraser River, about 9 miles above Yale, 2 miles below Spuzzum station, C. P. R., and 110 miles from Pacific Ocean.

anl

. Tikwalus, known as Chapman’s Bar

2 SMC OMUME aWHITES 2... lclc is ve + o's sc East side of Fraser River, about 13 miles above Yale. (6 SD Se West side of Fraser River, about 15 miles above Yale, cy OCs TS Oe er re Kast side of Fraser River, about 164 miles above Yale. haevote tsi (- burnt-body”’)......<...... West side of Fraser River, about 23 miles above Yale. 6. Kalulaa’tex (“small house of owl ”).. East side of Fraser River, about 24 miles above Yale. 7. Koia’um (“to pick berries”), called by itemunites boston Bar...........4's East side of Fraser River, about 25 miles above Yale. Bete MeR ee me oe oe cea eke West side of Fraser River, about 27 miles above Yale. 9. Kapatci'tcin (“sandy shore”), called by the whites North Bend.......... West side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Yale. to. Npikti’m or S’inpfikti’m (“ white hol- 0) os Ee Kast side of Fraser River, about 30 miles above Yale. MUO tte. de dad se sess: East side of Fraser River, 12. Sinta’ku (“reached the bottom”’)..... West side of Fraser River. 13. Spa'im (“flat land” or “open flat’’).. East side of Fraser River. i a West side of Fraser River. Peeeimus (“brow ” or “edge”)......,. East side of Fraser River. 16. S’uk (“valley ” or “depression”’)...., East side of Fraser River. eT Se cece ve neve East side of Fraser River, about 38 miles above Yale;

near Keefers station, C. P. R., but on the opposite side of the river. 18. Staxéha’ni (“this side of the ear or

ar loc. oe wacew se asc East side of Fraser River. 1g. Liqia’qetin. (“ferry” or “crossing- EE a East side of Fraser River, about 3 miles below Si’ska.

In this list detached houses have been grouped with the nearest village. Some Indians think that Si’ska ought to be included with the Lower Thompsons. In 1858 Koia'um (Boston Bar) was the largest and most populous village.

170 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

At the present day Kapatci’tcin (North Bend) and Spé’zém are the largest villages. They contain fully one-third of the whole population. All the other villages are small.

The Upper Thompson Indians are divided into four minor divisions more or less recognized. These are:—

t. The tkamtci/nEmux (“people of tkamtci/n,” the Indian name of Lytton) or Nuak‘apamux’o’é (‘the Nrak-a’pamux proper”), sometimes called “ Sa’lic” by the Lower Thompsons, the Indians of Lytton and vicinity. They are sometimes simply called Nuak‘a‘pamux. I shall call them the Lytton band.

The Staxa’yux, the people along Fraser River, above Lytton. Their territory extends up Fraser River about forty miles, where they come into con- tact with the Upper Lillooet a few miles below the town of Lillooet. Their hunting-ground is chiefly on the west side of Fraser River, and comprises all the eastern slopes, and the summits of the Lillooet Mountains. It does not extend far east of Fraser River, the country there being generally used by the Indians of Lytton, Spences Bridge, and Ashcroft. I shall designate them as the Upper Fraser band.

The Nkamtci’nEmux (‘people of the entrance”), taken from the name of the land at the mouth of Nicola River (Nkamtci’n), and probably having refer- ence to the confluence of the two rivers, or the ‘“‘entrance” of one into the other. These are the people of Spences Bridge and vicinity in particular, but the name is often applied in-a general sense to all the Indians along Thompson River from a little below Spences Bridge upward. They extend along Thompson River to Ashcroft, where their territory adjoins that of the Shuswap. Their hunting- grounds extend back for thirty or forty miles on each side of Thompson River, and include the upper half of Hat Creek. I shall call them the Spences Bridge band. ;

The Cawa’xamux or Tcawa/xamux (“‘ people of the creek,” taken from the name of Nicola River, Tcawa’x or Cwa'ux, meaning ‘“‘creek”), comprising the Indians along Nicola River from a few miles above Spences Bridge to consider- ably above Nicola Lake, where their territory adjoins that of the Okanagon, whose nearest village is at Douglas Lake, some thirty-five miles from Nicola Lake. Their hunting-grounds are on either side of Nicola River, and extend thirty or forty miles back. In early times their villages did not extend more than fifteen miles up the river. They visited the upper part of the valley on hunting trips and for fishing in the lakes. I shall call this division the Nicola band.

The Spences Bridge band sometimes call the Upper Fraser band Skwoti'ki-

namux (‘‘people of the other or opposite side of the ridge or mountains”), be-_ cause they are divided from them by a narrow range, which follows the east bank ~

of Fraser River. The Lytton band who live along the shores of Fraser River, and the Upper Fraser band, are sometimes collectively called “people of Fraser River.” The Lytton band who live along Thompson River above Lytton, and

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. ye

the Spences Bridge band, are sometimes collectively called “ people of Thompson River.”

Besides these, there are the usual names attached to every little band or com- munity, which is simply the name of the place or village they inhabit, with the suf- fix “-mux” (“people”), as we might say in our language ‘‘ people of London,” “people of Liverpool,” etc. This method of designating their folk according to the several towns to which they belong, is, so far as I know, the only one em- ployed by the Lower Thompson Indians,

Among the Upper Thompson Indians, the people of some of the bands or villages are sometimes called after the name of their chief. For instance, the people on Thompson River immediately above Spences Bridge, who occupy two or three small villages, but are under one chief, are called Sa‘itkinamuxs ha Cumaxatr'tza (“people of Cumaxate'tza,” this being the name of the chief). This custom, however, is of recent origin.

The differences in dialect between the several divisions of the tribe are very trifling. A few words only are used in a different sense, while others vary slightly in pronunciation. The difference in dialect between the lower and . upper divisions is most clearly marked. The former seem to have borrowed several words from their neighbors of the coast.

During the last twenty-five or thirty years, owing to increased intercourse and prolonged visits among the different divisions of the tribe, there appears to have been a tendency towards assimilation of the dialects. The lower half of the tribe affect the dialect current among the upper half. Through association with the white man, several new words have been introduced into the language. Most of these have reference to names of things new to the Indian.

The following is a fairly accurate list of villages belonging to the upper divisions of the tribe : —

VILLAGES OF THE LYTTON BAND Namie. Location.

Nuaqva’kitin (“the crossing-place, ” “place for crossing the river”), Kan-

0 On Fraser River, about 11 miles below Lytton (some Indians class it with the Lower Thompsons). @otena( tWpcle”’), Cisco:............ On Fraser River, about 8 miles below Lytton. 3. Nqa'ia (from nqa'iex, “to swim”)... West side of Fraser River, about 2 miles below Lytton, 4. Lkamtci’n (“confluence”’ [of rivers] ), Do 0 South side of Thompson River, at its junction with the Fraser,

Neqa’umin or Nqau'min (so named be- cause the water comes from a lake called Nqauma’tko [‘‘ wolf lake or water” ], from sqaum [“wolf”’]), Co South side of Thompson River, about 10 miles above Lytton.

172

16g). 14.

River.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

VILLAGES OF THE LYTTON Banpb — Continued.

Name.

. Taxezé’p (shortened form of xfizé'ép,

“sharp ground or place for pitching lodges,” so called from small sharp stones around there).......-+++++s

_ N’a'tqélpte'tenk (‘‘yellow pine little

slope )..t sce bcmisaee ee sane cee ninee

_ Nx’omi'n (meaning doubtful)......+. _ Anexté’t’tim (“stony little hollow” ), _ Sta'ien, or Strain (meaning doubtful),

Styne Creek... 0.5... secre ee ee nes

_ Npuitci’n (“low ridge shore”)...... . Nqoi kin

(“black pine ridge,” so called because young firs grow thickly there like nekoé't [ “black pine forest” |) «...s 0 oe ee

No’6t or Ner6't (allied to rd’it, “sleep’’),

Ntcé’qtceqqékénk or Ntcéqtceqko- kinnk (“the red little side hill or slope ’ i dees <d.0) ever eer Soin ttt

Location.

East side-of Fraser River, about 1 mile above Lytton.

West side of Fraser River, about 1 mile above Lytton. West side of Fraser River, 2$ miles above Lytton. East side of Fraser River, 3 miles above Lytton.

West side of Fraser River, about 5 miles above Lytton. West side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton.

East side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton. West side of Fraser River, 12 miles above Lytton.

West side of Fraser River, 15 miles above Lytton.

VILLAGES OF THE Upper FRASER BAND.

Name.

_ Nuip’pa‘em (“to extract marrow,”

nl Ok

from s’Lippa, “marrow ” [of bones]),

. Nqa’ktko (“little rotten water”)..... . Tia’ks (refers to nose or point in the

river), Fosters Bar......++.++00e0s

_ Nse'gip (“little deep hollow or cut”’), _ Skeka’itin (“ place of coming up above,

or reaching the top” ).......00-.

The last-named village is the extreme northern limit of the tribe on Fraser. Here their territory adjoins that of the Lillooet, whose nearest village is

Location.

West side of Fraser River, about 22 miles above Lytton. West side of Fraser River, 28 miles above Lytton.

East side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Lytton.

West side of Fraser River, about 38 miles above Lytton.

West side of Fraser River, about 43 miles above Lytton.

Seti (near the town of Lillooet), five miles above, on the same side of Fraser River.

VILLAGES OF THE SPENCES BRIDGE BAND.

Name.

No’qem (from s’nd‘k, “ valley’), Dry-

Nsqa’qaulten (“little looking for game place,” from s’kéaut, “ to stand in a place and look around for game when hunting ”’), Spences Bridge..... io

Location.

South side of Thompson River, 16 miles above Lytton.

South side of Thompson River, 23 miles above Lytton, and half a mile below Spences Bridge.

12,

133

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 173

VILLAGES OF THE SPENCES BRIDGE BAND — Continued.

Name.

. Nkamtci’n (“confluence” or “en-

trance’), Nicola Mouth............

. Atci'tciken (meaning doubtful), or

Nkaitu’sus (“reaches the top of the brow or low steep”). The trail gets up on the top of a bench here, and enters the Spa’piam Valley.........

. Pemai’nfis (“‘the flat underneath or

near the brow or steep”’). A low flat extends along the river here for some (Ln CGA Ait

Nqéelitko (“little lake or pond ye

There is a stagnant pond at this 8 on ie

. Zaxxauzsi/ken (“middle ridge or hill”).

. Pe’qaist (“white stone”)...........

SEMEX€’u (“little lynx,” from semera’u,

Re eis ose cess

. Spa’ptsen (“‘little Indian hemp place,”

from spa'tsan, “Indian hemp”), Spa- LOG Longo hi

Nté‘qem (“to make muddy,” or

“muddy creek’), Oregon Jacks.....

Snapa’ (“burnt place,” from s’pa’a, “any burnt place in the mountains or etcets )) Black Cafion.............

Nukaa'tko, Nukaa’tqo, or Nekaa'tko (from nko or nkwa, Shuswap for “one,” as Nkwaa'tko, “one little water,” similar to Npéa’tko, which

Meee SAING).. 2... ss secs cee

SLaz or Stétz (meaning doubtful), acs ok cs ov beee

. LoLowti’ “slides,” from Low?’ q ? >

applied to places where gravel, small stones, or sand keeps sliding or fall- 0

Location.

South side of Thompson River, at its junction with the Nicola, about 24} miles above Lytton.

North side of Thompson River, about 3 miles back in the mountains frora Spences Bridge.

South side of ‘Thompson River, about 28 miles above Lytton.

South side of Thompson River, 30 miles above Lytton.

Half a mile back from Thompson River, on the south side, about 31 miles above Lytton,

South side of Thompson River, 32 miles above Lytton.

North side of Thompson River, 32 miles from Lytton.

South side of Thompson River, 35 miles above Lytton. North side of Thompson River, about 1 mile back

from the river, and about 39 miles above Lytton.

South side of Thompson River, about 14 miles back from the river, and 42 miles above Lytton.

North side of Thompson River, about 43 miles above Lytton.

About 1 mile back from Thompson River, on the north side, about 45 miles above Lytton.

On Nicola River, about 8 miles from Spences Bridge.

Staz village is the farthest up Thompson River. Beyond, on both sides of the river, the country is inhabited entirely by Shuswap.

174

. Ntsta’tko or

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

VILLAGES OF THE NicoLa BAND.

Name. . Kapatci'tcin (“little sandy shore Ay ane . Ca’xanix (“little stone or rock””)..... _ x't'tx‘titkawé1 (“holes by or near the

trail?) a aw Awan 'e oe cues Siena as

_ xanexewe't (“stone by or near the

trail ”’)icce. cig «ce iemaad-'* bahele ie eerie tees :

. Qaiskana’ or Koiskana’ (from koés or

kwo’es, a bush the bark of which is used for making twine; some say it is a Stuwix’ or Athapascan name, but this seems doubtful), Pitit Creek.

_ N’a‘izk or N’@irk (“the bearberry”’). _ Tsulu's or Sulu’s (“ open” or “open

flat’ ).2. cede «ine os eevee

_ Pti’tek or Prtu’tek (“little spring ” Lof

water] ). ‹a. <0 › 0 om ete eee

_ Nsi’sqet (“the little split or di- )

vide,” perhaps because near a deep or rocky gulch).

Ntsata'tko (“cold water’), Coldwater.

. Zuxt (meaning doubtful)............

. Qwiltca’na (meaning doubtful)....... . Ntcé’kus or

Stcé’kus (“red rising ground oreminence,” or “red face”’),

Owiltca’na may be said to be the terminal village in this direction. miles above it is the nearest village of the Okanagon.

of the latter are as follows : —

Name.

Qé’1amix or Lkatamix (Okanagon word,

meaning “ broad patch of bushes”...

Spa’xrmin (“shavings ” or “ cuttings,” as

of wood or bone), Douglas Lake.....

Komkona’tko (“head water” or “head

lake ?).s Fish Dakedesatee seca

Zu'tsemin or Zu'tsamin (“red ochre or

of Thompson Indian blood, and speak both languages.

earth *); Vermillion (2... ee

Location. Near Nicola River, about 12 miles from Spences Bridge. Near Nicola River, about 16 miles above Spences Bridge.

Near Nicola River, 23 miles above Spences Bridge.

Near Nicola River, 27 miles above Spences Bridge.

Near Nicola River, 29 miles above Spences Bridge. Near Nicola River, 39 miles above Spences Bridge.

Near Nicola River, 40 (?) miles above Spences Bridge.

About 41 miles above Spences Bridge.

Near Nicola River, a few miles from the west end of Nicola Lake.

Near west end of Nicola Lake, 50 miles above Spences Bridge. Near the middle of Nicola Lake.

About 1 mile back in the mountains from Qwiltca’na. The nearest four villages

Location.

About 3 miles from Qwiltca’na. rt miles from Qwiltca’na. 21 miles from Qwiltca’na.

On Upper Similkameen River.

The Indians of all these Okanagon villages have a considerable admixture

The pure Okanagon

is not found until Niki/us and Kérremya'uz, on the Similkameen, are reached. Many of the villages in the above lists are very small, consisting of two or three families ; while others are large, and contain about a hundred or more

inhabitants.

Very few occupy old village-sites.

A list of the villages thirty-five

Three

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. LFS

to fifty years ago would be very different. These villages are almost all situated on reserves. Some places where Indians live in detached houses have been included under the name of the village nearest to which they are located.

So far as current tradition tells, the tribal boundaries have always been the same as they are at the present day, except that about sixty Or more years ago the Shuswap-speaking people extended a few miles farther down Thompson River than now, and the country around Nicola Lake was held by an Athapascan tribe. Both of these have been absorbed by the Thompsons.

PopuLation. — The tribe is at the present day greatly reduced in numbers. The existence of numerous ruins of underground houses might be considered as sufficient proof of the decrease of the tribe, were it not that the same family sometimes constructed several of these houses, and that after the first epidemic of small-pox many of the survivors moved, for protection or support, to larger communities, and constructed new houses there. After the formation of small towns or settlements by the whites, who set up trading-stores in different parts of the country, many Indians removed to their neighborhood for convenience of trading with or working for them. Moreover, the Indians began to see what use the whites made of arable lands, and they obtained “reserves,” and gained some knowledge of farming. Then many who had no arable land moved either to more favorably situated places, or to their “reserves ” when convenient. By this means the number of old house-sites was considerably increased. Nevertheless, according to the testimony both of the Indians themselves, and of white men long resident in their country, the Thompson Indians were certainly at one time much more numerous than at present.

The old people say that forty or fifty years ago, when travelling along Thompson River, the smoke of Indian camp-fires was always in view. This will be better understood when it is noted that the course of Thompson River is very tortuous, and that in many places one can see but a very short distance up or down the river. The old Indians compare the number of people formerly living in the vicinity of Lytton to “ants about an ant-hill.” Although they cannot state the number of inhabitants forty years ago, there are still old men living who can give approximately the number of summer lodges or winter houses along Thompson River at that time, showing clearly the great decrease which has taken place.

In 1858, when white miners first arrived in the country, the Indian population between Spuzzum and Lytton was estimated at not less than two thousand, while at present it is probably not over seven hundred. If that be correct, and assum- ing that the number in the upper part of the tribe was in about the same propor- tion to those in the lower as now, the population of the entire tribe would have numbered at least five thousand.

Notwithstanding the fact that a year or two before the arrival of the white miners the tribe had been depopulated by a famine, which infested nearly the whole interior of British Columbia, the actual decrease of the Indians has taken place only since the advent of the whites, in 1858 and 1859.

176 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Small-pox has appeared but once among the Upper Thompson Indians; but the Lower Thompsons state that it has broken out three or four times in their tribe. Its first appearance was near the beginning of the century. Nevertheless this disease has reduced the numbers of the tribe more than anything else. It was brought into the country in 1863, and thousands of Indians throughout the ‘aterior of British Columbia succumbed to it. If the evidence of the old people can be relied on, it must have carried off from one-fourth to one-third of the tribe. In many cases the Indians became panic-stricken, and fled to the mountains for safety. Numbers of them dropped dead along the trail ; and their bodies were buried, or their bones gathered up, a considerable time afterwards. Some took refuge in their sweat-houses, expecting to cure the disease by sweating, and died there.

It was early in spring when the epidemic was raging, and most of the Indians were living in their winter houses, under such conditions that all the inhabitants were constantly exposed to the contagion. The occupants of one group of win- ter houses near Spences Bridge were completely exterminated; and those of another about three miles away, numbering about twenty people, all died inside of their house. Their friends buried them by letting the roof of the house down on them. Afterwards they removed their bones, and buried them in a graveyard. Since then the tribe has been gradually decreasing, until at present I doubt ‘fit numbers over two thousand souls. About fifteen years ago it was reckoned by a missionary long resident among them as numbering about twenty-five hundred.

Many suppose that the decrease among Indian tribes in general is chiefly due to the dying-off of the old people and to the sterility of the women. My obser- vations lead me to a different conclusion, at least regarding the Upper Thompson Indians. There are comparatively few sterile women among them.

The following statistics concerning the Indians of Spences Bridge will serve as an illustration of the decrease of the Indian community. They were collected by myself, and extend over a period of ten years. While they may be no criterion for the whole tribe (some bands having remained almost stationary during this period, while others have decreased considerably more than the one to be discussed), still I think they will show what is happening, to a greater or less extent, in several bands of the tribe.

In 1884 the Spences Bridge Indians numbered 144 (not including 13 tem- porary residents from other tribes or bands). During the period 1884-94 I recorded the following changes :—

INCREASE. Wi ( Full-bloods:. . 5.6 ..6/ 10 < die 20 wien wim tne) s isle oe ins a lees inva uae eTmy0!le 6 sm eye) Alte ena 39 Births 4 pratt-breeds,.é. sine vaicdieeeei cto nee eae ete re eet 4

. 43 Immigration of Indians from other villages........ sees seers ee eee eee eeee eee ce cenes 10

Total increases ic ./f «once sede ale Bie leue aucea nue ERI USE et To elliot Felina raia io petrst okeltcuelten< la tenok- noma 53

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 177

DECREASE,

eeiants and children born after 1884.2... 2.0... 00 c0sece le cecedecccene.... 25

Fats Children born before 1884.......,. Taipan Ace cate An ote Lh ae eee 5

(LE ISS oe ae 37

are ee eR Uo s de athiisat odek hev ccc onda 5 \ =p Meee cians to other villages. ce kk ec swe eceee eens secccccc ccc, 17 Foal 2 rage Fe hte ys 6 oes <u s god bw Lis aed hb can 89

The resulting decrease during this period is therefore 36, leaving a population of 108."

It will be seen from the above that although there was a very high death- rate, the birth-rate was also high, and that the principal cause of the band’s decrease was the great mortality among children. At the present time about thirty-three per cent of the people composing this band are about fifty-five years of age or upwards, and therefore were adults when the white miners first came to the country. In the nearest neighboring band there are twenty-five per cent who may be placed in the same category.

The heavy death-rate is attributable principally to two causes, — epidemics and consumption. Epidemics such as measles, influenza, etc., fall far more heavily on them than on the whites. Measles especially carries off a large number of children. The majority of deaths between the ages of eighteen and fifty are from consumption. Some deaths among the young people are directly due to venereal diseases (originally introduced by the whites), and to the use of whiskey and its concomitant evils; but the percentage of such deaths is relatively quite small, although these vices are the indirect cause of many deaths. To this cause are also attributed, to a great extent, the birth of weak children, and sterility among some of the women. If the Indian Department would provide for resi- dent physicians for the Indians, these conditions might be materially improved.

During the last few years there has been a slight improvement in some places. In a few of the more remote villages the birth-rate has risen, and the rate of mortality among children has fallen. In these places the population seems now to be about holding its own or is slowly increasing, Places such as North Bend, which are situated close to towns, and where there is much association with the whites, still show a very high mortality.

The birth-rate among the Lower Thompsons seems to be higher than among the upper division of the tribe, while the mortality of children seems to be lower. During the last years there has been a preponderance of surviving male children among the upper division, and of surviving female children among the lower division, of the tribe.

Little care is taken of the children during a certain age. From their birth until they are able to walk they are generally wrapped up, and, we might say, even

' For statistics for 1894-99 see Note 1, at the end of this paper.

178 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

taken too much care of; but as soon as they can walk, and from that time up to the age of ten, they are often allowed to run around exposed to the weather, with little or no clothing other than a cotton shirt. It is during this period of life that most of their children die.

The belief that they are doomed to extinction seems to have a depressing effect on some of the Indians. At almost any gathering where chiefs or leading men speak, this sad, haunting belief is sure to be referred to.

MIGRATIONS AND INTERCOURSE: — There is no historical tradition, so faimase am aware, of any former migration of the people, with perhaps one exception. This, even if true, is very uncertain. The tradition is to the effect that a band of Indians from the neighborhood of Lytton, owing to a dispute, broke away from the main body, crossed the mountains to the south or southeast, and eventually settled somewhere near Columbia River. Some relate the story in exactly the reverse way, claiming that it was a party from Columbia River who migrated, and settled at or near Lytton. The bare fact is stated without any details. As only a few of the old Indians are familiar with this tradition, the events narrated therein must have happened a long time ago, if they ever did happen.

About fifty years ago many of the Nicola band moved into the Stawi’x: country, around Nicola Lake, and some of them intermarried with the Indians there. Some members of the Spences Bridge band, who were related by marriage

to the Nicola band, also moved up there. About the same time the Okanagon,

whose hunting-ground had been in the Douglas Lake country, commenced to make permanent settlements in that neighborhood.

There seems to have been very little direct intercourse between the upper and lower divisions of the tribe. The Lytton band, who occupy a central portion, intermarried and had frequent intercourse with the Lower Thompson Indians and with the other bands of the upper tribe; but the latter seldom or never inter- married with the Lower Thompson Indians, and-had little or no intercourse with them. Very few people from Spences Bridge ever went beyond Lytton. This may be partly owing to the difficulty of access to the lower country; but another reason was the feeling between the divisions of the tribe, the Upper Thompson Indians considering the lower division as a rather inferior race. Formerly the villages of the Lower Thompson Indians had little intercourse with one another, owing to the difficulty of travel in the Fraser Cafion. Communi- cation between Spuzzum and the villages of the Coast Salish was fairly easy, and consequently intercourse and intermarriages were not infrequent. Since the ar- rival of the whites, the construction of the Caribou wagon-road and the Canadian Pacific Railway through the Fraser Cafion, and the awakening of a desire among the tribe in general to better their condition, there has been much intercourse among all portions of the tribe, with the result that many persons belonging to the lower division have married others of the upper division, and settled in the country of the latter.

The Lower Thompson Indians, seeing the more favorable circumstances

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 179

under which the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands lived, moved to the country of the latter, whose fertile soil afforded a much better opportunity for farming pursuits than their own rugged district. Even the Lytton band have followed their example to some extent. Several people from Lytton have settled among the Nicola band, and a large percentage of the people of Neqa’umin, who belong to the same tribal division, have settled around Ca’xanix and other parts of Lower Nicola River.

This latter instance is a good illustration of the change which has taken place in the mode of living of the Thompson Indians, Neqa’umin was once a very populous place, and people from other parts were drawn there by its splendid facilities for fishing ; but since the advent of the whites, and the abandonment by the Indian of hunting and fishing for the less precarious pursuit of agriculture, Neqa’umin has become in a measure deserted, as there is hardly any arable land in its vicinity.

The most notable migration in recent years, however, is that of a large band of Lower Thompson Indians, who crossed the intervening mountains, and settled in Nicola Valley, near the mouth of Coldwater River, and in other places, where they now have reserves,

Those bands who live in territory adjoining that of other tribes have occasion- ally intermarried with their neighbors, but not to any great extent. The Lytton band, who are surrounded on all sides by other bands of the tribe, have probably less foreign blood in their veins than any of the others; the Lower Thompson Indians, especially around Spuzzum, have a slight admixture of Cowichan blood ; the Upper Fraser band have a considerable amount of Lillooet and a little Shuswap blood ; the Spences Bridge band, some Shuswap and a little Okanagon blood; while the Nicola band, besides having some admixture of Okanagon, have also some Athapascan blood in their veins.

Since the arrival of the whites many women have married white settlers resj- dent in their country. This has resulted in the development of a half-breed population. The female portion of these half-breeds marry either white or half- breed men ; while the male portion, although in many cases they marry Indian women, generally live apart, only a few of them settling with their Indian rela- tives, or living regularly in the Indian villages. Besides these, there are half. breeds of illegitimate birth, — children of women who have lived with white men foratime. The offspring in such cases, having been brought up among the Indians, generally remain with them, living as Indians, and when of age marry among them. All European nations have contributed almost equally to this mixed race. On the other hand, there is hardly any mixture with Chinese and negroes (except among the Upper Fraser band), largely owing to the fact that the majority of the Indians look with contempt upon these races.

Although for the last thirty-five or forty years there has been uninterrupted contact with the whites, yet the percentage of children of mixed descent is com- paratively small. For example, in two small bands who inhabit Spences

180 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Bridge and vicinity, and who number 108 and ior souls respectively, we find the following numbers of full-bloods and half-breeds : —

. Nkamtci’n Band. Pr’gaist Band. Individuals, Totals. Males. Females. Males, Females. 4 white and } negro......eeeeeee eres I | 2 <= = A White ys12 5-0 ari een oso est spire I / — 2 I 22 white sao cls « « sie sie eieteruvow.)> cans 5 | I 6 3 |

Full-blooded Indians.........+.+++-- 49 | 49 40 49 187

Total « « «oe.5:5.ss 44. Ma eset tieteiete ae tists lake omit «tee ata Ls» cal b's one vel hclie tel caeke re 209

This amount of admixture is considerably above the average, as observed among other bands. Among the same bands admixture of foreign Indian blood has taken place as follows : —

Individuals, Nkamtci’n Band. Pr'qaist Band. Totals.

Shuswap Ayia) Sith es Mereloiereae ote tenete rey -IaksTekenertem 5 8

fe cease ouene iets Shere 50s liuseiey ole ie ope Mae 3 8 Be 4 BO Oe wig als ote Senyeel inhale rela eae eee 7 2 £-Okanagon .. 0000 cee ce reece nes wesc cesnes I =

4 Ce Be tec att a. aye terouale eases ome ua tects oecitenets 5 =s3 10 4 $6010 | SO AU ana te oy Soe hele Ae ciated er te 4 — UD Bll Gre Lennie eeeioo or Pia ote Let ioo 3 I —

4 Walla Walla........-ceseceeseees eee ceee = I 4 Pure: Shuswapcene «crn cele sue = + ast) rreletnet I I

Less 5, also included in first list as partly UU K CHRIS OP OOOO DO ODIOO ODO R.c oc 5

SUMMARY, Full-blood Thompson Indians. ........ee eee e cere eee rece eee cnet n es cens 145 Mixed-blood Thompson Indians : —

Thompson Indians and other Indian tribes..........+sseeeeeereeeeeeees 42

Thompson Indians and white........---e esses eee cece nc en ee ee ne eears 22

209

Menvat Traits. — Although the Thompson Indians, when the white miners first came among them, had the reputation of being treacherous, they cannot be so characterized at the present day. As with every other people, there are both good and bad among them; but on the whole they are more honest and

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 181

industrious, intelligent and receptive, than other Indian tribes. They are quiet, sociable, and hospitable ; yet combined with the last two qualities are often pride and suspicion. Some are of a jocular, humorous temperament ; and some are courageous, determined, and persevering, although the last-named quality is not a characteristic of the tribe as a whole. Some show it, however, to a marked degree when hunting or fishing. Being proud, they are easily offended, but sel- dom allow their wrath to get the mastery of them. As a rule, they are not vin- dictive. They admire a man who is athletic, active, energetic, industrious, strong to endure, brave, hospitable, liberal, sociable, and kind. They are fond of the wonderful, of oratory, gambling, story-telling, hunting, and horseback-riding., They are not as proud-spirited as they were, nor do they take as much interest in games, athletic exercises, and fun, as formerly. Disease and the knowledge that they are doomed to extinction are the chief causes for this: while change of pursuits, and the acquirement of new ideas, also have their effect.

At present these people, both socially and otherwise, may be said to be in a state of transition from the customs and modes of life of the past, to those at pres- ent in vogue among the surrounding whites. Although some of the old people cling tenaciously to many of the old habits and traditions, the one idea of many of the younger people is, to advance their material condition, and to copy and vie with the whites in many lines of industry, as well as in customs and dress. This latter propensity very often results in the adoption of more evil than good customs, as is true in the case of whiskey-drinking. I may add, that the ease with which liquor can be obtained, especially along the line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, principally from unscrupulous whites, is the cause of the ruin, both moral and physical, of many of the young people, as well as of brawls, and some- times loss of life. Be it said to their honor, however, many of the tribe have little or no desire for liquor, and, although it is so easily procurable, never avail themselves of the opportunities so flagrantly brought to their notice. Those Indians who indulge in whiskey almost always do so to excess, and they are gen- erally those members of the tribe who most closely copy the whites in other par- ticulars. Moreover, these are often included among the most industrious and progressive members of the tribe. On the other hand, those individuals who are more exclusive and conservative have, as a rule, little or no craving for whiskey, and refuse to use it, nor will they accept other innovations brought by the white man.

The Lower Thompson Indians are quieter and steadier than the people of the upper division, but at the same time they seem to be slower and less energetic. They are better fishermen and more expert in handling canoes, while the Upper Thompson Indians are better horsemen. The difference in disposition between the two divisions of the tribe is brought out rather strongly on Cold- water River, where people from Nicola and Boston Bar live in close proximity. While arrests for drunkenness, assaults, horse-stealing, etc., are quite frequent among the former, they are almost unkown among the latter.

I MANUFAGT URES.

Most of the implements and utensils of the Thompson Indians were made of stone, bone, wood, bark, skins, matting, or basketry. Work in stone, bone, and wood was done by the men, while the preparation of skins, matting, and basketry-work fell to the share of the women. There was a certain amount of division of labor, inasmuch as workmen skilful in any particular line of work exchanged their manufactures for other commodities.

Work In Stone.— Their work in stone was of the same character as that done byjthe prehistoric people of Lytton, which is described in Part III of this volume. Stones were battered into shape, cut, and flaked. Jade and serpentine bowlders were cut by means of gritstones or beaver-teeth. But few polished implements are found, Steatite pipes were polished with stems of Lguzsetum and a mixture of grease and pitch of the black pine. Stone skin-scrapers and hand-hammers are used up to this day. The Indians are still. familiar with the art of making arrow-heads. When these were to be made from a bowlder, the following method was employed. The bowlder was split by being laid on a stone and struck with a ' hand-hammer, generally a pebble of handy size. When a suitable piece had been obtained, its edges were trimmed off with a hard stone. Then it was wrapped in grass or hay, placed on edge on, Fig 19 Git): Wetedaeaaet a stone, and large flakes were split off with a hand-hammer. After a suitable piece had been obtained, it was placed on a pad in the left hand and held in position with the fingers. It was given its final shape by means of a flaker made of antler (Fig. 118), which was used with a forward and downward pressure. The blunt point served for flaking off larger chips, while the smaller one was used for the final stages of the work. In later times iron flakers were often used. The method of holding the flake was the same as that of the Carriers of northern British Columbia.’

Fig. 118 (g3$s). Arrow-Flaker. § nat. size.

' See Notes on the Western Dénés, by Rev. Father Morice (Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. IV, Toronto, 1895, p. 65); also Stone Implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province, by W. H. Holmes (Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1897, p. 81).

[182]

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 183

Work 1n Woop. — For work in wood a number of tools were used, Trees were cut down by means of wedges made of elk-antler (Fig. 119), which were

driven in with hand-hammers. f These differed somewhat in shape in different regions. A type found among the upper division of the tribe is shown in Fig. 120. The Lower Thomp- sons often imported hammers from the Lillooet (Fig. 121). The latter resembles the style of hammer in use among the Indians of Vancouver Island.1 Sometimes wooden mallets made of a piece of a trunk of a tree, with attached branch that served as a handle, were used. Occasion- ally stone clubs with flat sides were used for driving wedges. Most of the rougher work in wood was done with wedge and hammer.

Adzes and axes of jade and serpentine (Fig. 122) were in common use. The method employed by the upper division in hafting chipped stone axes is shown in Fig. 123. The lower division used adze-handles similar to those of the Vancouver Island Indians (Fig. 124). Stone chisels were fas- tened into handles with sockets, in which the stone was inserted. These tools were also used for building canoes, For cutting and carv- ing, chipped stone knives (Fig. 125) or beaver-tooth knives (Part III, Fig. 49) were used. The former were similar to the crooked knives of the Coast Indians, but they had shorter handles. Fig. 126 shows a chipped carving- knife carefully trimmed on one side, with curved point. Drilling was done by means of stone points. Many bone objects are decorated with small circles (Fig. 118; see also Part III, Fig. 109). | These were made with | Fig. 124 Gols). Handle of Adze, notched point made of bone, — preferably that of the bear, one end of which was placed in the centre of the circle, while the other was used to scratch the circular line. When one of the

Figs. 120 (g$§za), 121 (7385). Stone Hammers, } nat, size,

Fig. 122 Gos). Stone

Axe, 4 nat, size.

Fig.-123 (73$3). Stone Adze, } nat. size,

1 See Fig, 9, 4, in Stone Hammers or Pestles of the Northwest Coast of America, by Harlan I, Smith (American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. I, p. 363), characteristic of Spences Bridge ; Fig. 122, above, was found at Lytton.

184 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

points was blunt, a circle without a central dot was produced. Nowadays these circles are made with augurs and bits. Bone was also sharpened and polished with gritstone and sand, or with the stems of Eguzsetum.! The Lower Thompsons and the Lytton band made dug-out canoes of cedar and pine. After the dug-outs were finished, they were filled with water, Pig PS trom (a which was boiled by means of red-hot got ans Ye Ane stones. Dried salmon-heads were put into the water, which was kept simmering for twenty-four hours or more. The wood absorbed the oil from the salmon-heads, and was thus rendered less liable to crack. Occasionally canoes were made of spruce-bark with the smooth side out, sewed with spruce-root, and stretched over a wooden frame. The seams were calked with _ Fig. x25 cit». melted gum. They were not much used by the Lower Thompsons. eta ted Parntinc. — Many of the implements and utensils made of stone, bone, wood, bark, or skin, were painted. Red and brown ochre seem to have been used most extensively for this purpose. Copper clay was used for blue paint ; white, calcareous, and yellow earths were also in use (see Part III, p. 133). A white paint was also made of burnt deer-bones.. Powdered char- coal was used:as a black paint. A powdered fungus that grows on hemlock- trees also furnished a red paint. All these paints, before application, were mixed with melted deer-grease and heated, and applied with a small stick or with the finger. The paints were kept in vessels made of steatite or of other stone, or on flat pieces of hide. The root of Lithospermum angustifolium Michx. was also used as red paint, particularly for painting dressed skins. The fresh root was dipped into deer’s grease and rubbed on the object to be painted. It was also used as a facial paint. The flowers of Delphinium Menzcestt DC. were used both as a blue paint and asa dye. The juice of yellow lichens furnished a yellow dye. Grass used for decorating basketry was dyed brown and black by being placed in mud. Green and blue dyes were obtained by boiling rotten wood ; a light red dye, by boiling bark of the alder. Recently washing-blue mixed with oil has been extensively used by the Lower Thompsons for painting canoes and paddles. All these paints and dyes have nearly gone out of use. Paints were fixed on skin by being rubbed with heated Opuntza. PREPARATION OF Skins. — The skins of numerous animals were used for clothing, bedding, bags, etc. The skin of deer and elk was of greatest impor- tance, but those of the bear, wolf, coyote, lynx, fox, marmot, hare, and marten were also in demand. The Lower Thompsons made use of the wool of the mountain- goat. Skins are prepared in the following manner. The skin is first dried, and the flesh side scraped free from fatty substance with a sharp stone scraper. Then itis rubbed all over the inside with the decomposed brains of deer, with marrow

S Finest

1 See Note 2, at the end of this paper.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 185

extracted from the larger bones, or with the oil extracted from salmon-heads by boiling. It is then rolled up and put in a cool place. This latter process is repeated each morning for two or three days, until the under side of the skin is soft and oily. If the weather is not hot or breezy, the skin is dried near a fire. After it has been made soft and pliable, it is stretched on a frame- work of four poles (the ends of which are tied together), and beaten or pounded until quite soft by means of a stick sharpened at one end, or a stone scraper inserted into a wooden handle three or four feet in length (Fig. 127, also Plate ESTEVE Sig. TL) «his completes the dressing of skins intended for robes or blankets, Buckskin for shirts, leggings, etc., is first scraped by means of a stone scraper or a bone or horn chisel of the same form as that used in woodwork. This is held in one hand, while the other hand is pulling off from the outer cuticle of the skin the hair which (2 the scraper loosens. Skins for moccasins are often smoked ona ¥& framework of bent sticks, the ends of. which are inserted in the _ ¥3 ground near the edge of a hole about a foot and a half in depth, serapen finde si and not much more than a foot in diameter, dug for the purpose. In this hole a fire of rotten fir-wood, or any other wood that makes a smouldering fire, is kin- dled. Fir-bark broken up fine and mixed with dry yellow-pine cones (Pinus pon- derosa Dougl.) is considered best. Wormwood or sagebrush (Artemisia frigida Willd.) is frequently used, especially by the Nicola band. If it is desired to have the skin very dark, juniper ( ¥anzperus Virginiana L.) is added to the fire. Anold blanket is spread over all to keep in the smoke and exclude the air. When the under side of the skin is sufficiently colored, it is reversed, so that the other side may be treated similarly. The process at present most in vogue is somewhat dif- ferent. The dry skin is thoroughly soaked in water for several days. It is then placed loosely on a piece of poplar log about five inches in diameter and four feet or so in length, the bark of which has been previously peeled off, leaving a smooth surface. The log is then placed with one end resting on the ground, and the other against a tree, in the bark of which a notch is often cut to keep the stick in position. As part of the skin is allowed to hang over the top end of this stick, the pressure against it prevents the skin from slipping. The part of the skin extending along the smooth surface of the stick or log is then scraped, and the work is finished by moving the skin over the log as required. The scraper used is a deer’s ulna (Fig. 128) or a horse’s rib (Fig. 129), which are sharpened a little. They are held with one hand at each end of the bone, and worked much as a person would use a ‘“‘draw-knife.” The ends are covered with sagebrush and skin. The same kind of scrapers were in use in prehistoric times (see Part III, p. 147). Iron scraping-knives are now often used, but these are more liable to cut the skin than bone knives,

After the inside of the skin has been scraped, the hair side is treated in the same way, care being taken to remove the outer cuticle along with the hair,

186 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Then the skin is hung over a pole and dried. When dried, it is smoked as be- fore described, put into a basket or other vessel with some warm water and a strong solution of soap, where it remains for twenty-four hours or more, and is then rolled lengthwise, together with a little dry grass. One end is fastened with a rope to a log, while the other end is folded around a short stout stick held in the hands. The stick is then turned until the skin is well twisted and the water wrung out. The dry grass is intended to soak up the moisture oozing out on the inside.

Fig. 128 (;3$s). Skin-Scraper, # nat, size.

After wringing, the skin is stretched on a frame and pounded on the inside in the usual way until quite dry and soft, when it is again smoked as before. 'To assist the drying process, especially in cool weather, a fire is often lighted close by, and the stretched skin gently warmed in front of it from time to time. In cold weather, skins are dressed inside the house. To give a skin a bright yellow color, dry corncobs with a little wood are burned under it. Fawn-skins are generally softened by spreading over the knee and rubbing with a sharp stone or scraper. Skins are also tanned in a decoction of Betula papyrtfera Marsh.

Sometimes skins are left in water in a warm place till the hair can be pulled off. By this means the outside cuticle of the skin is left on. Skins thus treated are never smoked, and after being softened present a glossy appearance on the outside. These are generally made into gloves. The Indians prefer the first

Fig. 129 (73$s). Skin-Scraper, ? nat. size.

method of curing. Some Indians claim that the custom of smoking buckskins was learned from the Okanagon. It is said that, after being smoked, the skin does not shrink so much when it gets wet as it otherwise would ; while many insist that if the skin be rubbed with brains, it need not be smoked at all.

The implements formerly used for sewing skins were wooden, bone, and horn needles, and awls of different sizes. Bone awls are still used, but steel needles have entirely supplanted the old-fashioned needles. In sewing skins, glovers’

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 187

steel needles are now used. In place of pins long thorns were used. Thread was made of willow and other bark, and also of deer-sinew and buckskin, and the same is still used. In olden times embroidery was done with porcupine- quills, often dyed different colors, and more recently, but before the arrival of the whites, with horsehair, which was also often dyed. Beads also were very largely used prior to 1858. Embroidery in beads rapidly went into disuse after the year 1858, and was superseded by embroidery done in silk thread, which at the present day is almost universal. Very little beadwork has been done by the tribe for the last twenty or twenty-five years. Although some of the patterns wrought at the present day with silk may be old, most of them are copies of the white man’s patterns.

Basketry, — Basketry-making is an im-

portant industry among the tribe. Above Lytton, baskets of various shapes were made of birch-bark, while spruce-bark was used for the largest kind of baskets. The bark is generally cut as shown in Fig. 130. The edges are stitched with split spruce or poplar roots. The rim is strengthened by means of a hoop made of split willow- twigs that is placed on the inside, over which the bark is stitched with split spruce- roots. The rim is often ornamented with stitches made of the bark of Prunus demissa Walpers. The outside of these baskets is often ornamented with incised or red painted designs.

The lower division of the tribe and the Upper Fraser division make beautiful coiled basketry of cedar-twigs. This type of bas- Fig. 130 (cfs). Pattern for Birch-bark Basket. ketry is made by the Chilcotin, Lillooet,

Lower Thompson Indians, and by a number of tribes inhabiting the Cascade Mountains, in the State of Washington.

Only women and girls occupy themselves with this work. These baskets are made from the small trailing roots of the cedar (Thuja gigantea Nutt.). They are dug up with an ordinary root-digger, and pieces of the desired length and of about the thickness of a finger are cut off. These are buried in the ground to keep them fresh. When required, they are taken out, and peeled or scraped with a sharp stone or knife. They are then hung up until dry enough for use. Next they are split into long strips by inserting and pressing forward the point of the bone awl used in basket-making. The awl is made of a long bone of a deer, which is split and pointed. The pieces which split the desired width and thickness throughout their entire length are used for stitching purposes,

188 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

while the others which split irregularly, or are too short or too thin to be used for that purpose, are put together in bundles of about a dozen each, to form the coils. In weaving, these are kept continuous and of uniform thickness by adding fresh pieces as required, and the whole is covered by whip-stitching with the long regular pieces of splint already mentioned. The coils are laid around, one on top of another, and stitched over and under, commencing at the bottom of the basket (Fig. 131, @). With each stitch the awl is made to split part of the splint whipped around the lower coil. The bottom of the basket is made either of coils worked in the ordinary.manner, or of thin pieces of wood stitched over. Most of these baskets are water-tight.

In another kind of basketry thin pliable strips of cedar-sap or other wood are used as coils instead of the bunches of split roots. These are stitched over in the same manner and with the same material as the other kind, but are neither as strong nor as durable, nor are they water-tight.

Ornamentation in basketry is produced by hooking in strips of grass and bark with the stitches, so that they cover the latter on the outside only. This is done by bringing the piece of grass over the outside of the last stitch, then doubling it back and catching the doubled end with the next stitch. The outsides of some baskets are completely covered in this manner, so that the whipped cedar-splints - can only be seen from the inside. The grass used is that called nho’itlexin. It is long, very smooth, and of a glossy yellow-white color. To make it whiter, diatomaceous earth of the same kind as is used for cleaning and whitening goat’s hair is sometimes spread over it, and it is then beaten with a flat stick ona mat or skin. The grass is seldom dyed, as the colors are said to fade soon. The Upper Fraser and the Lytton bands sometimes use Elymus tritecordes Nutt. instead of this grass. The bark used is that of Prunus demzssa Walpers, which is either left its natural light reddish-brown color, or is dyed by burying it in damp earth. By thus keeping it underground for a short time, it assumes a dark-brown color, while when kept longer it becomes quite black.

Large open-work baskets made of cedar-twigs (Fig. 131, 4) are also used by the Lower Thompson Indians, while they are unknown on the upper courses of the rivers. These baskets are of the same make as those used on the coast. The rim is made by forming a coil out of the upper, free ends of the twigs, and whip- ping it with another long twig.

Nowadays the Upper Fraser band occasionally make baskets from the stalks and leaves of Indian-corn.

Mats.— The Upper Thompson Indians make a variety of mats of tule (Scerpus sp.) and bulrushes (Zypha latifolia L.), which are woven or sewed with twine made of the bark of Afocynum cannabinum L. The method of making large tent-mats is shown in Fig. 131,¢. The end of the mat is made of rosewood. The reeds are strung on bark strings, and held in place by other bark strings which pass around them near their ends. Mats made of young reeds and bul- rushes, which are used to cover the floor of the lodge and as table-mats, are

@ (rh¥z), Coiled Basket, nat. size; 4 (g3$z),

Small Rush Mat

Z (<3%5), Round B

4 nat, size; f ag, 4 nat, size,

Fic. 131. Open-work Basket, nat. size sc d (xé$z), Rush Mat, $ nat, size 3} & (r38z), Skin Blanket, 3 nat, size; % (r5f7), Square Bag,

[189]

" ~ eS Naa, . Lg NEY ZENE

DETAILS OF WEAVING.

avs), Rush Mat, } nat. size; @ (439g), Grass Mat, nat. size; ¢ (x3$3),

1 1 5 % Nat, size;

190 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

woven in a different manner, The selvage consists of a two-stranded bark string, which holds the warp. The latter is of a lighter two-stranded bark string, which is passed through the selvage string, as shown in Fig. 131, @ The grasses are woven into this groundwork as indicated in the same figure. By using grass of different colors, patterns are obtained. Sometimes strands of wool are woven into the mat in place of grass. At the lower end the rushes are generally cut off. This kind of matting is also used for making pouches. Some table-mats are woven in a still different manner. They are made of young tule or bulrushes, and tied with a twine made of Afocynum cannabinum L. or Eleagnus argentea Pursh. (Fig. 131, ¢,/). This method of weaving is identical with that used by the Coast Indians in making cedar-bark blankets. It is also used by the Thompson Indians in weaving matting for the manufacture of bags, and in weaving - blankets of twisted strips of rabbit-skin (Fig. 131, g), pouches, and socks of sagebrush.

Weavinc anp Nerrina.—Threads were made of the fibre of Apocynum can- nabinum L. and of Asclepias speciosa Torr. The former was traded to the Lower Thompsons. When bark-fibre was not available, the Lower Thompsons used nettle. The fibre was shredded and cleaned by being pulled with the left hand over the sharp edge of a small board held in the right, the bark being pressed down against this instrument with the thumb of the right hand. This fibre is spun on the bare thigh into a two-stranded twine. Bags are also woven in ‘the following manner : The threads of the warp, which consist of two-stranded bark twine, are held in sets of two by loops of the woof. In each row the loops of the woof hold that pair of warp threads which in the preceding row belongs to two adjoining loops (Fig. 131, #). The fabric is thus considerably strengthened. The selvage edges of these fabrics are often made of strips of skin. Round bags of this kind are woven by first tying the warp of two-stranded twine with the woof. This portion forms the bottom of the bag. The woof is continued down spirally, and the bag is widened by putting new warp strands around the extreme lateral woof strands (Fig. 131, 2). When the bag is to be nar- rowed towards its upper end, the warp strands are ws , joined into the loops of the woof as required. The ny Fi8s,13? (ite). Detail of Woven Bag. upper end is finished by sewing the loose ends of the

warp into a strip of buckskin (Fig. 150).

Wallets are also made of a twined weaving, the character of which is shown in Fig. 132. Designs on these fabrics are made in embroidery or by weaving colored grasses or bark twine into the fabric, as shown in the same figure. This style of weaving seems to have been acquired recently through intercourse with the Sahaptin.

The Lower Thompson Indians weave mats of strips of cedar-bark of the same style as those used by the Coast Indians (Fig. 133).

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. IgI

At the present day rag mats or rugs are often made from scraps of cloth, calico, etc. The patterns on these are mostly the same as those on basketry.

The weaving of blankets was an important industry among the Lower Thompson Indians. The Coast Salish utilized both dog-hair and goat-hair in their manufacture, but the Thompson Indians seem eS to have used the latter only. Sometimes the wool was made whiter or cleaned by mixing a quantity of baked white diatomaceous earth with it and beating the whole with a flat stick. The manner of making the thread is exactly the same as that described by *= Dr. Boas as the process employed by the Songish.' The loom and spindle are also the same, excepting that both disk and shaft of the latter are of wood. | 1 Aug: 333 Gi). Detail of Cedar-bark Mat. cannot describe the exact manner of weaving, as | never saw it done; but the whole process of blanket: making, and the implements used, are said to be exactly the same as those found among the Lower Fraser Indians. Most blankets had a fringe of tassels, six to nine inches in length, along one end. Black bear’s hair made into threads, and spun threads of goat’s hair dyed either yellow with lichens or red with alder-bark, were woven into the blankets in patterns similar to those used in bas- ketry. The Indians of Spuzzum continue to make these blankets at the present day.

For making nets, thread of the bark of A pocynum BL ) cannabinum L. was used. A wooden netting-stick (Fig. ee Netting Stick. 134) served for making the meshes of equal size. The

meshes were made with a double knot.

1 Ninth Report of the Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, 1894, p. 567.

lll. —HOUSE AND HOUSE ROE:

Hasrrations.— The houses of the tribe were similar to those of the Shuswap and Okanagon. Like all the southern tribes of the interior, they used a semi- subterranean hut, in the Chinook jargon called ‘“kekule-house,” as a winter dwelling. These winter houses were generally built in the valleys of the prin- cipal rivers, within easy distance of water, and were inhabited by groups of fami- lies related to each other, who, although scattered during the hunting and fishing seasons, dwelt together during the winter. These dwellings rarely numbered more than three or four at one place, and often there was but a single house. The size conformed to the number of people (from fifteen to thirty) to be accommodated.

A spot with loose soil was selected for the site of the underground house. The person who desired to build the house asked all his neighbors to assist. Frequently twenty or thirty people came, so that the building was sometimes completed in a single day. They were given food by the owner of the house, whose relatives contributed from their store of provisions. The site was laid out in the following way : A bark rope was knotted at a distance of from twenty to forty feet from one end, according to the proposed diameter of the house, A second rope was marked off the same length as the first. ‘Then the two ropes were crossed on the ground at right angles, the middle being determined by eye. Sometimes the centre was determined by folding the two ropes over and tying them together in the middle. Then they were laid down so as to be at right angles. The centre and each end were marked with a small stake. With the four stakes on the circumference as a guide, a man marked a circle on the ground with a stick. Then the women began to dig the soil with their digging- sticks (see Fig. 212). They also used wooden scrapers with sharp, flat blades. The loose earth was put into large baskets with the hands and by means of small baskets. The contents of the large baskets were then dumped near the hole, to be used later on for covering the roof. Green timber was generally used for the heavy posts of the house (Figs. 135, 136, and Plate XV). This was measured with bark ropes, the length being determined by eye, in accordance with the diameter of the hole. Then trees were cut, barked, and hauled to the building- site with stout bark rope. Generally these timbers were not squared. They were worked with wedges, hammers, and stone adzes. The thin poles used for the roof of the house were also barked, except when dry wood was employed for this purpose. They were cut, tied into bundles, and carried to the building-site with ordinary packing-lines by men or women. After the wood was obtained and cut, the upright braces (Figs. 135, 136, @) were erected. These were placed about fifteen inches deep in the ground, which was firmly pressed down by stamp- ing it with the feet and beating it with sticks. The tops of the braces were notched to support the rafters (6). The butt-ends of these were placed about

[192] :

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS: OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 193

two feet deep in the

ground, one at each of the four points marked when the circle was laid out.

The braces and rafters were securely connected with willow

7 Ee

FAN

We <\\

‘\ Bs Si sa i

\ nF NY ) Vath WA, Ma yah p 4

Figs, 135, 136. Plan and Elevation of Underground House.

withes. The rafters did not meet ijn the centre. the ground and on the outside of th supported by the uprights,

The side-rafters (¢) rested on € main rafters, at the place where these were The rafters were either notched for the reception of

194 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

the braces, or they were simply tied on, while their butt-ends were embedded in the ground. Horizontal poles (¢) from one to two feet apart were tied to these rafters and side-rafters. They formed the support for the roof-covering. Above the place where the side-rafters and main rafters join, the poles were placed much nearer together, often so that on the ends of the poles of two opposite sides rested the next pair of the other two sides. The ends of the rafters were con- nected by four heavy timbers (¢), which formed the entrance.

This structure was covered with poles or pieces of split wood (/), which ran from the ground to the entrance, ‘as shown in Fig. 136, their ends resting on the rafters and side-rafters. They were not tied to the framework. They were covered with pine-needles or dry grass; and then the entire structure was covered with earth, which was beaten and stamped down firmly. The Lower Thompson Indians, owing to the heavy rainfall prevailing in their country, lined these houses with large pieces of cedar-bark, the inner side out.

A large notched log (g), with its butt-end resting on the ground near the centre of the apartment, and the other end in the square hole or entrance, gave access to the house. This log, or ladder, was placed almost upright. It leaned against the west side of the entrance-hole, to which it was firmly lashed. The fire was at its foot, and separated from it by a slab of stone, which protected it from the heat. A groove was cut along the back of the log, from near the bottom to the top, to serve as a hold for the hand. The small end of the ladder, above the hole, was often rudely carved in the form of the head of a bird, animal, etc., or was painted in red or other color, in patterns. Sometimes these ornamen- tations represented the guardian spirit of the builder or principal man of the house, but usually they were for adornment only. The head man of the house sometimes painted new designs, according to his dreams. The ladder was generally placed with its small end slightly leaning toward the east. Persons coming in or going out descended or ascended with their face toward the north- east, and the right hand in the groove. Some Indians claim that all the southern interior tribes made these ladders lean slightly toward the east, and that they all, with the exception of the northern Shuswap, ascended and descended in the manner above described. The northern Shuswap invariably took hold of the groove with the left hand, turning their face toward the south- east, and back to the fire, which was always built on the north side of the ladder. When entering the house, they gave warning by shouting aa This was done that the women who were cooking might have time to pro- tect the food from dust or dirt. The spaces between the four main beams were called rooms or houses, and took their names from the points of the compass, the main rafters being placed N.E.—-S.W. and N.W.-S.E.

These houses were generally inhabited from December till February or the beginning of March, according to the severity of the winter. Though inconven- ient, they were extremely warm, hence the inmates were generally scantily at- tired. Up to fifteen or twenty years ago, almost the entire tribe lived in these

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 195

houses during the winter, but by degrees the ordinary log-houses of the whites have superseded them. The last one went out of use among the Spences Bridge band about 1890. Plate XV shows the remains of an underground house in Nicola Valley, as it appeared in 1897. After these dwellings were deserted, the framework disappeared, and a circular hole remained, Great numbers of these are found throughout the country (see Part III, Plate XIII). The Indians of Yale constructed a few of these dwellings shortly before 1858, but ordinarily they lived in large lodges made of split planks. Only one single instance is known of a lodge of this kind being built in Spuzzum. It was constructed about forty years ago, by people related to the Coast Indians.

Throughout the year, excepting the three coldest months, the abode of the Indians was the summer lodge,—a framework of poles, covered with mats or bark. These lodges were square or round. The latter was the kind common among the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands. Elsewhere the square lodge was universally used. The construction of either kind was very simple.

The square lodge was built as follows: A flat piece of ground was selected and cleared of obstructions. Two pairs of stout poles (Fig. 137, a) were tied together with willow withes at their small ends, and set up about ten feet apart, forming the gable ends of the lodge. They were held in position by three or four cross-poles (4) on each side, reaching horizontally from one pair to the other. Two or three poles running parallel with the two pairs of poles (2) were sometimes tied to these. The gable ends were formed by placing several short poles (¢) with their lower ends set out some distance and their tops leaning against the two main poles. The doorway, or entrance, to the lodge was in one of the gable ends. Over the bottom of this framework, around the circumfer- ence, were spread long reed mats, measuring about five by twelve feet. An- other row of mats, slightly overlapping the lower ones, was laid above these, and so on to within about three feet of the point where the poles met. The space _ above was left open for the exit of smoke and the admittance of light. This type of lodge, covered with strips of cedar-bark, was also used by the Lower Thompsons.

In a common variety of the square type, the four corner poles were made to converge at the top to within about two feet of one another, where they were held in position by four short cross-pieces, just as in the winter house. This kind of lodge (Fig. 139) looked almost circular, and very much like a winter house covered with mats, excepting that the ends of the four poles protruded, and that there was no ladder visible. In some (Fig. 138; Plate XVI, Fig. 3) the two sets of poles were tied together as in the ordinary square lodge, and were set slanting toward one another to within three or four feet of meeting.

In building circular lodges, which were larger than the square ones, a dozen or more long poles were placed some distance apart, with their butts upon the ground, outside the cleared space, forming a complete circle from fifteen

196 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

to twenty feet in diameter. The poles were placed with their small ends toward the centre of the space, where they met and supported one another without being fastened together. Other methods of building the framework of the round lodge are shown in Figs. 140 and 141. The plan employed in the lodge shown in Fig. 141 is also illustrated in Fig. 2 of Plate XVI. Fig. 1 of the same plate shows the completed lodge. .The mats were placed as on the square lodges. At night and in bad weather the opening at the top was covered by a flap, which consisted of a mat or skin fastened to a long, slender pole. Some- times the earth was banked up half a foot around the bottom of the lodge, and two or three layers of mats were used. Among the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands, skins — chiefly buffalo-hide, or deer, elk, moose, or caribou skins — were often substituted for mats. These were often painted in different colors and figures. The Lower Thompson Indians did not use round lodges. The lodges varied in size. They often measured twelve feet from the surface of the ground to the smoke-hole. The floor was covered with small fir-branches, which were spread more thickly near the wall where the people slept. The fire was in the middle of the lodge; and the doorway was a space, three feet by five feet or less, left in the lower row of mats, over which was hung a piece of mat, skin, — or blanket, a little larger than the hole, and stiffened at the lower end by a thin piece of stick. |

All these types of lodges are still used by the older people; but the young people prefer, in the summer-time, tents of cotton drilling or light canvas. They are easy to pitch and stake, and light to carry.

To accommodate large numbers, such as gather at potlatches, fishing-places, etc., the Indians made use of large lodges (Fig. 142), closed or covered at the back, but open in front. The roof rested on long, slanting poles (a), which were supported by shorter braces (6), to which they were tied. These poles were set ten or twelve feet apart. Long horizontal poles (¢) were placed across the roof poles. These were covered with mats, tenting, etc. Opposite, at a distance of fifteen feet, was placed another shelter of the same kind. The open sides faced each other; and in the space between, large log-fires were lighted. For better protection against the wind, gable ends of fir-branches or brush were laid across from one shelter to the other, making one huge lodge, which was often fifty or sixty feet in length.

Besides these, the Upper and Lower Thompsons use the hunting-lodge. Its shape is that of the square lodge, but larger, with heavier poles. Instead of mats, sticks and bark spread with fir-branches are used for covering. It is gener- ally built in sheltered valleys in the mountains, close to good hunting-ground, and used in the fall of the year.

Another lodge, generally used but once, is the ‘“brush-house,” thrown up temporarily by hunting-parties in the winter or early spring, and consisting of a square or conical framework of light poles covered with fir or spruce branches.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 197

Where good bark was abundant, as in Botani Valley, these lodges were built on the plan of the square type. Spruce, balsam fir, or black pine, in long strips and as wide as possible, was spread over the poles with the smooth side of

Fig. 137. Fig. 138.

Figs. 137-142. Framework of Lodges.

the bark out. The Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark only. Frequently the temporary lodges of the Lower Thompsons were only a single slanting roof,

similar in construction to the large shelter described before (Fig. 142), but much smaller,

198 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Close by the hunting-lodge, or near an Indian village, is sometimes found a temporary structure for the habitation of girls when coming to womanhood. It is conical, and made entirely of fir branches and tops. Four small fir-trees are placed in a square, and their tops are tied together. The branches of the trees are knotted together, and the open spaces filled with fir tops and twigs.

Another house is built for women during their periods of menstruation. As these are occupied a few days only, they are roughly made of brush, while the Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark. They are generally conical. The last two dwellings are made large enough for a person to sit inside with ease. In the centre of most of the lodges for adolescent girls there is a small circular hole into which the girl places her feet, or in which she squats down. These houses are fast going out of use.

Still another structure is the “sweat-house.” These houses are always found close to water. They are similar to those in use among the Shuswap, and generally consist of a dozen or more willow wands bent over, and both ends stuck into the ground; the longest ones in the middle, and the shortest ones on each side. One half are placed at right angles to the other half, giving the structure a round shape, and are fastened at each intersection with withes (Plate XVII, Fig. 2). To form the door, the wands are placed far enough apart to admit a man creeping on handsandknees. A hole a foot square is dug on one side of the entrance to hold the hot stones. Some sweat-houses are made of shorter wands with their butt-ends in the ground, their small ends bent toward one another, and interwoven. They are shaped like the others (Plate XVII, Fig. 3). When in use, the structure is covered over with blankets to keep in the hot air and steam. When the person sweating has finished his bath, the blankets are taken away to be used on another occasion. Sweat-houses near favorite camping-places are built with more care. A larger number of willows are used, forming almost a network. The structure is then covered thickly with dry pine-needles, and that again with a thick covering of earth (Plate XVII, Fig. 1). It is then perfectly tight, excepting the door, which is covered with a piece of blanket or skin when the building is in use. Some are covered all over or only around the bottom with bark; with these a blanket is also used. The floor is covered thickly with the ends of fresh fir-boughs, often mixed with juniper, sagebrush, or other aromatic plants. These houses accommodate from one to four persons in a squatting pos- ture. When wands are not available, the Nicola band build the framework of their sweat-houses of poles, as in a conical lodge.

The cache is used for the storage of provisions and utensils. Caches are sometimes made on the lower limbs of a large tree with spreading top. A few poles are spread from one limb to the other, their ends being tied. The articles are then placed on top of these poles ; and the whole, covered with bark and mats, is secured with ropes. The most common cache is the Indian cellar. This is used solely for the storing of berries, fish, etc. A circular hole about four feet in depth, and of the necessary diameter, is dug. In it are carefully laid the articles

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 199

to be stored. If these are berries or roots, they are placed in baskets, and wrapped over with birch-bark. The roof is then put on. It consists of small poles laid closely side by side across the excavation. Above these are laid in the same manner, but at right angles, another row of poles. The structure is then covered with pine-needles and earth. An opening is left in the centre of the poles for removing stored articles, This is generally closed by putting sticks or bark across it, and covering them with earth. Sometimes these cellars, especially those for storing fish, are made in the side of a bank, in which case the door is generally in the side. The cache common among the Lower Thompsons is in the form of a large box, usually of boards, with a slanting roof sometimes on both sides, like that of a house. It is generally raised on posts five or six feet above the ground, has a small door in one of the gable ends, and is approached by a short ladder placed underneath (Plate XIV, Fig. 2). At the present day many of them are roofed with shingles instead of bark, and a roll of tin is nailed around part of each post, to keep mice and other animals out.

The Upper Thompsons build scaffolds of poles, about five feet above the ground, near their houses. They are used for storing cumbersome articles, such as saddles, etc. (Plate XVI, Fig. 1),

At the present day the Thompson Indians live in villages of well-built log- houses, most of which are floored with lumber and have shingle roofs. Some of these buildings are inhabited the whole year round, others only at intervals throughout the year. The inhabitants often camp near their favorite hunting, fishing, root-digging, or gold-mining resorts, or on their reserves, and engage in agricultural pursuits. Many Indians, during the farming season, live in small log-houses. There still remain a few Indians of the tribe who prefer to camp out in summer lodges during the entire year.

House-Furnisuincs. — The Indians slept on a thick layer of brush or dry grass covered with skins or grass mats. The rolled-up ends of these, or skin bags filled with down of bulrushes or of birds, served as pillows. Hammock beds were used inside of winter houses. These were made of buckskin stretched on thongs, which were fastened to the beams or posts of the house. Other mats, spread on the ground at meal-times, served for tables. These measured about three feet by five feet. The people squatted round the mat, helping themselves to the food. When at home, they usually squatted or sat on the ground in a reclining attitude. The tribe still do so when in camp, but most of their houses are now tolerably well furnished.

Baskets and Bags. — Baskets and bags are used for storage as well as for carry- ing and various other purposes. The lower division of the tribe sell many of their cedar-root baskets to the upper division, so that they are quite often found among the latter. Large oblong baskets with lids are used for storing food and clothing. Smaller ones of the same kind serve for holding sewing-materials and trinkets. Their lids slide up and down on a string, which at the same time serves asahandle. Recently the lids have been hinged to the baskets (Fig. 143). The

200

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

most common kind of basket is somewhat conical (Fig. 144), and is used for

carrying.

shaped (Fig. 145), was formerly used for holding water.

=a. cs aioe:

EEE Sara

SEH mi

NW 1) Des SAN OTE suena

Fig. 143 (4s). Oblong Basket.

i mi De Ui A

Li} lw)

eS Ss rs SSS SS

SEES = S Si

S <S

m)) Me ah DE j a ea MeN on Peed 1 iy

Sas

Height, 13 inches.

Still another kind, which is rounded, or, as the Indians say, nut-

Round, open bas- kets served as kettles, the food being boiled by throwing hot stones into the baskets into which it had been placed. Still another kind of basket has a flat back, which is made to hang against the post or wall (Fig. 146). In shape it is sim- ilar to the fish-baskets used by anglers. Such baskets are used for holding tobacco and pipes, a hole in the centre of the lid allowing the pipe-stem to protrude. At one time they were much used for holding bait and fishing-tackle, for which reason they were called “used for bait.” Some Indi-

ans belonging to the Lytton band formerly used the same kind of baskets for

saddle-bags. Thompsons have begun to make baskets in the shape of trays, pitchers, goblets, etc. The upper division of the tribe used more frequently than cedar-root baskets those of their own manufacture, made of birch-bark, and occa- sionally of poplar and spruce bark (Fig. 147). These bas- kets varied much in size, and were used for purposes of storage and transportation, as buckets and cups, and for cooking. Large baskets, about three feet high, three feet long, and two feet and a half

cy re

AR TA Vag ee ta: Hie ty AA

eel

Fig. 144 (ad65)-

Recently, in imitation of objects seen among the whites, the Lower

Soe SOOT Ty Po wo. SMRLCR ACCA UC =

m FAMITATTMTNN Np

) yd) Da a my

ana Be 1 Sane Fy HITE Ph moan

DU int

Ber ml

By Bory Hy

0 wot SG orgy a0 pe 0

TO ah ames Dale a A Be eT i or a

“ 4

Conical Basket.

Height, x12 inches.

wide, made of poplar or spruce bark, the smooth side turned outward, were used in the winter houses for the storage of provisions. middle and around the rim, and were often painted with pictures.

They had hoops around the

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 201

Large open-work baskets made of cedar-twigs, of the same shape as those used by the Lower Lillooet and the Coast tribes, were also made by the Lower Thompson Indians, especially near Spuzzum (Fig. 148). They were used for carrying fish, Very few of them are used _at the present day.

Bags of various kinds are still used by the Upper Thompson Indians, — large ones, mostly rectangular in shape, for storage; and small ones for pouches, Some of them are made of a piece of matting or bark fabric, which is folded over and sewed ee up at both sides with a abner ana piece of buckskin (Fig.

149). The top is left open, and is closed, when required, by a buckskin lacing. Another bag, generally large, is circular or sack-shaped (Fig. 150; see also P- 190). They also make large painted bags of stiff hide set with fringe (Fig. 151). Smaller pouches for odds and ends are square. The back piece is longer than the front, and laps over to form a cover (Fig. 152). They are made of dressed buckskin, dressed or undressed buffalo-skin, fawn and other skins with the hair left on, but also of fine matting, and more recently of cloth. They are often ornamented on either side with wide buck- skin fringe, and are either embroidered with silk and beads or painted. Another bag, for holding nee- dles, thread, etc., was made of a narrow piece of buckskin, on which other pieces of buckskin were sewed in the form of pock- ets. This was hung

oy SSS SASS) ROSS SESS ans 3S ay B

ean i

H [Wa

Lee 42

ie, ee oe

OG 1 Ny Lied yn, 4

7 roa

9, if I, L

3 i Ky

Fig. 146

Fig."147 (13¢z). Birch-bark Basket, Front and Side Views. Height, 8}‘inches.

202

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

up near the bed, or rolled up and tied with a string. Small and medium-sized bags were sometimes made from fibre, and worked in colored patterns. Most

ib s/.

or. ; ral Ki

(E |

=7 ers ww r=}

‘le

= a — i

ey & WE

Fig. 148 (¢3$s). Open-work Basket. Height, 19 inches.

the same style that prevails on the coast, are in use. All kinds of dry food were spread on the table-mat. Liquid food was served in the basket in which it was It was either supped out of the basket or Fish and sometimes meat and roots were served in flat, oblong birch-bark The Lower Thompson Indians frequently

cooked. poured into small bark cups.

vessels.

Fig. 149 (x$%7). Bag. Width, 29 inches.

of these bags are still in use among the tribe. Grass mats and bags were ornamented with dyed grasses.

Various Household Utenstils.— A small pot for paint or ochre was one of the few stone vessels used. It is doubtful whether this kind of pot was made by the tribe. It was scarce among them. Large, flat stones were used for grinding dried meat and berries on (see Part III, Fig. 33). Large carved stone vessels (Figs. 153, 154) were used for catching drippings of oil, for grinding to- bacco-leaves, berries, etc. Among the lower division, square boxes and buckets bent of wood, in

Bee

Fig. 150 (y}$z). Round Bag. Height, 28 inches.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 203

used wooden trays (Fig. 155) of varying sizes, Spoons of many sizes, generally large (Figs. 156, 157), were made of alder or birch, also of mountain-sheep’s horn. Short-handled spoons were made of the skull-cap of the deer (Fig. 158). Large horn spoons are still common. Other wooden utensils were a smooth, rounded stick, with one end thicker than the other, for stirring liquid food (Pignis§g); a pestle, bottle-shaped, for mashing berries, etc.; the same implement as the hammer used for driving wedges (Figs, 120, 121); and tongs, for lifting the hot stones when cooking. These tongs were simply two sticks flattened towards one end, and were used one in each hand (Fig. 160).

Fig. 151 (<3%z). Bag made of Hide. Width, rs inches, Fig. 152 (x4$5). Pouch. 2 nat. size.

Fire was obtained by means of the fire-drill, which consisted of two dried sticks, each over a foot in length, and rounded off to less than an inch in diame- ter. One stick was sharpened at one end ; while the other was marked with a couple of notches close to each other, — one on the side, and the other on top. The sharpened end of the first stick was placed in the top notch of the other stick, and turned rapidly between the straightened palms of both hands. The heat thus produced by the friction of the sticks caused sparks to fall down the side notch upon tinder placed underneath, which, when it commenced to smoke, was taken in the hands, and blown upon until fanned into a flame. The tinder was dry grass, the shredded dry bark of the sagebrush, or cedar-bark. The sharpened stick was called the ‘‘man,” and was made of black-pine root, tops of

204 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Fig. 153. Fig. 154.

Fig. 153 (x31). Stone Vessel representing a Frog. Length, 13 inches. Fig. 154 (q38z). Stone Vessel representing a Cup with Snake coiled around it. Length, r7 inches.

Fig. 155 (go). Wooden Tray. Length, 243 inches.

Fig. x Figs. 156 (1495), 157 (x38;). Wooden Spoons, Lengths, 18 inches and 9 inches. ae Sicu

8 (<88x). Spoon made of -Cap of a Deer, 3 nat,

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 205

young yellow pine, heart of yellow-pine cones, service-berry wood, etc. The notched stick was called the “woman,” and was generally made of poplar-root. However, many kinds of wood were used for this purpose. When hot ashes or

Fig. 161,

Fig. 159. Fig. 160.

Fig. 159 (7382). Stirrer. Length, 38 inches. Fig. 160 (<38r2, 5). Pair of Tongs. Length, 37 inches. a, Inner View of One Leg; 4, Inner and Outer Views of Other Leg, Fig. 161 (g4$5). Slow-match. 3 nat. size,

a spark fell upon the tinder, they said, “ The woman has given birth.” Dry limbs of trees were gathered by means of a long stick (sometimes fifteen feet in length) with a wooden or horn hook at the end,

Fire was carried from place to place by means of a slow-match made of cedar-bark (Fig. 161). Some of these would keep the fire for over two days.

IV.— CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS.

The dress of the Thompson Indians, before their intercourse with the Hud- son Bay Company, was made almost entirely of dressed skins, with or without the hair. The poorer class were rather scantily clad, while those who were richer, or were good hunters and trappers, had an abundant supply of clothing, though some of them did not wear much in the summer. The disparity of clothing among the several portions of the tribe was due to their trading facili- ties. The Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, who had an abundance of deer in their own country, and who also traded with the Okanagon, were better provided with skin garments than the Indians below Lytton, who had few deer in their country, and were less favorably situated for trading.

Crorurne or Upper TuHompsons.—The principal articles of clothing were shirts, trousers, and robes. The shirts worn by the men reached halfway to the knees, and were generally made of two doe or buck skins sewed together (necks down). The sleeves were wide, and the neck was furnished with a lacing. The hind-legs of the skin formed the sleeves ; and along the entire length o the back of each was a fringe of cut skin, this being the only ornament. Among the . Spences Bridge and Nicola bands some of the shirts had bone beads, dentalia, and colored glass beads strung on the fringe ; while others were or- namented at the bottom and shoul- ders, as well as down the sleeves and over the seams, with porcupine- quills (sometimes dyed red and yellow) and feathers, and with a fringe of horsehair, dyed or un- dyed, instead of the ordinary skin. This mode of decoration was not generally adopted, and is said to have been copied from the Okana- gon. Some shirts were decorated according to directions given by the guardian spirit of the owner.

Buffalo-skin shirts (Fig. 162) were made somewhat in poncho style, with a slit extending down the chest. A skin collar was laced to the neck part, which could be drawn tight by means of the lacing. Front and back were cut off square, the back part being longer than the front. The sides were cut into a wide fringe. At a convenient place below the arms, front and back were joined

[206]

Fig. 162 (;387). Buffalo-skin Shirt.

+."

TEIT, THE’ THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 207

by means of a strap of buffalo-skin, which, being knotted at one end, was twice drawn through two pairs of corresponding slits, and then knotted at the free end. A buckskin shirt, somewhat similar in style, is shown in Wigs 163. It consists of a single skin, fringed at the edges; and front and back sewed together under the arms. It is decorated around the neck with holes and red paint. The

decorated part seems to represent a poncho made of skin: the broad fringe on each side-seam, tails,

Fig. 163 (g}$5). Buckskin Shirt, Front and Back Views.

Sometimes jackets (Fig. 164) were worn instead of shirts. These were made of a single piece for the back, and of two front pieces which were joined in the middle of the chest by means of strings. The long sleeves were each made of a single piece of skin, with the seam on the under side of the arm. The seams on the sides, below the sleeves, and on the shoulders, were set with skin

208 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

fringe. Sometimes jackets had a lacing along their lower edge, by means of which they could be drawn tight around the waist.

More recently long buckskin coats (Fig. 165) have been used, often set with fringe along all their seams, and with fur of the animal that was the guardian of the owner.

Long leggings made of buckskin, reaching over the thighs, were worn. They Pwere often trimmed with fringe along the outside of each leg, and were held up by a buckskin strap fastened

Fig. 164 ($483). Buckskin Jacket.

—_

to the belt around the waist (Fig. 166). Short leggings consisted of a square piece of heavy buckskin, which was wrapped a couple of times around the leg, and held in place immediately under the knee by a garter, generally of twisted otter-skin, and left open at the ankle. Some of the old men continue to wear such leggings. Poor people wore short leggings made of sage- brush-bark. In Nicola Valley they used bulrushes instead.

With the long leggings was worn a breech-cloth,—a piece of buckskin which passed between the thighs (Fig. 167). Hee CuO! nance The ends were fastened to the belt in front and behind, or the front end or both ends were held by the belt, hanging down over it. In place of this, some of the old men hung a square piece of buckskin or buffalo-skin from the waist in front.

Later the Indians imitated the trousers which they saw worn by the em-

aS Exe Se

Soh Se

= (era ~

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 209

ployees of the Hudson Bay Company. These were made of buckskin. From the lower half of the thigh down, they were fringed, the fringe often increasing

in width as it neared the

feet (Fig. 168). Buck-

skin trousers as short

Leak, 206 (ee). Buckskin as a breech-cloth were

also used; while others

reached below the knee, and were worn with short leggings,

The Indians wore moccasins. The soles of all moccasins are made of unsmoked buckskin. Skin of the black-tailed deer (Car- 2acus Columbianus), obtained from the Lower Thompsons, is best adapted for making moccasins. The leg-piece is made of smoked doeskin. They are sewed with thread made of deer-sinew. The style of moccasin used about fifty or sixty years ago differed from the one prevailing at the present time. In former times the whole moccasin up to the ankle was made of a single piece (Fig. 169). There was no seam at the inner side, but the skin was turned over the foot and cut off to conform to its shape, and so that the seam would extend along the toes and backward

"il. = ™

Fig. 167 (738). Breech-cloth,

Fig. 168 (,3§3). Buckskin Trousers,

2i'O TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

on the outer side of the foot, rising gradually towards the heel. A strip of skin, often fringed, was sewed into this outer seam (a, @). The fringing sometimes began near the toes, and increased in width towards the heel, or it began at the instep and extended back to the heel. The top of the moccasin was brought

4 é 6

Fig. 169 (sk). Moccasin. |

round to the heel, and both sides cut off at the heel end and sewed together (4, 4). When this was done, a strip of the sole was left extending backward over the heel. This was not cut off so as to form a seam with the pieces that were folded over the sides of the heel, but was left standing in the shape of a trailer. The part of the moccasin that lay over the instep was then cut so as to form a tongue (c). The upper edge was cut off straight at about the height of the ankles, and furnished with a lacing. To this edge the leg-piece was sewed, which was gener- ally pinked. When in use, the leg-piece lapped over the tongue in front, and was tied with the lacing. Sometimes a fringe was inserted in the seam joining the upper to the moccasin.

Another cut of moccasin was made as follows (Fig. 170): A piece of skin larger than the sole of the foot was turned up and gathered over the toes and the side of the foot, extending up behind nearly to the ankles. The heel was made in the same manner as in the moccasin just described. The up- per extended nearly to the toes, anda strip of skin was sewed over the seam which joined it to the bottom piece. The upper extended upward in a broad tongue. The leg-piece was the same as in the preceding kind. Many Indians claim that this style of moccasin was introduced about the beginning of this

Fig. 170 (gk). Moccasin,

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 211

century from the Okanagon, while others maintain that it has been borrowed from the Athapascan tribes to the north.

In the modern style of moccasin the bottom piece is cut still larger, so that when turned over the foot it almost reaches up to the instep. The upper of this moccasin is therefore very small. The bottom piece is gathered in in the same way as just described ; but, owing to the great distance between the upper and the toe, a wedge-shaped piece is cut out of the bottom piece in front, and the latter sewed up, so that a seam runs from the upper to the toe, over the middle of the foot. The leg-piece and the tongue are the same as in the moccasin just described. This style of moccasin is frequently used in winter. It is made very

Fig. 171 (5383). Moccasin. Fig. 172 Gx). Moccasin,

Bey sy yd

Fig. 173. Trailers of Moccasins,

large, so that socks of sagebrush or pieces of skin may be worn inside. Nowadays the Indians use a coarse linen for the leg-pieces, because it dries more easily than smoked doeskin (Fig. 171). Sometimes the toe is cut and sewed in a way similar to that shown in Fig. 172, but this style has nearly gone out of use. Almost all moccasins have trailers at the heel, from about one inch to two inches and a half long (Fig. 173).

For walking on slippery ground, two strips of skin are sewed to the under side of the sole of the moccasin, running crosswise (Fig. 171).

Another modern moccasin is made just like a slipper, with a sole, and an upper which is sewed up at the heel. To this is attached an ankle-piece, which is laced in front.

212 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

The moccasins were occasionally ornamented with porcupine-quills, goose- feathers, or horsehair, either dyed or undyed. In place of socks or stockings, grass or sagebrush-bark was put inside the moccasins. In winter the wealthier people substituted bear, buffalo, or other skin, with the hair side next the feet. Some of these bits of skin were sewed into the form of socks. Buffalo and bear hair, sagebrush-bark, and grass were used for weaving socks. Some of these have closed heels, are laced in front, and padded with loose sagebrush-bark ; while others are open at the heel, and have a tongue in front (Fig. 174). They also wore stockings reaching to the knee, usually made of the leg-skin of the deer, the hair being inside. Poor people also wore long boots made of sagebrush-bark,

Figs. 174 (738s), (138s). Socks made of Sagebrush-bark. Fig. 175 (435). Knit Stocking.

that reached up to the thighs. These were padded with loose sagebrush-bark. The upper part was decorated with two feathers hanging down from behind. Recently they have begun to use knit stockings of their own manufacture. They are made of coarse wool of two colors, and show the same designs as were used for decorating bags (Fig. 175).

Formerly gloves were not used, but in winter the Indians wore mittens, which were fastened round the neck by a long string. These mittens were also made of the leg-skin of the deer, and were worn with the hair inside.

Most of the Indians wore a plain or twisted narrow band of skin encircling the head. More recently head-bands made of cloth have been worn (Fig. 176). Often the long hair was gathered behind and tied with a thong which was at-

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 213

tached to a beaded strip of buckskin (Big2177). Caps made of skins of various animals, such as beaver, deer, fox, lynx, loon, hawk, and eagle, were frequently _ Worn. Sometimes the head-skin of the animal served as a cap (Fig. 178), while the skins of smaller animals were worn so that the head formed the front of the hat, and the tail hung down behind. Many men wore caps made of the skin of the animal that was their guardian spirit. Fig. 179 shows a head-band made of two coyote-tails, and decorated with chicken-hawk feathers. Red and green

ve fener een ee SSM, oe ey Whe aga ge

Fig. 176 (48x). Head-band made of Cloth.

Fig. 177 “U
(y3{7). Han- Fig. 179 (g8$s). Head-band made of ribbon.

Fig. 178 (g3§5). Skin Cap. oyote-tails,

ribbons are tied to the back feathers. The front of the band is daubed with red ochre.

Hunters and warriors wore more elaborate head-dresses, Fig. 180 repre- sents a hunter’s head-band. It is made of coyote-skin daubed with red ochre. In front is a cross-piece of horsehair, buckskin fringe, and eagle-down. The buckskin fringe is daubed with red ; and the body of the horsehair is dyed yellow in a decoction of lichens, while the tips are dyed red. The feathers on top of the band represent deer’s ears. On the right-hand side are attached hawk-

214 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

feathers and eagle-down; on the left side, an eagle-feather with tip dyed red, and eagle-down. Warriors used buckskin bands painted in various de- signs with ochre. Tail-feathers and down of the bald-headed eagle were at- tached to these (Fig. 181). Sometimes wing-feathers were used. The hunter's and warrior’s head-band often had a long streamer attached, which was also worn tied into the hair (Fig. 182). The specimen here figured is made of buckskin daubed with red, and cut in the form of a snake. Pairs of feathers of the bald eagle are attached to it, with tips dyed black in imitation of feathers of the golden eagle. The base of each feather is surrounded by yellow horsehair, and

Na Fig. 180 (:3$;). Hunter’s Head-band. Fig. 181 (;3%5). Warrior’s Head-band,

wound with red wool. At the upper end are two chicken-hawk feathers and eagle-down. ©

Shamans wear high head-bands, the upper rim of which is stiffened by means ofahoop. In Fig. 183 a band of this kind is represented. In front are two eagle- feathers with tips painted black. To the base of each is attached a feather of the red-winged flicker, and horsehair dyed yellow, and the whole is wrapped in red wool. Behind are two tassels of yellow horsehair and eagle-down, wrapped in red wool. Designs in red are painted on the sides,— on one side a star and a man with a head-band; on the other, a star and a wolf (see Fig. 304). The wolf is the favorite guardian of the shaman. Sometimes four ermine-skins are attached to head-bands of this description. They are also made of beaver-skin.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 215

The dress of the women differed little from that of the men. Buckskin shirts were worn in the same way, but were generally of greater length, and or- namented with more fringe, especially around the breast and back of the shoulders ; and the seams, front, and edges often had strings of dentalium shells sewed into them. The body of the shirt shown in Fig. 184 is made of two doeskins, Sleeves

Fig. 183 (74$5). Shaman’s Head-band.

_ Hig. 182 (;4%5). Warricr’s Heir- on,

Fig. 184 (<48). Woman’s Buckskin Shirt.

and fringe are made of a third doeskin. The neck is tied over each shoulder with a skin lacing. Near the lower edge of the shirt is a painted zigzag pattern, which represents aseam. The pinked edge below represents arrow-heads. The holes, according to some Indians, represent stars.

Many shirts had a fringe of skin attached across breast and back. Den- talium shells, beads, and trinkets of various kinds, were attached to these. Some shirts had two or three rows of fringe ; and many were highly decorated around

216 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

the seams, borders, shoulders, and breast with dentalium shells, dyed porcupine- quills, goose-feathers, horsehair, and, more recently, with colored glass beads and with thread. The cut of the woman’s shirt showed a great deal of variation. Some were very wide, and others narrowed considerably below the waist. They were often held in by a belt.

Rigo aidly ¥) Ar toy

Fig. 185 (so). Buckskin Bodice. Fig. 186 (¢$8s). Bodice made of Sagebrush-bark,

feces Pe Fig. x88 (73g). Woman’s Head-band. A long piece of buckskin, the lower part cut into a fringe, encircled the body, forming a kind of bodice (Fig. 185). Many of these reached up to the breasts. Sagebrush-bark of the same shape, the loose ends reaching to the knee, was sometimes substituted (Fig. 186). The Lower Thompsons used cedar-bark instead. Sometimes the Upper Thompsons wore aprons made. of horsehair, either white or white and black. The women wore long leggings and moccasins, the same as the men, but many wore short leggings (Fig. 187). These were sometimes ornamented along

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 217

the sides. They wore either broad head-bands or caps. Fig. 188 shows a head- band of deerskin, pinked along the upper edge, and painted with red designs, It is set with rosettes of deerskin, which are painted red in the centre,

! Some forms of women’s caps made of deerskin are shown in Figs. 189-191.

Fig. 190 (x3$7). Woman’s Cap.

Fig. 19r (3$5). Woman’s Cap. Fig. 192 (1385). Maiden’s Breech-cloth.

Many of the poorer people had to be content with only the breech-cloth, moccasins, and a deer or dog skin blanket to cover the body.

Maidens wore a breech-cloth like the men, but of a tighter fit and of thicker buckskin (Fig. 192). The specimen here figured is of buckskin, and sewed with bark thread. Th lower end of the sides and the waist can be let out or drawn up. Some girls wore a small narrow breech-cloth underneath, made of softened sagebrush-bark, so as to prevent any chafing. It was renewed from time to

218 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

time. They always laced their robes tight in front with buckskin strings, so that the breasts were not visible. They wore their hair plaited in four braids. They wore hair ornaments and necklaces (see p. 223), and generally wore a buckskin cap or head-band, which was either embroi- dered or ornamented with perpen- dicular rows of dentalia. Some of the head-bands were high in front, narrowed towards the back, and were ornamented with alternate strings of beads and dentalia run- ning up and down, both ends of which were fastened to the head- band. Fig. 193 shows a young woman’s head-band made of buck- skin, painted red with designs rep- resenting lodges in the lower part, and stars in the upper part. It is set with a string of dentalia, glass and bone beads.

The poorer class of the Upper Thompsons wore in the winter-time robes of deer, dog, marmot, and buffalo skin, with the hair on. In deerskin robes parallel stripes running the full length of the robe (perpendicular in some, horizontal in others) were made by cutting, scraping, or burning the hair (Plate XVIII, ign):

One kind of deerskin robe consisted of three large dressed buckskins with the hair on, and sewed together side by side, with the heads all in the same direction. The hair was scraped off the heads, which were then daubed with red ochre. The hair was also scraped off the tail-ends of the skins for the distance of a foot or more, and this part of the skin thoroughly softened. Stripes were then scraped clean of hair lengthwise in the intervening or hairy part of the robe, which, when all was completed, left alternate stripes of hair and bare skin, each about a couple of inches in width, giving it a very picturesque appearance. It was worn inverted, with the heads down and tails up, the softened part of the robe being intended for the neck and shoulders. Robes of all kinds, which were tanned with the hair on, were generally worn with the hair side out.

They also wore cloaks and robes of sagebrush and willow bark, and in Nicola Valley of bulrushes, woven in the manner described on p. 190. The richer class wore robes and cloaks of beaver, coyote, lynx, wolf, and bear skins, etc., with the hair on, and worn with the fur sideout. Robes of woven marmot, hare, and the skins of other small animals, were worn by all classes. The style of weaving these has been described on p. 190.

Fig. 193 (g#$s). Maiden’s Head-band.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 219

Marmot robes were generally made of ten or twelve skins sewed together, with or without the tails left on. All the seams between the skins were trimmed with buckskin fringe, and the edge around the robe was often treated in the same manner. Some of the buffalo robes were dressed soft and white, the hair being scraped off altogether, and one side of the robe painted with pictures. \Others were painted on the flesh side, while the hair side was worn next the body. Beaver robes were made of from four to eight skins sewed together. They were often dressed quite white on the inside, and painted with animal or geometrical designs in red. In such cases they were worn with the hair side in, otherwise they were always worn with the hair side out. Many men wore light robes of finely dressed buck or doe skin, without hair, painted on one side with Pictures (see Fig. 301). These robes were often made of only one skin or two skins sewed together, and were worn hanging over the left shoulder, the right

Fig. 194 (x3$s). Poncho made of Sagebrush-bark,

arm and shoulder being left naked. Larger ones were worn over both shoulders, tied at the breast, and covered the whole body from head to foot.

Ponchos were made of different skins, chiefly coyote (Plate XVIII, Pigs), fox, wolf, etc., and were decorated with a fringe of buckskin and feathers. They were generally lined with buckskin. Some men wore the whole or part of the skin of their guardian in this manner. If it were that of a bird or small quadruped, it looked more like a necklace than a poncho, and in fact was often called a necklace. The head of the animal was always in front, and the tail behind ; and if the skin were that of a large bird, a wing lay on each shoulder, Ponchos and cloaks were occasionally made of Alectorza jubata L., the hairlike lichen that hangs from trees. In rainy weather, ponchos and cloaks made of sagebrush or willow bark, and sometimes others made of cedar-bark, which were

220 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

often painted red all over or in alternate stripes, were used (Fig. 194). The poor people wore these exclusively. More recently ponchos of Hudson Bay red or blue cloth have been worn. These are embroidered with beads, and set with feathers along the edges. When worn as robes, the skin blankets were fastened at the breast with a couple of buckskin strings, and were also often gathered in around the waist by means of a buckskin string or belt. Blankets, such as those of beaver or buffalo skin, when old and the hair was mostly worn off, were cut up and made into moccasins.

CLoTHING OF THE LowER THompsons AND Upper Fraser Banp. — The Lower, Thompsons did not wear any buckskin shirts. They used robes only. Most of these were woven of mountain-goat wool. They often had fringe round the edges. Patterns were woven in black, yellow, and red. Robes made of skins of deer, mountain-goat, and marmot, tanned with the hair on, were also in common use. Woven rabbit-skin blankets were rarely used; neither did they wear painted robes of dressed deerskin. Ponchos woven of mountain- goat wool or cut out of skins were worn. Poor people used robes, ponchos, and aprons made of cedar-bark, which was sometimes dyed red. Wealthier people used the same kind of breech-cloths as those of the Upper Thompsons. Many old men wore skin aprons instead. Caps made of elkskin or deerskin were worn, but head-bands were much more common. Those of the women were of buck- skin, and were generally ornamented with rows of dentalia sewed on perpendic- ularly. The men’s head-bands were usually of marten and other animals’ skins, or of entire bird-skins, such as those of the loon, the pelican, the hawk, etc., the heads and beaks of which were worn on the brow. Feather head-dresses proper were not much used,

In summer and in rainy weather the Lower Thompsons went barefoot. In winter the same kinds of moccasins were used as are found among the upper divis- ion of the tribe. Poor people made shoes of dog-salmon skin. Pieces of soft- ened bear or goat skin with the fur left on were worn inside of the moccasins in place of stockings.

The principal dress of the Upper Fraser band consisted of robes made of dogskins sewed together, and of cloaks of plaited dry willow-bark. The better class among them wore marmot, goat, and deer skin robes. Dressed skin was rather rare among both these divisions of the tribe, and garments such as shirts and coats were seldom worn.

Mopvern Cioruinc. — Intercourse with the Hudson Bay Company affected the dress of the tribe, especially of the upper division. Skins, etc., were often exchanged for Hudson Bay pantaloons and coats, colored handkerchiefs and sashes, red blankets, red or blue cloth, colored ribbons, beads, etc., so that in 1858 all these articles were in common use among the tribe. The red cloth was made into leggings, tobacco-pouches, etc., which were usually highly ornamented with colored beads and silk ribbons. Beads were very largely used for the

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 221

ornamentation of buckskin moccasins, shirts, and all kinds of clothing, besides many other articles. Long cloth leggings with a wide stiff fringe on the outside of each leg, and short beaded leggings reaching to the knee, were introduced. Woollen blankets largely took the place of skin robes; and large red sashes, blankets, cloth, ribbons, and beads of many colors, gave unwonted gaudiness to their costume. But these, in turn, have gone out of use, so that now the Indian dress differs very little from that of the whites, except that some of the old people have a different method of wearing it.

Blankets are still often used by the older people in the Winter-time, but always over their other clothes. By the men they are often made into shirts, pantaloons, and leggings; and buckskin shirts and pantaloons are worn occasion- ally. Moccasins are the general footwear of both men and women, especially among the Upper Thompsons, who live in a dry climate. They never go bare- foot. Square pieces of blanket are generally worn inside of the moccasins. Buckskin coats and vests are sometimes worn by the men of the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, and are often richly embroidered with silk thread. The skin robes and long leggings of former days have gone almost out of use. Woollen blankets, generally of gaudy colors, are used altogether for the bed. Buckskin and blanket leggings reaching to the knee are sometimes used. When hunting, or travelling any distance, the men always wear moccasins, and tie garters around the legs below the knee, and around the ankles, This keeps the legs of the trousers close and tight, and is said to assist considerably in walking. Fur caps, generally of fox, lynx, or beaver skin, are sometimes worn in the winter-time ; but many of the older men wear only handkerchiefs on their heads, both summer and winter. Buckskin gloves are very commonly used in summer and winter by both sexes, and buckskin mittens in the winter.

The young men of the Upper Thompsons, especially those of the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, affect the cowboy style of dress. Cowboy hats are the common headwear, and the horses are saddled and bridled in cowboy fashion, Most of the clothes of the men are bought ready-made from the neighbor- ing trading-stores; and the colored dress-stuffs and calicoes of the women, which they make, after the style of the whites, into skirts, jackets, gowns, and dresses, are also bought there. Many of the women are very expert with their needle and in cutting clothing.

Almost the only head-dress worn by the women is a silk handkerchief, gen- erally of gaudy colors. Moccasins are almost as much worn by them as by the men. In cold weather, or when there is much snow on the ground, some of the old women roll pieces of buckskin or of blanket around the leg, and tie them.

Decoration oF CLotuinc. — In describing the styles of clothing I have inci- dentally stated that buckskin fringe, designs painted in red, pinking, and perfora. tions, were used for the purpose of decorating clothing. Fringe was placed particularly on seams. It was often decorated with glass and shell beads

222 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

strung on some of the strips of skin. The arrangement of these beads will be more fully described in Chapter XIV. Copper tubes were used for the same pur- pose. These were about six inches long and half an inch in diameter. They were often worn attached to the belt, generally four on each side. Strings of glass beads, dentalia, disk-shaped horn, bone, or shell beads, were sewed on te clothing. Formerly elk-teeth were used for the same purpose. Feathers were also frequently used for purposes of decoration. These were often wrapped ina brush-like bunch of short horsehair dyed yellow, and in eagle-down, and tied with red wool. Ribbons were often attached to the tips of the feathers. Porcupine and other quills were sewed on to bands of skin, and these stitched on to cloth- ing for purposes of decoration. Sometimes the quills were stitched directly on to the clothing. Later on, beads and silk were substituted for these. With the introduction of silk the old designs seem to have disappeared, and imitations of designs of the whites have taken their place.

PrersonaL ADORNMENT.—Both men and women wore ear-ornaments, which consisted of strings of bark or skin passed through holes in the ear, from which hung dentalium shells. Later on, colored beads, and brass, copper, and silver buttons, were used with the shells. Fig. 195 shows an ear-ornament from Nicola Valley. It consists of dentalia, glass, and bone beads. At the lower end are small tassels of red wool. Formerly scalps of the red-headed woodpecker were used as tassels. Fig. 196 shows a longer form of a woman’s ear-ornament. More re- cently the Indians have cut ear-ornaments of varying shapes and sizes from sheet-copper or from copper kettles bought from the Hudson Bay Company. Often as many as four pen- dants were worn in each ear. The holes for these were made along the helix of each ear. The Lower Thompsons sometimes used ear- ornaments of abelone shell. Nose-ornaments were used by women only. These generally ee a consisted of one or more dentalium shells Ear-omament.. (Fig, 197) or a piece of bone (Fig. 198) passed

through the septum of the nose a sufficient distance to allow the ends to project beyond the nostrils on either side. Copper and slate were also used. Some were crescent-shaped, but the great majority of them were straight. Scalps of red-headed woodpeckers were inserted in one or both ends. The conical hole in the end of the

c é co Fig. 196 (zz). Woman’s Ear-orna- one shown in Fig. 198 was used for this purpose. Nose- ment. ye

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 223

rings were not used by the tribe, although they are said to have been worn by both men and women of the southern Lillooet. Labrets, or lip-ornaments, were also unknown.

Necklaces were composed chiefly of shells, claws, seeds of cactus and Ele- agnus argentea Pursh., or small, flat, circular horn or bone beads strung on a buckskin or bark thong. Sometimes several of these necklaces were worn to- gether, covering the chest from the neck almost to the waist, and by men and women alike. Girls and young women used the cactus-flowers, which they threaded on bark. Necklaces for men were also made of animal skin twisted. These often had pendant eagle-feathers attached a few inches apart, on both front and back. Others had only four feathers, two of which hung over the left breast, and two over the right breast. Later, necklaces were composed almost entirely of large and small colored beads obtained from the Hudson Bay Com- pany or from the Okanagon. Others were made of shell beads and dentalia (Fig. 199). Sometimes pieces of sheet-copper about three inches Square were attached

Fig. 197 G48s). Nose-ornament,

3 ). Beaded Necklace.

16 1076.

Fig. 200 (

to necklaces. Still other necklaces fit close to the throat, and consist of buckskin ornamented with bead-work (Fig. 200). The specimen here shown is scented with castoria. Some of these tight-fitting necklaces are made of strings of but- tons and beads. A necklace in common use was made of the claws of the grisly bear. These were worn by such shamans only as laid claim to the grisly bear as their guardian spirit, or by hunters who had killed this animal, and who thus made known their bravery.

In later days, bracelets and anklets were worn, —the former by men and women, the latter by women only. They were of brass or copper, round and thin. The ends met around the wrists and ankles, Women wore from two to four on each arm and one or two anklets on each foot. The men wore only one bracelet on each arm. These rings were obtained from the Hudson Bay Company or from other Indian tribes. Finger-rings came into use with the advent of the Hudson Bay Company. The ordinary finger and ear rings, so common among the whites, are very little used by either the men or the women,

224 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Special attention was paid to the hair-dress. The hair was allowed to grow, and was cut only as a sign of mourning. The Upper Thompsons greased their hair with the best fat from the deer’s back, while the Lower Thompsons used salmon-oil. Balsam-fir, the leaves of a broad-leaved plant from Okanagon, and a sweet-grass from Thompson River, were boiled separately, mixed with deer’s grease, and used for perfuming the hair. Hunters, before their departure, anointed their hair with a decoction of deer’s brain and a certain plant. All, except the very old, took a daily morning bath in some pond or stream before dressing their hair and painting-themselves. The women combed the hair of their husbands. Combs were made of wood split into thin strips and glued together, as shown in Figs. 201, 202, and 203, which represent the most common forms in use (see also Fig. 285).

Figs. 201 (48x), 202 (x3$3), 203 (x3§z). Combs. 4, 3, and # nat. size respectively.

Many styles of dressing the hair were common among the Upper Thompson men. The hair which falls naturally around and in front of the ears was done up in two braids, one on each side of the head. These were brought across each other over the brow, and tied together in three places. The loose ends of the braids protruded beyond each temple. The back hair was allowed to hang loose, or was tied at the back of the neck with a string (Fig. 204).

Another style was as follows: The front hair was plaited in two braids, one on each side of the head. The back hair was also put up ina braid. The side braids were brought around to the back of the neck, where they were crossed and tied. The back braid was turned up over the intersection of the other two, which were also turned up, and all three tied together, ends up. Often a comb was put into the knot.

In another style the front hair was done up in two braids, which hung down alongside the ears, one on each side of the head. Occasionally only one side of

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 225

the front hair was put up in a braid, while the hair on the opposite side hung loose, or was tied with a string. In this style the back hair was tied with a string, or hung loose or in two braids. |

Still others cut the front hair a little above the eyebrows, or only that part between the eyes above the nose, straight across from temple to temple. The rest of the hair was drawn back and tied behind the neck, or was allowed to hang loose. Some parted the hair down the centre of-the head, and gathered it back and tied it behind the neck. Sometimes the hair hung loose all round. Others

Fig. 204. Hair-dress of Man, Fig, 205. Hair-dress of Woman,

tied the front hair up in a knot on the top of the head or immediately above the brow. The back hair was also tied in a knot, or was left loose, or was tied with a string,

Among women the almost universal method of doing up the hair was to divide it equally into two braids, one on each side of the head. The braids hung down behind, and their ends were usually tied together at the back. A few wore their hair loose or tied behind with a string. Young women wore their two braids folded up on each side (Fig. 205). Others braided the hair on each side in two braids, those of each side being tied together at their ends.

Warriors tied the front hair on one side in a knot, while the opposite side was left loose or braided into a queue (Fig. 206). This style was employed on the war-path, as well as under ordinary circumstances. The top-knot of watriors was frequently decorated with from one to four large tail-feathers of the eagle or hawk, or with a bunch of small feathers, and daubed with red ochre.

Warriors used also the following styles of hair-dress, which were often decorated with feathers of the hawk and eagle. The hair on the top of the head

226 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

was gathered together and braided upward for a few inches, the ends hanging down like a mop. The braid was generally daubed with white clay to make it stiff (Fig. 207). In some cases the hair on top of the head was made into two short braids, one on each side, which were crossed at right angles and tied. These were also stiffened with clay, and looked like the cross-feathers in front of a shaman’s head-band (see Fig. 183). -In another style the front hair was made into two short braids, one on each side above the brow. These were stiffened with clay, and looked like two horns; or the front hair was made into one braid of medium length just above the brow, stiffened with clay, and made to lean forward, upward, or to either side, like a large horn ; or part of the front hair was made into a short braid just above the brow, and was painted a fiery red. It protruded in front, or hung down over the brow nearly to the nose.

Fig. 206. Fig, 207. Figs. 206, 207. Styles of Hair-dress of Warriors.

Children of both sexes, up to the age of puberty, usually wore their hair loose. Girls, when performing the puberty rites, had their whole hair done up in two knots, one behind each ear (Fig. 208). Boys, during these rites, had their whole hair done up in a knot at the back of the head (Fig. 209).

Widows and widowers, or other mourners, had their hair cut straight across the shoulders or the back of the neck.

The loose hair and the ends of braids of both men and women were generally tied with a narrow strip of animal’s skin (often that of the person’s guardian) from three to four feet long. Animals’ tails, especially those of the otter and panther

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 227

were also used: and some shamans used rattlesnake, bow-snake, and garter-snake skins.

Hair-ribbons were very generally used by both sexes. One form of these has been incidentally mentioned in the description of head-dresses (Fig. 182). Others consisted of pieces of buckskin with numerous strings. They were fastened

Fig. 208. Figs. 208, 209. Styles of Hair-dress, Fig. 209. to the head, the strings being allowed to hang down in close proximity to the ears or at the back of the head. They were embroidered with porcupine-quills. Fastened to them were dentalium shells, pieces of bone, claws, feathers, etc. ; and recently, either in addition to or instead of these, colored glass beads, metal buttons, and colored ribbons have been used, while red or blue cloth has often taken the place of the buckskin. In many cases, however, these ornaments were strings of shells or beads fastened to the hair with bark twine, and were often passed through or fastened to the plaits of the hair, so that each braid was ornamented from top to bottom with shells, beads, etc.

A hair-ornament worn by men only was a strip of buckskin about two inches wide, and from two to four feet long, to which were loosely fastened pairs of feath- ers of the eagle or hawk every few inches from top to bottom. This string of pendant feathers was fastened to the hair at the crown of the head, or attached to the back of the war head-band. Another ornament was made of narrow strips of otter-skin plaited in a braid from two to four feet long. Into this braid were fastened, one below the other from top to bottom, eagle or hawk feathers, which stuck out at right PVG Optic ebraids \lanat che 1 i Treeen:. This ornament was particularly worn by warriors.

The beard was pulled out with tweezers made of two pieces of horn tied together at one end, or of a single piece of horn or wood (Fig. 210). A similar

228 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

instrument of copper or other metal, bent to meet at the ends, is still used. Some of the women used to pull out part of their eyebrows to make them narrower, as narrow eyebrows were considered a mark of beauty. The parting of the hair was frequently painted red. ;

Red ochre or other red earths, the best of which were obtained from the Okanagon, were used for painting face and body. Powdered micaceous hematite or specular iron obtained in the Spences Bridge region, charcoal, yellow ochre, and white clay or powder, were also used. The paints were rubbed on either dry or after the face had been greased. Some modes of painting were peculiar to the warrior and the shaman, or were used in ceremonials. Others were for personal adornment, and were used more by the women than by the men. The painting was done with the finger or with sticks of different sizes. Young women had a red dot painted on each cheek, or they extended these dots over temples and eyebrows (Fig. 205). Elderly women painted the whole face red up to the eyes. Men painted their faces according to their dreams. Large spots of red were put on each cheek, also a streak along each eyebrow. Sometimes the face was covered with wet red paint ; and stripes, across or up and down, were scratched into it with the lower jaw or teeth of the deer. Sometimes the right or left side of the face was painted red. One of these dream designs is shown in Fig. 207. Painting is now seldom used except by shamans or women. (See also Fig. 291.)

Tattooing was confined mostly to the women, and was rarely used by the Upper Thompsons. The women of the Lower Thompsons had often a few

ee Fos

fen nssee (==

Fig. 2tr. Designs of Tattooing.

straight lines radiating from the mouth sideways and downward over the chin, or one or two straight lines on each side of the face, from the bridge of the nose toward the lobes of the ears. They often had tattooings on the back of the wrist. A few of these designs are shown in Fig. 211. Evidently the custom of tattooing the wrists was borrowed from the Coast tribes.! Tattooing was done by puncturing the skin with a fine needle or cactus-spike, and passing a fine thread coated with powdered charcoal under the skin.

A substitute for soap was warm water mixed with birch-leaves, and allowed to stand for some time, ashes of poplar-wood, urine, or a particular kind of white, soapy clay obtained from the shores of certain lakes. The skin, when rough, was greased with fat from the deer’s back, and by the Lower Thompsons with salmon-oil. Ashes of young shoots of Pseudotsuga Douglast Carr or of Picea were mixed with deer-fat and used as an ointment.

1 See Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, p. 590.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

229

It is of interest to note, in connection with a description of the efforts of the Indians to adorn their bodies, their ideas of what constitutes personal beauty. | give here their opinions regarding various features.

So:8 0. ee

ho che oe soc one eee INDO 4, ch. Oe eee afeerehe

a ey

Jebile os aot

Piet Shee = 6 6 6.8

ake, 1918) (8) 90) 8 16 010 Deve. se eee twee ese

Miedele, wile! la’iel¢ ©) wie) 6.6 Bee ee ests ee pews

SOON CR ONONC CECE mer}

Pretty.

Light, smooth, even color. Tall. Not too fleshy, straight, bare.

Long.

Medium size, Small.

Medium length, Medium size. Small

|Full.

Light, long, abundant. Bare, sharp hair-line. Red.

Medium size, round. Narrow.

Medium size.

Medium length. Straight.

Medium size.

Medium full.

fairly Pretty. Ugly. Red. Dark. Medium. | — Very thin, bony,| Fat, hairy.

large joints,

— Very short.

Small. ‘Short fingers. Medium size. Large.

Small.

Medium size, Small mustache. Small.

Aquiline.

Thin.

Very long, very short. Toes turned out. Large.

Small.

| \Hairy, particularly forehead. Fat.

Very large, very small. ‘Very heavy.

‘Standing off, large.

Very long, very short. \Concave, flat.

‘Very small, very large.

Receding.

The Lillooet are ridiculed on account of their low stature and tendency to

obesity, while the Coast tribes of the delta of Fraser River ‘ broadheads,” or “ flatheads,” from their custom of deforming

are stigmatized as their heads ; “ con-

cave noses”; and “barefeet,” because they wear no moccasins,

V.— SUBSISTENCE.

VARIETIES AND PREPARATION OF Foop. — Formerly deer, salmon, roots, and

berries were the staple food of the tribe. Deer was more important to the upper

division, while salmon was the principal food of the lower division. In those days a large portion of the tribe lived in the mountains during the greater part of the year, moving about from one root-digging or deer-hunting ground to another, according to the harvest-time of.certain roots and berries, or as the deer changed their feeding-grounds during the seasons. They sometimes set fire to the woods in order to secure a greater abundance of roots on the burnt hillside. The men engaged in hunting and trapping, while the women attended to the gathering and preparation of roots, berries, and other food. Only when winter set in did they return to their winter houses.

According to current tradition, a long time ago (probably last century) deer were very numerous along Thompson River, but were scarce again during the lifetime of the grandfathers and fathers of the old men now living, At that time the deer was supplanted by the elk, mountain-sheep, and mountain-goats, the first two of which were very abundant. The elk, for unknown reasons, grad- ually became fewer in numbers, the last of them disappearing about fifty years ago. Old, partly decayed elk-antlers are sometimes found scattered around in some parts of the higher mountains and plateaus in the neighborhood of Thomp- son and Nicola Rivers, proving that elk must at one time have been compara- tively numerous. Mountain sheep and goats have also become more and more scarce, until now they are found in only a few spots in the hunting-grounds of

the Spences Bridge band. On the other hand, during the last sixty years, as

these other animals have disappeared, deer have become much more numerous. At the present day deer are not as numerous as they were ten or twenty years ago,

The meat of deer, elk, mountain-sheep, mountain-goat, marmot or ground- hog, bear, beaver, porcupine, hare or rabbit, squirrel, grouse, ducks of certain varieties, geese, cranes,,and robins, was eaten. These animals were all shot or snared in abundance. Moose, buffalo, antelope, and caribou do not occur in the habitat of the Thompson Indians, but their dried meat was obtained by trade. The Indians also ate lynx and coyote meat.

The Lower Thompsons hunted principally mountain-goat, black bear, and marmot. They also ate rock-rabbit, which was not used as food by the upper band.

Salmon, of which there are five varieties, and which run in the larger rivers in the fall of the year, were the principal fish caught. In Fraser River they are generally plentiful every year, but some years they are scarce in Thompson River. The salmon caught and cured by the Indians along Fraser River are the king salmon. These are scarce in Thompson River, where the sockeye run

[230]

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 231

every fourth year in large numbers. When these Were scarce, the people caught what they could of the humpback salmon. Trout and fish of many kinds were fished for, especially during the spring and autumn. No insects or shell-fish were eaten.

Roots and berries formed an important part of the food-supply, of the tribe. The former were gathered in the early summer and in the fall of the year. Some of the roots used grew in the dry valleys, while the majority were obtained in the higher mountains only,

Roots are dug with a root-digger (Fig. 212), which is a piece of service- berry or other hard wood from two to two and a half feet in length, bent

Fig. 212, a (gh), b G3$5). Root-diggers. % nat. size,

slightly at the point. It is sometimes burned a little at the point to increase its toughness. The other end of the stick is inserted in a wooden or horn handle. The stick is inserted loosely in the handle, so that it can be reversed when one point gets dull. Iron rods, bent near the point and with a wooden handle, are most commonly used at the present day. While digging roots, the women gen- erally carry a small basket on the back, into which they toss them (Fig. 213). When it is full, they empty it into a larger basket close by. The women also secure roots and seeds in the fall by robbing the nests of squirrels and mice. The roots of the following plants were used as food by both divisions of the tribe: Claytonia sp. (tatu'in), Lilium Columbianum Hanson, Ferula dzssoluta, Allium sp. (kolau'a), Erythronium grandifiorum Pursh., var. menor, Fritillaria lanceolata Pursh, The following roots could not be identified : Sxwi'pis, tsipi’as. The upper division used, besides these, the roots of Pencédanum macrocarpum Nutt., Balsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt., Potentilla sp. (xi/lexil), Brodiea grandifora

232 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Smith, Lewdsa rediviva Pursh., Hydrophyllum occidentale Gray, Cnicus undulatus Gray. The following roots, used by this division of the tribe, could not be determined: xala’ux6za, wé’tsamat, hatce’us, Xxenaxain, sxaiim, upo’piqxin, sxwisé/nak, kakwa’mtca, qa'lqil. This last is said to grow under the ordinary root of Ferula dissoluta, and to be sweet, while the latter is bitter. The Lower Fraser band use also roots of Pterts aguilina L., var. lanu- ginosa (Bory) Hook., and of the following undetermined

named species were not much in demand among the upper division, who traded consid- erable quantities of roots of Lewista rediviva Pursh. to the lower band. The roots of Typha latifolha L. are occasionally eaten.

Both the upper and lower divisions used the fruit of the following plants: service- berry (A melanchter alntfolia Nutt.), of which six different varieties are distinguished (called stctiqem’d’e, sihu's, taxtexo’xsa' or nqiéppu’p- sa, spiqpd’q, and Lixihiiza) ; whortleberrry (Vacczntum Myrtillus L., var. mecrophyl- Fig. 213. Woman digging Roots. lum Hook.); gooseberry

(Rzbes sp.); Ribes lacustre

Poir ; soapberry (Shepherdix Canadensis Nutt.) ; Oregon grape ; Vaccentum mem- branaceum WDougl.; choke-cherry (Prunus demissa Walpers), of which two varieties are distinguished; bird-cherry (spa'zsus'); salmon-berry (Rubus Nutkanus Mog.); raspberry (Audus sp.); Rubus leucodermis Dougl.; strawberry (/ra- gartia Californica Cham. and Schlecht); currant (Rzbes Hudsontanum Rich.’) ; Cornus pubescens Nutt. ; Sorbus sambuctfolia (C. and S.) Roem; Lonzcera in- volucrata Banks (?); bearberry (Arctostaphylos Uva-urst Spreng.) ; elderberry (Sambucus Canadensis L.) ; Viburnum pauctflorum Pylaie ; hawberry (Crategus rivularzs Nutt.), of which two varieties are distinguished (a/luska and nkwi'tka) ; Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt., of which three varieties are distinguished (stseka’pEL,

1 Not much_used.

plants: smilmé’l, sxyaii’am, — sci'tco, tsi‘kwa. These last-'

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 233

sqaqwa'u,' and kokima’uz'). Perhaps these last are different species of roses. The following are undetermined : taxpa’, qazExi’n,’ sxwi’sa.

The lower division of the tribe. used, besides, the following undetermined kinds of fruit: qe’qwet, ska'u, qwo'qwox, kumtcé’ns (cranberry ?), stse’yuk, tiqtaka'las, kokoo'za, x‘wri"'xwek, li’tse, simaxi’tsxin, ci’ni (sweet Oregon grape ?), koxwa'p (crabapple ?), and also the salal-berry (Gaultheria).

The stalks of Heracleum lanatum Michx., of a plant called La‘qo, and also the peeled stems of Balsamorrhica sagittata Nutt., were eaten raw. The last- named were soaked in water for one night before being eaten. The lower division also ate sprouts of Lipilobtum angustifolium L., of various kinds of Rubus, and also of two undetermined plants (a’kama and tsewe'ta). Alectoria jubata L. was much eaten, particularly by the lower division.

The cambium layer of the black pine (Pinus contorta Dougl.), yellow pine

(Pinus ponderosa Dougl.), spruce (/2cea sp.), balsam-fir (Abies grandzs Lindl.), cottonwood (Populus tremuloides Michx.), and Douglas spruce (Psewdotsuga Douglasté Carr), was much sought after in spring for the same purpose. That of the yellow pine was often dried for winter use. The cambium of Alnus rubra Bong. was also sometimes eaten. To separate the bark from the tree, a short piece of horn or wood was used, and the cambium was scraped off with an imple- ment of bone or horn sharpened to an edge. Such implements were similar in shape and size to those now used by the Athapascan tribes of the northern interior (Fig. 214). At the present day, knives are used for scraping. The heart or inside part of the cactus (Opuntia sp.) was utilized by the Spences Bridge band, and was cooked in the ordinary ground ovens, or steamed. Two kinds of mushrooms were peeled and eaten raw, or were slightly roasted before the fire. Nutlets from the cones of the Pinus albicaulis Ing. were a favorite food among the upper divisions of the tribe. These nutlets, after being cooked in ovens or roasted in ashes, were sometimes crushed, mixed with dried service- berries, and put into sacks for winter use. The yellow-pine nutlets were some- times gathered. The Lower Thompson band used hazel-nuts, which they sold to the upper bands. The seeds of Balsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt. were also eaten. The Indians seldom drank pure water when eating, but they substituted for it the water in which meat or fish had been boiled. The stalks and leaves of wild celery and of a plant called ‘‘ Hudson Bay tea” or “ Labrador tea,” fir-twigs, rose- bush leaves and stalks, bearberry stalks and leaves, were dried, and used for preparing drinks.

Fig. 214 (:3§2). Sap-scraper. 3 nat. size,

1 Not much used,

234 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

PRESERVATION OF STAPLE Foops.— Meat was preserved in the following manner: The fat of large game was cut off, and stored in deerskin sacks. The flesh was then cut into thin slices, and, to further assist in the drying process, each slice was pierced with numerous holes or slits some five or six inches in length. These slices were then dried by the sun and wind on a framework of poles placed a few inches apart and about five feet above the ground. Fre- quently artificial heat was resorted to. Meat was also spread on poles above the fire inside the lodge, or hung up near the roof and dried in the smoke. The In- dians of Nicola Valley, in case of necessity, dried their meat in the sweat-house, but the Spences Bridge band preferred roasting it on sticks before a hot fire.

The fat of deer, elk, or bear was often melted down in the following way : Large pieces of fat were spread out by running several thin sticks through their entire length. The centre stick was made to protrude a few inches at each end, and was then placed across two forked sticks which were set firmly in the ground. The drippings were caught in several trough-shaped dishes of bark, wood, or stone, which were placed under the slices of fat (see Fig. 155). The most common kind was large, oblong, and shallow. Close by, a small but hot fire was kindled. When all the fat was melted, it was tied up in a deer’s paunch, and stored away for future use. The larger bones were broken up, and the marrow was melted and stored in deer or elk bladders. :

Salmon were dried in the following way: The fish was cut up along the belly, and all entrails and blood removed. The backbone was separated from the back, and the knife drawn deeply across the fleshy part of the fish several times, leaving an inch or so between each cut. The Lower Thompsons use the same form of fish-knife as is used by the Coast tribes. It consists of a curved blade with a short handle, similar to our chopping-knives. Those of the Upper Thompsons were similar in shape to those found in prehistoric sites (see Part III, Fig. 34). The fish was then stretched, and kept open by thin sticks, the ends of which were inserted into little holes cut near the outside edges of the fish on each side. Finally the whole was hung over a long pole to dry. The part containing the backbone hung on one side, and the rest on the other. In this manner about a hundred fish were generally suspended a few inches apart on one pole, and hung there until quite dry and hard. They were then taken down, piled in heaps, and carried to the winter cellars or fish-caches, where they were stored. Birch-bark was then put under, around, and on top of the fish, or the cache itself was lined with birch-bark to prevent any moisture which might soak through from damaging the fish. Salmon caught late in the fall were also dried. The backbone was not taken out. They were simply gutted, and cuts an inch apart made deep in the flesh along the whole length of each side. The Lower Thompsons stored the dry fish in elevated wooden caches, in which they remained all winter. In spring they were removed and placed in cellars, where they were allowed to lie until the following spring, when they were taken out, and aired by being spread on flat rocks. They were then returned to the cellar, and kept

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 235

perhaps for another year. Most families thus kept the surplus of each season’s catch of salmon for two or three years, for cases of emergency. Salmon-heads were also dried and stored away. Salmon-roe was wrapped up in dry grass or bark, and buried in the ground until it was nearly rotten, when it was taken out and roasted or boiled. The Indians compare the taste of the roe prepared in this way to that of cheese. It is not much eaten by the upper division of the tribe.

For making salmon-oil, a hole three or four feet square and about two feet deep was dug in the ground. This was lined at the bottom and sides with large slabs of stone, and all holes and seams were plastered up with mud. In this re- ceptacle a number of fat salmon were placed, with water enough to boil them. Heated stones were thrown in, and after a while the boiling mess was broken up and stirred with a stick. More water was added if required, and the whole kept simmering until all the oil was extracted. It was then allowed to cool off, and all the oil floating on the top of the water was skimmed off. The boiled salmon was afterward taken out, squeezed in the hands, and put into baskets, to be eaten at once or dried in cakes. Salmon-oil was put up in salmon-skins, which were scraped, blown into shape, and dried for the purpose. They were tied at each end, and sealed with salmon-roe where tied. Some of the Upper Thompsons put up in salmon-skins a mixture of salmon-oil and deer’s or elk’s grease. A mixture of about one quarter salmon-oil and three quarters roasted or partly roasted salmon-flesh which had previously been pounded up fine was also kept in salmon-skins. The Nicola band prepared oil of catfish in the same manner. It was principally obtained from the liver. )

Roots are threaded on strings of bark or grass and hung up to dry. Ser- vice-berries, soapberries, wild cherries, huckleberries, raspberries, brambleberries, and rose-pips are dried by being spread thinly upon mats exposed to the hot rays of the sun. Sometimes they were baked in cakes without drying, and were then put into a cedar-root or birch-bark basket, and boiled by means of hot stones. When somewhat cooled off, the stones were taken out, and the berries were mashed with a stick or kneaded with the hand, and finally spread rather Figs 15 Gate). Deginy- iting: Ppa cize. thickly on a layer of fresh piné-needles, leaves, or dry grass, which was supported on a framework of poles, where the sun and wind dried them. The juice left in the basket was poured over the berries as they dried, and formed into cakes. A good deal of juice,

236 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

however, if not drunk, was thrown away. Small frames of split cedar-wood (Fig. 215) were frequently used by the Lytton band for drying service-berry cakes on.

Berries and meat were mashed with pestles (Fig. 120) on large flat stones, which are frequently found in village-sites (Part III, Figs. 32, 33).

Disuxs. — Food was boiled in baskets into which red-hot stones were thrown. It was roasted on spits in front of the fire, under ashes, or in underground ovens. Dried venison and dried berries were sometimes pounded together and mixed with hot deer-grease. This mixture was cooled in cakes and put into sacks, or wrapped up in bark or skin. A favorite dish was made of roots of a floury nature (generally bitter-root) and service-berries boiled together until soft and thick. A little deer-grease was then added, and the whole eaten with a spoon. Sometimes AJectorza was added and the deer-fat boiled with it. Salmon- roe and bearberries were boiled in the water in which salmon or trout had been cooked. Deer's blood was a delicacy. It was mixed with roots, berries, and deer-fat, and boiled until thick. The Indians at the present day often prepare flour by boiling it with dried service-berries and fat until it resembles porridge, sugar being sometimes added. They also burn flour in a pan until it is brown, and then mix it with fat and sugar. The tails of large fish, such as salmon and trout, were roasted before the fire until the bones and skin were quite crisp. Salmon were sometimes soaked in water for a week, until half decayed, and were then cooked with berries and roots. Fried salmon or trout were soaked fora while, and were then pounded up fine with a stone or wooden masher, and eaten with grease.

Dry roots are cooked in the following manner: A circular hole is dug in the ground to the depth of two feet and a half, and large enough in diameter to contain the roots to be cooked. Into this hole are put four or five flat stones,— one in the centre and the others around the sides. Above these is piled a large heap of dry fir-wood, on which is placed a quantity of small stones. The wood is then kindled, and allowed to burn until nothing but the embers remain, when the small stones drop down to the bottom of the hole. The unburnt wood is next taken out, leaving nothing but the ashes and stones. Enough damp earth is then shovelled in to cover thinly the top of the stones, and this is overspread to the depth of half a foot or more with the branches of bushes, such as the ser- vice-berry, maple, alder, etc. Next follows a layer of broken fir-wood branches, over which is spread a layer of dry yellow-pine needles, and still another layer of fir-branches. By this time the hole is nearly filled up. The roots are then placed on the top, and covered carefully with a thick layer of broken fir-branches, a layer of dry pine-needles, and again a layer of fir-branches. The whole is covered with earth, and_a large fire of fir-wood is kindled on top. In this way immense quantities of roots are cooked at one time. They remain in the oven —according to the kind being cooked — for from twelve to twenty-four hours. The root of the wild sunflower is difficult to cook, and it is therefore allowed to lie in the oven for two days. A large root from a plant resembling a large

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 237

lily was strung and dried after it was cooked. One kind of dish is made of the roots of Lzkium Columbtanum Hanson, Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and salmon-roe which had been buried, boiled together.

Cactus and Alectorza, as well as many roots, were steamed in the following way: Before any branches were put into the hole, a stick from an inch and a half to two inches in diameter was planted perpendicularly in the ground, reaching con- siderably above the level of the hole. When everything was covered up, the stick was pulled out, leaving an aperture into which water was poured, causing steam to rise from the hot stones underneath. When sufficiently steamed, the usual fire was kindled on top. Wild onions were flavored by putting them into the oven close to leaves and flowers of the humming-bird plant ; sunflower-roots, with flowers of Pentstemon Menztest: Hook. Other roots are flavored with flowers and stems of fragaria Californica Cham. and Schlecht. The seeds of Balsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt. were mixed with deer-grease, and boiled by means of hot stones. The gum of the tamarack was used for chewing.

Berries and roots are stil] gathered, preserved, and cooked as formerly, but not in large quantities, and are only supplementary to other food.

Salted salmon put up in barrels has ina great measure taken the place of dried salmon. Many Indians of the upper division dry them only when there is a large run, Nowadays the principal diet of the Indians is venison and other fresh meat of the chase, fresh fish and beef, flour, rice, sugar, tea, coffee, oatmeal, beans, etc., obtained from stores, Vegetables which they raise themselves, such as potatoes, squashes, peas, beans, corn or maize, carrots, turnips, and onions, are consumed in large quantities. These are boiled, fried, and roasted in ovens or in ashes. Squashes do not ripen in the lower part of the country, but apples are cultivated there. Muskmelons, watermelons, and tomatoes are cultivated and eaten by some Indians of the upper division of thetribe. Some of those who live on their reserves and do much farming keep cows, raise hogs and chickens, and are toler- ably well supplied with milk, eggs, butter, and pork. Even many who live in the villages keep hens. Many of the women make jam of wild berries, and of fruits which they procure from the whites. Horseflesh is seldom eaten, owing to the influence of the priests, and because it is not eaten by the neighboring whites,

Seasons. —I will mention at this place the divisions of the seasons and months. Many moons are designated according to the occupations of the people and the food that is being gathered. Asa rule, they count their moons beginning at the rutting season of the deer, in November. Some Indians begin their count with the end of the rutting season, at the end of November ; others, particularly shamans, with the rutting season of the big-horn sheep. «Many people of the Lytton band begin when the ground-hogs go into their winter dens, Many of the Lower Thompsons begin with the rutting season of the mountain- goats. Some moons are called by number only, but those following the tenth moon are not numbered. Following are the names of the moons used by the Spences Bridge band, and their principal characteristics,

238 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

First Moon, or Tcuktcukt. — The deer rut, and people hunt.

Second Moon, or N’w'Ixtin (“ going-in time,” so named because most people -

went into their winter houses during this month). — The weather begins to get cold, and the people go into their winter houses. ‘

Third Moon. — Bucks shed their antlers, and does become lean.

Fourth Moon, or Prsqa'pts (“spring [winds] time,” so named because Chi- nook winds generally blow in this month, melting all the snow). — The weather improves, and the spring plants begin to sprout. The people come out of their winter houses.

Fifth Moon, or Nxi'itin (“ coming-forth time,” so named because the people came forth from their winter houses in this month, although many came out in the fourth month).— The grass grows, and people come forth from their winter houses.

Sixth Moon. — The people catch trout with dip-nets, and begin to go to the lakes to trap fish. The trees put forth leaves, and the waters increase.

Seventh Moon. — The people dig roots.

Eighth Moon, or Kwekwé'kwait (plural of the diminutive form of kwa’it, “ripe,” “they area little ripe ”). — The deer drop their young, and service-berries begin to ripen.

Ninth Moon, or Téxwauzsi’kéntin (“‘ middle time,” so named because of the summer solstice). The sun returns, and all the berries ‘ripen. Some of the people hunt.

Tenth Moon, or Laxa'ks (“first of run,” first or “nose” of ascending fish). —The sockeye or red salmon run.

The Next Moon, or Kwisui (“[poor] fish”) kekaitka'in (‘they reach the source”). — The cohoes or silver salmon come, and the salmon begin to get poor. They reach the sources of the rivers.

The Rest of the Year, or twa'istin (‘fall time”).— The people trap and hunt, and the bucks begin to run.

The Lower Thompsons also called the months by numerals up to ten, or sometimes eleven, the remainder of the year being called the autumn, Their names are as follows : —

First Moon. — The rutting time of deer.

Second Moon, or N’ulx: (“going in”). — People go into their winter houses.

Third Moon, or Wawi't ta sn’ulx: (“the last going in” ),— The last of the people go into their winter houses.

Fourth Moon, or Nxu'xuet (“little coming out”) skapts (“‘ spring or warm wind” ).— Alternate coldand warm winds. Some people camp out in lodges for a time.

’

Fifth Moon, or N’ulx:wa'uas (“ going in again”), — Last cold. People go

into winter houses again for a short time. Sixth Moon, or Nxu'it (“coming out”). — Winter houses left for good. People catch fish in bag-nets.

Care Lae THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 239

Seventh Moon. — People go on short hunts.

Exghth Moon. — People pick berries.

Ninth Moon. — People commence to fish salmon.

Lenth Moon. — People fish and cure salmon.

Eleventh Moon, or Kokauxemu's (“to boil food a little”), so named because people prepared fish-oil.

Autumn. — People hunt large game, and go trapping.

The moons are grouped in five seasons: winter, beginning with the first snow that stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from the valleys, generally the second, third, and fourth months ; spring, beginning with the disappearance of the snow, and embracing the period of frequent Chinook winds, the fifth and sixth months; summer, the seventh, eighth, and ninth months; early autumn (Indian summer), embracing the tenth and eleventh months ; and late fall, which takes up the rest of the year. This indefinite period of unnamed months enabled the Indians to bring the lunar and solar years into harmony.

The Indians could tell the solstices to within a day by the position of the sun in relation to certain trees or other marks on mountains. There were trees in certain places, with stones to sit on near them, to which they frequently re- paired to observe the sun when they believed it to be near the solstice.

Huntinc.— Hunting, trapping, and snaring of game was one of the most important occupations of the Thompson Indians. The Lower Thompsons, although they had an abundance of fish, spent much time in hunting. They even hunted on the mountains on the western slope of the Coast Range. Hunt- ing-parties who visited the most southern part of their hunting-grounds were sometimes absent for seven months, returning only when the snow began to melt in the mountains.

Bows and arrows were the principal weapons used in the pursuit of game, The best bows of the tribe were sinew-backed. Most of them were made of juniper-wood. The Lower Thompsons used hemlock, yew-wood, and dogwood. When a bow is being made, a layer of deer-sinew is glued to its concave side. When the glue has set, two men bend the bow over so that what was originally the concave side becomes the back of the bow. The bow shown in Fig. 216 is made in this manner. When the bowstring is released, this bow is perfectly flat, When mounted, it assumes the form shown jn the illustration. The centre, which for convenience in grasping is made a little narrower than the rest, is wrapped with bird-cherry bark. The string is made of the back-sinew of deer,

Fig. 217 shows a bow similar in form to the preceding one. The elasticity of this bow is increased by a wrapping of bird-cherry bark, which, however, is not as effective as sinew backing. The string is central. Loon-down is wrapped on the ends of the string to keep it from twanging.

The bow shown in Fig. 218 is made of birch. It is backed with sinew and coy- ered with snakeskin. The great thickness of the bow in the middle produces the

240 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Fig. 216 (y3$5). Sinew-backed Bow. 3 nat. size.

a, Side view ; 4, Front view ; c, Cross-section.

Gy EUNVWUMUUTURINLUSNAGHUAEDVUIDULIVNoKtnteererereergUUUOMBAUNDRROTSSOFRDUUVPNBQOKEMIBNEDLET <a I ANTAVALLUUEUNGMREUGENaSCUTTENLTTATHTL HIRHLVTTITN rUTILTTICeSe

Fig. 217 (7382). Bow wound with Bark. 4 nat. size.

Fig. 218 (7381). Bow covered with Snakeskin.

a, Side view, and 4, Front view, 34 nat. size; c, d, Ends, 3 nat. size.

Fig. 220 (y3$7). Bow. 4 nat. size,

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 241

double curvature of the mounted bow. The middle is wound with bird-cherry bark, and ornamented with horsehair dyed yellow. It has an eccentric string made of twine of Afocynum cannabinum L., which is used only when sinew is not available. The method of attachment of the bowstring is shown in the figure.

In Fig. 219 is represented a bow similar in shape to the preceding, but it is wound with bird-cherry bark instead of having a sinew backing. The ends are covered with flattened goose-quills, This type of bow was in common use among the Okanagon, the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley, the Nicola band, and among some men of the Spences Bridge band, while the other bands did not use it. This bow was held perpendicularly, while all the others were held horizon- tally. The arrow-release from this type of bow was secondary ; from the others, primary. Simple bows (Fig. 220) were used for shooting birds and small game. Bows were often painted or adorned on their flat inner sides with incised lines filled with red paint. Some of these bows were ornamented with woven quills dyed in different colors, or with pieces of buckskin embroidered with quills, at the middle and halfway between the middle and the tips. Scalps of the red-headed wood- pecker were frequently attached to the ends. A hand-guard (Fig. 221) for the protection of the back of the thumb was used on the bow hand, particularly with the bows of the Okanagon type.

Arrows were made of rosewood or of the wood of the service-berry, and were a little over two feet long. The wood was soaked in warm water, and then straightened with the teeth. The arrow shown in Fig. 222, ¢, still exhibits the marks of the teeth. Others were polished with the arrowshaft-smoother (see Part III, Fig. 57, p. 146). The feathering consists of three split feathers applied spirally (Fig. 222, 4, ¢, ¢), or two whole feathers laid on flat (Migw222,04, a ). The feathers were fastened to the shaft with deer-sinew and pitch. Arrow-heads were made of glassy basalt, which was obtained at a certain place north of Thompson River. The Lower Thompsons found stone for their arrow-heads near the head waters of Skagit River. Many were made out of large chipped heads, which are found in great numbers in the valleys. The Indians believe that the latter were made by the Raven. The form, and the method of tying with sinew, are shown in Fig. 222, a, 6. The heads of war-arrows were inserted in a line parallel to the nock, while those of hunting-arrows were inserted at right angles tothe nock. It will be noticed that when the bow is held horizontally, the head of the war-arrow is horizontal, while that of the hunting-arrow is vertical. The Indians maintain that thus the head more easily penetrates between the ribs. More recently iron points have replaced the stone points. The points of war- arrows were generally barbed; those of hunting-arrows, leaf-shaped. Some

Fig. 221 (;48,). Hand-guard.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

242

(VIS Sa

4 nat. size.

Arrows.

S (x385), & (rao)

6 00.

d (xh82), ¢ (x8

3880),

Fig. 222, @ (139s), 4 (a2%8), 6G

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 243

war-arrows had a detachable foreshaft (Fig. 222, 6). The foreshafts of these They were barbed, and poisoned with the

were often made of antler or of bone.

Fig. 223 (x8s).

often painted red.

Spiral lines or rings were painted on the arrow-shaft.

juice of flowers of Ranun- culus sp., or with rattle- snake poison. For small game, arrows without points’ (Fig. 222,°c)" were used. Some of these were barbed (Fig. 222, /). Still others had a detachable

head, which was tied with

a string to the middle of

f the shaft Chilgs Wooo, tas).

| When the head was dis- engaged, the movements of the animal were im- peded by the dragging shaft. These were used particularly when hunting inunderbrush. The wing- ed end of the arrow was

Often

the figures of animals were branded on the shafts of hunting-arrows, those of men on the shafts of war-arrows. The latter were often painted black. Hawk, grouse,

and the red-winged flicker were used for winging arrows.

preferred for war-arrows. Quivers were made of tanned deer, elk, or buffalo

_hide (Fig. 223) with a wide

fringe, and were often paint- ed.on the outside. They were often made of clipped buffalo-fur with hair turned in, the outer side being scraped white and painted. They were also frequently made of wolverine, dog, coyote, and other skins, with the hair left on, the tails forming an ornament at the

Jowerend. Sagebrush quiv-

ers were also in use (Fig.

Fig. 224 (485).

Hawk-feathers were

Sagebrush Quiver.

224). Small game, such as grouse, squirrels, and other small animals, were tied

244 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

to buckskin strings fastened to the quiver. Some quivers had small pouches attached for holding fire-drill and tinder. Some had covers (Fig. 225) for the

protection of the arrows.

The first guns used by the Thompson Indians were flintlock muskets, which were soon adopted in warfare and in hunting. Some of the old men still use them, but repeating- rifles of the latest Wiuin- chester and Colt models

Mf are now generally used.

They used wooden pow- der-horns decorated with feathers, and suspended from the right shoulder

Fig. 225 (a4$5). Quiver with Cover.

by a buckskin strap (Fig. 226). The powder-horn was worn under the left arm, while the ammunition-pouch hung on the right-hand side.

Fig, 226 (y3$4). Powder-horn,

Deer were generally hunted with bow and arrows. The hunting-dog was of great assistance in the pursuit of the deer. The dogs of the Thompson Indians resembled in appearance the coyote. Through interbreeding with | the dogs introduced by the whites, they have become totally extinct. The nu- merous dogs found among the tribe nowadays are mongrel hounds and curs of every description.

The native dogs were rather poor watch-dogs, but good hunters. The best ones for deer-hunting were valued highly, and were taken great care of. For several days before starting to hunt with them, they were tied up, and fed sparingly on good food. Some Indians went so far as to purge them with medi- cine, and sweat-bathe them.

The hunter started out before day- break with his dog or dogs inhand. The animals were held by a _ halter (Fig. 227) with a toggle, which prevented the

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 245 noose from closing tightly. Some hunters carried a small quantity of sweet service-berries, which they ate when feeling exhausted. Having reached a place which the deer frequented, the hunter singled out the tracks of some large buck, let the dogs loose, and then followed himself as fast as he could run. The dogs generally ran the deer to water, very often driving him to the larger rivers; and the deer, if possible, made for some favorite crossing-place. At these places, especially in the fall of the year, Indians were always on the watch. As soon as the deer took to the water to swim across, two or three pursued him in a canoe. When overtaken, he was caught by the antlers by means of a long stick with a crook at the end. His head was pulled under water, and kept there until he was drowned. The deer was then pulled ashore, skinned, and cut up. Often the dog brought the deer to bay in some creek, keeping him there until the Indian came up and despatched him. A dog that could do this was most valuable.

—

ZZ <<

lace == SSS

= Si aa ents

ae Fig. 227, @ (q87), 4 (885). Dog-halters. 4 nat. size.

In the fall of the year, during the rutting season, and also at a later date when the deer came down from the higher mountains to their winter grounds in the lower hills, the people of the Spences Bridge band lay in wait for game dur- ing the night at the regular swimming-places, and shot them with bow and arrows as they landed.

It is said that formerly during these seasons large numbers of deer were in the habit of swimming from the south to the north side of Thompson River, where there were favorite rutting-grounds. In the winter-time, owing to exposure to the sun’s rays, there was also generally less snow on these hillsides than on the south side of the river. During the last ten years or so the deer have almost entirely stopped swimming the river, as was their wont: hence this method of hunting has become obsolete. This change of habit is probably due to the scarcity of deer in the south, and to the erection of a line of fence, which extends along the railway the entire length of Thompson River on the south. This fence has been built within the last twelve years, and the Indians say that during that time there has been a perceptible decreasé in the number of deer frequenting the north side of the river in the winter-time. Hunting with dogs has also gone

246 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

completely out of use, because the old breed of dogs has become extinct, and but few of those which they now possess are of any use for deer-hunting. The law is also against the practice.

Another method of-hunting, in vogue among the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, was that of shooting deer by moonlight at their favorite salt-licks. Dur- ing the hot weather of summer, deer are fond of repairing to those places at night to lick the salty ground. Within easy range of these licks the Indians dug shallow pits, and planted a few bushes in front of them asa screen. There the hunter lay until a deer appeared, when he shot it. Sometimes, if bushes or trees were at hand, they were used for concealment instead of pits. Deer were also shot in this manner at their favorite drinking-places. This method is still practised by the Indians. To hunt deer single-handed required intimate knowledge of the deer’s habits and of the ground which they frequent at different seasons, ability to take advantage of cover and to get within range, and capa- bility to track and to shoot well. Some Indians, especially single men, while hunting on the mountains, endured much hardship and exposure. Some of them would start out with cold weather in the winter-time, taking with them neither, food nor other clothing than that which they wore. They lived entirely on what they shot, and used the raw deerskins for blankets. They made rough kettles of spruce-bark or deer’s paunches. A hole was dug in the soft ground near the fire, into which the kettle was placed, with brush underneath. The open end was made small and stiff by means of a stick threaded through it around the edge ; and the sides of the open end were sometimes fastened with bark to one or two cross-sticks which lay on the ground across the opening. Hot stones were put in to boil the food. These paunches were also sometimes used as water-pails.

A favorite method of procuring deer was by means of deer-fences. These were formerly very numerous, and their remains may still be seen in several parts of the mountains. They were in common use as late as fifteen years ago, and one of these was in regular use near Spences Bridge until about 1891.

Some of these fences were built in order to catch deer in the summer-time, but most of them were intended for capturing deer from the latter part of Sep- tember to the beginning or middle of December, since they were placed in those parts of the mountains which the deer frequent at that time of the year. They were generally built in little valleys or defiles between mountains, and especially in those which were favorite places of deer crossing from one mountain to another, or at spots where large numbers of deer generally passed on their way down from the higher mountains to their winter grounds. In every case, however, the localities were well chosen.

At these places a fence was roughly constructed. It was seldom over four feet or four feet and a half in height, and consisted of poles, limbs of trees, etc., placed close enough together to hinder the deer from passing through. Some- times these fences were from half a mile to a mile or more in length. At intervals

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 247

of every eighty or a hundred yards a gate or opening was left wide enough to allow a deer to easily pass through. In the middle of each opening a shallow hole was scooped out, and a snare made of bark string was placed in it (Fig. 228), This snare was also fastened to the small end of a long spring-pole (a), which was placed in position on one side of the opening. The snare rested on a number (eight or more) of small sticks (4), which lay over the shallow pit, and served to release the trap. The spring-pole was held down by a trigger (c) which was pushed through between the two sticks @ and ec. When the deer stepped upon the sticks 4, they pressed down e, and thus released the trigger c. The snare was hidden under a thin covering of dry spruce-needles, which covered the lower end of the spring-pole. A piece of log was placed on the ground a suf- ficient distance from the snare on each side to compel the deer, in stepping over, to

Fig. 228. Deer-fence,

place his foot in the snare. As soon as the deer did this, the pole sprang up, drawing the snare tight around his leg, and suspending him in the air, or at least lifting him off the ground. Sometimes, when a very large buck was caught, he would pull the spring-pole out of place, and go away with it attached to his leg, but he never went far before becoming entangled in the bushes. Deer-fences were not much used by the Lower Thompsons. This method of hunting was very successful if the snares were kept dry. The Lower Thompsons set nooses on deer-trails. The head of the animal or its antlers were caught in these nooses.

When two or three men hunt together, they generally start simultaneously, at a distance of a few hundred yards from each other, to walk over the prescribed ground, and meet oceasionally at given points for consultation. If the party is Jarge, the general method employed is that of driving. A leader is chosen to direct the hunt, generally one of the more experienced men, and one who knows well the ground to be hunted. In winter, one of the larger gulches may be chosen, as the deer frequent such places during cold weather. Some of the best marksmen are stationed at those places for which the deer are expected to make. The rest of the party, who are the drivers, then make a circuit to the top of the

243 JEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

gulch, and come down in a lime im the shape of a crescent, walking about a hun- dred yasds apart. The deer, if not shot, are driven before them, and try to make their escape wp the slopes leading out from the sides of the gulch. They are — then either shot down or frightened back by men stationed at these places. As they cannot get back, owing to the drivers, they are forced to go towards the bottom of the gulch, where most of them are shot by the main body of the marks- men, who are stationed there behind trees or under other cover. Sometimesa large swmber of deer are killed in one drive in this way. The Upper Thompsons ~ sometimes surrounded a valley from all sides, and drove the deer towards the centre. . Generally the oldest hunter present divided the deer, which was cut into nine pieces. The forelegs were cut away from the body. The two ribs or sides were separated from the back. The brisket was cut out, and the back cut in two near the shoulders, leaving the head and neck attached to the front half. Ina fat buck, besides these cuts, the fleshy and fatty part of the body between the skin and the bones was laid off im an entire piece. This was considered the best — of a fat buck, as there were no bones im it, and it contained a large part of the fat of the animal.

When the party was not very large, the drivers were necessarily a consider-

able distance apart, which gave the deer a better chance to.escape. In this case the drivers resorted to shouting. This of course frightened the deer, and caused them to run away from the drivers. Sometimes, when there were not hunters enough, and it was desired to “drive” a certain place, women and boys were pressed into service. In some of the flatter and more open parts of the country, deer were sometimes hunted by the Indians on horseback; but most of the country is too rough for hunting in this manner.

Formerly deer were also caught in nets. These were about seven feet high and from fifteen to two hundred yards long. This method of hunting was prac- tised by the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, but to a still greater extent among the Okanagon. The nets used were generally made of the bark of Apocynum: vannubinum L. They had large meshes, and were set at evening in open patches, between clumps of bushes, forming a corral open at one side. The nets were tied to the bushes, shutting off the open space between them. They were often set across deer-trails. Generally early in the morning there were some deer in the corral unable to find their way out. Then the entrance was guarded, and men went in to shoot the deer or drive them into the nets, in which they were en- tangled. Deer were also driven into the corral by men, women, and children, who formed a large half-circle, and gradually drove towards the entrance of the net.

Large hunting-parties would sometimes kill elk by driving them over cliffs — which border plateaus in some places. Deer and elk were also killed in winter, when there was very deep snow in the mountains, by being run down by hunters on snowshoes, who shot or clubbed them when near enough. Dogs also soon ran them down when the snow was deep and had a thick crust. ‘vs

‘ f

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 24.9

At the present day the men of the Upper Thompsons hunt a good deal, Even those engaged in farming and other work often make short hunting-trips, especially in winter-time, when, as arule, there is not much other work to be done.

Hares, squirrels, and | grouse of several varieties,

_were either snared in their ‘haunts or shot with arrows, as described above (Fig. 222, 7). A trap for small game is shown in Fig. 220. The snare, like all others, is made of twine of Apocynum cannabinum .. The sides of the loop rest in notches cut in the sides of the trap- stick, These snares were set on the animal’s run. The spring-pole is generally from five to six feet long.

Bears were generally hunted with bow and arrow, but sometimes with dogs, They were also trapped by means of dead falls, Mountain-goat and big-horn sheep were hunted with bow and arrows. Beaver were also occasionally hunted with dogs. They were killed with a spear with a bone point, Coyotes and foxes were often caught by digging or smoking them out of their holes, To kill black bear or cougar was considered no great feat; but the hunter who had killed, single-handed, grisly and especially silver-tip bear, was highly respected for his courage ; and for this reason many young men hunted the grisly, Many stories are related of desperate encounters with this animal, ‘The introduction of the repeating-rifle has minimized to a great extent the dangers of such encounters, ‘The Indians claim that the grislies were much less fierce in some parts of the country than in others. Stories are related of an Indian who lived a couple of generations ago, and hunted the grisly with weapons peculiar to him- self. One of these was a bone, which he held by the middle with his hand, It was sharpened to a point at both ends. His other weapon was a stone club, When the grisly opened its mouth and stood up to fight him, the Indian shoved the hand holding the bone (with the points up and down) into the animal's mouth, When the beast closed its mouth, the sharp points pierced it, causing it great pain ; then, while the bear was trying with its paws to take the obstruction out of its mouth, the Indian clubbed it. Excepting some of the older men, very few of the Indians now trap or snare game or fur-bearing animals, The young men prefer hunting to trapping.

Fisninc. — In the larger rivers, where the current is generally rapid, salmon and other fish are caught by means of the bag-net (Fig, 230), The net is

Vig. 229 (ghf7). Snare for Small Game,

250 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

made of bark twine woven in late meshes. The size of the mouth is about equal to the space enclosed by a man’s extended arms with the middle fingers touching

each other. This bag is ids: ee tened on a hoop, gemeramy / of fir or cedar, which has a long, straight handle of the same material. Around the hoop there are small horn rings, to which the bag is attached. In nets used for the capture of small fish the meshes of the net are fastened to the hoop. A string, to which a_ small piece of stick is fastened at one end, for a handle, is attached to the bag, and this is held in the hand of the fisherman while manipulating the net. When he is sure of a capture, he lets go the piece of stick, when the weight of the fish causes the horn rings to come together, and thus close the mouth of the net. The fisherman then draws the net ashore, pulls the stick, thereby opening the bag, and throws” the fish out. It is then put into a rather large circular hole made by scraping away bowlders, which are piled up around the sides, leaving a clear space of pebbles, sand, or gravel in the centre. The bowlders around the edges form a wall a foot or two high. Near this hole is kept a small stick to be put into the fish’s mouth and gills, and to break its neck by pressing the head backward, as well as a short club of wood or stone for striking the fish on the head and killing it when first taken out of the water.

Drag-nets are occasionally used in winter, spring, and early summer, especially in lakes and in the pools of rivers. They are generally about twenty fathoms long, and their meshes are of about the same size as those of the dip-nets, or slightly smaller. Some of them are set by being fastened to stakes at each end, or have sticks for buoys, and stone sinkers at the bottom. They are left in the water all night, and hauled into a canoe in the morning.

Platforms reaching a few feet out from the edge of the river are erected for the fisherman to sit on while dipping his net into the stream, which he does at short intervals, drawing it down with the current. These platforms are built at those spots where the fish ‘““hug the shore” in their attempt to get up a rapid stretch of water. About three yards or so upstream, above the platform, a few stakes about half a foot apart, and reaching a few feet above the surface of the water, are driven into the river-bottom. Large flat bowlders held in both hands were used as pile-drivers. The stakes are tied near their tops with withes to a long pole which reaches to the shore and acts asa brace. This breakwater is used for the purpose of making the water rough and foamy, to better hide the net when dipped. Some fishermen drive stakes into the river-bottom not far from shore,

NS SiR oF heey

Fig, 230 (;$2z). Bag-net.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 251

to which they moor their canoes, and then dip for salmon with the bag-net. No platform is then needed. Hauls made this way are not as heavy as those from platforms. On Thompson River, which has clear water, this kind of fishing is generally done at night; but on Fraser River, where the water is very muddy, fishing is carried on in the daytime. The lower course of Fraser River is particu- larly well adapted to this method of fishing. The waters are exceedingly rapid, compelling the fish to keep close to the banks. At the same time the salmon are in good condition, having left the sea shortly before reaching the Fraser Cajon. Numerous low points of rock jut out into the river, forming admirable stations for the fishermen. Under these circumstances the Lower Thompsons catch plenty of salmon, even in years when there is a comparative scarcity of fish; therefore they confine themselves to curing the choicest fish only. The king salmon is considered best. From it much oil is obtained.

The handles of bag-nets in use in the Fraser Cafion are frequently very long, to facilitate their use from points some height above the water. As suitable rocks are plentiful, fishing-platforms like those erected by the Upper Thompsons are used in but few places.

Fig. 231 (z}85). Fish-spear with Detachable Points, § nat. size,

Another favorite method of fishing is by spearing from the shore while the salmon are running. The spear (Fig. 231), which has a handle fifteen feet or more in length, consists of two long prongs, each of which has a barb pointing inward fastened at the end. The spear-head is attached loosely with a line to the handle. When a fish is struck, the barbed points become detached from the spear-head. The fish, with the detached barbed points in its body, is then hauled ashore by means of the line. It is said that in some of these spears the whole foreshaft is detachable. A spear consisting of a head with one long barbed point is also used. Some of these are detachable, others not. The spear is thrust right through the body of the fish, and is used with a very long handle, for spearing fish off rocks or a considerable distance from shore. In the stiller reaches of water, fish are speared from canoes at night by torchlight. The principal kind so caught is a large species of trout weighing from thirty-five to fifty pounds. Every spring, about April, the Spences Bridge band, the only Thompson Indians who spear large fish in this way, used to gather near the

252 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

mouth of Nicola River to catch these large trout. This was done from plat- forms on the south side of Thompson River for half a mile or more below the mouth of Nicola River, to nearly half a mile up the Nicola. Above this point they built a weir across Nicola River to stop the trout ascending, and speared them. Large numbers of men of the Nicola and Lytton bands fished here at the same time, so that there were at this season a hundred tents

Fig. 232 (385). Three-pronged Fish-spear. } nat. size. ©

or more at Nkamtci’n and Nskaptsélx. For this kind of trout a spear is used the head of which consists of three prongs (Fig. 232), — two long ones with barbs, and a short one in the middle with a sharp point. The head is securely fastened to a comparatively short handle. The same kind of spear, only much smaller, is used for spearing small fish. Formerly these spears were made of firwood, and the barbs of deer-antler. Iron is now substituted for the latter. It is said that a ~ few of the spear-heads could be detached from the handle. They are always used for striking down on the fish over the back, the barbs settling into each side, and are specially adapted for spearing from canoes.

lishing-canoes are manned by a crew of four or at least three men, who wear masks or eye-shades (Fig. 233) as a protection from the glare of the light. One man in the stern manages the canoe so as to make it drift broadside down the current ; another, in the centre, holds a torch; while a harpooneer stands on each side of him. The fish are speared from the downstream side of the canoe. Very cold weather with running ice is considered most propitious for spearing. It requires considerable skill to spear the heavy fish in this manner, and also to throw the fish out of the barbed spear-head when taken into the canoe, as the side-barbs sink deep into its flesh. The Lower Thompsons hardly ever spear fish, owing to the muddy state of the

Fie: aes Gate. Eyechate water of Fraser River, which prevents the fish from being seen.

In winter, fish were speared through holes in the ice. The spearman cov- ered his head and shoulders with a blanket or mat for shade, that he might be better able to discover the fish under water. No bait was used to attract the fish, Sometimes the fisherman cut a large hole in the ice, through which he

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 253

fished with hook and line. He used as bait fish-roe, fishes’ eyes, ants’ eggs, woodworms or grasshoppers, flies, and meat. He did not wear an eye-shade. Others, again, speared anything seen when walking along the edge of the ice. The hooks were made of hare, dog, and deer bone; and the lines, of Indian-hemp bark. The former have been supplanted by metal hooks, but the latter are still used. Some hooks consisted of two bone barbs tied together (Fig. 234, a), others were made of a shank of rosewood and a bone barb (Fig. 234, 4). A short string was attached to the hook, and served for tying on the bait. The fish-line was generally kept wound on a reel. The Lower Thompsons hardly ever fished through holes in the ice.

Sturgeon are fished on Fraser River, near Lytton, with hooks and lines, from the shore, but more generally from canoes. Large bone hooks about half an inch in diameter, with a wooden shank five or six inches in length, and a heavy bark line from seventy to a hundred yards long, are used. A stone sinker is fas- tened four and a half or five feet above the hook. The largest sturgeon are caught in the stretch a Ry of water from Si’ska to Lillooet. They often i Ste is poahe Gactie measure from nine to eleven feet in length. The bait used is generally the tail-end of a salmon. Sturgeon of a small size are caught by the Lower Thompsons. No sturgeon frequent the rivers and lakes of the country inhabited by the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands.

For fishing catfish, a stake is driven into the river-bottom near shore, and a rather thick, short line is fastened to it a little under water-line. Four lighter lines, two or three feet in length and about as many feet apart, are attached to the thick line; and hooks baited with fish, fry, or small trout, are fastened to them. These lines are left in the water over night, and examined each morning. Other lines, several fathoms long, are set out in the stream. Among the Lower Thompsons hook-and-line fishing is practised principally by boys during fair weather in the few creeks in which trout are plentiful. A few mountain lakes also contain trout; and people who camp near by for the pur- pose of hunting and digging roots, fish for them from rafts with hook and line.

Salmon-trout are also fished with lines of bark of Apocynum cannabrnum L., made somewhat thicker than the ordinary lines, and from thirty to fifty feet or more in length. The hooks used are double or treble the size of the ordinary trout-hooks, and were formerly made of bone or wood, with horn or bone points,

254 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

A few feet above the hook a stone sinker is fastened to the line. The whole line is coiled up in the hand, and thrown out into the stream as far as possible, then gradually hauled in. The bait used is roe of salmon-trout.

Weirs and traps were also used for fishing. The former were built in shal- low rivers, and intended principally for catching salmon. They were made of small poles, sticks, and limbs of bushes, set close together in the water, standing

t Id esis RE RASS

Fig. 235. Fish-weir.

upright, and stretching across the river like-a fence. These were fastened to- gether or to horizontal cross-poles, and the whole was supported and kept in position by large poles with braces set in the river (Fig. 235). The salmon ascended to this obstruction, where they were stopped and speared by hundreds. The fish were raked out with gaff-hooks. These hooks have come into use within the last twenty or thirty years. Spears were formerly used.

Traps are of two kinds. One kind is made of split pieces of pine-wood, sometimes in the form of a box, with the slats so placed that the fish can go in but cannot get out again. The other kind is cylindrical, and composed of willow switches made into a basket. There are several varieties of these. The traps are used in the ‘spring or fall for trout, and are set in streams near the outlets of lakes, the stream on each side of the trap being dammed up to allow no other passage for the fish. Weirs and traps were hardly ever used by the Lower Thompsons.

VI.—TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION: TRADE.

TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION. — The canoes used by the Thompson Indians were mostly dug-outs made principally from cedar by the lower division, and sold by them to the other divisions of the tribe. They were seldom over twenty- five feet in length. Forty or fifty years ago, canoes were manufactured in large numbers, and were cheap and plentiful. The Spences Bridge band generally bought their canoes from the Lytton band, and they in their turn from the Lower Thompsons, although the Lytton and Upper Fraser bands manufactured many themselves, chiefly of yellow pine and cottonwood: but canoes made from these were heavier and more liable to split than those made from cedar, The pine dug-outs of the Lytton band were generally of fine workmanship, and almost if not equally as well made as those of the Lower Thompsons. The Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, and to a lesser degree the other upper divisions of the tribe, were indifferent canoe-builders, and they had very little wood in their country, at least in proximity to the rivers, suitable for that work. Bark canoes were not much used by the Lytton band, probably because the material could not be obtained in abundance in their country, and because cedar canoes were cheap and easily obtained. Bark canoes were formerly used by the Spences Bridge band, and possibly by the Nicola band and the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Val- ley, — by the former on the lakes, where

much fishing was done. Lakes and deep . mountain streams were generally crossed on canoes of this kind (Fig, 236). They Fig. 236. Bark Canoe of Lower Thompson Indians.

have been out of use for the last thirty years ormore. ‘The Lower Thompsons used various types of dug-outs made of cedar, which are shown in Fig. 237.

i le ee 27

Fig. 237. Types of Dug-outs.

The prows, stern-pieces, and gunwales of these canoes were in many cases carved, and painted red, white, and black. More recently blue and yellow have also been used. Canoes were frequently ornamented with rows of elk or caribou teeth and shells along the outside of the gunwales and on the sides of the bow and stern. The Lower Thompsons ascribe no meaning to carvings on canoes other than that of decoration. They probably copied the designs from their

[255]

256 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

neighbors on the coast. The paddles used for propelling canoes were of shapes similar to those obtaining among the Coast Indians (Mig. 238), and were fre-

quently painted different colors. Rafts made of dry logs tied together with withes were used for fishing and for crossing rivers, and are still occasionally used. The Nicola band use rafts ‘made of bundles ofrushes. At the present time canoes are expensive as well as scarce. Some of the Lytton Indians have within the last few years adopted boats of cedar or pine. These they make themselves, and occasionally manipulate them partially with sails.

In olden times goods were transported by land on the back by means of tump-lines (Fig. 213). Meat, baskets filled with berries and roots, and the few

Fig. 238. Paddles.

necessaries of a travelling family, were transported in this manner. The Upper Thompsons use tump-lines made of buckskin, while the lower division use also cedar-bark lines or those woven of mountain-goat wool. The designs on these are the same as those used on basketry (Fig. 311).

Dogs were never used

Fig. 239 (x$$x). Snowshoe, ‘* Magpie Sole”’ Type. } nat, size.

for sleighing or packing purposes, as among the tribes farther north, probably because the country was too rough and mountainous, and also on account of the light snowfall in the valleys.

While hunting or travelling in the mountains when the snow is deep, the Indians make use of snowshoes. Six forms are distinguished, accord- ing to the form of the netting: 1. The ‘owl sole,” which is used by the Lower Thompsons; 2. The “magpie sole” (Fig. 239), which is used by the Lytton band, the Upper Fraser band, and to some extent by the Spences Bridge band; according to mythology, these two forms were used by the Owl and the Magpie respectively ; 3. A variety of the second form, used by the same tribes; 4. The “ Stuwi/xamux sole” (Figs. 240, 241), which is used by the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands and by the Okanagon; it derives its name from the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley, who are said to have used it; 5. The ordinary snowshoe; 6. Still another type, which is used by the Spences Bridge and Upper Fraser bands, but is obtained by trade from the Shuswap. It is from four to five feet

long, generally pointed at both ends, has two cross-sticks, and is more or less firmly netted. It is best adapted for a flat, open country with loose snow. The

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 257

frames of the Lower Thompsons’ snowshoes are, on the whole, rounded (Fig. 242), this form being best adapted for travel on steep mountains. Their meshes are rather wide, which is considered favorable for travel in moist snow. Those in use among the upper portion of the tribe are much longer, although generally not so long as those used by the Athapascan tribes of the northern interior. They are also much better and more closely netted. The front of the snowshoes is turned up. When bending them, the frames of the two shoes are tied together, and the points spread apart by means of

“S J}

y 7, js G 2 2 ny Nan’ y WW WANN ay ‘A

Fig. 240. Figs. 240 (4$q), 241 (q$85). Snowshoes, ‘‘ Stuwi’xamux Sole”’ Type. yy nat. size. Fig. 242 ($a). Ordinary Snowshoe, 7 Nat, size,

a short stick. In this position they are steamed until they assume the proper shape. The frame is made of one piece of mountain-maple or yew wood, and the network is of raw deer-hide cut into fine strings and slightly twisted. A temporary snowshoe is sometimes made use of. It consists of two pieces of fir- branch about three feet long, and tied together at both ends. Four or five small sticks are tied across to stretch the shoe and to support the foot (Fig. 243). A few men of the Nicola band at the present day occasionally use the long wooden snowshoe, after the Norwegian style, which they have adopted from the whites. Hunters sometimes used toboggans made of fir-branches for sliding down snow- covered hillsides.

Horses were introduced among the Upper Thompsons towards the end of the eighteenth century. In the beginning they were extensively used for food. They became common about fifty or sixty years ago. It seems that the first

258 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

horses were obtained from the Sahaptin, Shoshone, and Cayuse. Horses were introduced among the northern Shuswap about the year 1830. They reached the Carriers not before 1860.

At present horses are used for riding and packing. Pack- saddles are generally made of poplar or birch. The articles to be placed on the horse are put into square packing-skins of scraped horse or buffalo hide, of the same kind as those used by the Indians of the Plains. The packs are strapped to each side of the pack-saddle. The saddle-girth is made of canvas or woven of horsehair. Before the’arrival of the whites, riding- saddles other than those of their own make were unknown. They were made of wood, and padded with soft skins, deer-hair, or grass. Many were fringed and ornamented with porcupine- quill embroidery or with beadwork. They used cruppers made of buckskin, leather, or canvas, stuffed with horsehair or hay. The stirrups were formerly made of wood (Fig. 244). Many were carved, and the designs filled with red paint. Most of the Indians rode bareback. Instead of bridles and bits, a noose of skin or horsehair was put on the horse’s nose and fastened to the © lower jaw. Leather saddles and bridles with Mexican bits are now common.

Saddle-blankets were made of sagebrush-bark, willow-bark,

= Ayer or grass, woven like bed-mats, or of deer, bear, buffalo, and goat Temporary Snowshoe. Skins and dressed buckskin. Formerly flat-backed baskets (Fig.

Length, 6 inches. 146) were used as saddle-bags by the Lytton band. Nowadays such bags are made of cloth or buckskin. Many of them are fringed, and highly ornamented with embroidery (Fig. 151). Pack- ropes and halter-ropes were made of bark-fibre, grass, and horsehair. Some halter-ropes were made of a black and a yellow horsehair rope twisted together:

Trape.—There was in early days a considerable trade between the different divisions of the tribe, and even with neighboring tribes of the interior and of the coast. The Okanagon sold to the Spences Bridge band buffalo-hides, painted skin robes, bark of Afocynum canna- binum L., deer-nets, skin bags, dressed moose-skin, scent, paint or red ochre, horses, bark made into twine for snares,

Fig. 244 (3%). Stirrup. Height, bone or horn beads, salmon, roots, berries, and sometimes —_7"***

shells. The Nicola band, who had very little salmon in their territory, bar- tered buffalo-skin bags, buckskins, and horses, for salmon, berries, roots, and Indian-hemp bark ; but some of them fished with their friends at Spences Bridge. Many of the articles traded for with the Okanagon were sold again to the Lytton band; but, besides, the Spences Bridge band sold to them buckskin of their own

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 259

manufacture, elk-skin, dried venison ; also Indian-hemp bark, wild sunflower, and bitter-root, which grew in abundance only in their country. They received in exchange dried salmon caught in Fraser River, canoes, dried huckleberries, cedar-root baskets, and sometimes steatite for making pipes. The cedar-root baskets were often resold. When the Spences Bridge band bought canoes from the Lytton band, they generally hired a couple of the latter Indians to bring them up the swift waters of Thompson Cafion to their country. This was done by paddling, poling, and towing. These men were paid in buckskins.

The Lytton band traded also with the Lower Thompsons. They gave buck- skins, dentalia, tobacco, big-horn sheep spoons, buffalo-skin bags, bark-twine bags, pipes, mats, dried roots (such as Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and Lewrsta redzviva Pursh.), berries (especially service-berries, soap-berries, and wild currants), bark for making thread and string, and red ochre, in exchange for canoes, dried salmon, smoked salmon-heads, salmon-grease, cedar-bark, wood of different varieties for making pipe-stems, siskelp-wood for making bows, skins of black-tailed deer for making moccasins, hazel-nuts, dried huckleberries, vegetable paint (white and red, the latter made of a fungus growing on hemlock-trees), woven goat-hair blankets, and baskets. Recently the Upper Thompsons also in- troduced horses and tomahawks. The Lower Thompsons sold to the Coast tribes dried goat’s flesh, goat-skins, goat’s hair, dried “kwoi'a” salmon: dried soap-berries, service-berries, and huckleberries ; moss-cakes ; roots of the wild lily (Lilium Columbianum Hanson); “skametc” roots; deer, elk, and goat fat ; dressed elk and deer skins ; bark twine ; cedar-root baskets ; and dentalia. They received in return “ nxo’itlaxin ” grass, rush mats of one kind, dried dog-salmon, sturgeon-oil, canoes, and abelone shells. There was considerable trade between the Upper Thompsons and the Shuswap, who exchanged principally caribou and deer skins, and dentalium shells, for dried fish from the Spences Bridge band. These shells were said to be obtained from the Chilcotin and the Carriers, and sold again to the Upper Thompsons and Okanagon. At long intervals small parties of Okanagon came down to Boston Bar and bought dried salmon, paying for them with roots of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and Lewzsta rediviva Pursh., some kinds of dried berries, and dressed buffalo and deer skin.

A noted resort for trading and fishing was at the “Fountain,” near the borders of the Shuswap and Lillooet territory, where also the Lower Lillooet came. Here, on Fraser River, salmon were caught in abundance. Later on, a pack-train from the Hudson Bay Company came here once a year to buy salmon and to trade. When fish were scarce in Thompson River, the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, Okanagon, and eastern Shuswap came here for salmon. One of the principal points for intertribal trade was Spences Bridge. Occasionally Indians of the Spences Bridge, Nicola, and Lytton bands, but principally the last, traded in the fall with the Similkameen at or near Keremeous. Later, when the Indian tribes were more friendly to one another, bands of southern Carriers came into the Shuswap country to trade for fish. A few years previous to 1858,

260 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

at two different times, these people came as far south as Thompson River to buy food, and wintered in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge. The northern Shuswap sometimes wintered near Spences Bridge; and the Okanagon wintered on the Lower Nicola, a few miles from its mouth; but the Walla Walla seldom or never wintered among the Thompson Indians.

Indian-hemp bark was put up in bundles about two feet long and two inches in diameter, tied at both ends, and six of these bundles constituted a “package.” Dried salmon were generally sold by the “stick,” each stick num- bering one hundred fish. Buffalo-skins were sold tanned with the hair on, and without the neck or shoulder. Some of them were cut in halves. Some buffalo- robes were painted when bought. Wild-sunflower root, as well as bitter-root, was sold largely to the Lower Thompsons, in whose country it did not grow. Both were of about equal value. Fern and other roots eaten by the Lower Thompsons were not bought by the Upper Thompsons, who did not care to eat them. Goat-hair blankets made by the Lower Thompsons seldom or never went farther east than the Lytton band. The Spences Bridge band did not like them, as they made their skins itch, and they thought they did not look as well as the skin robes and clothes in which they themselves dressed. ;

After the Hudson Bay Company and the Northwest Company established forts in different parts of the country, articles obtained from the whites by the Indians belonging to the neighborhood of these places were often resold to those Indians who ail at a greater distance from the trading-posts. At that time there were no trading-posts in the country of the Lower Thompsons. I believe the Northwest Company commenced to trade at Fort Kamloops about the year 1810, and were superseded by the Hudson Bay Company in 1821. Kamloops, although in Shuswap territory, was the post to which the Upper Thompson Indians carried their furs. Sometimes Hudson Bay Company employees would come as far down as Spences Bridge, trading tobacco, ribbons, etc., for furs and dried salmon. In later years, the Lower Thompsons did most of their trading with the Hudson Bay Company post at Yale, which was near the borders of their country. At the present day the whites have many stores in the Thompson country, where, at a moderate price, the Indians can obtain almost anything they desire. Many of the older Indians, however, claim that the clothing now sold to them lasts no time, and that they would willingly pay double the money, if they could obtain the same quality as was formerly sold to them by the Hudson Bay Company.

I give.below the principal commodities of trade, with lists of articles for any one of which they may be exchanged.

For ¢ stick dried salmon : For 1 stick dried salmon : 1 woven bag. 1 painted buffalo-skin bag trimmed with 1 red or yellow stone pipe (catlinite stone). fringe. 1 tomahawk. 1 fathom Hudson Bay red cloth. t hatchet. 1 fathom Hudson Bay tobacco,

I pipe.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

For 2 sticks dried salmon :

1 tanned buffalo-skin with hair on and with neck or shoulder. 1 dressed moose-skin.

For 3 sticks dried salmon :

1 tanned buffalo-robe without hair. rt large dressed buckskin.

For 4 to 5 sticks dried salmon :

1 dressed elk-skin.

For 6 sticks dried salmon:

1 second-hand flintlock gun. 1 two-year-old horse.

For 5 dried salmon:

For

3 sticks of perfume (each 4 to 6 inches long).

1 large dressed buckskin :

1 medium-sized buckskin and 4 a doeskin.

r tanned buffalo-robe without hair.

1 second-hand buckskin shirt (man’s or woman’s).

1? to 2 fathoms circular bone or antler beads threaded on bark strings,

2 fathoms and $ an arm’s length bone or horn beads threaded alternately with dentalia and large blue glass beads.

2 fathoms dentalia. e

3 to 3¢ fathoms dentalia threaded on string.

5 packages Indian-hemp bark.

10 cakes service-berries or soap-berries.

1o bundles bitter-root.

1 cedar-root basket, largest size.

2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil.

4 bags salmon-oil.

3 sticks salmon.

1 Hudson Bay tomahawk.

1 Hudson Bay axe.

1 copper kettle.

t old musket.

1 steel trap.

I canoe.

1 medium-sized buckskin :

I pair second-hand long buckskin leggings.

1 fully rigged new dip-net.

1 large spear with very long handle.

1 dressed doeskin : :

12 packages Indian-hemp bark.

1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons.

t second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.

1 good black-fox skin :

1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay coat with hood.

1 horse,

261

For 1 dressed moose-skin :

1 dressed buffalo-skin.

2 sticks dried salmon.

1 dressed elk-skin :

4 to 5 sticks dried salmon.

For 2 large dressed elk-skins :

For

ue}

r flintlock gun (nearly new).

1 large cedar-root basket :

1 medium-sized buckskin and half of a doeskin.

1 large dressed buckskin.

1 medium-sized basket :

2 bark-twine sacks,

2 mats.

1 small basket :

Enough thick buckskin to make a pair of moccasins,

For 1 canoe:

3 to 3t fathoms dentalia threaded on string.

1 Hudson Bay tomahawk.

1 large dressed buckskin.

5 packages Indian-hemp bark.

1 cedar-root basket, largest size.

2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil.

3 sticks salmon.

1 copper kettle.

x old musket.

1 steel trap. :

12 packages Indian-hemp bark :

1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons.

1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.

1 dressed doeskin.

For 5 packages Indian-hemp bark :

Len J

3 to 3¢ fathoms dentalia threaded on string.

1 largest size cedar-root basket. |

2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil.

t large dressed buckskin.

t Hudson Bay tomahawk.

3 sticks salmon.

1 copper kettle.

t old musket.

t steel trap.

I canoe.

I slave:

rt large net for catching salmon.

r good slave :

to fathoms dentalia, 2 dressed buckskins, and 1 dressed elk-skin.

rt slave of less value :

From 5 double fathoms dentalia to 5 double fathoms dentalia and x canoe,

262

For

Lan]

For

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

2 pairs long buckskin leggings :

4 tail-feathers of the golden eagle.

1 pair second-hand long buckskin leggings :

1 fully rigged dip-net for catching salmon.

1 large spear with very long handle.

1 medium-sized dressed buckskin.

1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons:

1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.

12 packages Indian-hemp bark.

r dressed doeskin.

I mare:

2 stallions.

1 horse :

1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay coat with hood.

1 good black-fox skin,

1 two-year-old horse :

1 second-hand flintlock gun.

6 sticks dried salmon.

1 one-year-old colt :

2 to 3 tanned buckskins.

1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt :

r pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented with ribbons.

For

12 packages Indian-hemp bark.

1 dressed doeskin.

1 fathom Hudson Bay red cloth:

1 painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe.

1 stick dried salmon.

1 fathom Hudson Bay tobacco:

1 painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe.

1 stick dried salmon.

1 Hudson Bay tomahawk :

5 packages Indian-hemp bark.

1 cedar-root basket, largest size.

1 large dressed buckskin.

2 fathoms dentalia.

3 sticks salmon.

1 copper kettle.

1 steel trap.

I canoe.

1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay coat with hood :

1 good black-fox skin.

1 horse.

1 large net for catching deer :

1 Slave.

VII.—WARFARE.

The weapons of the Thompson Indians were bow and arrow, spear, knife, war-club, and tomahawk. For defence, shields and armors were used. Bows and

Fig. 245 (x3$s).

| |

Short

Spear with Stone Point.

nat, size,

arrows have already been described (pp. 239-243). Some war- riors named their arrows after fierce animals or birds, whose pic- tures they painted on the shafts, . They also poisoned their arrows with the juice of a small yellow flower (Ranunculus sp.), or with rattlesnake poison. The common kind of spear was from three to four or even six feet in length. Short spears were preferred in wooded parts of the country. The spear-heads were similar in shape and material to the arrow-heads, except that they were larger. Iron spear-heads, and knives attached to shafts, became common in_ later days. The base of the spear-points was often ornamented with hawk- feathers or hair. Fig. 245 repre- sents a short spear with stone point. It is painted red and white with the design of a skeleton. The white spots on the blade represent the orbits; the middle line, the nose of the skull ; the red and white rings and the shaft, the ribs. Large knives, often made by the Indians themselves from steel traps, hoop iron, files, etc., with handles of antler, were used. The handles often had spikes for striking the enemy. Fig. 246 shows a common style of war-knife. The blade is made out of a file; the handle, out of a gun-barrel ; the guard and ring, of brass welded with lead. The Lower Thompsons used a double-edged war-knife with a simple handle. Formerly double-pointed bone daggers were used, with a hand-grip in the middle. These were un- known to the Lower Thompsons. A kind of war- club, consisting of a round stone enclosed firmly in thick hide, and fastened to a handle which was at- tached to the hand and wrist by a thong, was swung around for striking the enemy on the head (Fig. 247). Another kind differed only in having the , Fis. 246 (ifs). Ware stone loose in the skin (Fig. 248). Sometimes balls

of wood were used in place of stone.

[263]

264 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Another weapon was made of a polished greenish stone. Its blade, sharpened on each edge, was from three inches to three inches and a half wide, terminating at one end in a long point for stabbing. The other end was small, and finished with a knob for grasping in the hand. The whole weapon was about two feet long. It was scarce, and highly prized by the Indians. It was evidently similar to the stone daggers found by Harlan I. Smith in the shell-heap of Eburne on the delta of Fraser River (Fig. 249). Shorter stone clubs of this kind, of

Fic. 247. Fig. 248. Fig. 249 (ss$e)._ Stone Fig. 250, @ (q385), 4 (4387). Short Stone Clubs. Figs. 247 (x$$3), 248 (gb80)- War-clubs, 4} nat. size. Dagger. Length, 13 in. 3 nat. size.

square cross-section, were often concealed about the person, and used in sudden attacks (Fig. 250). A similar instrument was made of elk-antler, bone, or wood. The one represented in Fig. 251 is made of birch-wood. The groups of cross- lines represent ribs. To this class of weapons belongs the copper club found at Spuzzum (Part III, Fig. 82). Still another kind had a broad, thin head ending in a spike in front. Into a wooden handle a foot and a half in length, stone heads, often axe or tomahawk shaped (Fig. 252), or V (Fig. 299) or spike shaped, were fastened with thongs. Some of these had back spikes. Sometimes horn or bone was substituted for stone. Tomahawks were not used by the

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 265

Lower Thompsons. Pipe tomahawks, and other steel or iron tomahawks and hatchets of different shapes, were used in recent times, being procured from the Hudson Bay Company and the Okanagon.

A coat of mail was sometimes made in the form of a cuirass. It consisted of four boards an inch anda half thick, two for the front and two for the back, which reached from the collar-bone to the hip-bone. These boards were laced together with buckskin, and the whole covered with thick elk-hide. A vest of armor was made of narrow strips of wood from half an inch to an inch in thickness (ior 253) or of rods (Fig. 254), and went entirely around the body. The strips of wood were placed vertically, and laced to- gether with bark strings. This vest reached from the collar-bone to the hip- bone, and was held over the shoulders by means of thongs. Such vests of armor were generally cov- ered with one or two thick- nesses of elk-skin, with a cut fringe around the bottom, and painted with animal and geometrical designs, according to the dreams of the owner, Some of them were also ornamented with feathers attached to the bottom or shoulders. Another kind of armor was in the form of a tunic of elk-hide, that

reached about halfway to, Fig. 252 Gifs). Tomahawk.

} nat. size,

Fig. 251 (73$y). Birch-wood Club. } nat. size.

the knee. The sleeves

came to the elbows. Before being used, it was soaked in water, and was then said to be perfectly arrow-proof. It must then have also been of enormous weight.

Shields were made of wood, and covered with the hide of some large animal, such as the elk, buffalo, or bear; or they consisted of two or three thicknesses of hide only. They were small, circular, and flat in shape, being probably not over two feet in diameter, ornamented with elk-teeth, hair, and feathers, generally the last-named. The large copper kettles which the Indians bought from the Hudson Bay Company were beaten out, polished, and made into small circular

266 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

shields. Another kind of shield consisted of a large, almost square piece of stiff elk-hide, sometimes double, long enough to cover most of the body, being from four to five feet in length, and three or four feet in width. It was fas- tened around the neck or shoulder with a thong, and two loops were attached for the thumbs of both hands, by which means it was shifted around to pro- tect any part of the body (Fig. 255). TPiveideeens- Fig. 253 (afr). Armor. tion of the shield figured here represents two suns. Shields were not used by the Lower Thompsons.

All the aboriginal weapons here mentioned | have long been out of usé, excepting, perhaps, the bow and arrow, rough specimens of which are sometimes used by the boys as toys. The car- rying of weapons, except while hunting, is aban- doned ; although some old men still wear a sheath- knife, which they use when eating, and for many other purposes.

No stockades seem to have been used by the Thompson Indians, but fortresses, or fortified Yi houses were at one time

Fig. 255 (dfs). Hide Shield, yy nat, size, in use in a few places.

These were small, and

made of logs laid lengthwise on the ground, one above another, somewhat as ina log-cabin. The roof was also of logs laid close together. Loopholes were left in some places between the logs. The whole structure, or at least the greater part of it, was covered with brush and earth, They were built generally

| i ie

wall

j nN ‘a 4 VAN

feet eet

i] ill

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 267

not far from the main rivers, and had two or more long entrances, which con- sisted of trenches roofed with sticks and brush, and thickly covered over with earth. Thgse passages were low, and were blocked at the mouth by large stones. Food and water were kept on hand inside. These fortresses were said to be impregnable, as they could not be broken into successfully, and they could not be set on fire from the outside. Siege was never resorted to. No war-parties were strong enough to maintain a siege in an enemy’s country ; besides, they carried no food with them. The fortresses of the Lillooet were quite different in construction, and were sometimes taken by storm or set on fire with arrows to which lighted cedar-bark was attached.

Before the arrival of the fur-traders, the Thompson Indians often engaged in wat-expeditions. Up to 1858, and even later, regular tribal wars, in which one whole tribe was arrayed against another, were very rare. Most of their war- fare was for the sake of plunder, adventure, or revenge. War-parties numbered from five or six individuals to companies of several hundred. A man who refused to join in these war-expeditions lost the respect of his fellows. Though many of the chiefs favored peace rather than war, yet there was seldom much difficulty in obtaining men for these expeditions, many joining for the sake of the spoils, others merely from love of adventure or to obtain distinction.

Many are the stories told of the exploits of these war-parties, some of which make conspicuous their endurance, courage, and prowess ; but these tales oftener recount the most revolting cruelty and the basest treachery. The object of these parties was to surprise their enemy by a stealthy attack or sudden onslaught. Ambuscades were also frequent. It was considered a very brave deed to take a stockade or fortified house by storm, but this was not often done.

The war-party was under the command of a war-chief. Young men of little experience were always kept in the middle of the party. The best men always led. A number of scouts were sent ahead, and watched the camp at night. Large parties employed four scouts. The warriors communicated by signals, such as imitations of cries of birds or other animals, and by sign language. Notices were left for distant members of the party by means of sticks placed in peculiar positions, etc. The war-party took little food along. They ate spar- ingly. The food was distributed by the chief, who passed it around the circle of warriors in a direction opposite to that of the sun’s course. They also lighted as few and as small fires as possible, preferring for this purpose yellow-pine bark, called the “enemy's firewood,” because its fire goes out quickly, and it is difficult to tell how long the fire has been made. |

The men of a war-party wore little clothing, so as to have the greatest free- dom for action. Many went naked above the waist, while others covered most of their body with armor. Before engaging in a hand-to-hand contest, the bow and quiver were often thrown aside. During the march, and particularly before an attack, the warriors put on their war-paint, and dressed their hair in the style peculiar to the warrior (see p. 226). They painted the face, and often all the

268 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

body above the waist, in red, or in red and black. These colors were put on in narrow red stripes a little distance apart, sometimes alternating with black; or sometimes one side of the face was painted black and the other red, or the upper part of the face red and the lower part black, or wzce versa. It is difficult to state definitely whether other colors than red and black were used as war-paint, though some assert that yellow and white were occasionally employed. Some painted patterns on face and body according to what they saw or were told in their dreams. Other war-parties. were all painted in one way, so that in an encounter there should be no mistaking one another for an enemy.

Some warriors fasted the day before an imminent attack. In a hand-to- hand struggle, such as the entering and taking of a fortified house, the front men used short spears; the men behind, tomahawks, clubs, and long knives; while the men behind these used bows and arrows.

A man who ran away when about to enter battle, or while a fight was going on, was frequently shot by his companions for his cowardice. The war-chief generally divided the booty and slaves; the bravest warriors, or those who had distinguished themselves, being given the best shares or their choice of every- thing. Sometimes little or no order was observed, and every one took what he. wanted. Frequently they fought among themselves over the division of the spoils. Sometimes a warrior who did not kill an enemy was not allowed any of the booty.

Scalping or beheading was not much practised by the Thompson Indians, although they occasionally resorted to both, and would bring home for display the head of some distinguished enemy slain, after which it was thrown into the river. Some warriors never took a scalp; others scalped every male enemy that they killed. They ornamented their weapons, and sometimes their clothes, with locks of hair from the enemy’s scalp, from the longest of which they made belts and braids, with the addition sometimes of eagle-feathers. When going to battle, they often wore the dried scalps fastened to their hair, or a scalp attached to each of their “horns.” This showed the enemy that the man was an old warrior. Some men took only those scalps which had very long fine hair, —both of men and of women, — which was used for ornamental purposes.

The tribes with which the Thompson Indians made war were those of the Fraser River delta, the Lillooet, and the Shuswap. The Lower Thompsons, being the nearest to the Coast tribes, were the only division of the tribe that waged war on those people, who, it is said, hardly ever made any reprisals, or ventured into the territory of the Thompsons. The Upper Thompsons waged war with the Lillooet, especially with the Lower Lillooet. These latter were the common prey of the neighboring interior tribes. The Lower Lillooet were formerly numerous. They had large stores of fish and other goods; but they were indifferent warriors, and their weapons were less skilfully made than those of the tribes east of the Coast Range. Their arrow-heads especially were large and clumsy. Like the Coast tribes, they scarcely ever made reprisals, and,

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 269

though separated by only one narrow range of mountains from the Upper Fraser band, still never ventured into their country. Instances are on record, however, of their crossing over, and attacking the Lower Thompsons.

The Shuswap were more warlike, and avenged every invasion of the Thompson bands. Judging by the Shuswap war-stories, they made more expeditions against the Thompsons than the latter made against them ; but they were often the victims of the treachery of the Thompsons. The Shuswap were on good terms with the Spences Bridge band, though the northern Shuswap were sometimes at variance with them; and war-parties from Spences Bridge pene- trated far up North Thompson River and to the neighborhood of Soda Creek. A party from Lytton penetrated even into the Chilcotin country, but, finding no one, on their return they attacked the Lillooet. At one time a party of Lower Okanagon from the American side, south of the Columbia River, lay concealed for two days in order to attack a band of Spences Bridge Indians; but so watch- ful were the latter, that the Okanagon returned without striking a blow. At another time, a tribe southeast of the farthest Okanagon penetrated to Nicola River, and abducted two women of the Athapascan tribe of that valley.

The Thompson Indians had little contact with the Athapascan Indians of the north until later days, and then for trading purposes only, though about a hundred years ago a war-party supposed to be Chilcotin penetrated into the territory of the Shuswap, and went as far south as the north side of Thompson River, near Spences Bridge. Here they were discovered, and chased by a party of Thompson Indians back into the Shuswap country, where they were almost exterminated. Peace was sometimes made between the Upper Thompsons and Shuswap by the giving of the daughter of some noted warrior or war-chief of the one tribe to the son of a war-chief of the other. The intercession of an orator or chief who favored peace would at times avert war, and fighting would give way to feasting.

The slaves taken in war by the Lower Thompsons were Indians from Lower Fraser River, while those taken by the upper division of the tribe were mostly Lower Lillooet. The Shuswap and Upper Thompsons seldom captured slaves from each other; but, when this did happen, they were taken back by force of arms, purchased by their friends, or, after some years, allowed to escape. Formerly there were many Lillooet slaves among the upper divisions of the tribe ; but most of them were purchased by the chief Cixpe’ntem, or his father, about 1850, and taken back to their country. Most of those taken in war and enslaved were young women, and sometimes boys and girls. A warrior who took many slaves sold most of them when he reached home.

In former times the Lytton, Spences Bridge, and Nicola bands were con- sidered the most warlike divisions of the tribe, while the Upper Fraser band and the Lower Thompsons were looked upon as less warlike and less skilled, and were to some degree looked down upon by the former groups. The Lower Lillooet and the Coast tribes were also considered very unwarlike and, even yet

270 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

are looked down upon to some extent, because of their ignorance of horses and of hunting. A good horseman or a good hunter is the ideal of the Upper Thompson Indians. The Upper Thompsons considered the Shuswap their equals, and those of Upper Fraser River as the most warlike. The Chilcotin and Carriers were considered inferior warriors ; while the Okanagon, especially the division of them called Tcutxwaut’6’é, were looked upon as the most warlike and important people of whom they had any knowledge.

The Thompson Indians fought among themselves as well as against other tribes, as evidenced by blood feuds between different families. The most trivial quarrels and insults often ended in bloodshed. No man went unarmed, and he was always ready to shoot, or guard against being shot. Scouts were on the watch at night to guard against any surprise by an enemy, and even at the cry of some bird or animal, fearing it to be an enemy’s signal, would at once shout out whoops of defiance, to put their friends on the alert, and to warn the enemy that they were anticipated. In some places the fires were put out at sunset, and the people retired to fortified camps or houses for safety. It is said that even when eating’ their meals many men laid their weapons across their knees to be ready for instant use. Knives were carried slung over the shoulder, or placed in _ the legging, in the sash, or in the sleeve. Small-sized bows and arrows were sometimes concealed under the shirt, to enable a man to shoot another when least expected. After guns came into use among them, some men, it is said, cut the barrels off quite short, that they might be hidden, like the small bows and arrows. No person’s life was perfectly safe in those days ; and a man who had killed another was in especial danger, and needed to be on the alert. Although tribal warfare ceased before 1858, murders and blood feuds continued for some years afterward.

The Lower Thompsons claim that they had very few real trained warriors among them, and considered themselves, as a whole, much inferior in warfare to the Lytton hand. They claim to have been on good terms with all the surround- ing tribes, and never sent out any war-parties. Their relations with the ‘Coast tribes and_ Lillooet were on the whole very amicable; and these tribes never at- tacked them, and were seldom attacked by them. The upper bands of the Lower Thompsons were different, however, for they occasionally sent war-expeditions against the Lower Lillooet, and frequently against the Coast tribes. In their raids on the latter they were often assisted by members of the Lytton band. Their enemies seldom ventured to retaliate. It is on record that the Lillooet did so twice by sending war-parties. One of these descended through the valley of Salmon River, and the other by way of Skazzi Creek. In both instances they were discovered, and beat a hasty retreat without making an attack. Once a large party set out from the coast to have revenge for a bloody raid inflicted on them by the Thompsons. They passed by Spuzzum without attacking the peo- ple there, and were hospitably entertained. On reaching a few miles above Spuzzum, they stopped, being advised by the people there that it would be

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 271

dangerous to proceed farther, Knowing the warlike and treacherous nature of the people above, and seeing the extremely rough nature of the mountains, they concluded to return, which they did without striking a blow. It seems likely that most of these wars were carried on during the last and the early part of the present century. The Lower Thompsons were on very friendly terms with the upper bands and the Okanagon, and, when their hunting-parties met members of the latter tribe in the mountains, they invariably interchanged presents. The reverse, however, was the case when they fell in with hunting-parties of Klickitat, for they always fought one another. In 1858 some of the Lower Thompsons carried on a desultory war for several months with the white miners. One engagement was fought near Boston Bar, in which the Indians had eight or nine men killed. It seems that the quarrel arose partly out of the rough manner in which some Indians had been treated by the whites, and the killing of an Indian by a white man with- Out any apparent cause. The natives retaliated by murdering a number of whites. This affair was known as the “ Fraser River War.” The lower bands took no part in the trouble, and their noted chief, Kaupéllst, offered himself to the whites as a hostage for the good conduct of his people.

Some men of the upper bands were also at first hostile to the whites, and made frequent inroads upon them: but the leading chiefs and the majority of the people were friendly, appreciating the advantages of law and order, and the facili- ties for obtaining food and clothing. With the steady progress of civilization the

tribe have become equally as law-abiding as the whites themselves, and even more hospitable.

VIIl.— GAMES AND PASTIMES:

Women played a game of dice with beaver-teeth (Fig. 256), which were tossed down on a spread blanket or skin by the player. Each tooth was marked, on only one side, with carved lines or spots. One, called the “ man,” eight transverse lines, and tied around the middle with a piece of sinew. Its mate was marked with five transverse lines, each we | having a dot in the middle. The other a iw) \ two were mates, and were each marked “Fig. 256 (gs). Beaver-tooth Dice, *nat. alike with a number of triangular lines. “Ve When the dice were thrown, if all the

blank sides or if all the faces came up, it counted two points for the thrower; if a triangular-marked dice came face up, and all the others face down, fourteen points ; Se aOR ae 2 if the dotted one fell face up, and the

was marked with

ee Re se ge other three face down, eight points; if = hr oa? “Ti, <5 the “man” turned face up, and the rest a oe a a 7 face down, four points. » If the dice fell Ye & any other way than as indicated above, : ie = = it counted nothing, and the opposite party ce Sawin 7 took their turn to throw. If a tooth fell

on its edge, it was taken up and let fall, to see on which side it would turn. This game is still played by some women, but not nearly as much as it was eight or ten years ago.

Another game, engaged in almost alto- gether by the men, was played with a number of sticks. These were from four to six inches in length, and about a quarter of an inch in diameter, made of mountain-maple wood, rounded and smoothed off. There was no definite number of sticks in a set. Some sets pointerforsick _ Fig. 257 Gifs). Gambling-mat. Length, 31 contained only twelve sticks, while others senting.» Crane.

had as many as thirty. Most of the sticks were carved or painted, some of them with the pictures of animals or birds of which their possessor had dreamed. Each man had his own sticks, and carried them in a buckskin bag. Two of the sticks were marked with buckskin or sinew

[272]

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 273

thread or with a painted ring around the middle. I do not know exactly the points which each stick won. The players kneeled opposite each other, and each spread out in front of him his gambling-mat (Fig. 257), which was made of deer- skin. Each had a bundle of dry grass. The man who played first took one of the sticks with the ring, and another one, — generally one representative of his ‘guardian spirit, or some other which he thought lucky, —and put them on his mat so that the other player could see them. Then he took them to the near end of the mat, where his knee was, and where the other man could not see them, and rolled each stick up in dry grass until it was completely covered. Then he placed the grass-covered sticks down on the mat again. The other man then took his pointer (Fig. 258), and, after tapping each of the grass-covered sticks four times with it, moved them around with his pointer four times, following the sun’s course. Then he separated one from the other by pushing it with his pointer to the edge of the mat. Then the other man took up this stick, and drawing it back, and loosening the grass around it, shoved it back into the centre of his set of sticks. Then he took up his sticks, and, after shak- ing them loosely in his hands near his ear,

Fig. 259 (438s). Set of Gambling-sticks. 4 nat. size. threw them down on @and /, Ska’/kalamux (‘‘ man’) ; 4, Screw of ramrod ; c, Snake ;@, Wolf ; e, Otter; g, Eagle; h, Grisly bear ; zu, Sticks without names; v, One of 15 sticks without marks, the mat, one after an-

other. After all had been thrown down, and only one trump or ringed stick was found among them, then it was known that the other was the one left in the grass, and therefore that the other player had left the winning stick. But if both trumps came out when the sticks were thrown down, then it was known that he had put aside the winning stick and left the other, and thus lost. Afterwards the first player had to guess his opponent’s sticks in like manner. The stake was valued, according to agreement, at so many counters, and so many counters achance. If a man lost four times in succession, he frequently lost the stake. Each player had his own set of sticks, his mat, and his pointer. The names of the designs on the set represented in Fig. 259 are given in the legend of the figure. They often accompanied this game by a song.

This game has been out of use for many years, as well as another game, greatly in vogue at one time among the Indians, which was played altogether by

274 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

men. They found it warm work, and used to strip off all their clothes except the breech-cloth when playing. The chief implement in this game was a ring (Fig. 260) from two inches to four inches and a half in diameter, and sewed over with buckskin, the framework often being made of a stick bent round, The buckskin covering was loose, and the space inside not taken up by the stick was filled in with sand to make the ring solid and heavy. The player set this ring rolling. Then he followed it, running, and threw a small spear at it. The object of the game was to throw the spear in front of the ring, and make the latter fall on it. Generally the playing- ground was marked by two long poles, which prevented the ring from rolling too far.” Six different marks, which determined the number of points, were sewed on the buckskin inside of the circle. In later times these were made with different colored beads. The number of beads was six or four. Four were always blue or some other dark color, and two were some light color, generally light blue, but frequently white or red. The light beads counted ten points each. If both fell on top of the stick, it counted twenty. The dark beads counted five each, If two fell on top of the stick, it counted ten; if one dark and one light, fifteen, If the ring did not fall on top of the throwing-stick, but stood

up against it, it counted forty, which was the highest. The beads were not then counted. Before beads were known, porcupine-quills were used as marks on the rings. The two light marks were in white or yellow, and the four dark marks were black. It seems, therefore, that the colors were not exactly fixed, further than that they had to be light and dark.

Another game was played with the same ring and throwing-stick, and the points were counted as in the game just described. In fact, this game was like that, except that in this the players sat facing each other, and rolled the ring from one to the other. One man started the ring rolling, and then threw his stick in front of it, so as to stop it, if possible, before it reached the other man. Sometimes one man rolled, and the other piif: 2605.4 eae ote a Fins, fag obewt for Game- threw, in turn, instead of both men running abreast and throwing their sticks in front of the ring, as in the other game, one after the other. If the player missed, the other man took his turn.

Another game was generally played by boys and girls, but occasionally by adults. It was played out of doors, but also, in cold weather, inside the winter houses. In this a ring from six to ten inches in diameter was used. It was made of pliable sticks, around which bark or dry grass was thickly twisted. Sometimes it was made of reeds (the same as those used in tent-mats) bent in the form of a

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 275

circle, around which other reeds were twisted. The players sat in two lines, some distance apart, facing one another. At each end of the lines sat a person who set the ring rolling from one to the other between the two lines of players. When the ring was in motion, the players threw darts at it, the object being to make these darts hit the ring. If they passed through the ring without touching, it counted nothing. The darts were about six or seven inches in length, some thick in the middle, and small at both ends (Fig. 261). One end was feathered, while the other end was brought to a very sharp point. Many darts had the shaft all one thickness to near the point, where it was forked into two sharp points. These darts had property- marks consisting of notches, dots, circles, or paintings, to indicate the owner. The wood used was that of the wax‘esé'lp-bush.

A peculiar custom in connection with this game was that some- times the old people would put some of the darts which the boys used for throwing at the ring into the fire of the winter house, the lads not being allowed to get them except by catching the ends of them with their teeth. Sometimes all the darts were gathered to- gether and thrown outside. The boys were made to scramble for them. The one that obtained the most was the victor. A boy who was unlucky in playing, and lost all his darts, could get them back again by putting up his back as a target, every arrow fired at it be- coming his property. This game, like the preceding one, has now gone out of use.

In another game a ring the size of a finger-ring was placed on the ground about nine or ten feet away from the players. Each player had two darts, which he threw so as to hit the centre of the Dare Length es ring, if possible. The darts were feathered, had sharp points, and were maderatherthin. Boys and girls, in playing these games, won or lost their darts. They did not gamble for anything else. There were no special months for certain games, excepting that some games were better adapted for special seasons than others, and consequently were played only in those seasons.

Another very common game, played principally by men, was the “ guessing game” (known to the whites as “lehal” ). Many Spences Bridge women used to play it, and had a different song for it from that of the men. Lower Thompson women seldom or | never played this game. The players knelt in two rows, facing one

Shae. od another. Each side had two short bones (Fig. 262), one of which famblingbones. had a sinew thread tied around the middle. The side playing passed these bones through their hands, the opposite side having to guess

the hand of the player which held the plain bone. The side playing sang a “Jehal” song to the accompaniment of drums. They generally kept time by beating sticks on the floor or on a board. Sometimes neither drums nor sticks

276 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

were used, but they simply sang. Many of the players wore over their knuckles pieces of weasel or other skin from which hung many thin strips of buckskin (Fig. 263). Some of these skin covers reached up to the wrist, where they were fastened. Other players used strings set with fawn’s hoofs around the wrists to make a rattling noise. This game is still often played by the young men.’

The Indians also have a game some- what similar to cards. The cards are rather small, and made _ of birch-bark painted with dots (Fig. 264). There are two cards of each kind in the set. Four cards are laid down, face up. Each man chooses two of these. The dealer then throws down the balance of the cards in succession. Whoever chances to get his cards mated first is the winner. The game is also played as follows: The cards are shuffled, and the first two

Fig. 263 (7387). Knuckle-covering for ‘‘ Lehal”’ Players.

YY y

Fig. 264 (g382). Set of Birch-bark Cards.

a, Sun ; 6, Man (kokwoi) ; c, Dog (kokwoi) ; d, Fishes ; @, Backbone of fish ; 4, Roots of Lzlium Columbianum Hanson ; gy Loon-necklace (?); A, Crossing of many trails ; 2, Crossing of trails, bridge, or the four quarters ; 7, Trails ; #, Trails, creeks, or trunks of trees (xwa/akst).

. placed on a mat, face up. Next, the man who deals gives three cards, backs up, to the other player, and keeps the next three himself. The other man plays first. If he has the mate of either of the two cards lying face up, he throws it down, face up, on top of its mate, and then, taking up both together, he lays them aside; that is, he has won a trick. But if he does not hold the mate of either of these cards in his hand, he simply throws down one of his hand cards,

1 See Note 3, at the end of this paper.

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face up, alongside the other two. Then the other man plays his card, either taking or discarding, as the case may be. Thus they play in turn until their cards are used up. Then the man who deals gives three cards to the other man again, and takes three himself ; and thus they play until all the cards are out. The man who is able to win a “ kokwoi” gains five counters ; both ‘“kokwoi,” ten counters; a _“xwa’akst,” ten counters; a “ xwa’akst” anda “ kokwoi,” fifteen counters ; both “xwa’akst,” twenty counters; both “xwa’akst” and both ©“ kokwoi,” thirty counters. If he gains the last, which is the highest, it is called “tsispikst ” or “tsispelk.” The man who gets the most cards gains five counters. There are thus four pairs of winning cards. Some havea fifth pair called “ kerastcut,” which counts five counters each. Every article ra gambled for is valued at so many counters. The pictures are suggested by the dreams of the owner of the pack. This game has also nearly gone out of use.

Formerly a favorite pastime was playing ball. The ball used was a kind of knot found on fir-trees. This knot was nicely rounded off, and sometimes -covered with buckskin. Other balls were of stone, or of deerskin stuffed with vegetable material (Fig. 265). There were two ways of playing it.

One way was quite similar to that of “rounders.” The bat used in this game was a short straight stick about four inches wide at one end (Fig. 266). Each side took turns in batting, Four stones were placed about twenty yards apart, in the form of a square. These were called “houses.” The man who held the _ bat was bowled to by a man of the opposite party, who stood about in the centre of the ring. If the batter missed the ball, his place was immediately taken by the next man of his party. Ifhe struck the ball with his bat, he immediately dropped the latter, | and ran to the first house, or the second if he could Mmanageit, (Lhe: 8) 260 Gite): Bet. object of the opposite party was to catch the ball as quickly as possible, and strike the man with it while he was running from one house to the other, thereby knocking him out of the game. If the man managed to get back to his starting-point, he was allowed another chance to bat. This game is still frequently played by the young men.

The other game was similar to that of “lacrosse.” There were two sides and a goal for each, marked by stones or wooden pegs, or by long stakes half the height of a man, or more. The ball was like that used in the other game, . It was placed in the middle of the ground, between the two goals, and the object of either party was to drive it through the other’s goal. This was done by lifting

_ Fig. 265 (#83). Ball. 3 nat. size.

278 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

and throwing it with the toe, or by striking it with the sticks which the players held in their hands. . These sticks were about three feet long, and had a very crooked head (Fig. 267, a), so that the players could catch the ball with them, and throw it from them toward the goal of the enemy. Many men ran with the ball held in the crook of the stick until stopped by an opponent, when they threw the ball toward the intended goal. Others preferred, if they had the chance, to lift the ball with the toe, and before it fell strike or catch it with their stick, One man always tried to take the ball from his opponent with his stick. When bend- ing the end of the stick to the desired crook, bark string was used, connecting the latter to the straight part of the stick. Some Indians played with the strings still attached, thinking to get a better hold of the ball, but this was considered unfair. In some games all the players used crooks with nets similar to those of lacrosse sticks (Fig. 267, 6). Often a guard-stick was used to protect the ball from

Fig. 267, 2 (x47), 2 (zb$x).. Lacrosse-sticks. 4 nat. size.

Fig. 268 (x4$,). Guard-stick for protecting Ball. } nat. size.

the players of the opposite party (Fig. 268). Any person who touched the ball with his hands while playing went immediately out of the game. Sometimes, to the amusement of the men, the women were persuaded to play the game. Within the last few years this game has fallen altogether into disuse.

The Lower Thompsons had a ball game in which the ball was thrown up by one player. The player who caught it ran with it until overtaken by another player, who in his turn ran with it until a certain goal was reached.

A boys’ game was played as follows: A small but rather long ball of grass was attached to the hand with a string. In the same hand was held a wooden pin. The ball was thrown away from the hand, but pulled back again by the string. On the way back, the hand was raised so as to catch the ball on the end

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 279

of the pin. This was done as often as possible. After the first miss, the ball had to be handed to the next boy.

Boys threw pebbles over smooth ice, trying to hit stones or to see which could throw the farthest.

Another boys’ game was to take a pebble about three inches in diameter and covered with skin, and roll it down a hillside. Other players, # with scoop-nets about one foot long (includ- & ing the handle), stood at the bottom, and each \ tried to catch the bounding ball as it reached him. The nets were made of a pliable stick or wand bent over at the top so as to form a circle, which was filled in with a netting of bark twine. A game similar to the last was played with a skin-covered ball,! to which a short tog- gle was attached (Fig. 269, 2). The players held a kind of hoop with handle (Fig. 269, 4, ¢), by means of which they tried to catch the ball by its toggle.

A shooting-game was played as follows: A steep sandy bank @== —— was generally cho- sen. Each player had two arrows. An extra arrow was fired at the bank by one of the party, to remain there as a target. Each player in turn fired his ar- rows at this target. The person who struck the notched end of the arrow- shaft or target, thereby splitting it in two, won the greatest number of points. The man who shot his arrow so that it stuck into the bank alongside the arrow tar- get, touching the latter all along the shaft, won the next highest number. A man was stationed near the target to call out the name of the shooter and the place where the arrows struck. The distance chosen to shoot from was according

Fig. 269, a (x8$5), 4 (488s), c (a85). Ball and Catching-hoops. a, 4 nat. size; 4, c, } nat, size.

1 The stone shown in Part III, Fig. 39, may have been used for the same purpose,

280 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

to the wishes of the archers, generally from forty to a hundred yards. In another game one man shot his arrow as far as he could, the others trying to shoot as near to it as possible. The one who shot nearest then tried to fire as far beyond the first arrow as possible, and the game was repeated. The man that could shoot the farthest and truest generally won. A large open space with rather soft ground was best suited for this game.

The Indians used to gather at a bluff close to Nicola River, and about ten or twelve miles from Spences Bridge. Here they tried to shoot their arrows over the top of the bluff, and passers-by did the same. Only the strongest shooters could shoot easily over the bluff.

Shooting-games are no longer in vogue, although a few of the young men compete at rifle-shooting once in a while.

Foot-races were frequently run, and bets made on the result. The best run- ners travelled long distances to meet each other. Sometimes celebrated Okana- gon, Shuswap, and Thompson runners competed with one another. The largest bets were made on races between champions. It is said that when the Indians were numerous, and almost all the men in constant training, there were some excellent long and short distance runners among them. Two men of the Spences- Bridge band were said to be the fastest runners in the surrounding tribes. One of them raced against horses and against canoes paddled downstream.

Games at jumping (high running jump and long running jump) were also practised by young men, and bets made on the competitors. One young man from Spences Bridge used to take a short run and jump right over a horse’s back.

After horses became common in the tribe, horse-races were frequent, bets being made upon the horses. The Spences Bridge and Nicola, bands sometimes had riding tournaments to see who could ride wild horses the best.

Wrestling-matches were also sometimes indulged in. Neither taking hold around the neck, nor tripping with the legs or feet, was allowed in their style of wrestling, Sometimes a good runner or wrestler would make a bet that he would run or throw all comers. Each man that competed with him had to put up something equal in value to the original stake. A man would thus sometimes run five or six men one after another, or throw from five to eight men one after another, until at last he was thrown himself. 5

Games at tug-of-war were also played by both boys and men. An equal number of men pulled on each end of a rope. Bets were made on this too.

Another pastime was the lifting of heavy stones to test the strength of the players, or the carrying of large stones to see who could carry them farthest. A stone used for this test was near the village of Slaz. Most of the men who passed that way tried their carrying powers, because this stone was known all through the neighborhood.

Gambling is. now carried on principally by means of cards, the common games being monte and poker; but gambling of all kinds has greatly decreased during the last ten years.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. « $208

Swimming was also a favorite amusement. Almost all the men, women, boys, and girls could swim. Some of them were able to swim across lakes three or four miles wide, and across the widest rivers of the country. Their mode of swimming was, as a rule, animal fashion, very few of them using a breast stroke. They turned partly over on their left side, and drew the left arm underneath them, at the same time reaching above water and forward with their right. This was in turn drawn underneath, palms backward, the hand being held somewhat cup shape. Then they turned on their right side, raising the left hand as they had the right, and so on. The legs were sometimes shoved back- wards together, but just as frequently one after the other: while some shoved only one leg, the other foot striking the surface of the water. The men and women always bathed in different places. During the months of July and August, many of the Indians still indulge in gambolling in the waters of the Thompson River.

Many children’s games were played by the smaller boys and eirtse = Cats: cradle” was one of these (Fig. 270). Strings were fixed on the fingers in different ways, so as to present many forms, such as the “ beaver,” the “ deer,” the “ buck- skin,” the “conical lodge,” the ‘‘ women’s house,” the “ man stealing wood,” etc. Games of hide-and-seek were often indulged in. Slings were used by the boys in just the same manner as among the whites. They were made of Indian-hemp cord or of thong, with a piece of buckskin, in which the pebble was placed. They were never used to hit or to kill, but only for throwing to as great a dis- tance as possible. Tops or whirligigs were used. These were generally made of a thin circular piece of wood, or more frequently a piece of yellow-pine bark, through the centre of which was inserted a pin a fourth to half an inch in diameter, and about five or six inches long, the circular piece of wood being allowed to remain about the middle of the pin. The one who made his top spin the longest won. Bull-roarers were made of a circular piece of wood, with _ two holes near the centre, through which a string passed. All these games are occasionally played at the present day.

Tobogganing was a favorite amusement, and was indulged in by boys and girls until full grown. At the present day little sleds are used ; but formerly flat stones, planks, and pieces of thick birch-bark turned up in front, were used. In very steep places fir-branches tied together at their thick ends served as toboggans. These latter were sometimes used by men for sliding down mountain-sides when the snow was frozen hard.

Snowballing, making snow men, rolling large snowballs, making hobby- horses on which to run races, were all amusements of the boys and girls. The horses were small poles, which they straddled, and dragged along underneath them. They had miniature tails and manes made of grass; and the ends of the poles were bent down, or carved rudely in imitation of horses’ heads. They ran races on their pole steeds, whipping them as they went along.

Indian children made, and often do yet, figures of birds, people, canoes, etc.,

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on the ground with pebbles, stones, sticks, etc. They also drew figures of men, animals, etc., in the sand with pointed sticks.

Boys used to make figures representing swallows out of wood, and suspend them by strings from branches of trees. Then they watched them go round with the wind.

Fig.270. Game of Cat’s-cradle. (From sketches made by Harlan I. Smith.) a, 7-7, Dressing a skin; 6, r-¢, Pitching a tent.

In winter the boys used to roll up balls of grass and throw them into the waters of swift creeks, letting them float down with the current. The other boys stood in a row along the edge of the ice with long, sharp-pointed sticks in their hands, and tried to spear these balls (or fish, as they were called) as they floated past. Still another amusement for boys was seeing who could stand longest on his head. Seesaw was a favorite game with both boys and girls, and was just like the seesaw of the whites.

IX.— SIGN LANGUAGE.

Gesticulation was thought by the Thompson Indians to be indispensable to good speaking or story-telling. Some people, while narrating an incident, accom- panied their words with descriptive signs. Many of these gestures were also used as signs between persons a distance apart, or when it was inadvisable to speak or make a noise for fear of disturbing or frightening game. Signs of this kind, therefore, were often made use of by hunters and warriors. Following are some of them : —

Lear. — Both fists held in front of breast, knuckles upward, the thumbs touching the bent forefingers ; fists pushed forward alternately in circular motions, imitating the movements of a bear.

Deer. — Hands held up on both sides of head, at height of ears; palms forward, open.

Doe. — The first and second fingers of each hand held up above each ear.

Bush. — Open hands placed against each other so that both thumbs and both little fingers touch.

Very dense; dense bushes. — Fingers of both hands interlocked, so that finger-tips of one hand are between the fingers of the other hand.

Lake. — Hands held close together before breast, fingers describing a wide circle forward and back to breast.

Old man. —Forefinger of right hand held up, slightly bent, the other fingers closed, indicating the bent back.

Ader. — First and second fingers of right hand straddling the first and second of the left, which is held with thumb and third and little fingers closed ; first and second extended horizontally, parallel to breast, touching each other.

Lvrap. — Both palms clapped together.

10, Spoon or cup. — All the fingers of the right hand slightly bent and placed close together, back of hand down, palm forming a slight hollow, thumb resting in centre of palm.

Drinking. — Drawing the right hand, in the position of No. 10, up towards the mouth.

12, Noon. — Right hand closed excepting forefinger, which is extended and held up in front of face.

Sunrise. — Right hand half opened, forefinger extended slightly upward, palm towards body, then moved upward.

Sunset. — Forefinger pointing downward in front of breast and moved downward. ;

Buck sighted. — Both hands placed close above the head, with the fingers spread out, and moved two or three times up and down above the head.

Buck trotting. — Both hands closed except the forefinger, and one hand moved rapidly in front of the other.

iba [283]

284 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Deer jumping. — The two fists (held near together, the thumbs extended and touching each other) opened and shut two or three times, the arms moving forward in jerks at each opening.

Deer lying down. — The arm moved once from left to right, describing a half-circle, and the hand turned at the same time from back up to back down.

Deer falling. — The right arm moved once from left to right, describing a half-circle, while the left hand is brought up rapidly to strike the breast.

Deer falling. — Both hands held a little distance apart, and moved so as to describe a half-circle from left to right, or wzce versa.

Doe moving slowly, looking from stde to side. — First and second fingers of each hand held up above each ear, and at the same time the head turned from side to side.

Deer on the alert. — Sign of a deer (No. 2) and motion from side to side.

Deer has arisen. — Standing up, or crouching down and then standing up,

Deer walking. — Walking a few steps up hill, down hill, etc., according to the direction in which the deer is walking.

Bear running. — Fists held in front of breast, knuckles upward, striking out alternately and horizontally full length of arms (see No. 1). ;

Four. — Four fingers of one hand held up, thumb closed, fingers apart and extended.

Four together. — Four fingers close together held up as in No. 26.

Fzve. — All the fingers and the thumb of one hand held up.

Ten. — All the fingers and both thumbs held up.

Twenty.— All the fingers and both thumbs held up, then both hands closed, then the fingers and thumbs extended again.

Half — The forefingers of the two hands crossed, and then pulled apart, the top finger sliding outward.

Divided in two or one part taken from the other.— The same sign as No. 31, but done quickly, the top finger carried out quite a distance in front, and the other finger drawn in towards the body at the same time.

£.— The breast struck with the forefinger.

Any part of the body.— The part meant touched with the tips of the fingers.

Thou. — The right arm and forefinger extended, and pointed towards a person’s breast.

Ye. — The same sign as No. 35, but hand with extended finger moved to left side and then to right side in horizontal plane, directed towards people or a person. Sometimes the finger was pointed slightly down.

All around, look all around, or the horizon. — The same sign as No. 36, made with the finger pointed slightly up, and hand moved farther to left and right respectively.

Al. — Right hand held in front of breast, palm downward, moved around horizontally.

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Lhere.— The right arm raised to a level with the top of the head, then extended forward to nearly full length ; hand closed excepting forefinger, ex- tended upwards, slightly bent, and then dropped so that it is parallel to the arm, but the bent finger pointing slightly down.

ffere. — Hand and finger in the same position as in No. 39, but moved sharply downwards to left side of body, or sometimes moved down in front of body.

Attention or stop / — Hand raised, open palm forward, then shaken.

Stop / — Hand raised, open palm forward, hand pushed forward.

Attention / (from a long distance.) — Hands raised high above the head, then moved. from side to side, or more often to and fro from each other.

Quick. — Right arm pushed upward and forward, slightly to the right, at the same time left fist striking the breast.

Good-by; or you remain, we go (from a distance). — The right arm moved forwards to the right, and describing a_half-circle downwards, with the back of the hand outwards.

Good-by, or you remain (from near by). — Right arm bent at the side, elbow extending outwards, the palm held forwards, then the whole arm and hand several times moved slowly outwards, and hand out and downwards.

Don't come. — Both hands held out in front of the body or face, palms forward.

Don't.— Right hand raised, palm forward, then shaken near right shoulder. .

Look. — Right arm and forefinger extended outwards,

Wo, or J well not. — One or both hands raised, open palm forward, then shaken, and at the same time the head shaken from side to side.

L£ well not. — Same sign as No. 50, and immediately afterward the head dropped, and turned to the left side.

Will not lasten.— Head dropped and turned to the side, and fingers shaken close to each ear,

1 do not understand. — Palms clapped on ears, then hands taken off and shaken.

Running. — Elbows close to body, forearms held horizontally, hands closed, elbows moving out and in from the body.

Shooting. — Left arm extended, with hand as if holding a bow, and with right hand held at left upper arm or shoulder as if holding the end of an arrow.

Shooting a gun. — The same sign as No. 55, but with one eye closed.

fred or shot. — Same sign as No. 55, but with the right hand opened so that the fingers are apart, and extended, the hand not otherwise moved.

Four shots or arrows fired. —Same sign as No. 57, but the hand opened and shut four times.

Adtack or onset.— Palms brought together suddenly so as to make a sharp noise,

286 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Following or one following behind the other. — One hand held in front of the other, the forefinger of each extended, both hands being moved with short jerks backwards and forwards, but gradually forwards or away from the body.

ARacéng. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in front of body, with forefingers extended outward and slightly upwards, parallel to each other and not far apart, and the fingers moved alternately out past each other.

Yes. — Nodding the head.

Sleep or retired to sleep. — The right hand somewhat bent and placed near the right cheek, palm inwards, at the same time head bent in that direction.

Pulling. — Each hand partly closed, and then put quickly one in front of the other.

Falling backwards or upsetting. — Both arms thrown suddenly upwards and backwards, with palms backwards.

Falling forwards. — Both arms suddenly extended forwards, with fingers straight and palms down, and at the same time arms moved downwards.

Union, or marrzed; or married couple. — The forefingers brought together from quité a distance apart, and kept together for some time so that they touch each other along their entire length, thumbs down; also first and second fingers . of one hand placed together horizontally in front of the body.

Walking together. — Same as preceding, with a forward motion.

Standing together. — First and second fingers of one hand placed together vertically.

Separation. — The two forefingers brought together in the same manner as in No. 67 on a horizontal plane, and then suddenly parted, both fingers describing circles in opposite directions.

Met or meeting. — The forefingers bent and tips brought together, the closed thumbs also touching each other underneath.

Lying down. — The left arm held outward to the left side and horizontal with the breast, palm upwards and fingers relaxed, the right hand held down- wards, fingers slightly downwards, and arm held near to the body but hand towards the left hand, at the same time the head bent slightly to the left side.

Wrestling; fighting. — Hands with palms flat together moved slowly upwards and downwards above and below the head, and from side to side, first the back of one hand being down, then the back of the other.

Cross tratls or crossed over. — One forefinger crossed at right angles over the other.

Come out, — The forefinger of the right hand extended (rest of the hand closed), and the hand moved down in front of the body, then suddenly outwards and upwards.

Appearing. —The same sign as No. 75 except that the hand is carried upward to front of face and held there for a second with the forefinger upward.

Sudden appearance. — The same sign as No. 76, but done very quickly.

Growing. — Right hand held in front of the body, back downward, fingers

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apart and extended upwards, the hand at the same time raised some distance upwards somewhat slowly.

Lhe same; alike. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in front of body, with forefingers extended, and outward, and sometimes slightly up- wards, parallel to each other and not far apart.

The same people. — The same sign as No. 79, but with the fingers held perpendicularly.

Very small.— One hand nearly closed, and the extreme tips of the forefinger and thumb pressed against each other.

Good.— The palms held opposite each other (thumbs up) and near together, and about opposite and a little in front of the middle of the body.

Bad. — The palms brought opposite each other and near together a little in front of the body, then turned down and the hands moved apart quickly to their respective sides in a horizontal plane.

Cold. — Both arms crossed in front of the chest, hands clinched, and arms made to tremble.

Wothing, or no.— Both hands lifted together to the front of breast, then suddenly thrown out to their respective sides.

Good will or blessing.— Both arms extended above the level of the head, and moved forward, then gradually together downwards to a level with the legs, palms at first outwards, or towards the person, then downwards,

Good will or respect. — Shaking hands with a person.

Cries or sounds of different kinds were also used as signs or signals. To shout once generally meant “Where are you?” If answered, to shout once again meant “Come nearer.” To shout twice in quick succession meant ‘Come here,” or “Come together ;” three times in the same way, ‘Come quickly.” To shout once at length, and to follow it by two short halloos, meant generally that a deer was slain, and help was wanted to butcher it. To cry like an owl when the hunters were all out of sight of one another, at different points, and each had to walk a given beat, meant “Proceed.” The cry was passed from one to another, so that the hunters knew each man was in his place.

In hunting in the high mountains, in those places which were thought to be the haunts of spirits, a different call was used, because, if the ordinary call were used, the spirits, it was said, imitated it, and might call one of the hunters to him.

Signals were generally left at camp-fires or on trails, as notices to parties who were to pass that way. For instance, four small wands were stuck in the ground to denote that four persons had left that camp. These were placed slanting in the direction in which the people had gone. If one stick was placed behind the other, and all slanted in the same way, it meant that they had all gone in the same direction. A longer stick, placed at the side of the others, pointed to where the sun was when the party left. Fresh leaves were placed

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near the sticks to enable the next party to tell about how many days previously they had left. If bones or hairs of any animals were placed near or tied to the stick, it indicated how many of these animals had been killed or captured, accord- ing to the number of the hairs or bones. Hairs from a horse's tail, according to their number, told how many horses the party had. Horse’s hairs and deer’s hairs tied together, one of each, told how many horses were packing meat. A stick placed apart and upright, with a root or fish-bone tied to it, meant that the party were unsuccessful in hunting, and were living principally on roots or fish. A stick with notches cut in it, placed upright, told how many days the party had been camped there. Sticks with black stripes painted across them told how many of the enemy a war-party had killed. Fires lighted on tops of hills or at any appointed or recognized place were intended as signals of something that had happened, or to signify that an enemy had been sighted. Branches of trees were also broken and left hanging along the way a party had gone, to give notice to other parties following the same trail.

X.— SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND FESTIVALS.

SociaL OreanizatTion.— The Thompson Indians had neither hereditary chiefs nor a recognized nobility. The rank of each person was determined by his wealth and his personal qualities. Their “chiefs” were therefore men of the tribe noted for wealth, wisdom, oratorical powers, or prowess in war.

A war-party, for better management, had a war-chief, who was the one con- sidered by his companions best qualified to act as a leader. As the Indian is naturally fond of power and honor, he seldom refused the offer. The chief rarely decided a question without asking the opinion of his fellow-warriors. In hunting-parties, the most efficient man took the lead and directed the others, at their request, but subject to their approval. In religious ceremonies, a capable man who was looked upon as taking the most prominent part was called the “chief” of the ceremonies and dances. Orators possessed great influence and power, often swaying the mass of the people as they chose. Most of these are said to have favored peace and harmony. When at the same time wise and wealthy, they exerted a very great influence over the people, who willingly obeyed them. Some of them were looked upon as the chief men of certain large districts, the people negotiating through them with strangers; yet they seldom or never acted in matters of public interest without obtaining the consent of all their people.

Wealthy persons also held prominent positions in the tribe. The more liber- ally they gave of their riches, the more highly were they thought of : hence public feasts and presents were frequently given. They made a point of treating strangers well, that they might become known among the people of other tribes.

Under these conditions the title of “chief” could not be hereditary ; but the fact that a man was the son of a chief gained him a certain amount of popu- arity. If, however, he failed to possess or attain the necessary qualifications, he was not called “ chief,” nor would he be considered in any way different from the mass of the people. Nevertheless chieftaincy has descended in some instances, particularly among the Lower Thompsons, from father to son for several genera- tions. There were no female chiefs. No particular costumes or ornaments were worn by the chief.

It has been mentioned before that the influential men always consulted with the men of the tribe, but there were no formal councils. Whenever a man had an undertaking in view that concerned the band, he invited the men of the village to discuss it. At these councils such subjects as the organizing of war-expedi- tions, marriages, or other matters of public interest, were discussed, each man having a voice in the matter. Generally the advice of the oldest or the most experienced was taken. If the advice or the help of some leading man noted for his wisdom, who lived at some distance, were desired, a messenger was sent to him. The man who had called the meeting, and his immediate friends, were

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expected to furnish food for the people assembled. If a war-council decided for war, a war-chief was elected, who sent an active young man through the country to invite the warriors to join the party. They generally accompanied the herald upon his return to the meeting-place or to the home of the war-chief who had sent him. It was considered a mark of distinction for a young man to be chosen for this purpose. He dressed in his war dress and paint, and generally went first to the house of the recognized chief of the district. Women had no voice in these councils, nor in any other matters of importance.

Captives made in war became slaves. When a captive woman bore children to her master, she was considered one of the tribe, and neither she nor her chil- dren were ever afterward called slaves, at least openly. Some captive children were treated well, and were even adopted into the family of their master, but other slaves were often treated cruelly.

It appears from these remarks that the whole organization of the tribe was exceedingly loose. Neither the band nor the village community formed a perma- nent social unit; but it was the duty of members of the tribe to avenge the death of those of its members whose blood relations were unable to do so. There were no totems, except at Spuzzum, where two families who were descendants of mem- bers of the Coast tribes claimed the totems of their ancestors. They used certain masks and carvings on grave-boxes, and owned traditions and songs relating to the acquisition of the totem by the ancestor of the clan. The names of these two clans were Tsatsa’kwe, which originated at Yale, and Wau’as, which originated at Hope. The right to the privileges of the clan descended in both male and female line, but the person marrying a member of these clans did not acquire their privileges.

Blood relationship was considered a tie which extended over generations, both in the male and female line. The relatives of a person killed by a mem- ber of some other tribe had to avenge his death by a war-expedition against the offending tribe. If they failed to do so, they were called “women.” Time was of no account in this vendetta; and old scores were sometimes paid off after the lapse of ten or twenty years, or even after the death of the originators of the feud.

This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagon, and Upper and Lower Thompsons, These names can always be traced to a common ancestor of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not known whether there are any other customs based on the idea of the unity of all the descendants of a remote ancestor.

Children receive a name some time after they are able to walk easily. A few children, however, are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named

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from either its father’s or mother’s ancestors or people. The most honorable and satisfactory method of .giving a name is that of calling the neighboring peo- ple together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which the child is to be known. This was also the custom when grown-up people changed their names, although it is not much in vogue now. The name generally chosen is that of some deceased relative, such as father, brother, uncle, etc., in the case of males. Through this custom some Indians have been known by four or five different names during their lifetime. The name of a deceased relative is not taken until at least a year or more after his death ; and it is a matter of pure choice, among a group of relations, who shall take the name of the deceased relative, or whether it shall be taken at all. However, the nearest of kin gener- ally takes it, and the older takes precedence of the younger. No two persons in the same tribal division bear the same name. Even in the whole tribe there are few persons bearing the same name.

New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like “ Struck-on-the- head,” the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a warrior ; “ Shot-back,” a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow; “ Hairy-face,” a man who had heavy whiskers. Other names were taken from sig- nificant dreams that a person had had.“ Lakes-similar-to-each-other,” “ Reached- the-top,” “ Able-to-make-a-blaze,” are names of thiskind. The names used by men and those used by women are distinct. The majority of names of men of the Upper Thompsons end with the nominal suffixes -éskit (“day”), -qain (“head”), -élst (‘stone’). Such names were, for instance, “ Bright-day,” “ Knife-day,” which latter was taken bya man who had the knife for his guardian spirit ; ‘‘ Grisly-bear-day,” a war-chief whose guardian spirit was the grisly bear. The last two names originated three generations ago, and have since been used by the descendants of their bearers. Others are “Arrow-day,” “ Straight-day,” “ Slow-moving-cloud-day,” “ Young- man-day,” “ Wet-day,” “ Sleepy-day.” Compounded with the suffix “head” are such names as “Fvening-head,” “ Many-heads,” ‘“Flying-head,” “ Little-head,” “@oyote-head,” and “ Head.” Compounded with “stone” are such names as “Running-stone,” “Iron-stone,” “ Dance-stone,” “ Flame-stone,” “ Walking-stone,” “Arrow-stone.” Most of the women’s names end with the suffixes -ko (“ water” and -inek (“bow”): as “ Returning-water,” “ Dried-up-water,” ‘“ High-water,” “Twin-waters,” “ Walk-in-the-water,” “ Dance-in-the-water,” “One-bow,” “ Big- bow,” “ Revolving-bow,” “Red-bow,” “ Standing-bows,” “ In-view-bow.” Names of both men and women end in -itsa (skin ors ‘robe ”), as “* White-skin,”

“ Veratrum-Californicum-Durand-Robe,” “ Stabbed-skin.” Some men have names taken from objects in nature, mostly those of their guardian spirits. Such are “Sun,” “Sky,” “Sunset,” “Stars,” “Moon,” “ Mountain-range.” Names

taken from animals are less frequent among the Upper Thompsons, while they are common among the Lower Thompsons, as “ Goat-sucker,” “ Buffalo,” “ Black- bear,” “ Weasel,” “ Dog,” “ Humming-bird.” The Lower Thompsons also take

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names of plants: ‘“ Yellow-lily,” ‘‘ Nuts,” “ Mushroom,” “ Soapberry,” “ Bramble- berry,” “ Choke-cherry.” It is said that some of these are also nicknames. For instance, the name O0’za originated about three or four generations ago among the Spences Bridge band. A chief who had lost one eye was eating roots of the lavender lily (makgo’za), which are round and about the size of a human eye. He said: “I ought to take the name of the root. I have one eye, like a laven- der-lily root.” So he took the name of O6’za, a shortened form of makgE6’za. Women also have names taken from animals and plants, or from certain attributes of men, animals, or inanimate objects, as ‘“ Female-mountain-sheep,” “Owl,” “ Dark-clothing,” “ Falling-at-intervals,” ‘‘Shallow,” ‘ Dumb.”

Most of the names are pronounced differently from the ordinary word that has the same meaning as the name. They are either contracted or amplified. As the Indian names are hard for the white people to pronounce, and Indians will not or can not translate them, those working for white people, or who are well known to them, either adopt white men’s names, or are given names by which they are known to whites. These names are often given in joke, the Indians not understanding their meaning; but oftener they are familiar English or French names, such as “Jimmy,” “ Billy,” “George,” “ Louis,” etc. Those Indians who belong to the Roman Catholic or English churches have also baptismal names. The former obtain French names, and the latter English. A few Indians are known to the whites under corrupted forms of their Indian names, while others are named after the places they live in.

Dogs were generally named from some peculiarity in their markings or color ; but some were called after animals and birds noted for swiftness, ferocity, or hunt- ing capabilities, or which they were thought to resemble. Here are a few examples: ‘ Wolf-face,” “ Chicken-hawk,” “‘ Hawk-eye,” “ Little-grisly.” Horses were named in the same way as dogs, but more often they were given names like people. In the names for both horses and dogs, -é/lst is used for males, and -inék for females. The following are examples of names for horses: “ To-tell-a- lie,” “ White-feet,” ‘ Bark-of-tree,” ‘‘ Bay-color,” ‘“ Bridle,” ‘“ Far-foot.” At the present day some Indian horses and dogs have been given English names similar to those obtaining among the whites, as “ Tiger,” “ Bull,” etc., for dogs, and “ Charley,” “ Nelly,” ‘‘ Pete,” etc., for horses.

In domestic affairs each male member of age had a right to express his opinion or give his advice, although in most cases the father’s or eldest son’s ad- vice was taken. The father and eldest son seem to have been looked upon as the highest authorities, although custom required that they should not do anything of importance to the family without first consulting its other male members.

From the detailed descriptions of marriage customs, which will be found in the next chapter, it will be seen that on the whole the wife followed the husband to live with his family, although a curious compromise has developed which com- pels the young couple to return temporarily to the woman’s relatives. Levirate prevailed. It will also be described in the next chapter. The property of a

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father, on his death, was divided among his sons, the daughters also sometimes getting a share. Property was also often divided among all the relatives of age, male and female, cousins included; the nearest kin receiving the largest shares, and males taking precedence of females. In some cases it was taken by the nearest male relatives of the deceased, to the exclusion of all others. The sons inheriting the property of their father had to provide for their mother, and a greater share of the property of a father who left an orphan child was given to’the relative who was to take charge of the child. A woman's effects were looked upon as distinct from her husband's. If a couple separated, the wife took all her property with her, even the roots and berries she had gathered. A man and his wife often made gifts of their individual property to each other, and the father or the mother often made presents of their property to their several children. None of these presents were returnable in the event of death or separation, but remained the inviolable property of the person to whom they had been given.

Land was looked upon as neither individual nor family property, since every one had a right to all parts of the common country for any purpose. There were no particular hunting-grounds peculiar to, or the sole property of, certain families or bands. Of course each band had their usual hunting-places, naturally those parts of the country nearest to their respective homes: but Indians from other villages, or other divisions of the tribe, frequently hunted in each other’s hunt- ing-grounds without being considered intruders: and sometimes hunting-parties representing two or three tribal divisions would hunt over the summer hunting- grounds of another division without rousing any feelings of resentment. The fol- lowing is an instance: Formerly, about the end of each April, a large number of members of the Lytton band, sometimes upward of two hundred, crossed the mountains by way of Thompson Siding, and went down into the Upper Nicola Valley, where they hunted elk, and fished trout, often going as far as Douglas and Fish Lakes, returning home when the service-berries were ripening around Lytton, and when it was time to repair to the root-digging grounds at Botani. Other smaller bands used to go up about April, and lived with the Spences Bridge band, fishing with them at their spring-fishing place near Spences Bridge, or going with them to their lakes, where they fished trout. These parties also returned to Lytton about the same time as the Nicola party.

The hunting-territory seems to have been considered the common property of the whole tribe. Among the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands any member of the Shuswap or Okanagon tribes who was related to them by blood was allowed full access to their hunting-grounds, the same as one of themselves ; but members of one division of the tribe were not allowed to build deer-fences in the territory of another division. If, however, a person who was not related to a Thompson Indian were caught hunting, trapping, or gathering bark or roots, within the recognized limits of the tribal territory, he was liable to forfeit his life. The only exceptions to the above rule were salmon-fishing stations, and places in the mountains where fences were erected for catching deer. These places, but only

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for fishing and trapping purposes, were looked upon as the property of the indi- vidual who built the station or maintained the fence. The erection of another fence in the same pass, in proximity to the first, would materially affect the chances of capturing deer by it. Eyries of the golden eagle were also owned by individuals or families.

Thé berrying and root-digging grounds were also common property. Among the Upper Thompsons an old woman, chosen by the others or acting voluntarily, watched the larger and more important berry-patches, to see that no one picked the berries until they were ripe. When they were fit to pick, she sent word to the other women; and whoever wished picked the berries until the season was over. This custom has gone out of use. Women of one village could pick in the berry- patches of another as long as they did so at the proper season.

Botani Valley, situated in the mountains, some ten miles from Spences Bridge, and about fifteen miles from Lytton, has been from time immemorial a gathering-place for the upper divisions of the tribe, chiefly for root-digging during the months of Mayand June. Sometimes over a thousand Indians, representing all the divisions of the tribe, would gather there. The Lower Thompsons even permitted the Coast Indians to gather berries on their territory. Each division had, besides, its separate and recognized camping-ground.

Deer-fences, fishing-stations, and eagle’s eyries were inherited by all the male children, the eldest having the right of dividing, and taking his choice. If he was a hunter, he generally took the deer-fence, leaving the fishing-station to his next or some other brother who might be a fisherman, and wzce versa. Sometimes these places were used by all the sons in common, until some of them died, the survivor claiming all, and his sons inheriting from him. If a man died without sons, the nearest male relatives took his hunting-places. If the deceased had no near male relatives, his daughters and sons-in-law inherited the property. If a widow had children, she inherited the lodge of her deceased husband, and it be- longed to her and her children. The widow or female children inherited all the kettles, baskets, cooking utensils, and some of the blankets or robes. Males always inherited canoes and all fishing, hunting, and trapping utensils; Those dogs of the deceased that were not killed became the property of the male children. The horses were divided among all the children, both male and female; the former, however, taking twice as many as the latter, or at least having the first choice. Daughters were supposed by some to inherit a deceased father’s horses in preference to all male relatives, excepting their brothers.

A number of regulations determined the distribution of game killed by hunt- ing-parties. The brisket and the skin were considered the share of the man who shot the deer, while the rest of the animal was equally divided among the other hunters, as was also the fat from the intestines. If a strange hunter, not one of the party, arrived on the scene when Indians were butchering a deer, he was ac- corded some share of the meat. Among the upper portion of the tribe, large game of all kinds was invariably divided among the members of hunting-parties.

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A man belonging to a certain village, who shot several deer while hunting alone, distributed part of his spoils among his friends, not only because it was the recognized custom, but to show his liberality and regard for his friends, and that he might be treated likewise.

The Spences Bridge hunter brought the game to his own house, and gener- ally went around and distributed the meat himself. Among the Nicola band the _ hunter brought the deer within a short distance of the village. Then he would say to people who were poor, or indifferent hunters or fishermen, “I left some meat in the mountains for you ;” or, “I left some sinew in the mountains, which you may look for;” or, “I left one or two skins in the mountains. Go and look for them.” He would then describe the place where he left the meat, and they would go and get it. By so doing he would be applauded for his hunting qualities and for his liberality.

Among the Lower Thompsons, when a hunting-party was ready to return home, the hunting-chief took all the fat, meat, and skins, and divided them almost equally among the party. The best hunters were allowed a skin or two, or a lit- tle more fat than the others. When a man hunted alone, and was lucky enough to kill a number of animals, or more than he could carry, he took only a little of the meat home. Then he invited as many friends as he wished to help him carry home the meat, and they skinned and cut up the animals. When they had finished, the hunter divided all equally among them, giving any person such por- tions as he desired, so long as it was not unfair to the others. If aman who was hunting alone killed one deer or goat, and carried all of it home himself, no per- son had a right to claim any of the meat, although he generally gave portions to his friends and neighbors, so that he might be treated in like manner by them, in the event of their shooting game. Skins and meat of animals which a man trapped belonged entirely to himself.

The division of labor has been incidentally mentioned on p. 182. The In- dians consider hunting the most honorable occupation, and among the Upper Thompsons hunters looked with pity, not unmixed with scorn, on fishermen. Lads who had shown themselves skilful in hunting were called “ grown,” in the sense that they had attained manhood ; whereas others, although adults, were not called “ grown up” unless they had so distinguished themselves in hunting or war.

It was considered the man’s duty to hunt, to trap, to fish, to snare, to fight, to make all the tools and weapons, to fell trees, to instruct and advise his children, especially his sons, to help look after the horses, to look after the hunting-dogs, to be energetic, to protect his wife, and to beat her if she were lazy, or admonish her, ete.

Married women had to do almost all the work of the house. Some men, however, helped their wives in the tanning of buckskin, putting-up of lodges, etc., and often manufactured articles for them, such as root-diggers, etc. It was con- sidered the woman’s duty to gather and carry all firewood ; erect the lodges, keep them clean inside, and light the fire; gather and carry brush for beds, etc. ; make

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all kinds of mats, baskets, sacks, and bags, as well as all clothing, including moccasins; wash and cook; dig and cure or cook roots, and gather and cure ber- ries ; help to clean and dry fish, to carry meat or game shot, and to look after the horses; dress all skins for clothing, etc. ; fetch water ; look after and nurse the children ; and educate her daughters to be diligent in their work, and faithful and obedient to their husbands; etc.

Nowadays chiefs are elected by a vote of the people, no doubt influenced by the priest or the Indian agent, and remain as such so long as they acquit them- selves honorably, or the people are pleased with them. These chiefs look after the ecclesiastical affairs of the band, and are the preachers and spokesmen of the tribe. They also take charge of all matters connected with the reserves, and settle in council all petty disputes and minor affairs among the Indians.

Frstivats. — The Indians have always been fond of gathering for feasting and talking, as they are at the present day. Feasts of all kinds took place in the winter, when the Indians were in their winter houses. Many feasts were simply social gatherings, where one family who had a large supply of food invited the neighboring families to partake of their abundance and spend a day or so in feasting and conversation. This kind of feast showed the good will and liberality of the donor. eS

Another feast of the Upper Thompsons was that where a family or group of families decided to visit a friend in either the same or a néar-by village. Gener- ally a woman, but sometimes a lad, was sent ahead to announce the intended visit. This messenger would rush suddenly into the house of the friend, and, after shout- ing “ Ntcixa'nk!” would as suddenly disappear. Sometimes the messenger wore two suits of clothes; one suit, which was removed on entering to deliver the message, being intended as a present to the friend. The latter then made ready for their reception. His neighbors and friends assisted him by contributing food for the prospective feast. The principal food prepared was a dish composed of roots, berries, moss, etc., to which deer-fat was added, many kettlefuls of which were cooked. Besides this, there were venison, fish, roots, and berries. On their arrival, the guests were treated to the various dishes, and their stay lasted for from two to three days. The night before their departure they gave presents to those who had assisted their host in preparing the feast. The person giving the presents danced and made a short speech with each gift. There was no exchange of presents between the guests and the host, nor were the former obliged to give a return feast at a later date. .

Another custom of the Upper Thompsons was the following : A man who wanted to make a social visit to the house of another went to the latter's winter house, and let down through the top or hole, by means of a rope, a bundle of food. While doing so, he said in a loud voice, “I am letting down.” He was then invited to enter, and was feasted on a small scale. The present of food which he brought with him was given to his host in lieu of the food which he ate. This custom, as well as the preceding one, has become obsolete within the last ~

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few years. The two last-mentioned customs did not prevail among the Lower Thompsons.

_ Another social custom was as follows: A kettle bedecked with feathers and strings, and witha lighted slow-match of cedar-bark attached to it, was filled with food. With this, and several bundles of clothes, skins, and food, three or four men repaired to a friend’s winter house just about bedtime. Lowering the kettle with the attached burning slow-match by means of a long string, they swung it vio- lently around inside of the house. At the same time they began to sing. As soon as the people within tried to catch the kettle, those outside drew it up, and con- tinued lowering it, swinging it, and pulling it up, until it was at last caught by the people inside. Then those outside threw in the bundles of food, clothes, etc., and those inside scrambled forthem. Afterward the people of the house visited those who had given the presents, and treated them similarly. Formerly a stone was used instead of the kettle. It was painted with bright colors, or sometimes only with red, and decorated with feathers, strings, and slow-match of cedar, which, when lighted and swung around, looked like a fiery ball.

About fifty. years ago or more, according to the Indians, the giving of “ pot- latches,” a custom previously unknown to them, came into vogue among the

_Upper Thompsons, while the Lower Thompsons had adopted the custom even earlier than that. A chief, so called on account of his wealth, gathered a large number of people at his house, and, after feasting them on horse-flesh, distributed humerous presents among them, thereby gaining a great name for liberality and wealth. Cixpé’/ntlem, a chief who died about eight years ago, was famous for often giving this kind of potlatch. It is said that he was able to give one every two or three years on a very large scale, and that either he or his father was the originator of the custom. The giver of the presents distributed at these pot- latches neither received nor expected any return presents. Before the custom of the potlatch was known, only a man who was possessed of much wealth gave feasts to his friends, keeping an open house, while two or three of his wives were employed most of the time in cooking. If a stranger came along, he was invited in, and on departing was given some small present, thereby spreading the fame of his entertainer.

The potlatch as described was succeeded about thirty years ago by the pot- latch of the present day, which, among the Thompsons, is a small and local affair compared to that of the Coast tribes; in fact, I doubt if there is much similarity between them. The Indians state that the custom was at its height about ten or

fifteen years ago, since which time it has been on the wane ; nevertheless, seldom does an autumn or winter pass without some man or woman of the tribe giving a potlatch. Any one can give a potlatch who is possessed of sufficient wealth to do so. The potlatches of the present day are mostly given by one individual to another of the same tribe, to one who is considered wealthy, and likely to give a return potlatch at some future day. Sometimes, however, they are given toa mem- ber of anothertribe? This kind of feast is perhaps best described by an illustration.

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We will suppose that O. has determined to give a potlatch to S. O.sendsa messenger to S. to announce his intention. The messenger, mounted on a horse with good saddle and bridle, and with some tobacco rolled up in a new pair of blankets tied to the saddle, arrives at the home of S. and delivers his message, adding : ‘‘ These presents are from O. to you as a surety of the truth of my mes- sage, and he awaits your coming in a few days. The tobacco is for your friends to smoke.” He then delivers the horse and all the articles attached to it to S. The messenger often wears two suits of clothes. In such case, he divests himself of the outer one, and presents it-to S. as a gift from his master; but sometimes it is the custom for the young men to attack him, and take the clothes off without ceremony. S. then invites his friends to accompany him. Each of them gives him presents of more or less value. Then he mounts his host’s messenger on another horse, attaching an exact equivalent of the articles received, and gives him another suit to put on over his ordinary clothes. This is a return pres- ent to his master. S. and the rest start on horseback for O.’s house. They take with them two or three pack-horses loaded with presents, and other horses, also intended as presents. On the morning of the day on which the guests are to arrive at O.’s house, the messenger leaves them, and hurries to his master to tell him that the guests will arrive that afternoon. At the same time he delivers the — return present of the horse with the attached articles, saying, “‘ These are surety of S.’s speedy arrival.” Young men and women are then’ sent out to meet the guests, and to treat them to refreshments or a meal on the road, which they are supposed to need after their journey. In the afternoon the guests appear. Drawing up in line some distance off, they beat their drum to give notice of their arrival, and commence to sing. A man, called the “speaker,” is then sent out to invite them to take possession of the long, half-open lodge (see p. 196) which has been prepared for their accommodation. There they are met and welcomed by their host, or the host’s speaker, who makes a speech to his chief guest, S. This compliment is returned by the latter making many flattering remarks to his host. Supper is then spread for the guests on rows. of large table-mats, around which fifty or more individuals squat at a time. After the meal is over, O. and his friends also partake of supper. Huge log-fires are then lighted between the long lodge of the guests and that occupied by the host and his friends. A present of tobacco is then made by O. to his guests for them to smoke, after which S.’s speaker gives away the presents which S. has received from his friends. With each present he makes an oration, and occasionally causes much laughter by alluding to the article in a jocular style; or, holding it up before all the people, he says, “This is from S. to O., because he has seen him.” The host’s speaker repeats his words, and then the article is handed over. These presents, though nominally given to O., are really intended for O.’s friends who have given him presents. Between the giving of presents, the donating party generally extem- porize a song, accompanying it with the beating of drums and dancing. Some- times the principal of the donating party dances to the accompaniment of drum

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 299

and song. Any person of the opposite side who praises the dancer is entitled to a present. The chief or best singers sit in a circle round the drummer or leader of the songs.

The next night O. gives presents in the same manner. The first of these are given to S.’s friends, and are about equal in value to those received by O.’s friends the night before. In this way the friends of each party are requited for the presents which they have given to their respective leaders. The principal presents are then given to S. by O., which ends the potlatch. These latter pres- ents are generally repaid the next year, when S. invites O. and his friends to a return potlatch. On the morrow the remaining food is divided among all present, as are also the cups, plates, knives, spoons, mats, etc., which were used during the feast. The articles principally interchanged as presents are horses and blan- kets, money, guns, clothes, and food.

The drums used at these and other ceremonies of which dancing or singing forms part are similar to the tambourine, but larger, and are covered with fawn- skin. They are frequently painted red, in patterns (Fig. 315, a), with deer-hoofs attached round the sides or in a bunch underneath, to make a rattling noise. They are beaten by the hand or a short stick. The drumsticks often have a padded end, the handle being ornamented with feathers (Fig. 315, 6). Many of the singers keep time by beating one stick against another, or on the ground, or on a piece of board. At such feasts it was formerly considered necessary for the host, in order to preserve his good name, to supply the company with fresh meat. Accordingly large numbers of horses were killed and eaten. Within the last twelve years, however, cattle have been slaughtered instead, or a party of hunters have gone into the mountains beforehand to obtain venison for the company. Sometimes a man would offer a present to the person who sang the best song, He himself was generally the judge ; but sometimes it was decided by vote of the people assembled. Both men and women competed. Some accompanied their singing with a drum. Nowadays the present is generally five dollars in cash. Any kind of song may be sung, and in any language.

Another custom which still obtains, is that of one individual giving presents to another, either as a mark of good will or as a sign of recognition. This is particularly the case between friends or blood relations living at some distance from each other. It is also often done when one meets a distant relative or friend for the first time, especially if he visits one’s house. In every case an exact equivalent as a return present is expected at some future date. Every Indian is welcome at another's house to eat a meal without any charge, even if he be an enemy ; and as long as one has a morsel to eat, he will share it with his friends,

When the winter provisions of a person were exhausted, he was sometimes compelled to go begging. This was done in the following manner: he put on a dogskin blanket and rolled dogskins around his legs. He wore a mask made of birch-bark, with holes for the eyes, and with whiskers made of horsehair or other hair glued on to it. The whole mask, or part of it, was painted black. He

300 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

entered the underground house, carrying a staff in his hand and a basket on his back, and went up to the fire and warmed himself. Such a person was much dreaded by children. After a little while he began to dance, grunting. The people put some presents of food into his basket, and he left the lodge.

The Thompson Indians, at least the upper division, have smoked from time immemorial. Their substitute for tobacco was a plant, a genuine wild tobacco (Nicotiana attenuata Torr.), which grew in the warmest valleys. The leaves were gathered, dried, and greased, and when used were broken up and mixed with bearberry-leaves, which had first-been dried or roasted over a fire. This wild tobacco is now almost altogether replaced by the tobacco of the whites, of which most members of. the tribe are very fond, though hardly any of them will smoke it alone, preferring to mix it with bearberry-leaves. Among the upper division of the tribe the women smoke equally as much as the men. Two or three generations ago, however, women seldom or never smoked. Smoking was looked upon as the privilege solely of the men. Only such women smoked as laid claim to being strong in “ medicine.”

The pipes formerly used, as also many of those of the present day, were made almost altogether of stone, generally with high narrow bowls and long stems (Figs. 271-275). Two kinds of stone are used,—a soapstone of dark-greenish color, and slightly transparent (Fig. 272); the other apparently a soft slate, which, when rubbed with grease and smoked a while, turns a rich glossy.black. Sometimes pipes are made of sandstone (Fig. 276) or of white clay. Sagebrush- root and buck’s horn (Fig. 277) are also used. The stone pipes are frequently carved, and the carving filled in with melted lead or German silver. Formerly red paint was used. The stone pipe shown in Fig. 277 has a bowl of peculiar form. Maple-wood is preferred for making the stems, which are rather thick, and from five or six inches to a foot and a half in length. Some of the old pipes had bowls carved into figures representing heads of animals, birds, and men, while some had a narrow carved ridge extending down the front of the bowl. Others had a square piece at the bottom of the bowl, through which a hole was bored for the attachment of a string connecting it with the stem, and on which were often strung beads, etc. Shamans’ pipes (see Fig. 306), were often decorated with eagle-feathers. These, and also the pipes smoked at gatherings or councils, were of a much larger size than the ordinary ones. Besides these pipes of their own manufacture, catlinite pipes were bartered from the tribes to the southeast, and pipe tomahawks were obtained from the same source and from the Hudson Bay Company.

Sometimes pipes with double bowls were used. Tubular pipes such as de- scribed by Harlan I. Smith as found in Lytton and in Kamloops (Part III, p.155) are remembered by old Indians to have been in use, although they were not so common as the ordinary pipes. One was seen in use in eastern Washington as late as 1896. F

The custom of passing the pipe around among all the men in a circle is still

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 301

Fig. 273. Fig. 274.

Fig. 275. Fig. 276.

Fig. 277.

Figs. 27x (xo8x), 272 (x880), 273 (zk 8x), 274 (xb8z), 275 (zd$u), 276 (atS5 A), 277 (abn). Pipes. Fig. 276, 3 nat. size; others, } nat. size.

302 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

practised to some extent. This is done before making speeches or discussing business transactions. The pipe was passed around, and is yet, among a group of friends while a person is speaking. Especially is this so at gatherings ; and it is also customary, when a man or a woman meets a friend with whom he or she wishes to converse, for them to sit down together, and for one of the parties to fill the pipe and smoke it with the friend, alternately taking a few whiffs. In these cases the pipe is passed round the company in the direction of the sun’s course. All this is looked upon as a sign of good will. If the pipe is passed in a direction opposite to that of the sun’s course, it is a sign of displeasure, anger, or evil wishes, as is also the case if a man tear his shirt or some other part of his clothes. If this be done while talking or quarrelling with a person, it means that the latter is considered an enemy.

XI.—BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, AND DEATH.

PREGNANCY. — Whena newly married woman was with child for the first time, both she and her husband had to go through certain ceremonies similar to the _ puberty ceremonies (p. 311); otherwise many evil consequences might result. The couple had to bathe often in cold water, and to sweat-bathe. While bathing, the woman prayed, “ May I have no trouble and give birth to my child easily !” or, “ May I have no trouble when I am giving birth! I rely on thee, Dawn of the Day. Pity me!” The man had to go out hunting many times; and both had to pray much to the Dawn of the Day, and sometimes to the Water, The spring at which a woman who was with child, or her husband, had drunk or washed, was liable to run dry or to decrease in volume, to avoid which, the Indians put a stone into the water.

Many restrictions were placed upon a woman with child, such as the follow- ing: she was not allowed to touch with her hand or to eat the flesh of the porcupine, or anything killed by an eagle or hawk, since, if she ate of them, it was said that her child would resemble them in form, feature, or habits. If she ate flesh of the hare, the child would have a harelip. She must not eat the flesh of a lynx or a dog on account of the part played by those animals in mythological traditions, nor of the marmot or certain kinds of trout. She was not allowed to eat anything her husband was restricted from eating. She must not eat black- bear flesh; for if she did, she would have no more children. There were no re- strictions regarding a pregnant woman eating game which had been shot through certain bones or parts of the body. She must not eat food of which a mouse, a rat, or a dog had eaten part; for if she did, she would have a premature birth. If she met or saw a snake, she had to turn and walk away in the opposite direc- tion. If she stepped on the tracks of a wolf or otter, her child would be still-born

or die shortly after birth, and her children ever afterward would die in infancy. In such case she had to repair to a shaman who had the otter or wolf for his guardian spirit, and after he had treated her, her children would not die. She must not look on when a corpse was being prepared for burial; if she did, the navel-string would become twisted around the child, like the string tied around the corpse. She was not allowed to smoke. She was permitted to eat the roasted flesh of the weasel or fisher ; and, if their entire skins were stretched and hung up above the head of her bed, her child would be good-looking, like those animals.

Besides the restrictions above mentioned, if pregnant for the first time, she was not allowed to touch salmon with her hands, or to eat salmon-heads, nor must she put aside food to eat at another time. If any food were left over after eating, she must give it to another person. All this was done that she might have an easy birth. She must not scratch herself, because it would leave marks. She had to do up her hair in the style used by girls reaching puberty. Some people observed these latter restrictions before the birth of the second child also. If a

[303]

304 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

pregnant woman felt something small moving backward and forward inside of her belly, she knew she would have a male child. This feeling was said to be caused by the child’s penis. Then the father made a miniature bow and arrows, and, shortly after the child’s birth, placed them in his hands, saying, ‘‘ Here are your bow and arrows. Become acquainted with them, and may you use them well in after-years!”

The following restrictions were placed on the husband of a pregnant woman: He must not hunt the black or grisly bear, nor eat their meat, else the child would dissolve or cease to exist in the mother’s womb, or would be still-born ; neither must he eat or hunt porcupine and hare. Hunting and eating willow- grouse or fool-hen were also forbidden, that the child might not be foolish. He must not hunt or eat squirrel, else the child would cry much when young. He must not hunt or snare otter, wolf, coyote, marten, and badger. He must not eat the flesh of lynx or dog. He must not kill snakes of any kind; should he do so, the child would resemble a dead person or ghost. He may hunt deer, weasel, and fisher; but if his wife were pregnant for the first time, he must not eat the meat of deer he had killed until after it had been dead one day; if he did, he would see no more game. He must not walk in the tracks of a wounded deer, because he might have bad luck afterward in hunting. .

Birtu. — Among the upper division of the tribe, a woman, when giving birth to a child, lay on her side, with her head and shoulders somewhat elevated, and took hold of a rope placed there for that purpose. Many women had recourse to the services of an elderly woman experienced in such matters; but others never accepted help of any kind, or only that of their husband, or of such women as were in the house. Elderly women who acted as midwives generally received a deerskin blanket for their work. The midwife did not require any purification afterward, beyond washing her hands.

The afterbirth was taken away and hung up on the branch of a tree, that no dog or snake might touch it. If it were touched by either, the woman would have no more children. It was not supposed to kill the tree. Among the Lower Thompsons it was buried near water. If a woman had a premature birth or a miscarriage, the afterbirth was thrown into the river, or occasionally it was buried in wet ground. Any blood lost was buried. The navel-string, after being cut with an ordinary knife, was tied up. It was generally cut the length of the outside joint of the first finger (about an inch), tied with something soft, as hair of a squirrel or hare, and smeared with black-pine gum. It is said that some people, and more especially the Lower Thompsons, did not tie the string at all, but simply smeared it with tree-gum and the pollen of the tule. Immediately after the birth occurred, the father went outside and fired an arrow into the air; if this were not done, it was said that the child’s navel would swell, Atthe present day a shot is fired from a guninstead. The piece of the infant’s navel-string outside of the ligature, after dropping off, was sewed up by the mother in a piece of buckskin which was embroidered with hair, quills, or beads. It was then tied to the broad

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 305

buckskin band that extended round the head of the cradle on the outside, Numerous thongs depended from it, to which were attached fawn’s hoofs, large glass beads, and bone beads, some of each on every thong. These made a jin- gling noise when the cradle was moved. Sleigh-bells are now often used for this purpose. If this piece of the infant’s navel-string could not be found after it had dropped off, or if it were lost, it was looked upon as a calamity, as it was believed that the child would in after-years become foolish, would do foolish, bad things, or would be lost while hunting or travelling.

Indian women, even at the present day, almost invariably give birth to children with the greatest ease. Very often they are walking around, attending . to their duties, two or three hours before the birth takes place, and again a few hours afterward. If a woman has a hard delivery, her husband goes to the water and bathes. He must dive or plunge once so that his whole body is covered. Then he runs to his house nude, with the exception of his breech-cloth, and walks or runs around it four times, following the sun’s course. Then he enters, and stands at his wife’s head. After this she will give birth to the child quickly.

Immediately after giving birth to the child, the mother js given a hot drink made by boiling branches of service-berry or of another berry bush. Among the Lower Thompsons, a decoction made from cedar is drunk instead. Before delivery, if there is much pain, the midwife rubs the abdomen with her hand, and gives the woman warm water to drink. Should a woman about to give birth to a child send word to all the people, she would have a harder birth. It is said that the child shrinks back when aware of the presence of people, or when it hears a noise, but comes forward again when all is quiet.

Abortion was rarely practised, and was effected by the drinking of medicine, Newly born babes were sometimes, but very rarely, summarily disposed of by strangling or drowning, but women who did so were thought very severely of, and publicly reprimanded.

For a period of six weeks after child-birth, the mother had to wash herself each morning in the water of some creek. She also drank an herb tea: and her husband separated from her until her washing period was over. The period of purification and separation was formerly three or fourmonths. At the present day one month is generally considered a sufficient length of time to purify and to exercise restraint. For four days after confinement the woman did not go near the fire, especially when people were cooking food; and when passing near it, a mat was placed between her and the fire. A woman at that period was not allowed to cook. ,

Immediately after birth, the child was well washed with the hand, in warm water in which spruce-bark, balsam-bark, etc., had been boiled. Tamarack-bark was also used for this purpose, as the child who was washed in such water was said to become strong in after-years. Sometimes shortly after this the child was smeared with a mixture of black-pine pitch and deer-fat. This was said to make it quiet, and to cause it never to cry or to be peevish.

306 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

CuitpHoop. — When a few days old, the Indian baby is placed in its cradle, or rather its carrier. Among the Upper Thompsons these carriers are mostly made of one piece of birch- bark, the sides turned up and cme sewed together at each end, Ss Formerly many of these Fig. 278 (gs). Conduit for Cradle of Female Infant, birch-bark carriers were cov- ered with buckskin. To the sides were sewed buckskin flaps for hold- ing the baby in while being carried. These were fastened together by a buckskin lacing. Near the top, reaching over from side to side, was a hoop to keep the blanket or cloth off the baby’s face, and to give it breathing-space when it was neces- sary to cover it over. To this hoop were attached trinkets in the shape of bells, beads, etc., to attract the 2 child’s attention. In the bottom end was a wooden or birch-bark conduit to carry off the moisture of the infant. Figs. 280 and 278 show the forms of conduit used respectively for male and female children. The carrier of the Lower Thompsons, though of

; the same shape as those just described, was made of coiled basketry (Fig. 279), and decorated on that side which is visible when the cradle hangs on the back. ~ ikegethoce made of birch-bark, it also had a conduit. The Up- per Fraser band used car- \ riers similar to those of y the Lower Thompsons, and made of spruce-root.

i f/ if Oy, \ The Lower Thompsons \ Vata [>

Md Nip Us \ sometimes made cradles ‘ec ee “of the hide of the black

Fig. 280 (738). Birch-bark Cradle. bear, hie hair side inward. All these cradles were carried by means of the ordinary packing-line, the ends of which were fastened round the cradle, allowing it to lie horizontally

Fig. 279 (z3$z). Cradle of Lower Thompsons. °

C ee

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 307

across the back. Some birch carriers had packing-lines made of a very wide piece of double buckskin, often embroidered, sewed to the buckskin covering, The covering itself, and the flaps which held the child, were also often highly ornamented. Fig. 280 represents a baby-carrier of the Spences Bridge band, made of two pieces of bark sewed together with Indian-hemp thread. A hoop of maple-wood forms the edge, to which the bark is sewed. It is further strengthened by strips of bark fastened inside. The edge is covered with doe- skin, and fringe of the same material hangs around the outside. It is carried by a strap of doeskin that is attached to the cradle. The hoop is made of maple- wood. Its position can be adjusted by means of buckskin strings, and it may be folded back over the head. Outside, at the head end, is attached a bunch of rat- tling deer-hoofs. The cover, which is not shown in the drawing, is made of fawn- skin.

A few of the Thompson Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge, and most of the Nicola Valley Indians, used a different kind of carrier. With these the child was put into a thick buckskin sack, only a place for its face being left open. The sack was tightened in front by a buckskin lacing. The carrier was a flat piece of board the length and breadth of the infant, with a hoop near the head, as on the birch-bark carrier. To the sides of the board were fastened strong buckskin flaps, which, after the baby was put on the board, were lapped over its body from the head downward, and drawn tight with a buckskin lacing. Two holes, for the attachment of the packing-line, were made in the side of the board, near the upper end (Fig. 281, 2). When carried, these cradles hung down the mother’s back ; and when riding, they were often hung from the pommel of the saddle ; but, if the mother were working, they were suspended from the branch ofatree. Sometimes the top of the board hada handle by which it was suspended, in place of the two lateral holes (Fig. 281, 4).

Fig. 281, @ (z3$z), Cradle of Nicola Band; 4, Handles of Cradles.

The blanket in which the baby was wrapped was made of softened fawn-skin with the hair on; and for greater softness the bottoms of the birch-bark carriers were strewn with grass, small fir-twigs, sagebrush bark or branches, over which

308 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

were laid skins, such as those of the hare, squirrel, fawn, coyote, etc., and, among the Upper Fraser band, of the dog. The Lower Thompsons laid softened cedar- bark in the cradle.

By some, branches of wild currant were put in the bottom of the carrier, which were believed to quiet the child. Others placed there the dried tail and lower part of the backbone of the silver:salmon, so that the child should not urinate often. The carriers here described are the only ones in use at the present day.

The Thompson Indians, like the other interior tribes, never compressed or deformed their children’s heads in any manner, and looked with derision on the custom. A few of the Lower Thompsons, who had married women from the coast, permitted them to deform the heads of their children. Moss was put between the feet of the infant, or they were bandaged with buckskin to give them the proper shape. Shortly after birth their noses were pulled, — generally by the midwife, but sometimes by father or mother,—to prevent them from developing into “ pug” noses. At the same time the midwife opened the child’s eyes wide by pulling the upper eyelid up and the lower down, in order that the child should have nice, round, open eyes. All parts of the body were pulled or rubbed by the father or mother, so that the limbs, etc., should be well formed. | According to the manner in which the features were pulled and shaped after birth, would the child, on reaching maturity, be pretty or ugly. |

When the child could walk, it was allowed to run around naked, or nearly so; but girls wore a breech-cloth or a robe, this being the only wearing apparel until they reached the age of puberty. Up to this time they had no thought or care, being allowed to play or do almost as they liked. Only two restrictions were laid on them: they were made to rise early, and wash frequently in cold water, and were not permitted to play after sunset or to make too much noise. Children were often scared into quietness by being told, “The Owl will come and take you, and will put you into his basket, which contains snakes or crawling insects, and will then fly away with you.” Young children at the present day are generally very much afraid of the owl." When a child lost its teeth, each one, as it fell out, was taken by the father and stuck into a piece of raw deer-flesh until out of sight. This was then given to a dog, who of course swallowed it whole. I cannot obtain any reason for this custom.

The custom of giving children to friends to bring up was formerly prevalent. If a child died, sometimes a friend of the parents who had many children would give them one of his, a few years of age, to take the place of the dead child; and they were expected to rear it until it reached the age of maturity. If a married couple had no children, and were thought highly of by the other people, a friend or relative who had many children gave them one of his, that they might not be lonely. Many of these children, when grown up, preferred to live with their foster-parents rather than with their real parents. Barren women desirous of

1 See Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, p. 63.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 309

having children ate a roasted mouse of a certain species. Buck’s penis was sometimes eaten by women, that they might bear male children,

: When a mother went up the high mountains to dig roots, etc., taking her baby there for the first time, the first evening after reaching her digging-ground she would break a branch from a tree, and hang her child in its carrier on

the broken limb. She painted her whole face, and sometimes the top of her head, red, and danced there before the infant, sometimes all night. She put her hands close together, as if holding something, blew in them, and ran off some distance ; then, opening them, she made the motion of throwing away something, This was symbolic of taking disease or evil from the infant, and throwing it far away. She prayed constantly to the spirits of the place, or to the mountains themselves, asking that her child might never be sick, and that, if it were ever bewitched, and no shaman were near to help, nevertheless it might not die, or that she herself might have power to defeat the evil, She also addressed the spirits of the mountains on her own behalf, kneeling down, spitting on her hands, and rubbing her body upward over the front to the face, then over the top of the head backward, meanwhile Praying that she might be delivered from all disease or trouble, that she might never be hurt in body, or be bewitched, and that, if sick, she might get well soon.

When the child had outgrown the cradle, the latter was suspended from the branch of a tree some distance from the village, never to be used again.

The first-born and the second-born child of a family were considered to be heavier of foot than the other children of the family. They were also believed to be unlucky, especially in hunting. The youngest child of a family was consid- ered the luckiest. On the birth of a child, the father generally gave a feast to the neighbors. At this feast sometimes an old man or woman would ask to have the child placed in his or her arms, and, holding the child for a while, would bless it. To the one blessing the child, the father would make a present of a skin. Only parents who had been married by the ceremonies described on

_p. 322 gave birth feasts,

In the winter-time, children of both sexes had to pass through an ordeal called “whipping the children.” This ceremony was generally performed twice a year, while the Indians were all living in their winter houses. An elderly man cut some long thin switches, generally from a service-berry bush. These he tied together at one end, making a formidable whip. He then went to the hole of the winter house and struck it four times with his whip. The children inside then knew what was going to happen, and many of them would hide in terror. The man then came down the ladder, and held up the switches, saying, “ Who will pick my berries?” If the people inside wished to save the children from going through the ordeal, some woman would arise, take up her basket, and commence to dance opposite the man, pretending to pick berries off the stick into her basket, and often at the same time singing a song. The man, being then satisfied, went: out and threw away the switches. Sometimes the people set the children an

310 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

example of courage and endurance under pain. They refused to dance and pick the berries off the switches, and instead one of them pulled off his shirt, stepped up to the man, and held up his clasped hands and arms straight above his head. The man then struck this substitute for the children four times across the middle of the back with the supple switches, each time harder than the preceding. Then the man, being satisfied, went outside and threw away the whip. If, however, the people of the house wanted the children to be put through the ordeal, none of them would volunteer to “pick berries” or to take athrashing. Then the flogger commanded the children to come forward one by one, and to pick berries. Each boy and girl of about the age of eight years and upward then went forward one at a time, danced, sang, and went through the motion of picking berries into a basket. If all did this, then the flogger went away; but if any refused, either through fear or bashfulness, or in order to show their courage, they had to come forward, and were struck four times over the bare back. Sometimes a lad asked for and took more than four lashes. If he stood up without flinching until all the switches were broken in lashing him, he was presented with the stumps and told to go and wash: he had done a great feat. Often his whole body was covered with blood. That winter house was exempt from the ordeal for a considerable time. Girls and boys were subject to this ordeal until married, or until they had © distinguished themselves in some way. A boy who was not bashful, but went up and met the flogger as he came into the house, made a speech to him, and, hold- ing out his hands, blessed him, was generally exempt from the flogging. The remains of the whip were always thrown into the river. After going through the ceremony, all the children were sent to wash in cold water.

The morning after the performance of the ordeal, the old man who gave the thrashing invited toa feast all the people of that winter house, and the children in particular. It was said that if the flogger struck the children with the same whip that he had used on a woman, the evil influences from the latter would be transferred to the children. One reason given by the Indians for this custom was to help the children overcome their bashfulness, to make them courageous, and capable of enduring great pain without fear or flinching. The Indians also say that this ceremony was performed to find out the character of the boys. A boy who at once stepped forward, threw up his arms, and took his flogging, would be a good warrior. It was also believed that those who had undergone the flogging, if shot or hurt in battle, would recover quickly. Within the last fifteen years the custom has gone out of use.

Twins. — A woman about to be delivered of twins was generally made aware of the fact beforehand by the repeated appearance of the grisly bear in her dreams ; therefore twins were regarded as different from other children, and were treated accordingly. They were called “ grisly-bear children” or “hairy feet.” Immedi- ately after their birth, the father put on a head-band and went outside, walking round the house in a circle, striking the ground with a fir-bough, and singing the grisly-bear song. ‘These children were supposed to be under the special protection

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of the grisly bear, and were endowed by him with special powers. Among these was the power of creating good or bad weather. Twins were supposed to be unable to see a grisly bear. The grisly was not looked upon as the real father of the children, but only as their protector. When twins were born, if it were possible, a young man was selected by the father to sing when they first cried. Such a man had several duties to perform. It was considered a privilege to be thus singled out, as such a person was thought to become proficient in the mystery of the grisly bear, and obtained him for his guardian spirit. He became unable to see the grisly bear, who always kept out of his way. This man wore a head- band, generally of the bark of Lleagnus argentea Pursh., into which were stuck eagle or hawk feathers. He painted his whole face red, and held a fir-branch in each hand. If the twins were male and female, he held a male fir-branch in the right hand, and a female fir-branch in the left! As soon as the children began to cry, he went four times around them, following the sun’s course, at the same time singing the grisly-bear song, and striking the children with the branches, — the female with the one in the left hand, and the male with the one in the right hand. He always took care to strike the elder first, The parents, during the ceremony, had their faces painted red. The grisly-bear painting was a picture of a bear's paw in red on each cheek. The impression of a man’s hand in red was used to represent a bear in facial paintings. Instead of their father, the singer some- times staid with the twins during the entire period of separation of the parents, and took them under his special care, washing them and singing over them. He, as well as the parents, constantly kept two fir-branches, corresponding to the sex of the twins, near their pillows. The mother always took care to suckle the elder first. If she should not do this, one of the twins would die. After the birth of twins, the parents moved some distance away from the other people, and lived in a lodge made of fir-boughs and bark, and continued to live there until the chil- dren were about four years of age. During all this time the twins were taken great care of, being bathed, washed with fir twigs or boughs dipped in water, and not allowed to come in contact with other people. While this washing process was going on, the father described circles around them with fir-boughs, at the same time singing the grisly-bear song. A male passing by a lodge in which twin children resided, always whistled. When wishing to see some of the inmates, he called them by whistling from a distance, but he did not enter,

_ Puserty. — A great many ceremonies were performed at the time when boys and girls reached puberty, the object of most of which was to make the young people healthy, and successful in that particular walk of life to which they might devote themselves.

_.. Puberty of Girls. — A girl, on attaining puberty, was at once separated from all the other people. Sometimes parents, when one of their daughters reached

\Tt is not quite clear what the Indians call male and female plants. It seems that on the whole the size of flower and branch determines the supposed sex of the plant. The male branches of coniferous trees are called by the Indians female,

312 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

this age, would move into the wilder parts of the mountains to give her a better opportunity to perform the required ceremonies. A conical hut of fir branches and bark was erected at some little distance from the other houses, and during the daytime the girl was made to squat on her heels inside of it. A circular hole, so deep ‘that its top was even with the girl’s shoulder-blade when she squatted, was often dug inside the hut, and in this she had to sit. The location of this hut away from the other houses was to prevent the smoke of the lodges from blowing down on the girl, as it was believed to make her unlucky or sick. On the first indications, and on-each succeeding morning during her first men- struation, her face was painted red all over. Her hair was done up in two knots, one behind each ear (Fig. 208). Into one of these knots an implement for scratch- ing her skin, made of deer-bone (Fig. 282), was often stuck. She was wrapped in a heavy blanket, which covered her body from top to m toe. This blanket was generally put on over

her clothes, and fastened round the waist with

a sash or string, and at the breast with a wooden pin or button. Formerly a heavy skin — robe was worn instead. She was then made to run as fast as possible to some goal, gen- erally twice going and ‘twice returning, until she sweated profusely. The first night of her separation the girl was made to repair to some prominent place in the mountains, such as a peak or the top of a hill. Here she gathered a quantity of fir-wood, preferably wood which was black or which had been burned at some former time. This she piled around the foot of a tree near the top of the hill, and set fire to it. Then she spit four times into the fire, pray- Fig. 282 a (a¥#a), 6 (xdfs)- Scratchers, and Znat.size. ing to it that she might never suffer hunger. She next danced around the fire and its em- bers, singing and praying until daybreak. This custom was confined to the Upper Thompsons. Among the Lower Thompsons she carried a staff for one night. About daybreak she leaned it against the stump of a tree, and prayed to the Day-dawn that she might be blessed with a good husband, which was symbol- ized by the staff. Among both the Upper and Lower Thompsons she had to run as fast as she could, praying at the same time to the Earth or Nature that she might be fleet of foot and tireless of limb. She split small fir-trees in two from top to bottom, so that she might be strong of muscle and body. Somewhat larger ones she bent over or twisted around, sometimes tying the ends of the trees into knots. The trees thus treated were from three to five feet high. She dug trenches, that she might be capable of doing a large amount of

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 313

digging and other hard work. The trenches were from twenty to thirty yards in length, and generally shallow. Others were short and deep. They were near some trail, and parallel to it, always on the lower side of the trail. The excavated dirt was thrown on the lower side of the ditch. This was believed to shorten the duration of her monthly periods. She planted at each end of the trench a single fir-branch or the stick with which she had dug Sometimes she planted her root-digger there, or deposited a single smooth stone, on which she painted pictures ; or she placed two or three unpainted small stones at each end. Sometimes the pebbles that the girl let drop out from under her dress when running were used for this purpose (see Pp. 314). She also wiped her eyes and her face with small fir-branches, that she might be good-looking, and never become blind or have sore eyes. After the ceremony the fir-branches were hung on the branches of a tree. These ceremonies were repeated for four nights or mornings in succession, four times each morn- ing, and each time she supplicated the Dawn of the Day. She also wandered some nights to lonely parts of the mountains, where she would dance, imploring the spirits to pity and protect her during her future life. Then she would lie down and sleep at these places.

The first four days and nights she did not wash. She had to fast, but was allowed a little water. Her drinking-water was kept in a birch- bark cup painted red. For the first four days a new cup was given her each day, which was thrown away at night. Her mouth must not touch the surface of the water: therefore she Eig. 283 (sf). drank through a tube (Fig. 283) made from 2™t-size. ing-tubes'with'Ho the leg of a crane, a swan, or a goose. Sometimes the tube had holes in it, So that it could also be used as a whistle (Fig. 284). The tubes used by the Lower Thompsons never had such holes. ~

During the first four days she wore a rough head-dress of conical shape, made of small fir-branches, usually four, tied tightly at their lower ends and again loosely about halfway down. The branches that covered the back were longer than those in front. They were tied loosely in front so as to leave an opening for the face. These branches were worn on the head like a hat, and reached below the breasts. Many also wore sleeveless shirts or tunics made of fir-branches woven or tied together. When the girl repaired to her bathing-place in

Fig. 284, a (aB7x), 3 Gdts). Drink- i les. § nat, size.

314 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

the early morning, she took off this head-dress, and placed it on the top of four different tree-stumps, one after another, each time praying to the Dawn, that, in like manner as she was liberal and crowned these stumps, even so might she be liberal to her friends, if she were granted riches. Moreover, she asked that her friends might be equally liberal toward her, and return her presents, etc., freely and abundantly. The crowning of stumps was rarely practised by the Lower Thompsons. .

Another morning ceremony was to run four times, carrying two small stones obtained from underneath the water. These were put into her bosom ; and as the girl ran, they passed down between her bare body and her clothes, falling to the ground. As she ran, she prayed to the Dawn that it might come to pass, that, when she should be with child, she might be delivered as easily as she had been delivered of these two stones.

After the first four days, during the rest of the period of isolation, she was allowed to eat, to wash, to lie down, and to comb her hair. She was sparingly fed by her parents or guardians. Part of the first four scanty meals had to be buried in the earth beneath where the girl sat, or, more generally, at the crossing of two trails, or at both places. This was done in order that for the remainder of her life she should never want for a little food or drink.

She had to repair to the water, preferably to a spring. She carried four stones in her bosom, which, on reaching water, she took out and spat on, throwing them one at a time into the water, praying at the same time that all disease might leave her as these stones did. Here she washed and bathed herself, drawing a small fir-branch — among the Lower Thompsons sometimes a hemlock-branch — over each part of her body four times, at the same time praying to the Dawn that every part of her body might be free from disease or pain in future years. Hav- ing finished washing, she stood up and addressed the Dawn thus: “If it should

. happen that my body be afflicted with sick- ness, may it leave me. as easily as this fir- branch does!” at the last words tossing the branch away from her, between her legs, and backward. :In washing, she never touched her body with her hands, but used a brush made of fir-boughs tied together, which she dipped into the water as required. She gen- erally sat in the water while washing.

Now she was also allowed to take off the heavy robe, which, however, she con- tinued to wear when sleeping, and when walking from the lodge to her washing- place. After the first four days some girls put on aprons of buckskin reaching to their knees. On them were pictures painted with red paint.

Fig. 285 a, 4 (g4$z a, 4). Girls’ Combs. } nat. size.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. os

For combing, the girl used a four or five pronged comb, that her periods of menstruation might never be prolonged over that number of days (Fig, 285). On the fifth morning she received a new birch-bark cup, which she kept during the rest of the period of isolation. She continued to drink through her tube. Should she drink from a stream or spring without using her tube, the spring would dry up. Each morning, on reaching the water where she washed, she sucked four mouthfuls through the tube, and spat out each. Afterwards she could drink through the tube. To make her body pure, the girl tied together around the middle and one end four needles of the yellow pine, and, when washing, she stuck their sharp ends into the flesh of her armpits until it bled. At the same time she prayed that her armpits and the skin of her body might never become noxious, but always smell sweet. For this purpose, pads of wild strawberry-leaves were worn under the armpits by some. Some used to spit four times on the top of a fir-twig held in the hand, at the same time praying to the Dawn that they might never have a foul breath. Girls were also in the habit of repairing to places where the yellow pine grew, and at break of day they rubbed their bodies, hands, and heads against the trunks of these trees. At the same time they prayed to the Dawn for deliverance from all sickness and evil influences during their lifetime. The girl, when carrying home the fir or (among the Lower Thompsons) hemlock branches with which she strewed the floor of her hut each morning, had to stroke her back and head with a branch, praying that those members might never get tired when carrying heavy burdens. She also stroked her legs and feet, that they might never get tired when travelling long distances. She did the same to her moccasin-strings, that they might never break. Moreover, she made moc- casins of sunflower-leaves and grass, and prayed that her real moccasins, even when thin and frail like these, might not wear out or burst when travelling. She often set up sticks and fir-branches near the crossings of trails. . The girl was always expected to be back in her hut at sunrise. During the

day she often busied herself by picking one needle at a time off two large fir- branches suspended from the roof of her hut for that purpose. While thus engaged, she prayed that she might never be lazy, but always quick and active at work, The prayer was generally addressed to the fir-branch. During her period of training, she had to make miniatures of every article which women were in the habit of making, so that in after-years she might be capable of making those articles properly,— baskets of root and birch-bark, mats of different kinds, rope, thread, etc. Four large fir-branches were placed in front of the girl’s hut, a little distance apart, leaving room to step once between each two, so that when she went out or in, she had to step over them. These branches were renewed each morning, the old ones being taken away and thrown into the creek, the girl praying, ‘‘May I never bewitch any man, nor my fellow-women! may it never happen!” The first four times that the girl happened to go out or in, she addressed the branches, saying, “If ever I step into trouble or difficulties,

316 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

or step unknowingly inside the magical spell of some person, may you help me, O Fir-branches, with your power!” .

After eating, the girl was not allowed to wipe her mouth with her hand, as hair would grow around her mouth: she used for this purpose a bunch of cedar- bark or sagebrush-bark, which she kept hanging by a string around her neck. To this string were also often attached her comb, her scratcher, and her drinking- tube.

Each day she painted her face afresh, and she wore strings of parts of deer- hoofs around her ankles and knées, and attached to her waistband on each side of her body, which made a rattling noise when she walked or ran. Shortly before finishing her period of training, she repaired at night to the trench she had previously dug, and erected two poles several feet in length, one at each end, or four poles, one at each corner of the trench, and suspended from them all the miniature articles she had made during her training period.

Other customs were as follows : some of the first menstrual fluid was preserved by the girl, and tied up ina rag. It was afterward taken to the top of some lofty ridge, deposited in the windiest spot which was devoid of vegetation, and there burned by the girl, who prayed that she might never be troubled with prolonged | periods of menstruation.

If the girl was short, and wanted to be taller, her lodge was made very high ; she took hold of one of the lodge poles with both hands, at the same time standing up and addressing the Dawn. Then she put her palms together, with the tips of the middle fingers almost touching her mouth, and, taking a mouthful of water, she blew it four times through her tube over the tops of her fingers, each time beseeching the Dawn to make her taller. If she considered herself tall enough, her lodge was made very low, sometimes so low that she had no room to stand erect ; she put the palm of her hand on the top of her head, and prayed to the Dawn that she might not grow any taller. If she thought she was too fat, when washing in the stream or spring she put both her hands together in the shape of a bowl, and, filling them full of water, lifted them to her mouth, then blew the water out of her hands over the fingers, and implored the Dawn to make her thinner. If a girl was afraid she might have large feet, she spat on them at break of day, and, rubbing the toes with her hands, prayed to the Dawn that her feet might be small, or that they might not grow any larger. In her lodge she frequently washed her face and head with a decoction of the stems and flowers of wild flax (Linum perenne L.), or with a decoction of the tops of young yellow pines. This was said to give her a fair complexion, smooth skin, and an abundant head of hair.

She picked lice out of her head, and dropped them into the hollow stem of a species of Eyuzsetum. This she did on each of four days; then she repaired to — a stream, and, placing the reed with its cargo in the current, allowed it to float away down stream. Meanwhile she prayed to the Day-dawn that in after-years she might be free from lice on her head or body. ;

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, oF

She made a record of her offerings, and the ceremonies she had passed through, by painting pictures of them with red paint on bowlders and on small

‘Stones placed at the ends of her trenches, This was believed to insure long life.

The pictures were generally all of the same character, and consisted of fir-branches, cross-trails, lodges, mats, men, etc., and were put on toward the end of her period

of training (Plate XIX). She painted pictures of men, symbolic of her future

husband. Children were forbidden to go near her hut or to converse with her, as they might get sick if they did.

After being isolated for four months, she was allowed to live with the other people. She had to help her mother with cooking, sewing, other household work, root-digging, etc. She washed herself morning and evening. Her dress is described on p. 217.

The Indians say that long ago the period of isolation extended over a year instead of four months, and that fourteen days elapsed before the girl was allowed to wash for the first time. In rare instances the girls sweat-bathed toward the end of their training period, if that period extended to six months or a year. They used a sweat-house constructed of four wands or of four fir-branches, which were covered over, of course; and they used four stones for heating the house.

This was done by girls who wished to be shamans or to become wise.

The hut in which the girl had lived during her sequestration was allowed to remain as it was until it fell down. The four branches over which she had stepped were thrown into the water. The dress which she had worn was taken to a hilltop and burned, and the rest of her clothes were hung up in trees.

The girl, during the training period, was allowed to eat any kind of roots or vegetables, also dried salmon and trout. She must not eat fresh salmon or trout, nor grouse or other birds until the day after they had been killed; she must not eat deer or other quadrupeds, either fresh or dried; nor berries until a month after the first ones were ripe: else she would be liable to sickness or to be bewitched. A young woman should never eat bear-meat ; if she did, she would have no children. A man who had a maturing daughter should not hunt or trap for about a month, as he would be unsuccessful. He should cut off the head of the first grouse he snared, take out its eyes, and place two small roots of Zygadenus elegans Pursh. in its orbits, and another in its mouth. It was then

hung above or near his pillow. If this were not done, he would not be able to

snare any more grouse or other small game. - Other hunters would not give any deer-meat to the father of a maturing girl, and he generally did not give any to other hunters.

Puberty of Boys.— The ceremonies which boys had to perform depended upon their aspirations. Those who desired to become great hunters had to prac- tise hunting and shooting in a ceremonial way. Those who desired to be warriors prayed to the Sun to give them their wish, and performed mimic battles. The

would-be gambler danced, and played with gambling-sticks. Only warriors prayed to the Sun. The others prayed to the Dawn of the Day. If a boy wanted to

318 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

develop into an extraordinary man, the ceremonial isolation and practice were extended over years, which he spent alone with his guardian spirit in the moun- tains, fasting, sweating, and praying, until he gained the desired knowledge. Boys painted their faces afresh each day, according to their dreams, and did not let any person see the painted design until after they had obtained their protectors ; therefore when they returned home, after their excursion in the mountains, they wore no face-paint. Adolescent boys commenced their regular training when they dreamed for the first time of an arrow, a canoe, ora woman. This happened generally between the ages of twelve and sixteen years. They were then made to run races, with their bows and arrows in their hands, until they sweated, when they were sent to wash in cold water. This was done four times on each of four successive days. During these days their faces were painted red all over, and they had to wear a head- band of cedar or other bark (Fig. 286), or sometimes of deer or other skin with hair on. The band was © often narrow and twisted. They also wore deer-hoof ornaments round their ankles and knées, and used a tube for drinking through, and a bone to scratch their heads) They wore aprons on which were painted designs symbolizing their future occupations (see Fig. 302).

On the night of the first day they had to repair to a mountain-top and light a fire, and dance and sing there — all night. The next three nights they repaired to the same mountain-top, or some other near by, where they spent the night dancing, singing, and praying to the Dawn of the Day, also firing arrows at targets in the early morning. They lighted the fire and prayed, that they might live long and always be healthy. The fire was also intended, it is said, as a signal to all the world that they had at- tained puberty. They then left their homes at intervals, and went to the lonely parts of the mountains, where they remained for from two to ten days at a time. If the weather were good, they generally staid away a month or two at a time, living on what game they shot. The first. time they returned to the mountains, they had to stay four days and nights, during which they were supposed to fast. Some staid eight days. For two days they did not drink.

When at home, they ate sparingly and kept away from the fire, bathing morning and evening in the nearest creek. On repairing to the mountains, they took along a water-basket and a fire-drill, also a mat. There they fasted

Fig. 286 (<4%s). Boy’s Head-band.

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sometimes for many days. They also purged themselves with medicine, made themselves vomit by running a thin pliable stick, or four small sticks tied together, down their throats, and purified themselves by means of the sweat-bath and by washing in cold water. This last, however, was not done until the second sojourn in the mountains, or about ten or more days after the beginning of the ceremonies, The door of the sweat-lodge always faced the east, and was made of four sticks thickly interwoven with fir-branches, being movable in one piece, and made to fit the doorway. There was no rule as to the number of stones used to heat the sweat-lodge : many used eight, and some only four. The youths often struck their bodies with nettles while sweat-bathing. When the stones cooled off, they took them in their arms and ran with them, throwing them in front of them one after another, and praying that all disease and all laziness might leave them as these stones did. While in the sweat-lodge they prayed and sang, addressing the spirit of sweat-bathing, and asking to be made physically strong, agile, wise, brave, lucky, and wealthy, good hunters, trappers, and fishermen, etc.; also that they might never be bewitched, nor sick, poor, lazy, easily tired, etc. They addressed the spirit of sweat-bathing as “The Sweat-bathing Grandfather Chief.” After sweat-bathing, they rubbed on their faces and under their armpits withered sun- flower-leaves which had been pounded up, fine silt or mud sediment gathered off stones which had been deposited on the river-beach by the summer floods, or the white dusty covering on bark of cottonwood-trees. This they did that hair might not grow on their faces, nor their armpits smell bad. Four times they filled their mouths with water, and gargled their throats, that they might have a sweet breath. They rolled themselves, naked, in the dew; or washed their bodies with branches covered with dew. They did not paint quite as much after marriage as before. Some men were told by their spirit to paint either the left or right side, or to decorate their clothing in a certain manner, which they always did. They also went through a system of gymnastics, jumping over sticks or bars placed between trees, logs, etc. ; ran up and down hills as swiftly as possible, and _ without stopping ; and took long runs or walks until fatigued, sometimes shoot- ing at objects along their path as they ran. All the time they prayed that they might be made swift of foot, and strong of limb and lungs. They also practised shoot- ing at marks with bows and arrows, and also shooting in the dark, or in moonlight and at daybreak. They set upa deer’s humerus horizontally on astick. The bone was cut crosswise, and the open end was placed toward the marksman. Some- times immediately above this bone were suspended three additional marks, in the form of miniature figures of deer made of deerskin stuffed with grass. They were hung by strings from a branch, one above another. These represented a buck, a doe, anda fawn. The first-named had antlers, and was hung uppermost ; the doe, in the middle; and the fawn, underneath. After dark each night, or in moonlight, for four successive nights, they fired four arrows at these targets from a distance of about thirty yards, then went up to the objects to see if they had hit them, If’ they had missed them, they went away and ran for about a

320 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

mile, then came back and fired four arrows at them again. If they were still unsuccessful, they continued shooting and running all night, and at daylight retired to their sweat-baths, where they sweated, and prayed to be made good marksmen. If a lad did not hit these marks during the first four nights, he would be a very indifferent hunter; if he hit two of them, he would become a fairly good hunter; if he hit all of them, he would be a great hunter; if he hit the buck, he would shoot more bucks than other deer; and so on. If he hit the bone, he would be a good marksman, and hit animals in vital places. If he gave the first squirrel, or chipmunk, or grouse he shot, to some old person to eat, he would be lucky and shoot more. ;

He made round holes in rocks or in bowlders with a jadeite adze, which was heldin the hand. Every night he worked at these until the holes were two or three inches deep. When making them he prayed, “May I have strength of arm; may my arm never get tired—from thee, O Stone!” This was believed to make the arm tireless and the hand dextrous in making stone implements of any kind.

When repairing to certain peaks and lonely places in the mountains, some youths set up a stone, danced and sang around it, and finally fired an arrow at it. If the stone moved or cried out, it was a sign that their efforts to become great hunters had been crowned with success.

The ceremonial rites continued until the lad dreaméd of some animal or bird. These particular animals or birds then became his protectors or guardian spirits for life, and to them he afterward prayed. Besides helping him, and pro- tecting him from danger, they also became mediums, imparting to him power and magic, also knowledge concerning the world of the living and that of the dead. They furnished him with a song, with which he called them up. Some Indians had only one protector, while others had many; but of these usually one was chief. After receiving a guardian spirit, they painted their faces with designs symbolic of this spirit, often suggested by their dreams. They also decorated their clothing in accordance with instructions received fromthe guardian spirit, The lads then ~ set out with bows and arrows to hunt the subject of their dreams. Having shot it, they took off the skin, which they preserved entire.

Sometimes a boy would have dreams similar to those of his father, or at least about the same guardian spirit. Sometimes his father would give him a piece of the skin or a feather of his own guardian spirit to take with him into the mountains. This was supposed to help him. Often the boy dreamed about _ it, and it thus became one of his guardian spirits. Fathers would sometimes ask their sons about their dreams, would interpret them, and would give advice in regard to them. j

Many Indians carried about with them wherever they went a bag into which they put the skin of their guardian spirit. This bag was made of the entire skin of some bird or animal which was one of the ‘guardian spirits of the person. Others preferred taking a part of the feathers or skin, and wearing it around their

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 321

person, especially tied to their hair. It has been mentioned before (p. 219) that ponchos, neck-bands, etc., were made of the skins of guardian spirits,

Boys at the period of adolescence did not go near the lodge of a menstruat- ing woman ; should they do so, they would bleed at the nose. Asa rule, they did not touch the winter-house ladder with their hands, because women defiled it -

\with theirs; but if they did, they had to wash their hands afterward. Youths when at home never washed in close proximity to married people. If a youth should enter a sweat-house where a married couple were or had been sweat-bath- ing together, he would become a poor man. :

_ A young man while training did not drink the brew, or water in which deer or other flesh had been boiled, as it would make him heavy-footed. He did not eat berries or roots, or any food prepared by women. He ate only deer and other animal meat, but especially the former, either fresh or dried, grouse and other birds, and fresh or dried salmon or trout. He always ate alone. Lads painted records, which were pictures representing their ceremonies and their dreams, on bowlders, or oftener on cliffs, especially in wild spots, like cafions, near waterfalls, etc. These were generally pictures of animals, birds, fishes, arrows, fir-branches, lakes, sun, thunder, etc. Figures of women symbolized their future wives. It was believed that the making of rock-paintings insured long life.

The perforations for nose-ornaments and ear-rings were generally made about the time of puberty or after the ceremonial training. At the present day a few females have their ears bored when infants. Tattooing was also done at

‘about the same time. This applied to both males and females. nate ~ Almost all the customs connected with the puberty of males have fallen into disuse. They are practised by a very few in a much modified form, Those per- taining to the puberty of females are still maintained to a great extent ; but some of the old rites have also become somewhat modified either in their observance or in their form, Sweat-bathing is still very commonly indulged in, especially _by men, but principally for sanitary purposes. The practice of having a cold bath after each steam-bath, as among the Shuswap and the Okanagon, is

maintained.

The custom of a man or a woman dressing and behaving like a member of the opposite sex, which is so frequent among the Coast tribes, did not prevail among the Thompsons. Only two people at Spuzzum were known to do so, but they were more closely related to the Coast tribes than to the Thompsons, and spent the greater part of their lives at Yale. ~-

Marriace. — Girls were often betrothed while mere infants to men some- times twenty years their senior. They were considered marriageable only after they had finished the ceremonies attendant upon reaching the age of puberty. This was approximately in the seventeenth or eighteenth year, but sometimes the ceremonies were continued until the twenty-third year. Most of the men married from three to seven years after finishing the puberty ceremonials, and it may be said that most of them married between the ages of twenty-two and twenty-five

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years. In most cases the husband was about five years older than the wife; but it was by no means a rare occurrence for a girl of twenty years to marry a man of forty or fifty years. In these cases, however, the man was almost always a widower or already married. Young men very seldom married women much older than themselves, except in cases where a younger brother had to take his older brother’s widow. At the present day men and women marry at the age of about twenty and eighteen years respectively. Marriages between young girls and old men are much rarer than they used to be, while young men quite frequently marry middle-aged women.

One of the modes of marriage considered the most honorable was that called “to place down,” probably having reference to the laying-down of presents before the parents or relatives of the girl sought in marriage. A young man who desired a girl for his wife sent a relative or some person, generally middle-aged, to the girl’s parents to lay his intentions before them. This messenger took with him the presents which the young man proposed to give to the parents. After stating the object of his visit, he placed the gifts before them. The parents took them, and, after laying them aside, told the messenger that they would consider the matter. A meeting of the girl’s nearest kin was then called, and the subject. of the proposed marriage discussed. If all agreed in thinking the young mana suitable person, the girl was asked if she liked him. If she assented, which she generally did, not caring to go against the wishes of her relatives, the messenger was informed of it, and the suitor was invited to the house of the parents of the intended bride. Offers of marriage were often made at gatherings or public assemblies. The young man, or, if he was bashful, some man appointed by his parents, proclaimed before all the people that the suitor made an offer of marriage to a certain girl, the “daughter of So-and-So,” and that these were the presents, at the same time throwing them down, or, if a horse, leading it out. As in the preceding case, if the offer was refused, the presents were returned; but if the proposal was accepted, the presents were retained. Although nominally given to the parents of the girl, they were never retained or used by them, but were divided among the girl’s blood relatives. Among the Lower Thompsons, wealthy people, if pleased with the new son-in-law, returned the marriage presents to him. This custom, however, was exceptional, and may have been introduced from the Coast tribes. It was only done by some of the rich. Sometimes a part of the presents only was returned.

In another form of marriage, equally honorable and probably the commonest, the girl’s family took the initiative. The parents of the girl, having singled out some young man who they thought would make a good husband to their daughter, approached him or his parents. If favorably received, they betrothed their daughter to the young man, who was to come for his bride at some future date, the time for their meeting being also arranged. They were then looked upon as-man and wife, both parties being thus bound inviolably. In both these forms of marriage the ceremonies did not end here. The young man, when invited,

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did not at once repair to the bride’s house to claim her, but generally waited several days, until told by his parents to do so. He then went to claim his bride, staying at her parents’ house several days. Then he took her to his father’s house, where she was well treated, and not allowed to do any work. After a few days or weeks, or even a month or more, the young man’s father called the neighbors _ together, and informed them of his intention to conduct the newly married couple back to the house of the bride’s father on a certain date. His friends and neighbors then gave the bridegroom’s father presents of food or other articles, On the day mentioned the people assembled. The father presented his son with a new suit of clothes, and the mother presented her daughter-in-law with a similar gift, and these in both cases were immediately put on over the other clothes. When the food and presents had been gathered together, the company started, carrying them ; or if they had plenty of horses, the horse carried the gifts,. and the party was mounted. The bride and bridegroom were mounted on two of the best steeds, generally a present to the former from her father-in-law. On arriving at the house of the bride’s father, they gave him their presents of food, which was immediately cooked, and a feast spread for friends and neighbors. After that the bride’s father prepared a large feast for his guests. When all the feasting was at an end, the newly married pair divested themselves of their new clothes, and gave them to the bride’s parents, who in their turn gave them to some of the bride’s kin. The presents were given by the guests nominally to the ‘parents of the bride, but in reality to the friends of the parents, among whom they were divided. Another feast was given in the morning, and then the party returned home, leaving the bride and bridegroom with the relatives of the former. After a while these friends paid a return visit in the same manner, conducting the newly married couple back to the parents of the bridegroom. Feasts and presents were given in the same manner as on the former occasion, the presents being divided among the friends of the bridegroom’s father to repay them for the pres- ents given by them to the latter. Suits of clothing were given, as on the former _ oceasion ; and the married couple, on starting, were mounted on horses presented to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. On the return of the party, the couple were left with the relatives of the young man’s father. Here the marriage cere- monies ended, the couple living with or visiting their respective parents afterward, just as they felt inclined. Sometimes, if a man’s son had set his heart on a girl who belonged to another tribal division, and lived a considerable distance away, the father rolled up the presents, and carried them himself to the house of the girl’s parents, and there put them down, saying, “I have come to seek from you a daughter-in-law.” If his son’s suit was accepted, then he went back next morning, taking his new daughter-in-law with him. Another form of marriage was that contracted by a man touching a girl’s _ person, Even if he touched her accidentally, he was compelled to marry her. A man who touched the naked breasts or heel of a maiden transformed her at once into his wife, and there was no retraction for either party, so that henceforth

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they lived together as man and wife. If a young man intentionally touched a young woman with his arrow, it was the same as asking her to become his wife. If she hung down her head, it was taken as an assent. The girl told her parents that So-and-So had asked her to marry him, and she wished to do so. Two days afterward the young man repaired to her house, and if the people called him “son-in-law,” and treated him well, he knew that he was accepted. The man who cut or loosed one string of the lacing which covered a maiden’s breast, cut her breech-cloth, or lay down beside her, had to marry her; and she at once became his recognized wife without further ceremony. Sometimes a young man would repair to the house of his sweetheart after every one had gone to bed. He knew where she slept. He would quietly lie down beside her on the edge of her blanket. Sometimes she would give an alarm, and he would have to run out, but often she would ask who he was. If she did not care for him, she told him to leave, or struck him; but if she liked him, she said no more. He lay this way on top of her blanket, she underneath, neither of them talking, till near daybreak ; then he crept noiselessly away, just whispering to her ‘Good-by.” He would come and do likewise for three nights more. On the fourth and last night |she would put her arm and hand outside the blanket. ‘This was a sure sign that he was accepted, therefore he took her hand in his. From that moment they were man and wife. On the next morning the girl would say to her parents, ‘‘ So-and- So comes to me. He touched my hand last night.” Then-her father would tell the young man’s people, while her mother would prepare a small feast. The young man and his parents would repair to the house of the girl’s parents, and the young man would henceforth live with his wife. Sometimes, if the girl’s parents gave no feast, the lad’s parents did; then the girl’s father took her to his house, and she lived with her husband and his people. In this, as in all forms of marriage by touching, as a rule lo presents were given, nor were the ceremonial visits made, ;

The opportunities most commonly offered to touch girls were either in the religious dances (see p. 353) or when the girls\returned from washing themselves. In the former case, any young man who wished a certain girl to be his wife ran forward and touched her on the breasts or on the heel; in the latter, the young man generally ran up and embraced the girl, or put his hand on her naked breast if possible. The young women also had the privilege of touching the young men, which they generally did on either the head or the arm. A man, however, was not compelled to take to wife the girl who had touched him, although he usually did so. Some girls who touched a man and were not accepted felt greatly ashamed, and committed suicide.

Parents who refused all offers of marriage to their daughter, and who watched her too closely to let any of her suitors get a chance to touch her, sometimes had the mortification of finding that the girl had eloped; even if she were brought back by the father, he could only deliver her up to the young man, as custom declared them already married. If a man took a girl away by force, it was

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different; but this very seldom happened, and even elopements were rare. Young women hindered by their relatives from marrying the man they desired, or made to marry some one they did not like, have been known to commit suicide.

The custom of marriage by “touching” has long been out of use; but the other forms of marriage still obtain, although they are not so common as the recently introduced methods of marriage through the chief or by the priest, as among the whites.

The young people appear before the chief, stating that they wish to live together as man and wife. The chief then calls a meeting of the people, including the parents or guardians and the friends of the couple, and declares before the assembly the object of the gathering. The relatives are then asked their opinion ; and if all approve, the couple, after shaking hands with each other and receiving from the chief some good advice on future behavior, etc., are considered married. Presents are sometimes given to the bride’s parents. The company then shake hands with the couple, and disperse. If either of the couple wishes afterward to separate from the other, the chief calls a public meeting to hear the complaints, and, if sufficient reasons are forthcoming, publicly declares them separated ; but this is generally a last resource.

There were formerly no restrictions regarding marriage, owing to the fact that there were no hereditary ranks and classes. There seems, however, to have been an inclination, on the part of those who were wealthier, more successful, or more industrious, and so more distinguished, than others, to marry their children to other wealthy people. The warrior preferred to marry his child to that of another warrior equally as distinguished as himself: the hunter, to marry his child to the child of another hunter, or of some enterprising and industrious person, rather than to the child of a fisherman. The Lower Thompsons favored marriages between members of different villages. Cousins were forbidden to _marry, because they were of one blood, similar to sister and brother; and the union of distant blood relations was discountenanced. Even if second-cousins married, they were laughed at and talked about. If a man resides with his wife’s people for a year, and makes his home mostly among them, he is considered a member of that tribe or band. The same is the case with a woman who lives among her husband’s people.

_ If a man’s wife died, he was expected to seek another wife among the sisters or relatives of the deceased wife. A woman, on the death of her husband, became the property of her deceased husband’s nearest male kin, generally of the brother next in seniority. The right of a man to the widow of his deceased brother was incontestable, and the widow had equal right to demand from him the privileges of a husband, and he was bound to support her children. This custom still continues to some extent. If a man took to wife the sister-in-law of a man without his consent, he was generally killed by the wronged individual, and often the woman shared the same fate.

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Constancy in woman was highly valued, and was expected by a husband of his wife. When a woman committed adultery for the first time, or was thought to have done so, her husband cut off one braid of her hair close to the head. This made her a mark of ridicule to all the tribe, and she was greatly ashamed. If she did so again, her paramour was generally shot by the husband, and she herself either killed or divorced.

Polygamy flourished, very many men having from two to four wives, some- times all sisters, and not a few having as many as seven or eight; yet there were a large number of men who had.only one wife. Fora man to have several wives was indicative of wealth. Very few men of the tribe have now more than one wife.

A newly married couple, although sleeping under the same robe, were not supposed to have connubial connection until from two to seven nights— generally four nights — after coming together. The young wife slept with her husband, but still wore her maiden’s breech-cloth. At last, having had connection with her husband, she arose before daybreak and repaired to the water, where she washed herself and spent the day in seclusion. Before leaving in the morning, she left her breech-cloth near her bed, and in a place where it could be seen. Her mother, who was on the watch for this, at once picked it up, and then went to her cache to procure provisions, which she cooked. Then she called all her friends and neighbors to a feast, which lasted all day. She said to them, ‘“ Our son-in-law is now indeed married, he has a wife;” or, ‘‘ Our daughter is now an old person.” The breech-cloth, which was of thick buckskin, was given to some old woman to sole her moccasins with. The young wife returned home after sunset, and never afterward wore a breech-cloth.

CUSTOMS REGARDING WoMEN.— Every woman of the tribe had to isolate herself from the rest of the people during every recurring period of menstruation, and live at some little distance, in a small brush or bark lodge constructed for that purpose. At these times she was considered unclean, had to use cooking and eating utensils of her own, and was supplied with food by some other woman. If she smoked out of a pipe other than her own, it would ever afterward be hot to smoke. Before being again admitted among the people, she had to change all her clothes, and wash several times in clear water. The clothes worn during her isolation were hung up in a tree, to be used next time, or to be washed. For one day after coming back among the people, she did not cook food. Should a man eat food cooked by a woman at such times, he made himself incapable of hunting, and liable to sickness or even death.

To eat in company with, to have any intercourse with, or even to wear clothes or moccasins made or patched by, a woman during her periods of menstruation, would give the hunter bad luck, and also cause bears, if they smelt him, to attack him fiercely. Women never passed in front of the head of a dead deer, mountain- sheep, or bear, since, for this indignity, these animals might throw sickness on the woman herself, or cast a spell on the weapons of the hunter who had killed the animal. Women were not supposed at any time to eat the head of a deer or any

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other large animal ; for it was the most wonderful, and almost considered the spiritual, part of an animal. The heart and kidneys were looked upon in about the same sense ; moreover, the mouth of a woman might become twisted if she should eat the head of a deer, A’ woman while menstruating did not eat venison or flesh of other large game, as those animals might be displeased, and she have an increase of her menstrual flow.

In pitching lodges, the doors were always so placed that women going for water did not have to pass by the part of the lodge where the people’s heads were when they slept. The doors were generally toward the watering-places.

The women accompanying a hunting-party were forbidden to smoke while the men were out hunting, as they would kill no game should the women do so. Some men forbade the women in camp to eat until sunset, or until the hunters arrived.

Should a womaz, especially one who was menstruating, cross in front of a gun, the latter was useless for war or for the chase. The owner of the gun washed it at once in “ medicine,” or struck the woman with it once on each prin- cipal part of the body, thereby breaking the spell. The same prohibition applied to other weapons of the chase or war.

When the father of an adolescent girl began to hunt, he often had difficulty in killing deer. Then he took a piece of wood from a tree which had been struck by lightning, and, after splitting it up fine, soaked the pieces in water over night. Next morning he filled the barrel of his gun with the water in which the wood had been soaked. The gun was allowed to stand over night, and next morning the barrel was emptied out near the head of his bed. Sometimes the wood itself was also placed for two nights near his pillow. This was thought to break the spell, and afterward he always shot deer or other game.

Buriat Customs or tHE Upper Tuompsons, — Immediately after the death of a person, the body was placed on a temporary platform outside the house, and covered. At the same time the position of the ladder of the underground house was changed, generally in such a way that the ladder rested on the north side of the entrance-hole. It was not restored to its former position until after the body had been removed. The body was taken off the ladder towards the west side. The death was at once announced through a messenger to neighbors and friends, who gathered at the house of the deceased, and were the guests of his relatives till after the burial, when they returned home. During this time they must not sleep, else their souls would be drawn away by the ghost of the deceased or by his guardian spirit. After the death of a woman, the provisions which she had put up the preceding season were immediately spread before the people, who were asked to partake of them. Whatever was left after this feast was at once burned outside the lodge. Those who had taken part in the feast went outside, and made themselves vomit by running slender twigs down their throats. Before, and sometimes after burial, the relatives and friends of the deceased, especially women, gave vent to their grief by improvising a mourning song.

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The burial took place generally on the day after the death. Nobody was allowed to eat, drink, or smoke in the open air after sunset (others say after dusk) before the burial, else the ghost would harm them. Formerly the corpse was never washed, no ‘‘ medicine” was put on it, and the face was not painted, except sometimes in the case of warriors. “The hair was generally left loose, never braided. The ordinary wearing-apparel was left on the body, which was tied up with bark twine, the knees being bent up so.as to meet the chin. It was then rolled up in skin robes or mats, and buried in a sitting posture, facing the east, or laid on its left side, the face toward the south. The hole dug for its reception was circular and shallow.

Sandy or loose soil was preferred as a grave-site, owing to the fact that it was easier to dig. If a burial took place in the winter, and the ground was frozen, fires were lighted to thaw it out. The tool used in digging was the ordinary root- digger made of service-berry wood. Pieces of narrow boards and ordinary baskets were also used to remove the dirt. Before the body was interred, the grave was swept out four times with a fir or rosebush branch in a direction following the sun’s course, to drive away evil influences. The branch was then thrown away toward the west. The bottom and sides’of graves were generally lined with grass, but occasionally birch-bark was used instead.

Some of the property of the deceased was either buried in the grave or hung up near it. The objects usually put in the grave were weapons (arrow-heads, arrow-stones, etc.), tools (fire-drill, stone hammer, horn chisel), personal orna- ments, and the “ medicine-bag”’ or guardian spirit of the deceased. Pieces of birch-bark were sometimes placed in the grave. Weapons, after being broken or otherwise damaged, were also sometimes hung up on a tree near by, or hung inside the conical tent, if such covered the grave, being tied to one of the poles or to the top of the tent. Occasionally some of his clothes and fishing utensils were also hung up. The deer-fence of a deceased person was generally burned, a new one being erected by his heir in the same place. Snares were burned with the deceased, or hung near the grave. Only.a son strong in “ medicine” would ever take possession of his deceased father’s medicine-bag, weapons, ete. If the deceased had dogs, one or more of them were killed, and their skins hung up. If he possessed horses, some of them had also to accompany him, and their skins were also hung up near the grave. Sometimes dogs were taken to the grave, strangled with a rope, and hung toa tree or pole. Horses were sometimes shot or clubbed near the grave, and left there. If the deceased had many slaves, some of them were either killed at the grave and their bodies thrown in, or they were forced into the bottom of the grave, and buriedalive. Aftera sufficient quantity of earth had been covered over them, their master was put in and buried on top of them.

If a woman died, the baskets in which she had carried roots, berries, etc., were hung up near her grave, or in some part of the mountain which she had frequented. A hole was always made in the bottom, or the basket otherwise damaged, before being hung up.

richer people, had conical tents made of

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After burial, the deceased was addressed by an elderly person, and asked to take pity on the widow or widower and not to trouble him. Some food was often thrown on the ground near the grave to be used by the deceased while visiting his grave, and that he might not visit the house in search of food, causing sickness to the people.

On the burial of a child, its clothes and cradle were hung up near the grave, or, if no tree or bushes were at hand, they were buried in the vicinity of the grave. Sometimes, when a mother died leaving an infant child, the latter was wrapped up in a robe and buried alive along with the mother, in its birch-bark or other cradle. This was done because, they say, the child would die, anyway, and it was often hard to obtain any other woman to suckle it. —

A small heap of bowlders was often placed on top of the grave to mark its site. Over most graves were erected conical huts made of poles covered with bark or with fir- branches. Others, those belonging to the

skins or mats put over them. Sometimesa pile of stones was placed inside the tent. Poles were also erected at many graves, and on these were suspended many of the arti- cles belonging to the dead person. The poles always had the bark peeled off, and were painted with red ochre their entire length, or sometimes for a distance of a few feet above the ground. Some were marked with circles or with bars one above another. These, the Indians say, had no special meaning: it was just customary to paint them thus.

On many graves, particularly in the country near Lytton, the canoe of the de- ceased was placed bottom side up. On some graves were wooden figures almost life size or larger than life size, carved as nearly as possible in the likeness of the deceased t i person, whether man or woman (Figs. 287— Fig. 287. Fig. 288. Fig. 289.

289). The Indians say that a long time ago fig Tee a AL IRs ote a grave figures were not used by the Upper

Thompsons, and that this custom was borrowed from the lower division of the tribe. East of Lytton very few of these figures were found. The figures were often painted in the favorite style of the deceased, and had hair glued to the head

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to give them a natural appearance. Guns and other things were slung around their shoulders; and they were frequently dressed in clothes, and the clothes renewed when they became worn. On these occasions a feast was generally given.

The Indians state.that the only reasons for placing these figures near graves were to keep the dead relative fresh in the memory of the living ; to show that the person respected the dead relative ; and to let people know who was buried there, and that the dead had living relatives who were above the common people as to wealth, and able always to renew the clothes of the figure.

Each group of families had its own burial-ground, which was carefully chosen in a conspicuous place, at some distance from the village, because they considered graveyards uncanny places to pass at night. They were not fenced. If a young child were buried close to some old grave, its mother would have no more chil- dren. Consequently a young child was always buried some distance away from old graves. ;

Until a few years ago wealthy Indians opened the grave of a relative a year or two after death and occasionally in succeeding years. The bones were gathered up each time, and put in a new skin robe or blanket, after being carefully wiped clean. The people called to witness the gathering-up of the bones of a dead person were feasted by the latter’s relatives. Some people who were poor, who- had no friends, or who happened to die in the mountains or other places distant from the usual burial-places, were covered with a pile of sticks, bark, and fir-branches. No further trouble was taken with the body.

If a person who had relatives died on the mountains, his body was at once carried down to the river-valley if possible; but if too far away, and if it was hot weather, it was temporarily buried, or covered over with plenty of brush, bark, branches, sticks, and stones, and from one to two years afterwards was taken away and interred in the burial-ground with his kin. If he died in a very distant place, to which the people did not care to return, or in a strange country, the body was burned, and the remains, if any, were wrapped up and carried along to be buried in the family graveyard ; but this rarely occurred.

Bodies of Indians belonging to another tribal division, or bodies of strange Indians, were often buried temporarily in the place where they died, near or among other graves, and about two years afterwards were removed by their rela- tives, and deposited among their kin. The bones were put in a new buckskin or mat, and then placed in a woven basket lined with grass. Grass was also placed on the top, and the whole covered with a piece of birch-bark, which was generally tied on. On arriving at the place of interment, a hole was dug, and the basket buried entire with its contents,

Sometimes, if the person had few or very poor relatives, the body was not re- moved ; or if the person belonged partly to the place where he died, and had relatives living there, it was not as a rule removed.’

‘The Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley are said to have placed the bodies of their dead at the bottom of rock- slides, and pulled down the sliding bowlders aboye the body until covered to a depth of two or three feet. Some of

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Sometimes the body of an enemy was merely covered with a pile of sticks, etc., or it was extended full length on the back, and buried not very deep in the ground. If an enemy were killed close to a river, the body was thrown into the water ; but if within the boundaries of his own country, the body was simply left on the ground. When human bones were found anywhere on the ground, they were cleaned and buried.

Those who handled the dead body, and who dug the grave, were isolated for four days. They fasted until the body was buried, after which they were given food apart from the other people. They would not touch the food with their hands, but must put it into their mouths with sharp-pointed sticks, They ate off a small mat, and drank out of birch-bark cups, which, together with the mat, were thrown away at the end of the four days. The first four mouthfuls of food, as well as of water, had to be spit into the fire. During this period they bathed in a stream, and were forbidden to sleep with their wives. No payments were made to them; but a present, generally a buckskin, was sometimes given to the assem- bled people “to wipe away their tears.” The people then cut this skin into small strips, and divided it among themselves, If there was a large company, each one’s share did not come to much more than a single strip.

The lodge in which an adult person died was burned. The winter house, after a death had taken place in it, was purified with water in which tobacco and juniper had been soaked, and fresh fir-boughs were spread on the floor each morn- ing. Pieces of tobacco and juniper were also placed in various parts of the house. But if two or more deaths occurred in it at the same time, or in immediate suc- cession, then the house was invariably burned. Most of the household utensils of a deceased person were also burned, as well as the bed on which he had died. The place where the deceased had lain when dying was not occupied for some time. Then an adult male slept on it four nights in succession. After that it was considered safe for any one to lie there.

Such property as had not been placed in or near the grave of the deceased was divided among his relatives, although clothing, ete., was often given to out- siders, who divided it among themselves; but before wearing it, they always washed it, or put it for some time in running water, afterward hanging it out for several days.

Nobody could with impunity take possession of the bow and arrows, long leggings, and moccasins of a dead man. If any one appropriated the first of these, the dead man would come back for them, and in taking them away would also take the soul of the man possessing them, thereby causing his speedy death, If either of the other two were appropriated, the one who took them would be visited by a sickness which would cause his feet and legs to swell enormously. It

the Similkameen Indians are said to have also buried in this way. If mountains with rock-slides were too far away, they placed their dead on the flat open ground, and covered them with a round or conical heap of bowlders which they gathered from round about. A pole was generally erected at these bowlder-burials. They also buried their dead in shallow graves, and placed a large heap of stones on the top (see Part VI of this volume). It is said that the Shuswap used sometimes to repair in the early morning in a body to graveyards, and spend some time in praying,

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is not safe, except for a person who has a strong guardian spirit, to smoke out of the pipe of a man who has recently died. The tobacco will burn up in it faster than usual. This is a sign that the deceased wishes the pipe.

If a man’s traps or snares were desired by his relatives, they were taken some considerable distance away from either human habitation or graveyard, and hung up in a tree for a long time before being used.

The first night after the burial of a person, the people of the house to which the deceased belonged made four miniature figures of deer (two does and two bucks) out of dry grass. These they suspended on small strings to the roof of the winter house, and shot at them with arrows made of sharp-pointed sticks until they fell down. Sometimes the deer would fall down after a few shots, but at other times not until they. were full of arrows. They divined by this whether an- other death would occur soon or not. If one of the figures fell down with the first arrow, it was said another death would occur very shortly. If it was a doe, they said a woman would die. If all the figures had several arrows in them before they fell down, the people said another death would not take place for a long time to come.

A string of deer-hoofs with a short line attached was hung across the inside of the winter house. This was to hinder the ghost from entering. During four - successive nights an old woman pulled at this string frequently to make the hoofs rattle. Branches of juniper were also placed at the door of the house, or were burned in the fire, for the same purpose. After a death, the people generally moved camp to a distance for some time.

The name of a person recently deceased must not be mentioned. Terms of affinity undergo a change after the death of husband or wife.

If a father or mother died leaving an orphan, the latter was forbidden to eat venison for two years. Parents bereft of a child did not eat fresh meat for several months. Children whose mother had died were made to jump four times over the mother’s corpse. If they were too young to jump, they were lifted by their friends four times over the corpse, or were made to walk four times past the feet.

Widows or widowers, on the death of their husbands or wives, went out at once, and passed through a patch of rosebushes four times. They also had to wander about, either during the hours of the evening or at daybreak, for four days after the death of the deceased, wiping their eyes with fir-twigs, which they hung up in the branches of trees, praying to the Dawn, They also rubbed four times across their eyes a small smooth stone taken from beneath running water, and then threw it away, praying that they might not become blind. The first four days they must not touch their food, but ate with sharp-pointed sticks, and spat out the first four mouthfuls of each meal, and the first four of water, into the fire. Immediately on the death of husband or wife, they donned a narrow head-band made of the bark of Zleagnus argentea Pursh. Nowadays a narrow white hand- kerchief is used instead of this.

For a year they had to sleep on a bed made of fir-branches on which

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rosebush-sticks were also spread at the foot, head, and middle. Branches of bear- berry, mountain-ash, juniper, sage, etc., were also in the middle of the bed. They slept with head toward the north, never toward the west. Some widowers slept with head toward the south. Many wore a few small twigs of rosebush and juniper in a piece of buckskin on their persons. They did not paint their faces. , They had to wash themselves in the creeks, and clean themselves with fresh fir-twigs, morning and evening, for a year. The twigs were laid side by side, with their butt-ends toward the east. If they failed to perform these ceremonies, they would be visited with sore throat, loss of voice, or loss of sight.

They were also forbidden to eat venison or flesh of any kind, fresh fish, _ moss-cakes, sunflower-root, wild cherries, service-berries, and bear-berries, for one

year. Some would eat fresh salmon, if a day or more had passed since it had been caught. They abstained from smoking for half a year. A widower must not fish at another man’s fishing-place, or with another man’s net. If he did, it would make the station and the net useless for the season.

If a widower transplanted a trout into another lake, before releasing it he blew on the head of the fish, and, after having chewed deer-fat, he spat some of the grease out on its head, so as to remove the baneful effect of his touch. Then he let it go, bidding it farewell, and asking it to propagate and become plentiful.

Any grass or branches that a widow or widower sat or lay down on withered up. If a widow should break sticks or branches, her hands or arms would also break. She must not pick berries for a year, else the whole crop of berries would fall off the bushes, or would wither up. She must not cook food or fetch water for her children, nor let them lie down on her bed, nor should she lie or sit where they slept. Some widows wore a breech-cloth made of dry bunch-grass for several days, that the ghost of the husband should not have connection with her,

A widower must not fish or hunt, because it was unlucky both for himself and for other hunters. When on horseback, he generally tied a small piece of fir- branch to the horse’s mane or to the horn of the saddle. He did not allow his shadow to pass in front of another widower, or of any person who was supposed to be gifted with more knowledge or magic than ordinary. If a widow or widower blows downward on the tips of the fingers, he or she will grow thin. When they wish to grow stout, they place their finger-ends in front of the mouth and draw in their breath. If they blow on various parts of the body while bathing, they will grow stout. ;

An orphan, widow, or widower ought to eat only few but hearty meals. If they should eat little at a time and often, they would always be hungry.

~ On the fourth day after the death had occurred, the widow or widower cut the hair short, or square across the neck. The detached hair was tied up in a knot, attached to a stone, and thrown into the river. The same day the widower, and often the widow, tied buckskin thongs round the right ankle, knee, and wrist, and round the neck. Sometimes pieces of rosebush-wood were attached to them. They also wore twigs of fir in their belts or in the bosoms of their shirts. When

334 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

mourning a father, buckskin thongs were worn on the ankles and knees of both legs, and also round the neck. These thongs were cut off at the end of a year, unless they had fallen off sooner. A widower should not marry until they have fallen off.

The use of conical tents, canoes, and wooden figures at graves has become altogether obsolete among the Upper Thompsons. For a time, poles on which were hoisted flags and streamers of different colors, and sometimes guns and blankets, were used in place of these. People who were well off renewed these every two or three years, also giving a feast to the people who came to witness their renewal. This custom has fallen greatly into disuse, and has been succeeded by the putting-up of neat fences around each grave, and another fence around the whole graveyard. These fences are painted different colors, white predomi- nating. Crosses are put up at almost every grave, some of them having money nailed to them.

Within the last fifteen years small carved figures of birds, etc., have been placed on graves by some of the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands. They are generally placed on top of crosses, on top of the gate-posts, or on the corner- posts of the graveyard fence. ‘The figures represent roosters, ducks, grouse, etc. ; also the moon, canoes, etc. They do not, as a rule, represent the guardian spirit of any person interred there, but are used for ornament only. This custom was probably copied from the Lower Thompsons, being formerly unknown.

Some people still bury certain articles with the deceased, such as clothes, shoes, money, etc. ; and several pairs of new blankets are wrapped around or thrown on top of the coffin. Hats, babies’ cradles, and other articles, are still hung up near graves by some.

At present, the day about a year after the death of a person is made the occasion of a large “ paying” day by the relatives of the deceased. This cere- mony is often confounded by the whites with the potlatch already described (see p. 297). When the event comes off, the people from all around are called to the house of the dead person’s chief relative, and.are sumptuously feasted by the lat- ter and his friends for several days. At this time a fence is generally erected around the grave, the assembly being called out to witness it. After entertaining the people several days, the relatives of the deceased announce that they are going to “pay.” The payments consist of money, blankets, horses, etc. The man who washed the deceased gets a certain amount, the man who made the coffin so much, and likewise those who dug the grave, made the fence, ete. The messenger who went out to announce the death, and the women who cooked the food for the company, are also liberally paid. If the deceased owed anything to other people, and they substantiate their claim, these debts are also paid. Many horses are generally given away to the assembled company “to wipe away their tears.” These are sold on the spot to the highest bidder, and the money divided among the people, each person’s share seldom amounting to more than a dollar. The payments are made with the same ceremony as in the potlatch. A

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 335

speaker stands up, exhibits the article, and makes a speech with each payment. The relatives of the deceased sit ina circle in front of the assembly, sometimes on the opposite side of the fireplace, and their speaker stands near them. While arranging the payments, the male relatives smoke a large pipe, which is constantly passed around in the direction of the sun. An old man has to fill it as soon as it is empty.

Sometimes, at the present day, the relatives of a deceased person will pay out on these occasions from ten to fifteen horses, about twenty or thirty pairs of new blankets, fifty dollars or more in money, also guns and other things, besides the cost of the food required to sustain for several days a hundred or more people. Very few like to be considered mean or stingy in making payment for services rendered to a dead relative, therefore they pay liberally in goods. The buckskin thongs worn by widowers are cut after this festival.

One rather curious custom was peculiar to the Spences Bridge band. When an adult died, the male relatives of the deceased, after burying and mourning their friend, said to one another, “We are sorrowful: let us wipe away our tears,” which they did by setting out on the war-path. They did not return un- til they had “ wiped away their tears,” and stayed their grief, by the slaughter of one or more enemies, generally Lillooet, after which they settled down to the usual routine of life. These parties numbered from two or three to upwards of a dozen individuals, consisting of the nearest male relatives of the deceased and any outsiders who wished to join. If a stranger were among them, some one might kill him, and perhaps bury his body, as a funeral offering, within or over the grave of one of his relatives who had recently died.

Buriav Customs or tHe Lower Tuomrsons, — The Lower Thompsons have a tradition that very long ago they buried their dead ; but for many generations they have followed the custom of placing the bodies in large square cedar boxes, which were often painted and carved. The boxes had lids, and were supported _ by posts, which were also often painted and carved. Each box belonged to a certain family or group of families, and many bodies were placed in the same box, When the boxes were full, a new one was made and placed near by. Some of these boxes had pitched roofs. Poles and grave figures were put up around the boxes. Articles of clothing and other offerings were often attached to these. It was permitted to remove an article hung up in this way, provided it was replaced by some other similar article, although inferior in quality. Streamers were flying from the tops of the poles as a token of respect to the deceased.

A few old burial-places consisted of a staging erected on poles or posts. The bodies were wrapped in mats of cedar-bark ina sitting position, and deposited in boxes or on the stagings. Carved figures and poles surrounded these burial- places also. This method of disposing of their dead was the only one practised near Spuzzum, the custom being probably copied from the Coast tribes. The Lower Thompsons made grave figures much more frequently than the Upper Thompsons. One figure, which is said to have been near the village at Boston

336 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Bar, was made in the form of a man of colossal stature, having a hole in its back large enough for a person to squat inside. It was used as a receptacle for the dead while awaiting burial. The Lower Thompsons also put up carved wooden figures of birds,ssometimes of quadrupeds, at graves, instead of the usual grave-figures representing a man or a woman. Grave-figures were manufactured in solitary places. If they were seen before being finished, the artists would not be able to finish them properly.

The bones of a deceased relative were frequently taken up, bundled together, and re-covered with new material, as among the upper divisions of the tribe. As it was usual to give a large feast at such times, the custom was confined in a large measure to the wealthy.

Through the influence of the missionaries and the whites, the Lower Thompsons have now adopted the custom of burying their dead. They have removed their old grave-boxes, and buried the contents. In some instances, where the boxes were of comparatively recent construction, built of lumber in the shape of a house, they have allowed them to stand, and have buried the bones inside. The last grave-box was treated thus in 1808. -

In the same year the people at Spuzzum, while digging into a bank for gold, came accidentally on a prehistoric burial-ground near the mouth of Spuzzum _ Creek. This site was quite unknown to the present inhabitants of the neighbor- hood. The bones were found, in some places, nearly fifteen feet below the surface, as the wind had caused an accumulation of sand over them, Others were covered to the depth of five or six feet only. During the early part of the century the Spuzzum people had a large grave-box over this spot. About twenty skeletons were dug out, all apparently buried on the same level, and in a circle around ashes which seemed to be the remains of a large lodge fire. They had been interred in a sitting posture, and some of them had evidently been wrapped in birch-bark. With many of the skeletons were found stone hammers and adzes, long stones similar to files, dentalia, grisly-bear claws, and, with one skele- ton, a copper club (see Part III, Fig. 82). The Indians removed all the bones, and reburied them in the present graveyard of the Spuzzum people. Near this grave-site are the remains of some very old winter houses,’ some of them showing holes from six to eight feet deep. In the centre of these are growing large wil- low and alder trees. It seems probable that this may have been the burial-ground of the ancient inhabitants of these houses. This burial-place recalls the customs of the Lillooet, who sometimes buried a person in the lodge, not far from the fireplace, afterward removing the lodge. Then, when the next relative of the man thus buried died, he was placed alongside the first body. So, eventually, where the lodge had been, there was a graveyard with a circle of bodies around the old fireplace. The Lillooet also sometimes used birch-bark for lining the grave, or for wrapping or covering the body.

' According to some Indians, the same ones as those mentioned in traditions of the Lower Thompsons.

XII.— RELIGION,

CONCEPTION OF THE WorLD.—The earth is believed to be square, the corners directed toward the points of the compass. Some believe it to be nearly circular. Lytton is the centre of the world, because here Coyote’s son, when returning from the sky, reached the earth.! The world is comparatively level in the centre, but very mountainous near its outer edge. It is surrounded by lakes, over which hover clouds and mists. The earth rises toward the north, and for this reason it is colder in the northern parts. All the rivers rise in the north, and flow south-

‘ward into the lakes surrounding the earth. East and west are the two most im-

portant points of the compass. North and south are but seldom mentioned. Centre, zenith, and nadir are of still less frequent occurrence in tales or rituals. Consequently four is the mystic number that occurs in all ceremonials and myths, while seven is rare. |

Mountains and valleys were given their present form by a number of trans- formers who travelled through the world (Terr, Zz, p. 19). The greatest of these transformers was the Old Coyote, who, it is said, was sent by the “Old Man” to put the world in order. At the same time three brothers named Qoa’qiqat travelled all over the country, working miracles. There lived still another transformer, whose name was Kokwée'la (Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt.). The brothers were finally transformed into stone, while the Old Coyote disappeared, and retreated to his house of ice. Then the Old Man travelled over the country. The beings who inhabited the world during the mythological age, until the time of the transformers, were called spéta’kt. They were men with animal characteristics. They were gifted in magic, and their children reached maturity in a few months. They were finally transformed into real animals. Most of the rocks and bowlders of remarkable shape are considered as trans- formed men or animals of the mythological period. At that time it was very hot and windy, and, according to the Lower Thompsons, very dry. _ There are three rocks situated about five miles east of Spences Bridge. These are called “ the privates of the Coyote and of the Coyote’s wife, and their basket kettle” (Plate XIX, Fig. 2). It is said that the Coyote and his wife were cooking a meal at this place when the Qoa'qrqar passed along. They tried to kill the Coyote and his wife by their magic, but failed, owing to the superior magical

powers of the Coyote. They managed, however, to turn the parts of the Coyote

and his wife above mentioned into stone, and also their basket kettle.

Cold winds are caused by a people who live far to the north, where earth and sky meet. When they leave their house, a cold wind begins to blow.. Hot winds are made in the same way, by another people who live farsouth. In former times these peoples used to make war on each other, thus exposing the earth to alter-

_ nate spells of hot and cold winds. These wars were ended by the marriage of the

' Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, pp. 25, 104. [337]

338 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

daughter of the chief of the south to the son of the chief of the north, Their child was eventually thrown into the water, and became the ice drifting down the river (TeE1t, 702d, p. 55).

In one legend (Ter, £zd., pp. 87, 118) the wind is described as a man witha large head, and a body so thin and light that it fluttered about and could not re- main on the ground. In the beginning the Wind blew a gale all the time; but he was snared by a young man, and released only after he had promised to moderate.

The thunder is said to be a bird a little larger than a grouse, and of some- what similar shape. Some describe the color of its plumage as wholly red ; while others say that it resembles the female blue grouse, but has large red bars above its eyes, or has a red head, or some red in its plumage. |

The Thunder-bird shoots arrows, using his wings as a bow. The rebound of his wings in the air, after shooting, makes the thunder. For this reason, thunder is heard in different parts of the sky at once, being the noise from each wing. The arrow-heads fired by the Thunder are found in many parts of the country. They are of black stone and of very large size. Some Indians say that light- ning is the twinkling of the Thunder's eyes.

Fog or mist is said to be the ‘steam of the earth,” which rises when it is heated ; while some say it is caused, or was originated, by the Coyote. When he turns over, fog comes. :

In the beginning there were no lakes and rivers. They originated after a deluge, which also carried fish into the ponds. Only the Coyote and three men escaped the deluge (Terr, /ézd., p. 20). Fire and water were in the possession of certain animals, and had to be liberated in order to become common property (Terr, /ézd., pp. 56-58).

The Indians believe in the existence of a great many mysterious beings. The “land mysteries” are the spirits of mountain-peaks. In the lakes and at cascades live ‘‘ water mysteries.” Some of these appear in the form of men or women, grisly bears, fish of peculiar shape, etc., emerging from the water, Any person who may happen to see these apparitions will die shortly afterward. The lakes and creeks in the high mountains to the west and south of Lytton are noted for being frequented by these mysteries. People passing within sight of these places always turn their faces away from them, lest they might see these ap- paritions, and die. Between three mountains near Foster's Bar a lake is situated in which strange mysteries may be seen, such as logs crossing the lake with dogs running backward and forward on them, canoes crossing without occupants, and ice changing into people who run along the shore, all of which finally vanish. To see these is considered an evil omen.

A lake in the mountains near the country of the Coast tribes has never been known to freeze over, no matter how cold the weather. There is sometimes seen on its waters an apparition in the shape of a boat with oars, manned by Hudson Bay employees, dressed in dark-blue coats, shirts, and caps, and red sashes. They

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 339

always appear at the same end of the lake, and row across to the other end, where they talk with one another in French. Then they row back as they came, and disappear. If four men are seen in the boat, it is considered a good omen: but if eight men, the reverse is the case, and the person seeing the apparition will become sick, or will die shortly afterward. | A lake at the head of Salmon River becomes very tempestuous as soon as people touch its waters. They appease it by throwing the white inner bark of the cedar on its waters.

The Indians claim that some of the rock paintings to be found in their country, especially those on rocks which overlook watez, are the work of the spirits of those places. One of these was on a rock facing the pool between the little and big waterfalls of Waterfall Creek, near Spences Bridge, The pictures were made in red paint, and represented the sun, the stars, the coyote, wolf, grisly bear, etc. They were at one time very plain, but within the last few years have become obliterated. The Indians say that this is a sign that the “spirit” has left the place. Another painting of this description was above Nrqa’umin Waterfall, near Thompson Siding. Still another was on a cliff overhanging Nicola Lake, not far from Kwiltca’na. This painting is said to be still visible. The Indians, while passing below in canoes, avoid looking at the place, because, if they do so, they say the wind will immediately commence to blow.

Another painting is on a rock overlooking Kamloops Lake, not far from Savona. This picture is also ascribed by most Indians to a supernatural agency, while some claim that it was painted by the Shuswap to commemorate a victory gained at that place by the latter over a war-party of Thompson Indians.

The Lower Thompsons believe in different kinds of monsters to be met with occasionally in the mountains ; as, for instance, a human body of a white color, without any limbs, which constantly rolls over the ground, uttering cries like an infant. A person who sees any of these monsters will die shortly after- ward. Such monstrosities as these seem to be unknown to the upper divisions of the tribe. On some cliffs, pictures in brilliant colors are seen, which vanish as

suddenly as they appear.

The Upper Thompsons believe in a race of dwarfs who inhabit steep cliffs and forests. They are just like men; but their skins are pale, and their bodies very gaunt. They are only about two feet tall. They wander around the moun- tains, sometimes shouting, groaning, or weeping. Their eyes are sunk very deep in their heads. They run away from hunters, and go into inaccessible places. Some Indians had them for their “guardian spirits.” The Spences Bridge Indians claim not to have seen any for the last fifteen years. Formerly they

“were very numerous in the Okanagon country. The Lower Thompsons say that they can make themselves visible or invisible at will. According to their ideas, the dwarf women do not exceed three feet in height. A few of the men, how- ever, are tall, surpassing the tallest Indians in stature ; but none of them are of medium height. They all wear clothes similar to those formerly worn by the

340 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Indians, but have never been seen with bows and arrows. They inhabit low, dense forests, or live in dense woods in the mountains. It is said that they never kill, steal, or chase people. Some people believe they are cedar-trees, or their spirits, and that they have the power of transforming themselves. They are rather fond of joking, and playing tricks on people. They tell of a man who was making a cedar canoe. Feeling tired, he stuck the wedge that he had been using into the wood, lay down, and fell asleep. He was awakened by the touch of a hand, and beheld a dwarf standing before him, with the wedge in his body. The dwarf said to him, “Why do you stop working at me? You ought to cut me up quickly. I will give you some advice. When you wish to make a canoe, always paint your face red, and the wood will work easier.” Having said this, the dwarf vanished. They also tell of a woman who was sleeping over night in the forest. About daybreak a dwarf, seeing her asleep, pushed a piece of burnt cedar-wood into her. She awoke, and, after freeing herself of it, went to camp and told the people. They wished to find the perpetrator of the trick, therefore they followed the trail of the dwarf, who could be traced by pieces of charcoal which he had dropped as he went along. Eventually all traces of him disappeared; and) the people, looking around, saw a large piece of charcoal on the side of a cedar-tree.

Beings of another kind are occasionally seen. . They are of the same size — and height as ordinary people, but naked, like dwarfs and ghosts, and of a ghost color. They are very gaunt, the shape of all their bones and joints being visible. Their eyes are very large and round, and protrude from their heads. Like ghosts, they chase people, but are more persistent. If a person chased by a ghost turns off the path, the ghost will generally stop when he comes to that place, and will follow no farther; but this being will continue his pursuit regard- less of obstacles. When he overtakes a person, the latter faints, unless he be a man of great mysterious power.

According to the beliefs of the Upper Thompsons, giants about thirty feet tall inhabit the Okanagon country, and were quite numerous in the Upper Thompson country until forty or fifty years ago. They have no upper eyelids, and never sleep. They dress in bear and deer skins, and hunt game, which they run down. They can/be recognized at a great distance by their strong and peculiar odor; and even their tracks, and branches of trees which they have touched while passing, smell for a long time after they have gone by. These giants are very powerful, and can carry a grisly bear or an elk on their backs with the greatest ease. Their homes, are in caves situated in precipitous rocks. They never harm people, but are believed to have run away with women from the Nicola and Okanagon. They are fond of fish, and sometimes go to the river or lakes when the Indians are fishing, causing a sleepiness to fall over them while they are helping themselves to the fish. The Lower Thompsons believe that these giants do not live in their own country, but that they come down occasionally from that of the Okanagon and Upper Thompsons. They dress in bear or dog skins. Some wear long black robes, while others again go almost naked. Sometimes.

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they chase or steal people. They are not known to have any weapons. Oncea giant is said to have chased two hunters, who sought refuge in a large fir-tree. Presently this giant was joined by two very tall friends, who tried in vain to reach the hunters. The latter shot at the giants, who caught the arrows in their hands and broke them. After a while one of the giants discovered that he had lost his dogskin apron, and seemed very much concerned about it. They all concluded to go in search of it, and left the hunters, who then came down from the tree, and went home.

High mountains are believed to be the residence of the Old Man (Terr, Loid., pp. 50, 109), who, by scratching his backside, makes rain or snow. Accord-

ing to others, he makes rain by urinating. The Lower Thompsons believe that

an old woman makes rain and snow. The Coyote’s house is said to be in a glacier; according to others, in the upper world. The latter is described as a Prairie occupying the top of a plateau with steep sides (Terr, /ézd., p. 23).

The ideas held by the Indians regarding the Sun are conflicting. He appears as a cannibal. In the beginning he was too near the earth, and moved away only on receiving presents (Terr, /é2d., p. 53). In another tradition he is said to have been a chief at Lytton (Terr, Zécd., p. 54). A halo round the sun or moon is termed by them “entering the house” or “ forming the house,” and is said to portend cloudy weather, rain, or snow.

Sun-dogs are called “ throwing away his children.” When the Sun gets tired of one kind of weather, he becomes angry and throws away or turns out his children, it is said. Therefore, when cold weather prevails and a sun-dog is seen, it is a sure indication of mild weather, and vzce versa.

The Moon was formerly an Indian. He would be as bright as the Sun, if his sister, the Hare or Frog, did not sit on him. At one time, when the Moon had invited the Stars to his house, it was so crowded that there was no room for his sister to sit down, and she jumped on his face, where she has remained ever since. Whenever it threatens to snow or rain, he builds a house (the halo) and enters it. The cirrus clouds are the smoke of his pipe. He always holds his pipe in his hand. Therefore it is seen in the moon, where also the basket which he uses as a hat may be seen (Terr, /é7d., p. 91). The waxing and waning of the moon is caused by the position of the sister's shadow. At full moon, her shadow does not fall on his face ; at new moon it is entirely obscured by her shadow. In other legends the Lower Thompsons describe the moon as the light carried by one of their transformers. ;

The stars are generally considered as transformed people. In one legend they are described as roots growing in the upper world (Terr, /ézd., p. 22).

The Pleiades are called “bunch” or “cluster.” They are the friends of the Moon (Terr, /ézd., p. 91). The Indians used to tell the time of night by them, reckoning by their position in the sky. The star that follows the Pleiades is called “ the dog following on their trail.”. The Morning Star is called “ the bright face,” or “bringing in the daybreak.” The Great Bear or Dipper is called

342 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

“grisly bear.” The three stars of the handle of the Dipper are said to be three hunters in pursuit of the bear. The first one was brave and fleet of foot, and fast gaining on the bear. The second was slower, and leading a dog, the small com- panion star. The third was afraid, and not very anxious to overtake the bear. They were all in this position when turned into stars. Another star is called the “swan.” Others behind it are called the “canoe.” The latter was said to be filled with hunters in pursuit of the swan. Still others are called “women engaged in roasting roots,” “fishermen fishing with hook and line,” “ weasel’s tracks,” “arrows slung on the body.” These are said to have been a hunter carrying his bows and arrows. The Lower Thompsons believe the Dipper to be the Transformers, the children of the Black Bear turned into stars. The Milky Way is called “ the trail of the stars,” or “what has been emptied on the trail of the stars.” It is also called “ the gray trail,” or ‘‘the tracks of the dead.”

The Rainbow is said to have once been a man, a friend of the Thunder, who was in the habit of frequently painting his face with bright colors.

The country of the souls is underneath us, toward sunset. The descrip-— tion of the trail leading there is contained in reports of visits of shamans to’ the lower world. The trail leads through a dim twilight. Along this trail are visible the tracks of the people who last went over it, and the tracks of their dogs, if they — had any with them. The trail winds along until it meets another road, which is a short cut used by the shamans when trying to intercept a departed soul. From this point on, the trail is much straighter and smoother, and is painted red with ochre. After a while it winds to the westward, descends a long gentle slope, and terminates at a wide shallow stream of very clear water. This stream is spanned by a long slender log, on which the tracks of the souls may be seen. After crossing the bridge, the traveller finds himself again on the trail, which now ascends until it reaches a considerable height. On this height is heaped up promiscuously an immense pile of clothes. This is the place where the souls leave the belongings which they bring with them from the land of the living. From here onward the trail seems to be perfectly level ; and as the man goes on, the dimness or darkness which has hitherto overhung the trail gradually disappears.

Three guardians are stationed along the trail of the souls, — one on this side of the river, the second one between the river and the land of the ghosts, and the third one at a lodge which is situated at the end of the trail of the ghosts. The first of these has a sweat-house quite close to the trail, in which he spends most of his time. It is their duty to send back souls whose time to enter the land of the ghosts has not come. But some souls pass the first two of these men unmo- lested, only to be turned back by the third one, who is considered their chief, and who is an orator who sometimes sends messages to this world with returning souls. All these men are described as very old, gray-headed, wise, and venerable- looking. At last the soul reaches the door of the large lodge at the end of the trail. The lodge is made of hard white material similar to limestone or to hard

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 343

clay. It extends a long distance from east to west, while it is much shorter from north to south. Its top is rounded, and similar in shape to an ant-hill. Seen from the east, it looks like a rounded mound. There is a doorway at the east end, and another one at the west end. The trail leads up to the eastern door, while the entrance to the land of ghosts is through the west door. Throughout the length of the lodge is a double row of fires. The eastern entrance is just large enough to let a soul pass through, while the western doorway is much higher and wider. There are always some people in the lodge. When the deceased friends of a person expect his soul to arrive, they assemble in this lodge to welcome him and talk about his death. On top of the lodge, or near the east- ern doorway, is stationed one of the old men before mentioned. When the deceased reaches the door, he hears people on the other side, talking, laughing, singing, and beating drums. Some people who stand at this door welcome him and call out his name. On entering, a wide country of diversified aspect spreads out before him. There is a sweet smell of flowers, an abundance of grass, and all around berry-bushes laden with ripe fruit. The air is pleasant and still, and it is always light and warm. More than half the people are dancing and singing to the accompaniment of drums. All are naked, but do not seem to notice it. The people are delighted to see the new-comer, take him up on their shoulders, run around with him, and make a great noise.

Many Indians say that the traditional account of the spirit-land describes the souls as clad in clothes similar to those they were accustomed to wear while in the body. Others describe many of the people as living in lodges; but they claim that there are no

fires to be seen, nor winter houses.

In another tale the way to the country of the souls is described as leading qver a lake which must be crossed in a canoe, After several days’ paddling in a dim atmosphere, it grows lighter, and the shores of the country of the souls are seen. Fig. 290 shows a Ay ee Slo ean sketch drawn by an Indian, illustrating his conception Sed oe cas ee

which the souls cross ;_¢c, Land of the ghosts, of the world. and dancing souls; d, Lake surrounding the

earth ; ¢, Earth, with rivers and villages; N, There is a current belief, although somewhat 8, W; Points of the compass. vague with many of them, that certain animals have worlds of their own, which are situated underground, and the entrances to which are hidden, Animals are born there, and consequently are very numerous in those worlds. They wander out into our world; and some of them are born, live, and die in it, but many of them go back to their own world at times. Then

these animals are scarce in this world for a time. Some say that the spirits or

344 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,

souls of animals, except those of horses and dogs, go to their own respective worlds. Others say that they all go to the same land to which human beings go. Animals wander around in this world to benefit mankind; but as soon as the Indian ill-uses them, or does-not need them, they return home.

Some Indians believe that the deer and other game were provided by nature for the Indians, and not for the whites. As long as the Indians required them, they were plentiful ; but when the Indians become extinct there will be none.

This they say is proved by the fact that as the Indians decrease in numbers, so.

do also the deer and other game;.although they are not hunted by the whites.

PRAYERS AND OBSERVANCES. — The prayers and observances of the Thomp- son Indians were founded on their belief in mysterious powers pervading all na- ture. The stars, the dawn, mountains, trees, and animals were all believed to be possessed of mysterious powers. It is not clear whether, in their prayers, the Indians supplicated any of the Transformers or other important personages ap- pearing in their myths. In all their old prayers the spirit supplicated was simply addressed “Thou” or “Chief.” They say the chief objects of prayer were the fulfilment of their desires, and protection from harm. A person who prayed would be better preserved from danger of all kinds, and was more liable to be- come possessed of wealth, than one who did not pray. Prayer is a mystery, The mind of a person who made fun of prayer was sure in a short time to become deranged, or some bodily affliction would seize on him. Indians seldom or never made fun of prayer. It would seem that only the sun, the dawn of the day, the rain, tops of mountains, certain lakes, the spirit of sweat-bathing, and perhaps also the Old Man, can in any way be considered as tribal deities. All the others were guardian spirits that were individually acquired.

Certain parts of the high mountains, especially peaks or hills, were con- sidered sacred, being the residence of ‘land mysteries ” (see p. 338). Some of these places, when trodden upon by human foot, were always visited by snow or rain.

In other places, snow or rain fell only when they were trodden upon or visited by _ a stranger for the first time. Indians, therefore, when hunting in the vicinity of ©

these places, visited them, and appeased the spirits by making an offering to them, thus insuring good weather during their stay, and good luck while hunting, These offerings generally consisted of a lock of hair, a rag from the clothing, a little powder, a few shot, a piece of tobacco, a stone, and so on.

The women, when picking berries or digging roots on certain mountains, always painted their faces red. In general, they paint their faces wholly red be- fore coming in sight of certain lakes, that they may be favored with good weather and good fishing, The paint is considered as an offering to the spirits. _Some-

times, when they came in sight of these lakes, they made the sign of good will or

blessing (see p. 287), and prayed to them to give them good weather and plenty

of fish, They also did this to some of the mountain-peaks near their hunting-

grounds,

-TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 345

One place of this kind is on the west side of Fraser River, opposite Fosters Bar, in the country of the Upper Fraser band. There are three high mountains here,— the highest one in the middle, called A’moten, which is believed to bea man; and his wives on each side, called Ntséké'lxtin and Se‘iyuk. If an Indian at any time takes a stick, and threatens to strike, or makes the motion of strik-

ing, A’moten with it, it will at once rain. The mountain Kazik, near Lytton,

was also believed to possess supernatural power. When a person who had a strong guardian spirit pointed at it, it would rain. Still another mountain of this kind is the peak Skoiaiks, north of Spences Bridge.

Roots, etc., growing near a haunted or mysterious lake, should not be dug or gathered. Vegetation near such a lake is called its “blanket.” = Swamp- grass and reeds growing in the water of the lake are called its “ hair.” The lake, if robbed of its blanket, will take revenge by visiting sickness, bad luck, or death upon the root-gatherer, or by sending an apparition or death-warning to the person, shortly after which the offender herself, or one of her near relatives, will die.

Some of the first berries picked each season were given as an offering to the earth, or more generally to the mountains. The offering was made by an old gray-haired person, who at the same time danced, and held the fruit out to- ward the mountain-tops. Before addressing the latter in particular, the word “qai'lis” was repeated twice. This. was perhaps a term of address, or the name of the earth or mountain deity, after the manner of Indians praying in the sweat-house, who address the deity presiding over the act of sweat-bathing as “kwalu’s” or “swalu’s.” The people painted their faces red, and danced for some little time.

When wishing to put an end toa spell of heavy rain, the Indians prayed to the Rain. The supplicant held in the fire for a short time a stick about three feet long and two inches in diameter, then described a circle with it; commencing

-near the east, and following the sun’s course until it reached the east again, to- ‘ward which quarter he held the stick, and addressed the Rain as follows: “ Now then, you must quit raining, the people are miserable. Ye mountains, become clear.” The stick was again placed in the fire, and then a circle was described with it in the same manner, commencing in the east, and following the sun’s course around to the east again, and stopping in the south, to which quarter the stick was pointed, and the previous address repeated. The stick was again passed through the flames, and other circles were described, stopping at the west -and then at the north, each quarter being addressed as before. The stick was then thrown into the fire, and the supplicant sat down or smoked.

In spring the warm Chinook Wind was prayed to: ‘“ Remain thou indeed, and blow and dry up the earth. It is good that thou camest.”

. Every morning one of the oldest members of each household went out of the house at the break of day, and prayed to the Dawn. The Dawn of the Day

340 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

was believed to have the power to cure hernia, if supplicated through the medium of an adolescent girl. Just before daybreak the girl put some charcoal in her mouth, which she chewed up fine, and then spat it out on the swelling. This she did four times, and then addressed the Dawn of the Day as follows: “O Day- dawn ! thy child relies on me to obtain healing from thee, who art mystery. Re- move thou the swelling of thy child.. Pity thou him, Day-dawn !”

On account of their belief that the Thunder shoots the ordinary thunder arrow-heads, and tail-feathers of the red-shafted flicker, which sets on fire any- thing it touches, the Indians attached feathers of this bird to arrows which they shot at enemies’ houses. They also made arrows intended to fire houses from wood of trees struck by lightning, or tied a splint of such wood to their ordinary arrows. — During a heavy thunderstorm the men bit their dogs’ ears, so as to make them howl. This was believed to drive the thunder away.—To kill a frog may cause rain.—The death of a grisly bear, black bear, or big-horn sheep, may cause a change in the weather.—The Indians were afraid to point at the rainbow, because, if they did, their fingers would become covered with sores. If they wished to point at it, they first wet their little finger in their mouth, or spat on it.

Owing to the mysterious powers which animals and plants were believed to _ be possessed of, numerous customs were observed intended to propitiate them. Women, widows and widowers, and other unclean persons, had to treat them with particular care (see p. 333). When a lad killed his first deer, he gave it to the people to eat. When a deer was killed, it was said that the rest of the deer would be well pleased if the hunters butchered the animal nicely and cleanly. To waste the meat of a deer displeased the animals, who would not allow them- selves to be shot by the hunter. If a hunter was overburdened, and had to leave behind some of the meat of a deer, it was said that the deer were better pleased to have the meat of their friend, viz., of the deer shot, hung up in a tree rather than left on the ground. The intestines of the quarry, which in some cases were not taken away by the hunter, were collected, and placed where the blood had been spilt while butchering. The whole was then covered witha few fir- boughs. The hunter, while he covered it, told the other deer not to be sorry be- cause of the death of their friend, or because he had left some portion of the body behind, since he had done his best in covering it. If he neglected to cover the remains, it was thought that the deer would feel sorry or angry, and would cause him bad luck in hunting.

Occasionally deer-heads were left by overburdened hunters. __In such cases they were generally placed on the branch of a tree, so as to be beyond all con- taminating influences, particularly those of women or dogs. If a deer-hunting party had bad luck, they staid in camp for a day or two, sweat-bathing, singing, and praying to their guardian spirits to give them success, and also asking the deer to present themselves to be shot at. Deer’s bones were always burned by the hunters while on hunting-trips, as a safeguard against the spell resulting

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 347

from any woman who happened to come in contact with the fresh bones, or from any dog which might take a bone in its mouth, It was considered lucky for the hunters to roast and eat some small part of each deer killed by them, im- mediately after butchering it.

When a party was unsuccessful at deer-hunting, it was sometimes said that the deer were waiting for some other animal to die first. The hunters then killed some animal that happened to cross their path, and which was supposed to be the cause of their failures.

No hunter would give a deer’s head to, nor would he eat with, a man who was the first or second born of a family. The deer would become very wild, and hard to shoot, if he did so. Hunters, in telling their friends what they had shot, generally called a buck a ‘“doe;” a doe, a “fawn ;” and a fawn, a “hare.” This was done that they should not displease the deer by boasting, and also that other hunters might not take offence.

Deer-meat was never taken in through the common door or entrance of a lodge. In the hunting-lodge, meat was taken in through a hole in the back of the structure, because the common door was used by women,

When the father of an adolescent girl began to hunt, the deer were shy, and ran away from him.

A hunter wishing to insure success, especially in bear-hunting, went through a process of sweat-bathing. While in the sweat-house, he sang to his spirit, supplicating him for success on his hunt. Often the bear itself was addressed, and asked to make its appearance, that it might be shot. The grisly bear was asked not to be angry with the hunter, nor to fight him, but rather to have pity on him,and to deliver itself up tohim. The grisly-bear hunter must abstain from sexual intercourse for some time before going on his hunt. The bear, before being killed, is believed to be forewarned of its death by signs, just like people. When a bear was killed, the hunter who had killed it, and also his companions, painted their faces in alternate perpendicular stripes of black and red, and sang the bear song. Sometimes he prayed also, thanking the bear for letting itself be killed so easily, and asking that the mate of the slain might share a similar fate. When the flesh of the bear’s head had been eaten, the skull was tied to a small treetop, as high up as could be reached, and left there. The hunters who placed

~ the skull there, painted their faces the same as on the former occasion. If this ‘were not attended to, the bears would take offence, consequently the hunter would not be able to kill any more. To place the heads of bears or any large animal on trees or stones was a mark of respect to the animal. Sometimes horses’ heads were thus treated.

Bears always hear what people say about them, therefore a man who intends to go bear-hunting ought to be very careful what he says about them or about his preparations for killing them, because they will avoid him.

A certain part of the entrails of the beaver was said to bear some resemblance to the form of aman. This part was always taken away by the hunter or trapper,

348 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

and thrown into the water. The Indians sometimes divined, by this part of the beaver, whether any person in the vicinity would die soon, and at what time. Most of these customs are still observed to a greater or less extent.

While all the Coast tribes had elaborate ceremonies and regulations regarding the first salmon of the season, no such customs prevailed among the Thompsons. Children must not swim in the rivers during the month of Septem- ber, because this was believed to disturb the salmon-run, and the children would be liable to be drowned. — Men who made a practice of fishing sturgeon kept their lines and hooks, and even bait, hung up some distance from their house, so as to be beyond all contaminating influences.—If a man dreamed of ghosts during the night, he need not go sturgeon-fishing the next day, because he would catch nothing. — Indians have a custom of taking live trout from lakes or streams, and transplanting them into lakes where there are none. Sometimes the fish propagate and become plentiful where introduced. The fish thus treated are supposed to be caught and handled by a person who is clean or not tabooed.— To shoot an eagle with a gun took from the gun the power of killing. It could only wound, and was generally given to one who understood restoring it| to usefulness. To fill the barrel with urine and let it stand over night was said to be a remedy.

The following may also be considered as expressions of respect for animals :— A man should not talk lightly, or make fun, of any animal he intends to hunt or trap. He should talk to it and of it respectfully, and always say, “I may kill it,” not “I shall kill it.’— Some trappers and hunters who were very particular would not eat with other people when they were engaged, or about to be engaged, in hunting or trapping; neither would they eat food cooked by any woman, unless she were old. They drank cold water in which mountain juniper or wild rhubarb had been soaked, using a cup of their own, which was not allowed to be touched by any one. — Hunters seldom combed their hair when on hunting- trips, but waited till their return home. Before their departure, they anointed their hair with a decoction of deer’s brains and.a certain plant.

All kinds of snakes, toads, frogs, lizards, insects, and shell-fish are looked upon with abhorrence and disgust by the average Indian. The small black lizard is held in dread. It is said that if it sees a person, it will follow his tracks, and in the night-time will overtake him, and crawl into his anus and eat his intestines. Indians, therefore, when they happen to see one of them, light a fire in their tracks, or jump over the camp-fire four times when they get home. It is” said that the lizard will always turn back from fire, of which it has a great dread.

In this connection may be mentioned a few taboos:—It is forbidden to eat coyote-liver. To eat it would cause a swelling of the face or eyes,—Coyote, plover, ptarmigan, red-winged flicker, and robin are eaten by old people only. — The heart of the fool-hen was not eaten; nor would a hunter let his dog eat it, lest the latter should become foolish, like the fool-hen.— No kinds of insects or shell-fish were considered edible. — A woman should not eat in

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 349

the morning, if going out to dig roots or to rob the nests or stores of squirrels and mice. If she fails to observe this rule, either she will not find the nests, or they will be empty.

A number of restrictions refer to the use of the sunflower-root (Balsamorrhiza sagettata Nutt.), which is very difficult to cook. Women, while cooking or digging this root, must abstain from sexual intercourse. A man must not come near the oven when the women are cooking the root. The women, when going out to dig the root, often painted the whole face red, or they painted a large black or a red spot on each cheek. Sometimes they took four long, thin fir-branches, the small ends of which they spread out in different directions near the bottom of the oven where the roots were, while the thick ends were tied together, and raised above the centre of the oven, protruding a little. When the oven was finished, and after the roots had been cooking for a while, these branches were pulled out, and according to their color the Indians divined whether the roots would be suc- cessfully cooked or not. If the branches were black or dark-colored, the roots would cook well; but if spotted or light-colored, the reverse would be the case. It was sometimes said, when sunflower-roots had been cooked successfully, that the coyote had caused the success by urinating on them.

All young people, when eating the first berries, roots, or other products of the season, addressed a prayer to the Sunflower-Root : “I inform thee that I in- tend to eat thee. Mayest thou always help me to ascend, so that I may always be able to reach the tops of mountains, and may I never be clumsy! I ask this from thee, Sunflower-Root. Thou art the greatest of all in mystery.” To omit this would make the person partaking of the food lazy, and cause him to sleep long in the morning. — Young people, as a rule, did not eat berries until more than half the crop was ripe.

The inhabitants of each lodge went through the following ceremony when the first tobacco of the season was gathered and smoked for the first time. An elderly man assembled the people, frequently outside of the lodge, generally a while after sunset, and let all the adult males, and also such females as were jn the habit of smoking, sit down in a circle. He sat or stood in the middle of the circle him- self. Sometimes he addressed the people at some length, but as a rule simply said, “ Be it known to you that we will cut up the chief [the tobacco].” Then he cut up some of the tobacco, and after mixing it with roasted bearberry-leaves, he filled a large pipe, lighted it, and handed it to each of the individuals, following the sun’s course. The people each took one whiff, and holding up their hands, the palms close together, the tips of the middle fingers level with the mouth, blew the smoke downward between their fingers, and over their breast; and as the smoke descended, they crossed their hands on their breast, and rubbing their chest and shoulders with both hands, as if rubbing the smoke in, they prayed, “Lengthen my breath, chief [tobacco], so that I may never be sick, and so that I may not die for a long time to come.” After every one had had a whiff, some of the tobacco was cut up in small portions, and a piece given to each individual.

350 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Before white man’s tobacco became plentiful, the first of it obtained each year was often treated with like ceremony. It is said that some men, either before giving the pipe to others to smoke, or after they had finished, smoked to the sun, or perhaps to the sun and also to the four quarters. The Lower Thompsons smoked much less than the upper divisions of the tribe. Smoking was considered the privilege of people possessed of. mysterious powers, such as shamans and others.

While these prayers and customs suggest that a general animism is the fundamental principle of their-religion,— which fact will appear still more strongly when we consider the individual guardian spirits, — the ceremonials that were formerly in use suggest that a vague worship of nature formed also a promi- nent part of their beliefs.

Fig. 291. Facial Paintings.

Festivats. — The people of each neighborhood met at intervals for the pur- pose of feasting, dancing, and praying. Each gathering lasted a whole day. The people of some parts of the country observed these rites more strictly, and danced oftener, than others.

In the winter the people danced in the large winter houses, but during the fine season all danced outside at certain places. The spring dancing-ground of the Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge was at Nskaptsé’lx (“spring house”), so called because the Indians gathered there in the spring of the year for

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 351

the purpose of fishing (see p. 252). It is on the south side of Thompson River, about half a mile below the confluence of Nicola and Thompson Rivers. The dancing was carried on there on a small, rather sandy flat overlooking the river ; and the circle worn in the ground by the feet of probably generations of dancers may still be seen. On the appointed or recognized day, the people, dressed in their best clothes and with all their ornaments, assembled at the place very early, each woman bringing food with her. No knives or weapons were allowed to be brought to these dances, Every one had his or her face painted red. The chiefs always had perpendicular stripes down the entire length of their cheeks, made by wiping the color off with the fingers, which were drawn down over the face. Some of the men, probably warriors, used black facial paint. Some women had their faces covered with red ochre, over which were painted spots with sparkling specular or micaceous hematite. Other women daubed the greater part of their faces with this material. Both men and women also used alternate stripes of red and yellow; and some men, alternate stripes of red and white, or black, white, and red. It seems that there was no particular pattern of face-painting for these dances. Many men and women painted their faces in the same style as under ordinary circumstances. Some of these patterns are shown in Fig. 201.

Almost every person wore a sash or wide belt and head- band of some description. The majority were of unsmoked buckskin. Sometimes they were ornamented with large, round, flat brass buttons obtained from the Hudson Bayer sees Company ; but they were usually plain or simply 25) fringed. The head-bands were mostly of buck- skin, those of the women often ornamented with perpendicular rows of dentalia. Some women donned head-bands and sashes made of the inner bark of the cedar, which was shredded into very long fine strips. The bark was generally used in its natural white state, but was occasionally painted with narrow stripes of red (Fig. 292). While dancing, the long thin strips hung down over the body, or fluttered out on the breeze. The chiefs always wore cedar-bark head-bands, which were tied in front in a knot that was painted red. The ends hung down their backs. The women wore their hair entirely loose. The men were at liberty to arrrange theirs’in any style; and many had feathers or birds’ down on their heads.

The Indians took great care in the preparation of their dancing-places. They smoothed the ground nicely, and, if it was too sandy, spread clay brought

Fig. 292, @ (x38z), 5 (x47). Head-band and Sash,

352 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

from a distance over the circle, watered it, and tramped it down. After a while this became quite hard. The dust was always kept down by watering. The dancing began at sunrise, when four dances were performed in succession. The dancers arranged themselves in a circle. They stood three abreast, the un- married men, unmarried women, and married people (Fig. 293) each forming one group in the circle. There were twochiefs. The head chief, generally an elderly man, stood in the west, outside the circle. He made the principal speeches and prayers, kept time, and gave orders. He was supposed to have frequent visions, could prophesy, and used to

prays f ESS tell about the future world.

(Ce ee Shp OE et RN The other chief, who stood

ies \\ (1) ane in the east, also outside of the rela |} \oor cee * w circle, was a younger man. ee edit Pere /’'1 He woke the people at day- Ss ee STs = Bor break on the morning of the he eee dances. He led the singing,

and in every way helped the other chief. Sometimes new songs were introduced into these dances, which the chiefs declared they had re- ceived in visions from the Great Chief. The head chief prayed, and then gave the order to begin the dance. The chief in the east began a song, and, stepping into the circle, took the lead of the dancers (Fig. 294). All stamped with their feet, and walked slowly around. While dancing, those who were on the outer and inner sides of the circle held on to the sashes of the dancers in the middle row. Young children danced with their parents.

The dancers all sang, and while dancing moved forward a step or two ata time. Some slowly extended both arms in front and above their heads, drawing them back slowly in the same way until reaching the breast, the palms opposite each other and close together, the fingers slightly bent. This sign means ‘‘to draw out slowly or extract,” and was symbolic of drawing nearer to them the power to which they prayed. They also made the sign of good will and blessing (see p. 287). In another sign the hands were extended toward the right about the height of the middle of the body, and in a horizontal position, the right hand foremost, palm up, the left hand following slightly above, palm down. The hands moved forward in three or four short jerky motions, then suddenly turned, and moved similarly toward the left side, but with the left palm up and right palm down. I have not been able to learn the meaning of this sign. Most of the dancers, how- ever, generally raised and lowered one arm at a time above the head, while the other arm was held horizontally across the bréast, then the extended arm was gradually lowered, with fingers partly bent, until opposite the other one, when both hands were pressed together on the breast, one on top of the other. A deep sigh was breathed, and the head and body were bent forward. Ido not

Figs. 293, 294. Diagrams illustrating Movements of Dancers.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 353

know the exact meaning of this sign, but it seems to mean supplication, or asking for pity. Each dancer ejaculated and prayed or talked vehemently during the song. When the chief of the east arrived at the west, and the other chief at the east, they stopped, marked time, and prayed and made certain signs, Then the song was struck up again, and they marched back. until the chiefs were in their proper places again. This concluded the first dance.

During the first dance of the morning, the young men and young women were permitted to touch one another when the dancers were going around. The chief called out, ‘Now is your time to touch, young man or young woman.” Any young man who desired a wife then ran over and touched the girl he wanted on the breast, and any young woman who desired a husband ran over, and, taking hold of the young man’s sash, followed him, dancing. They say that this custom was maintained so that there should be no unmarried women in the tribe (see P. 324).

After finishing the four morning dances, the people all sat down and rested. Afterward a large mat was spread on the ground, and each woman came up and deposited on it the food which she had brought with her. During this time silence was preserved. Then one of the chiefs sat down, extended his hands above the food, and made a long prayer, the import of which was, that those who were to partake of the food should never meet with any harm, especially in ob- taining and in preparing their food-supply ; that they should always have an abundance; also that all the animals, birds, roots, berries, and fishes which the Indians made use of as food, should be procured with ease by the people, and without danger to them of witchcraft, death, or sickness. He concluded by say- ing, ‘“‘ This I ask from thee.”. After the prayer two young men came forward, cut up the food and divided it among the people, while the chiefs and other lead- ing men made speeches, admonishing the people to be good, to be regular in attending the dances, etc. At noon four more dances were performed, followed by another feast. At sunset the people again danced four times, and then dispersed to their respective homes.

After sunset, all the middle-aged and elderly men gathered in the house of the head chief of the dances, where they had a ceremonial smoke. The chief took a large pipe with a stem the length of an arm, and passed it around the cir- cle with the sun’s course, each one taking a few puffs. Four pipefuls were thus smoked. It is said that the chief smoked a puff to the sun before he handed the pipe to his neighbor. The other three pipes are said to be offered to the east, the zenith, and the west,

Persons considered unclean, such as mourners or menstruating women, were not excluded from these dances.

About fifty or sixty years ago, the chiefs of the ceremonies began to hold these dances once a week, on Saturdays, and kept the days by cutting notches in sticks. Shortly after this, the people learned from the Okanagon some words

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which they introduced into their prayers. The dancers uttered them while dan- cing, and the chief used them when blessing the food. The meaning of these words was, ‘“ The name of the Father, the name of the Son, and of the Good Spirit.” They also learned to cross themselves while dancing. Shortly after the advent of the white miners, in 1858, these dances fell altogether into disuse.

At irregular periods other prayers were made inside the lodges in the morning, and sometimes also in the evening. The people all knelt in a circle round the fire, facing inward. The prayers were to “the chief,” the oldest or the most important man leading the singing and making the prayers, which were about the same as those said in the dance. The sign they used in praying was that of good will (see p. 287), but sometimes it was made to the left side only.

GuarbIAN Spirits.— Each person had his guardian spirit, which he acquired during the puberty ceremonials. Only a few shamans inherited their guardian spirits without such ceremony from their parents, who had been particularly powerful. The guardian spirits of these parents appeared to them, uncalled for, in dreams and visions. All animals and objects possessed of mysterious powers could become guardian spirits, but their powers were somewhat differentiated.

The following were the favorite guardian spirits of shamans. Heavenly bodies: sun, moon (rather rare), stars, Milky Way, Pleiades, Morning Star. Natural phenomena: sunset, thunder or thunder-bird, wind, rain, rainbow, snow, water, ice, lake, cascade, fire, cold, heat, tops of mountains, snow-capped mountains. Animals: coyote, otter, badger, grisly bear, wolf, dog, skunk, weasel, ermine, eagles of all kinds, chicken-hawk, owls of all kinds, raven, ducks of all kinds, swan, crane, loon, snakes, lizards, and fish of all kinds. Part of an animal: bird’s down. Trees: cedar, fir, yellow pine, burnt trees, stumps. Objects: tobacco, pipe. The most powerful among these were the otter, wolf, eagle, rattlesnake, badger, chicken-hawk, grisly bear, and also coyote and owl. "

The following were guardian spirits of shamans only. Natural phenomena: night, fog, blue sky, east, west. Man and parts of human body: woman, adoles- cent girl, child, hands of man, feet of man, privates of man, privates of woman. Animal: bat. Objects referring to death: land of souls, ghosts, lodge and poles at grave, heaps of rocks at graves, dead man’s hair, bones, and teeth.

The ceremonial training necessary for becoming a shaman extended over a much longer period —sometimes years— than that necessary for becoming a warrior, hunter, fisherman, or gambler. Among the Lower Thompsons a shaman who desired to obtain a dead person for his guardian spirit placed a skull in front of his private sweat-house, and danced and sang around it. Then he took it into the sweat-house, where he kept it all night. He sang and prayed to the soul of the deceased person to whom the skull belonged to impart to him the desired knowledge.

The favorite guardian spirits of warriors were: — Heavenly body: sun. Natural phenomena: thunder or thunder-bird, water, tops of mountains.

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Animals: grisly bear, wolf, eagles and hawks of all kinds, raven. Part of body : blood. Objects: all kinds of weapons, including arrow, bow, knife, tomahawk, gun, bullet, arrow-head. The most powerful among these were arrow, knife, and other weapons, the sun, the thunder, the eagle, the grisly bear, and the hawk.

Guardian spirits of the hunter were :— Natural phenomena: water, tops of \mountains. Animals: grisly bear, black bear, wolf, wolverine, lynx, coyote, marten, fisher, mink, deer, elk, beaver, hoary marmot, hawks of all kinds, owls of all kinds, raven, crow, magpie, blue grouse. Parts of animals: deer’s tail, deer’s nose. Objects: canoe, snare. Most powerful among these were the wolf, wolverine, and owl.

Guardian spirits of fishermen were :— Natural phenomenon: water. Ani- mals: loon, all kinds of ducks, almost all kinds of fish. Objects: dug-out canoe, bark canoe, paddle, and fishing utensils, such as nets, spears, lines, hooks, weirs, parts of weirs.

Gamblers, runners, etc., had the following guardian spirits. Natural phe- nomena: creek, spring, stone, dawn of day. Animals: horse, muskrat, common marmot, rock-rabbit, big-horn sheep, mountain-goat (used principally by the Lower Thompsons), buffalo, antelope (these two used often by Okanagon), caribou (used often by Shuswap), porcupine, woodpeckers of all kinds, whippoor- will, bluejay, willow grouse, ptarmigan, prairie-chicken, plover, goose, humming- bird, frog, some kinds of flies, horsefly, wasp, bee, mosquito, ant, spider, wood-worm Part of animal: feathers, Objects : sweat-house, tools of various kinds, mocca- sins, Tsamulaux (?), red and black paint, dentalia. Parts of plants: fir-branch, pine and fir cones.

Guardian spirits of women were :— Animal : mountain goat. Objects: basket, kettle, root-digger, packing-line.

Animals that had no mysterious power did not become guardian spirits of men. Such were, for instance, the mouse, chipmunk, squirrel, rat, fool-hen, but- terfly. Only few birds, and hardly any trees or herbs, could become guardian spirits.

It is believed that all animals have names of their own, which may be re- vealed by the guardian spirits. The knowledge of these names gives a person additional power over the animals. A man who, knowing the name of the grisly bear, for instance, addresses him, gains so much power over him that the bear at once becomes gentle and harmless. This knowledge is not imparted to others, except perhaps by a father to his son.

The frequent occurrence of guardian spirits that are only part of an ani- mal or weapon, as a deer’s nose, the nipple of a gun, the left or right side of any thing, the head, the hand, the hair, the tail of an animal, is remarkable. Some Indians had guardian spirits of unusual color or of some particular color, —a gray tree, a white stump, a white horse, a black dog, a spotted dog or fish, a black fox, a blue sky, a red cloud, a black fog, a red fish, etc. The favorite

356 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

colors seem to have been black, white, spotted, red, and blue, —the first three most frequently for animals, and the last two for natural phenomena or objects in nature.

It is evident fromthe above list that each person partook of the qualities with which his guardian spirit was endowed. For this reason certain guardian spirits weré also considered more powerful than others. Thus a man who had the grisly bear or thunder for his protector would become a much better and fiercer warrior than another who had a crow, a coyote, or a fox.

The Sun seems to have been the special deity of the warrior, for to him he prayed, particularly while he was trying to obtain his guardian spirit. When the Sun appeared to a warrior in his dreams, it was a sign that he was going to be killed or wounded. He who could escape harm after getting one of these warn- - ings from the Sun was supposed to have a very powerful guardian spirit indeed. |

Before starting on the war-path, the men often sweat-bathed for several days, and supplicated their guardian spirits for success and protection. They also danced a circular dance directed against the sun’s course, in which the dancers, in their feathers and paint, and fully armed, went through a mimic battle. Each man went through the whole pantomime of war, imitating the sounds of the: animal which was his guardian spirit, and shouting, grunting, and whooping. This was accompanied by the beating of drums. Most of the young men, when dancing the war-dance, supplicated the Sun for aid, pointing their weapons toward him.

While the men were on the war-path, the women performed dances at frequent intervals. These dances were believed to secure the success of the expedition. ‘The dancers flourished their knives, threw long sharp-pointed sticks forward, or drew sticks with hooked ends repeatedly backward and forward. Throwing the sticks forward was symbolic of piercing or fighting off the supposed enemy, and drawing them back was symbolic of drawing their men from danger. The stick with the hooked end was the one supposed to. be the best adapted for this latter purpose. The women always pointed their weapons toward the enemy’s country. They painted their faces red, and sang while dancing, and supplicated the weapons of war to preserve their husbands, and help them kill many enemies. Some had eagle-down stuck on the points of their sticks. When the dance was at an end, these weapons were hidden. If a woman had a husband in the war-party, and she thought she saw hair or part of a scalp on the weapon when taking it out, she knew that her husband had killed an enemy. If she thought she saw blood on the weapon, it was a sign that her husband had been wounded or killed.

Only warriors whose guardian spirits gave them the mystery of the scalp would take or wear scalps. In order to obtain this mystery, or, as it is expressed, to ‘“‘know” scalps and become proof against them, some warriors washed them- selves in water in which arrow-heads had been placed, or prayed to the weapons

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. Sy;

for knowledge. If they wore a scalp and did not know its mystery, evil might befall them. A few men wore as many as ten or twelve scalps attached to their “horns” (see p. 226), their hair, their belt, and their weapons. Scalps were looked upon as “ spirits ” by warriors who took them regularly,

If a warrior was wounded, often another warrior would go up to him and say, ' “You are only hurt a little, and yet you faint.” Then he would take an arrow and hit him with it several times over the body, at the same time singing a song, and saying, ‘“‘ My wolf arrow will make you well,” etc,

Warriors who had the arrow, knife, or other weapons as their chief guardian spirit, were protected against hostile weapons; for instance, if an arrow struck them, which was not often the case, the blood was vomited up, and the wound ‘ healed in a short time. They seldom wore armor, and generally took the most dangerous places in battle.

When a man killed an enemy, he blackened his own face with charcoal. If this were neglected, the spirit of the victim would cause him to become blind. Warriors often smoked to the sun, and sometimes to the four points of the earth, probably commencing with the east. Some warriors painted patterns on their bodies according to their dreams. Weapons were often painted with designs representing skeletons (see Fig. 245).

Tail-feathers of the golden eagle were formerly highly valued. They were used by shamans and warriors for decorating their hats, head-bands, hair, and weapons. Any person who wore the feathers of this bird was supposed to possess it as his guardian spirit, or to claim equality in power with the shamans, Some warriors did not dare to use them, but wore instead what was considered next best,— the tail-feathers of the chicken-hawk. The golden eagle was of more value to shamans than to any one else. The chicken-hawk was more potent for the ordinary warrior.

Some men committed suicide in the attempt to test the powers of their guar- dian spirits to bring them to life again. It has happened that a man who boasted of the powers of his guardian spirit was shot by some one desirous of testing the power of the guardian spirit of the boaster, or in order to find out if the man was bullet or arrow proof.

Sout.— Every living person has a soul. All animals and everything that grows, such as trees and herbs, and even rocks, fire, and water, are believed to have souls, since they were people during the mythological age. The souls of men, animals, plants, and inanimate objects, appear in the lower world as they did in ours at the time of their death. Souls continue to live and: to occupy themselves as-they did in our world: but they have no sickness, and suffer no want. Deer are always at hand ready to be killed, and berries ready to be picked. It seems that most of the Indians believe that in this lower world chil- dren do not continue to grow, and that women do not. bear children. It is believed that the setting sun draws the soul along; therefore the Indians never sleep with their heads toward sunset.

358 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Each soul has a shadow; and when a person dies, it remains behind in this world. It is the ghost of the departed, which may stay for a short while only, or for many years. On the death of a person, the ghost, it is said, wanders around, and visits for four days and four nights the persons and places that the dead one had been wont to visit. After that, it generally haunts the place where the de- parted died or is buried. The dead try to throw sickness into their surviving relatives, that they may be joined by them in the underworld.

When people have been killed, ghosts are said to haunt the spot for many years. Ghosts, although ordinarily invisible, have a kind of body, for shamans or other skilled persons can see them; and dogs and horses can often see them when people cannot. They appear only at night, and are thought to sleep with the bones during the day. Whistling after dark is a means of attracting ghosts. It is especially dangerous to do so the first four nights after a person’s death. If any one hears ghosts singing or shouting, he should imitate them, else they might come to him. <A horseshoe nailed above the door or in the house, or carried on the person, keeps away ghosts. If a man rides a horse with shoes on, or wears bell-spurs on his feet, no ghosts will come near him. |

Ghosts have the same form as the souls whose shadows they are. They are naked, or but partly clothed. They are of a light-gray color. The mouth and the eyes appear like a blue fire. The privates of the ghost of a male appear like moving fire or flame. Blue fires, said to be the breath of the ghosts, are often seen at night near graves or graveyards. Ghosts generally lean forward when walking, the upper part of the body having a jerky movement. The toe or finger nail, hair of the head, or any bone of the body, of a dead man, may assume the form of a ghost, and pursue persons. When shot with an arrow, the ghost generally cries out like a man, and disappears at once, leaving only a bone, hair, or nail in its place, according to the part of the body that was struck, and returns to where the body is buried. Ghosts, when pursuing a person, will never leave the trail, so that they can easily be avoided by turning aside from the trail. With these particulars, they are easily distinguished from living beings. Sometimes ghosts are seen watching people, only part of their heads or the upper part of their bodies being visible. 3

It is believed that sometimes ghosts will eat or drink of the food, and smoke of the tobacco, of a living person, and that when leaving they take his soul away.

If a man, on seeing a ghost, takes out his pipe and begins to smoke, the ghost at once disappears. Persons who have no guardian spirit swoon if they see a ghost approaching. If a man runs from a ghost, the latter will run after him, and may throw stones or bones at him. Should a person unknowingly camp or sleep near their haunts, they will sometimes throw stones or bones at him, or trouble his dreams. When a cheerful and brave person feels depressed or afraid, the Indians say, “An unseen spirit or ghost may be near him.”

The souls of people who commit suicide do not go to the land of souls. The shamans declare they never saw such people there ; and some say that they have

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 359

looked for the souls of such people, but could not find their tracks. Some sha- mans say they cannot locate the place where the souls of suicides go, but think they must be lost, because they seem to disappear altogether. Others say that these souls die, and cease to exist. Still others claim that the souls never leave the earth, but wander around aimlessly.

People who are drowned do not go to the abode of souls. Some say they too cease to exist, or that their souls remain in the water. Others affirm that the souls of drowned people travel on the water, and, following the rivers and lakes, at last arrive at a country beyond the waters, where the shaman cannot follow them. Still others believe that such souls reach the land of the ghosts, following a circuitous trail that leads over the waters. If these souls went over the trail of the dead, the shamans would be able to see their tracks.

All other people go to the land of souls, including children of all ages, still- born and new-born infants, and even miscarriages. Some declare that the souls of warriors killed in battle travel more quickly than any others. Others say that a person who has been good reaches the land of the souls much sooner than a person who has lived an evil life.

Most Indians believe that in but few cases do souls return in new-born infants. For instance, when a male child dies in infancy, and afterward the mother gives birth to another male child, they say this is the first child come back again. If he dies, and the mother again has a male child, it is still the same one that died come back again. One reason given for this is, that when a woman’s infant dies, the next one born is almost always of the same sex as the one that died. They do not believe that the soul of an elderly person can be reborn, nor that the soul of a male infant can be born again in a female infant, nor that the soul can return in an infant having a different mother. Formerly this belief was more general than it is now.

The souls will continue to stay in the country of the dead until the “Old Man” and “Coyote” shall return to this world. They will be preceded by messengers. They will come from the east, and bring the souls back on clouds of tobacco-smoke ; according to others, on red clouds or on the aurora.

Owing to the repeated assertions of many shamans, it has become an established belief that only those Indians who are not Christians go over the old trail to the spirit-land, while those who profess to be Christians go by a new trail, Fora long time after death, the souls of Christian Indians wander around from one graveyard to another. The truest Christians and helpers of the priests must wander about for the longest time. Then the soul leaves, going bya trail which ascends toward the south (some say north), and finally reaches the sky. Here it stays a short time, and sees the Chief, to whom it confesses its sins. Then it goes on a trail down- ward toward the west, and finally reaches the old abode of shades. But not all of them reach there, and it is not known what becomes of the others. Some say the best Christians may possibly be retained by the Chief, while the very bad ones

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are either extinguished or “drop down.” Others maintain that they all finally reach the old land of shades, where they join the other Indians. Some say that, even in old times, the shamans could not find the tracks of a person who was very bad, so they supposed some of these very bad Indians, like suicides, never went to the land of souls. These, however, were very few. Such souls simply vanished. They were not lost’by slipping from the log when crossing the river (see p. 342).

It is believed that every person and animal has a time set when it must die, and that nothing can kill it if its time has not come. If a good shot misses a deer at close range, they say the deer’s time for dying had not come, therefore it could not be killed. When a deer acts foolishly, and walks, as it were, into the jaws of death, it is said that its time has come and it wants to die. If a person dies suddenly, they say he arrived at his time, and that therefore he died. _

The soul may leave the body a long time before death, although it does not do so asarule. If the soul leaves the body, the latter must soon die, unless the soul returns. Whenever the soul reaches the spirit-land, the body immediately dies. The body needs the soul, but the soul does not need the body. Life and breath are necessary to this life. The soul does not need them, and has no real connection with them. :

SHAMANISM. — Shamans accomplished their supernatural feats by the help of their guardian spirits, who gave them instruction by means of visions or dreams. Females as well as males could become shamans, but at present there are only few female shamans in existence. Some shamans have staffs (especially old shamans), which are painted symbolically, representing lightning, snakes, etc., or their guardian spirits. Figures of these are also carved or painted on their pipes (see Fig. 306). They were believed to have the power of causing and curing diseases due to witchcraft or to the loss of the soul. They caused sickness by shooting their enemy with their spirit. The nasal bones of the deer were often

used by shamans for shooting persons. They were shot by their thoughts or-

by the help of their guardian spirits. The victim took sick at once, and com- plained of his head being’sore.

It was said that a shaman could most easily bewitch a person who was eat- ing, drinking, or smoking: therefore Indians who were afraid of being bewitched avoided doing so in the presence of an unknown shaman. Clippings of finger and toe nails were burned, and loose hair which came out with combing was buried, hidden, or thrown into the water, because, if an enemy got possession of hair or nails, he might bewitch the one to whom they belonged. If an enemy gained possession of the weapons of a man, he also obtained power over their owner, and, if he wished, he could bewitch him, take away his luck, hurt or kill him. If, however, the owner of the weapons was stronger in magic than the person who took them, the effect was the reverse, and the latter often became sick, or died. Some shamans threw sickness on persons by drawing their souls

_*e

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 361

toward the sun. This caused fainting-fits. As these fits became more frequent, the souls were said to be approaching the sun; and when they almost reached it, the persons died. This was a disease very difficult to cure. Shamans also threw sickness on persons by making ghosts frequent their houses,

At the present day the young men, young women, boys and girls, are afraid to wear about their persons anything unusual in the shape of clothes or orna- ments ; for instance, anything pertaining to the old style of dress, as feathers, fur hats or caps, or head-bands made of skin, They say that a strange shaman, seeing them wearing anything of the kind, might test their powers ; and that in consequence they might be bewitched or killed, because none of them. have -performed the puberty ceremonials properly, and most of them have no guar- dian spirits. If a boy who is wearing a cap made of animal skin, or a head. band with feathers, intends to go to town, or some other place where he may be seen by many Indians, particularly by strangers, his parents will tell him to take off his head-dress, and wear a hat or cap of white man’s manufacture. This partly accounts for so little of the old Indian style of dress being worn by young people at the present day.

Sometimes shamans were killed by the relatives of a man whom it was thought they had bewitched. Fearing witchcraft, the people treated the shamans with respect. Certain actions were considered offensive by shamans. To startle a shaman, or to eat meat, especially venison, without first inviting him to eat, were among these. No one allowed his shadow to fall on a shaman ; but there was no harm if the shadow of the latter fell on the former. It was held that sometimes a spell of bad luck was thrown on a hunter or trapper by a shaman. In such cases the spell sometimes remained for years, unless the victim had re- course to some person possessed of the power or knowledge to break it. It was said of a person under this kind of spell, that a ghost walked beside him while he was hunting. The animals were aware of this, and would disappear before he had ‘time to shoot them ; or if at times the animals did not see, hear, or smell him or the ghost, but gave him achance to shoot at them, he was unnerved by the ghost, which, unseen to him, accompanied him, so that he always missed his mark. If the spell were thrown on him by a man whose spirit was the deer, the deer knew or were warned of his coming, and kept out of sight. Shamans also had the power to kill animals by their spirits, except the representatives of their own guardian spirits. The only animal which no shaman could kill by his spirit was the deer. — For fear of being bewitched, hunters always spoke very modestly of their successes, else they might excite the envy of greater hunters, who would throw a spell upon them. — A stranger ought not to be awakened by shaking, but by calling only. He might bewitch a person who awoke him rudely. .

The shaman, when called to visit a sick person, appeared with his face painted red, and either wearing a large fur hat decorated with eagle tail-feathers and with the skins of small animals as pendants, or else having these ornaments

362 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

fastened in his hair. Sometimes he wore a kind of mask made of a mat pinned together over hishead. Around his knees and ankles he wore strings of deer-hoofs, which rattled as he walked or danced. Skin of albino deer was considered to possess mysterious power, and was generally worn by shamans, or made into caps or into tobacco-pouches by them. The shaman did not accept any payment for the first patient whom he treated. It is said that some shamans were able to ascertain the cause of sickness, only after their guardian spirits had entered their chests. If the first guardian spirit whom they called did not give the desired in- formation, the shaman called another one. If the guardian spirit refused to enter the shaman’s body, but jumped back as soon as he approached him, it: was a sure sign that the patient would die. After seeing the patient, the shaman de- clared the nature of the disease, generally adding that he had gained knowledge about it by certain dreams which he had previously had. No matter what he pronounced to be the cause of the disease, the process of curing it was much the same in each case. Having painted his hair, and sometimes his hands and chest, red, and divested himself of his robe and shirt, he proceeded by means of incanta- tions to expel the disease from the body of the patient. He had a small basket standing near him, in which he kept some water, which he put into his mouth, and sprayed it either over or in front of the patient’s body. Some shamans were said to be able to make the water in their basket increase or decrease, or boil, by supernatural means. Others had a small fire burning near them. They swallowed glowing embers and burning sticks. SSome shamans seem to have had some knowledge of sleight-of-hand ; and others possessed the power to hypnotize. Probably ventriloquism was not altogether unknown to some. There is no doubt that the majority of them believed themselves to be possessed of the powers they claimed. : Some shamans, when treating a sick person, disliked to have people yawn, scratch their heads, or make any noise, as it was said to interfere with the spell. During the greater part of the time that the shaman was performing, he kept up — his song which had been given to him by his guardian spirit, and sometimes he imitated the latter both by voice and gesture. At intervals he turned his song into a conversation with his spirit, which was rather unintelligible to the listeners. Some shamans improvised their song. While he was singing, he gesticulated, sometimes with his arms and sometimes with his body, while he kept time with his feet. Sometimes he would break into a kind of dance, in which he went through many jerking and jumping motions with his body and legs. He also often blew on the body of the patient, and repeatedly made passes over it with hishands. Some shamans, after singing their songs, thereby invoking the aid of their spirits, immediately proceeded to remove the disease by sucking. If successful, they showed the disease to the people by spitting it out of the mouth. The disease was then seen to be a deer-hair, if the patient had been hurt by deer or the non-observance of certain customs in hunting; or blood, if he had been

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hurt through the evil influence emanating from a woman during her menstrual periods; or a bone tied around the middle with deer’s hair, if he was bewitched by a hostile shaman. When a person was believed to be bewitched, a powerful shaman was summoned, who sucked the disease out of the person’s brow. A hole or mark was left in the brow, from which blood flowed. Then the shaman ‘showed the bone he had removed, with bloody deer’s hair twisted around it. He threw it a long distance away, and before long the shaman who had shot the bone was taken sick. In other cases the shaman, after pulling out the disease, turned towards the west, threw it in that direction, and blew at it four times.

Often contests occurred among shamans, where the one having the most cunning or powerful spirit conquered the others, resulting in their death, or in leaving the marks of his victory in the shape of distorted faces or crippled bodies. _ Sometimes the shaman ordered certain parts of the patient's body to be painted according to his dreams, or to the order of his guardian spirit. As arule, the painting had no relation to the affected part of the body. The meaning of these designs was known only to the shaman himself. The usual parts of the body painted were the chest from the navel up, or across the chest between the nipples. Occasionally other parts of the body were also painted, such as the legs or arms. One shaman had a great reputation for treating childless women. He made them eat the root of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., painted the upper part of their faces according to his dreams, and made them promise to give their children the names he had assigned to them. Such names were according to his dreams, and consisted generally of names of mammals, birds, water, or natural objects.

Before beginning to treat a patient, the shaman frequently pulled out his long pipe, from which hung eagle-feathers, and took a smoke; for smoking was looked upon as a means of communication, not only between the shaman and his guar- dian spirit, but also between him and the spirit-world. For this reason many

Indians will not use a shaman’s pipe. An explosion that takes place in a’shaman’s pipe is considered a “ mystery,” and is supposed to be a bad omen, especially if it happens when he is practising, or laying a ghost. By some, however, it is thought to be a goodomen. Eagle-down was sometimes worn by shamans on their heads while dancing ; but rattles, except the rattling anklets, were wholly unknown.

Sometimes, if a person were very sick, the shaman declared that the soul had left the body of its own accord, by being sent to the sun by another shaman, or by being drawn away by the dead. In such cases he put over his head the conical mask made of a mat, and went in search of the soul, acting as if travel ling, — jumping rivers and other obstacles in the road, — searching and talking, and sometimes acting as if having a tussle to obtain possession of the soul.

__ The soul is supposed to leave the body through the frontal fontanelle. Shamans can see it before and shortly after it leaves the body, but lose sight of it when it gets farther away toward the world of the souls. Therefore, when a per- son believes that his soul has been taken away, he must send a shaman in pursuit

364 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

within two days, else the latter may not be able to overtake it. When a shaman sees a soul in the shape of a fog, it is a sign that the owner will die.

When a shaman discovers that a person's soul has left him, he repairs at once to the old trail. If he does not find its tracks there, then he makes a systematic search of the graveyards, and almost always finds it in one of them. Sometimes he succeeds in heading off the departing soul by using a shorter trail to the land of the souls (see p. 342). Shamans can stay for only a very short time in that country. The shaman generally makes himself invisible when he goes to the spirit-land. He captures the soul he wants just upon its arrival, and runs away with it, carry- ing‘itin his hands. The other souls chase him ; but he stamps his foot, on which he wears a rattle.made of deer’s hoofs. As soon as the souls hear the noise, they retreat, and he hurries on. When they overtake him once more, he stamps his foot again. Another shaman may be bolder, and ask the souls to let him have the soul he seeks. If they refuse, he takes it. Then they attack him. He clubs them, and takes the soul away by force. _When, upon his return to this world, he takes off his mask, he shows his club with much blood on it. Then the people know he had a desperate struggle. When a shaman thinks he may have difficulty in recovering a soul, he increases the number of wooden pins in his mask. The shaman puts the soul, after he has obtained it, on the patient's head, thereby returning it to the body.

Sometimes haniees were called upon to treat horses and dogs, but only

valuable or favorite ones. They proceeded in the same manner as whos treating -

people.

Sometimes a shaman would declare that his guardian spirit had told him that a plague was coming. It was seen by him in the shape of an approaching fog. If the epidemic was to cause a great many deaths, it was seen as a large cloud of vapor approaching close along the ground. Then he made the people paint themselves in the same way as he was painted: He asked them to join in his song, and they danced as in the religious dance (p. 350). Then they all brought him food. He cut a little piece from each offering, and sacrificed these

to the spirit of the plague, which often appeared in the form of a man. After- ward the offering was thrown into the stream ; and the rest of the food presented

to the shaman was divided among the people, or was eaten on the spot. This was said to prevent the people from having the sickness. Instead of making an offering, sometimes the shaman escorted the sickness to the west, and there blessed it, and told it to leave.

When a shaman failed to effect a cure, he had to return his fees to the -

relatives of the deceased. If a shaman was well paid for his services, his guardian spirit was well pleased,.and was more liable to help him. The services of the shaman were sought by some trappers to insure success.

Sometimes, when game could not be found, a shaman, or another member of a hunting-party, made Suppleauels. Before the other hunters retired to rest, he spread some brush near the fire, on which he sat down, after divesting himself of

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 365 all clothing. Here he sat naked all night, with his head bent on his arms. He expected a vision. At daybreak he repaired to the nearest stream, where he washed himself, prayed, and sang: When the other hunters heard him singing, they went there also, washed their bodies, and joined in his song. ‘Then they went back to camp, and prepared to go hunting. Then he directed them where to hunt, and said to one of the hunters, “You will shoot a deer [or other animal]. As soon as you do so, hunt no more, but come back with your companions,” They did not eat the deer until the following day. On the morrow they were directed again by the man, and after shooting one deer they returned home. After this, they shot plenty of game every day.

Shamans also had power to look into the future. Some shamans who were greater prophets than others were consulted upon many matters, such as whether a person who was sick was to die or to live, what kind of weather was to be expected, whether there was to be a plentiful supply of berries and salmon, and so on. Some were supposed to have control over the elements, bringing on, by help of their guardian spirits, the wind, snow, or rain, and dispelling them. Many persons other than shamans had power to control the elements. — Shamans were also in great demand for the purpose of laying ghosts. Often two or three shamans were called on for this purpose. Then one of them sat down and smoked constantly, while the others danced and sang.

The Lower Thompsons believe that the Coast Salish were possessed of great supernatural powers. They tell of feats of magic performed by some of their shamans. Two men from Yale used to cut the flesh off their bodies, and pass arrows through the muscles of their chests, backs, necks, and arms. On the next morning the wounds would be healed, not even a scar being visible. A shaman from the coast is believed to have been able to defecate a whole dog salmon after having eaten a morsel of dog salmon.

Propuets. — Occasionally prophets made their appearance among the tribe. They generally bore some message from the spirit-world, which they claimed they had visited, and from which they said they had just returned. Some of these were people who had been sick and had been in a state of trance. When a person who had been‘in a trance revived, and related that he had been in the land of the ghosts, dances similar to those before described (p. 352) were held by his friends and neighbors. These dances continued for several days. This was done particularly when the person claimed to have seen the chief of the land of the ghosts, and to have been sent back to this world with a message. Then he would travel throughout the country, escorted by Indians, and would be listened to with respect. Wherever he went, religious dances were performed. If the message brought by such a person was considered a welcome one, the dancers offered prayers of thanks to the chief. If the message was one foreboding evil, they made supplications for mercy.

Some Indians prophesied by means of visions. They foretold the coming of the whites, the advent of epidemics, the final extinction of the Indians, the

366 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

introduction of whiskey, stoves, dishes, flour, sugar, etc. One instance related is that of a Lower Thompson chief, called Pé’lak, who travelled through the tribe forty years or more ago, and foretold the coming of the white settlers and the great changes that would take place, even going into minute details. He also told the Indians that they would “ die out like fire” on the appearance of the whites: in other words, that they were doomed to extinction. It seems that he obtained his information from employees of the Hudson Bay Company whom he hadmet. Pé’lak was also a worker of miracles, for near Thompson Siding he put some fish-bones into the river, and turned them into salmon. Great crowds of Upper Thompsons went to Thompson Siding to see him and_ to hear him speak.

In the last fifteen or twenty years, three prophets of this kind have appeared among the tribe. One was a man from the Fraser Delta, who talked through an interpreter, and travelled as far east as Lytton. He prayed a great deal, and performed sleight-of-hand tricks. The Thompson Indians claim that their sha- mans killed him, for he died shortly after his return home to the Lower Fraser, Another was a woman belonging to Nicola, who professed to have been in the land of the souls. She travelled throughout the Spences Bridge and Nicola country, giving a description of the wonders to be seen in the land of souls. The last one was also a woman, of the Okanagon tribe, I believe, from that part of the tribal territory lying in the United States. She appeared about 1891, and averred that by dreams and visions she was destined to be the savior of the Indians.. She also claimed that she was invulnerable, and could not be shot. She preached against the whites, and wanted the Indians to follow her to battle against them. She met with so much opposition from the chiefs of the different bands, and other leading Indians who favored the whites, that she turned back on reaching Nicola Valley, deeming it inadvisable to go farther, abandoned her project, and went home. Had she come twenty years earlier, it is difficult to say what might have been the result, as even now she has more than one admirer among the upper divisions of the tribe. .

ErnicaL CoNncepTs AND TEACHINGS. — It is bad to steal. People will despise you, and say you are poor. They will laugh at you, and will not live with you. They will not trust you. They will call you “thief.” It-is bad to be unvirtuous. You will make your friends ashamed. You and your friends will be laughed at and gossiped about. No man will want you for his wife. You will always be poor. They will call you ‘“foolish.”—It is bad to lie. People will laugh at you, and, when you speak, will take no notice of you. No one will believe what yousay. They will call you “liar.”— It is bad to be lazy. You will always be poor, and no woman will care for you. You will have few clothes. They will call you “lazy one,” and “bare backside.”—It is bad to commit adultery. People will laugh at you and gossip about you. Your friends and children will be ashamed, and people will laugh at them. Your husband will disgrace you or divorce you. Other men may be afraid to take you to wife. Harm may befall you. They will call you ‘adulterer.”— It is bad to boast if you are not great.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 367

People will dislike you and laugh at you if you cannot do what you say. Men versed in mystery may test you and kill you. People will call you “coyote,” or will say you are “proud of yourself,” or “vain.”—It is bad to be cowardly. People will laugh at you, insult you, and mock you. They will point their fingers at you. They will impose on you. They will trade with you without paying. \ No one will honor you or be afraid of you. They will call you “woman” and ~ coward.” Women will not want you. — It is bad to borrow often, People will laugh at and gossip about you. They will get tired of you. They will say you are indigent or poor. They will say you have nothing. They will laugh at your wife for staying with you. They will find fault with you. They will call you “ pauper.”— It is bad to be inhospitable or stingy. People will be stingy to _ you, will shun you, and will -not visit you. They will gossip about you, and call you “stingy.” You will be poor. — It is bad to be quarrelsome. People will not deal with you. They will avoid you. They will dislike you. Your wives will dislike or leave you. You will be called “bad,” “family quarreller,” “angry one,” etc.

It is good to be pure, cleanly, honest, truthful, brave, friendly, hospitable, energetic, bold, virtuous, liberal, kind-hearted to friends, diligent, independent, modest, affable, social, charitable, religious or worshipful, warlike, honorable, stout-hearted, grateful, faithful, revengeful to enemies, industrious,

Some elderly man of a household, or some chief, would often speak to the people until late at night, admonishing and advising them, especially the young of both sexes, how to act and live with one another: telling them the benefits of being good and the results of being evil, also giving his ideas of the future life, etc.; thus teaching them and guiding them by his knowledge and experience. In winter many nights were spent in speech-making of this kind, in relating stories of war, hunting, and other experiences, and telling mythological stories. The old people often took turns at telling myths and legends after all went to _ bed, and staid up until all fell asleep.

XIII. — MEDICINE, CHARMS, CURRENT BELIEFS.

The Indians say that formerly they were very healthy, and were seldom subject to disease. Very few died in childhood, and many lived to an extreme old age. It is said that their ancestors were taller than the people of the present day. They were also stouter, stronger, hardier, and more active and agile than is the case now. Many men were exceedingly fleet of foot, and others excelled in leaping and in wrestling, owing to careful training and to frequent practice when playing games. Their diseases were believed to be due to natural causes, witch- craft, neglect of certain observances, or the influence of the dead. The neglect of hunters to perform certain observances while hunting was often followed by sickness, for which the animals themselves were said to be responsible. Some claim that all sickness comes from the east. Insanity and imbecility were and are almost wholly unknown.

Mepicines.—Natural diseases were generally cured by the use of certain medicines, a number of which are enumerated in the following list. |

Tonic. — Delphinium Menziesit (?)Dc. ; decoction of bark of Prunus demissa Walpers ; Cornus pubescens Nutt.; decoction of leaves and stems of Arctostaphylos Uva-urst Spreng.; decoction of stems of Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.

For Use after Childbirth. — Decoction of bark of Prunus demissa Walpers ; decoction of wood, bark, and leaves of Cornus pubescens Nutt.

For Kidney Disease. — Decoction of the whole plant of Arabis Drummondii Gray ; decoction of stems, flowers, and leaves of Pentstemon Menziesii Hook. ; very small quantities of the berries of Juniperus Virginiana(?) L., to be eaten fresh.

For Diarrhea. — Decoction of whole plant of Artemisia Canadensis Michx.

For Dull Pains.—Decoction of stems and leaves of Canothus velutinus Dougl., to be used both as a drink and for outward application at the same time.

For Severe or Sudden Pains. — Water in which the dried testicles of beavers had been soaked. This was drunk, and the testicles were afterward dried and kept for future use.

For Colic or Cramp in Bowels or Stomach. — Hot application of fir-branches, or small sacks or pieces of skin or cloth filled with hot ashes; hot drinks.

Blood Medicine. —Decoction of stems (cut in small pieces) of Fatsia horrida Benth. and Hook.; decoction made by boiling for a long time the ashes of the burnt dried root of Veratrum Californicum Durand.

For Syphilis. — Decoction of Rhus glabra L., said to be a powerful remedy ; decoction of root of Heracleum lanatum Michx., used occasionally ; decoction, in small doses, of the ashes of the burnt dried root of Veratrum Californicum Durand, mixed with bluestone reduced to ashes; de- coction of stems and branches of Populus tremuloides Michx., drunk freely, and a cold sitz bath of several hours’ duration in the same decoction.

For Gonorrhea.— A very strong decoction of the whole plant of Arabis Drummondit Gray ; decoction made by boiling together for twenty-four hours four or five branches of Canothus velutt- nus Dougl., and the same quantity of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt., three large cupfuls to be drunk for three days ; very strong decoction of gum and bark of Adzes grandis (?) Lindl.

For Blood-spitting. — Decoction of root of Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi Spreng.; decoction of leaves of Aubus sp.

For Cold and Chill. — A strong decoction, drunk hot, of the dried leaves, stems, and flowers of La’qgo (wild celery).

[368]

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 369

for Cold.—Decoction of root of Valeriana sylvatica (?) Banks; decoction of stems and leaves of Artemisia tridentata Nutt., also bunches of the stems and leaves, or leaves only, may be tied to the nostrils ; dried stems of zou't (Okanagon scent) may be placed to the nose, or chewed, or a decoction of the same may be drunk.

For Cold and Sore Throat.— Decoction of leaves and stems of Ribes Hudsonianum (?) Rich.

Stomach Medicines. — Decoction of bark of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt. ; decoction of root of Rubus sp.; decoction of leaves and stems of Rises Hudsonianum (?) Rich. ; decoction of root of Ribes sp.; water in which mashed stems of Fatsia horrida Benth. and Hook. have been soaked, used asa drink ; decoction of stems and needles of Juniperus communis L.; decoction of young shoots and sometimes bark of Adzes grandis Lindl.; decoction of stems of Symphoricarpos racemo- sus Michx.; decoction of roots of Ka'luwat ; decoction of roots of Kazaxin.

Lor Vomiting, —Bluejay eaten; drink of oil and water in which sturgeon-liver has been boiled ; decoction of leaves of Rubus sp.

for Falling-out of Hair. — Decoction of Nicotiana attenuata Yorr., used as a head-wash.

for Pains. — The mashed-up root of Zygadenus elegans Pursh., baked in ashes or roasted at the fire, and rubbed on the parts affected ; ointment from boiled gum of Pinus contorta (?) Dougl., mixed with deer’s grease, and rubbed over the body.

for Pains, Soreness, or Stiffness in any Part of Body. — Use of sweat-bath ; repeated and sometimes violent rubbing with the hands ; application of hot fir-branches, ashes, coals, or stones ; drink of hot water or medicine.

Lye-wash. — Stems, flowers, and leaves of Pentstemon Menztesit Hook., soaked in cold or warm water ; water in which bark of Rosa Symnocarpa Nutt. has been boiled; water in which the leaves and stems of Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi Spreng. have been boiled; water in which the cambium layer of Rides lacustre Poir has been soaked ; decoction of Juniperus communis L., used as a wash 3 woman’s milk.

Lye-salve, — Bear-grease mixed with boiled gum of Pinus ponderosa (2?) Dougl.

for Nose-bleed. — A bunch of fresh leaves and flowers of Anemone multifida Poir, placed across the nostrils. .

for Bite of Rattlesnake. —One or two wet buckskin strings rubbed with red ochre, and to which have been attached the head of a weasel or an ermine, are tied very tightly just above the wound, and, when the region is swollen nearly to bursting, they are unfastened, and tied tightly tour or five inches higher up ; cutting, burning, and sucking the wound are resorted to ; also the rubbing- on of herbs, and the incantations of shamans who have the rattlesnake for their guardian spirit ; Luphorbia glyptosperma Engelm, rubbed on.

Powders for Running Sores.— Powder from leaves and stalks of Aradis Drummondii Gray, sometimes, but rarely, mixed with grease; leaves of Achillea millefolium L., roasted till dry and brittle, then powdered; ashes of wood of Populus tremuloides Michx., sometimes mixed with grease (for swellings) ; root of Ferula dssoluta, roasted till brittle, then powdered ; whole plant with root of Lriogonum heracleoides Nutt., roasted, powdered, and mixed with grease (for swellings) ; stems of Yatsia horrida Benth. and Hook., burned, and their ashes mixed with grease (for swellings) ; Lelianthus lenticularis Dougl., dried and powdered.

Powder for Burns. — Ashes of burnt stems of Liquisetum.

Ointment for Sores. —Gum of Pinus ponderosa (?) Dougl., boiled and mixed with’ bear’s grease.

Wash. — Plant of Fragaria Californica Cham. and Schlecht, boiled slightly ; decoction of Populus tremuloides Michx.; decoction of Canothus velutinus Dougl.; decoction of root of Tsé’xsatn.

for Use as Cradle-padding.— Leaves of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt. These cause the child to sleep, so that it is not troublesome.

for Sickness caused by Exhalations from a Dead Body. — Decoction of wood and bark of Acer glabrum (?) Torr., to be drunk.

Lor Purification. — Decoction of bark of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt.; decoction of root of

370 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Heracleum lanatum Michx.; decoction of stems and needles of Juniperus communis L. ; decoction of needles and young shoots of Picea sp., used as a wash ; decoction of branches or twigs of Pseu- dotsuga Douglasii (?) Carr, used as a wash for the body ; also herbs rubbed on arms.

For Blisters on the Feet.—The affected person walked on rotten matter, such as decomposed salmon, which was full of worms; and he did not walk any more that day until sunset, when he washed his feet in cold water.

Used for Various Other Medicinal Purposes.— Astragalus Purshit Dougl., La'qo (wild celery), Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt., Gaillardia aristata Pursh., Potentilla glandulosa(?) Lindl., Geum triflorum Pursh., Chenactis Douglasii Hook. and Arn., Achillea millefolium L., Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt., Heracleum lanatum Michx., Salix sp., Populus tremuloides Michx., Salix longifolia (?) Muhl., Asclepias speciosa Torr., Eriogonum heracleoides Nutt., Abies grandis (?) Lindl., Symphoricarpos racemosus Michx., Spirea betulifolia Pall., Pseudotsuga Douglastt (2?) Carr, Chimaphila umbellata Nutt., Apocynum cannabinum 1.., Erigeron filifolium, Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt., Ts6'xsatn.

Poison, — Sometimes a large toad is roasted in the sun or before a fire, and the grease which drops from it is saved in a piece of bark placed underneath, to be used as a poison. It is mixed with the food of the person to be poisoned. It is said that the throat of the victim swells so that he dies.

The sweat-bath was used partly for the purpose of purification, but partly also for hygienic and curative purposes. The sweat-bath is described on p. 198. The Nicola band were in the habit of washing themselves in cold water before entering the sweat-house. The Thompson Indians always plunged into cold water after using the sweat-bath.

Sureicay Operations. —The following surgical operations were performed :—

Opening Boils.—The boils were pierced with porcupine-quills. The matter from boils was often squeezed out, and rubbed on a grave-pole. This was be- lieved to prevent a return of the trouble.

For Pains tn Foints.—The joint affected was pierced with long, sharp awls.

For Cataract.—The eyeball was touched with the rough, charred bone of a black bear. The thin skin forming the cataract adhered to the rough bone, and was thus raised slightly, and pierced with an awl, or cut with a very sharp knife. :

Removing Warts. — Warts were removed from the hands, fingers, or arms by cutting them off close to the skin, and placing on the fresh wound black moss which had been exposed to the fire until hot.

Removing Moles. — Moles were removed by allowing them to bleed freely after laceration with an arrow-point. Two treatments were said to be sufficient for removing the mole. They are believed to be caused by blood which is darker than usual, and which accumulates at a certain spot.

Cauterizing. — As a cure for rheumatic pains, powdered charcoal was placed on the part affected, and burned.

Shamans occasionally prescribe certain kinds of food or medicine for their patients, when they are so advised in their dreams. For instance, one shaman was told in his dreams to give his patient small-fish to eat, upon eating which the sick person would become well, Another gave his patient potato-parings to eat, for a similar reason,

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 371

Cuarms. — The fool-hen’s head was used as a charm by hunters who could not locate game. The hunter noosed a fool-hen, and cut off its head when he reached his camp, then, praying to it to help him locate the game, he tossed up the head, like dice ; and, according to the way the beak pointed when it fell down, he knew the direction in which the game were to be found. He tossed it up a second time, and if the head again pointed in that direction, then it was certain that all the game were in that direction. That night he placed the head under his pillow with the beak pointing in that direction, and~hunted accordingly in the morning.

The tail of a snake — called by some Indians the “ double-headed snake,” on account of having a thick tail with two small protuberances, resembling eyes, near the end —was worn by hunters as a charm to preserve them from danger when hunting grisly bear. It was worn fastened to the belt, to the string of the short pouch or powder-horn, or to the gun or bow itself. Another charm worn by hunters was the body or skin of a mouse which is found on the higher mountains. If a deer were wounded, but not so severely as to be quickly overtaken, the charm was laid on the wounded deer’s tracks, and left there. The hunter did not follow

the deer any farther that day. A deer thus charmed could not travel far, but soon died. Another charm was worked by chewing deer-sinew. This is said to have had the effect of making the sinews of the wounded deer contract, so that it could travel only with great difficulty, and would soon be overtaken by the hunter.

Some gamblers’ wives took an elongated stone, or oftener a stone hammer, and suspended it by a string above their husbands’ pillows. If a woman knew her husband was having bad luck in his game, she turned it rapidly around, thereby reversing his luck. Another would go to the water and bathe herself, to bring back her husband’s luck. Some, to secure success to their husbands while gambling, drove a peg into the ground near their pillows, or sat on a fresh fir-branch while they played.

Charms are used to obtain wealth, love, regard, and friendship. The following is a charm used by both males and females to gain and retain the love or affection of the opposite sex. A male and female! of a certain plant which I have not been able to identify are gathered, and tied together with a hair from the head of the man and one from the head of the woman. A small hole is then dug, and the plants buried in it. Some people wear the plants on their persons. When gathering the plants, tying them together, and burying them, they pray to them for success. Another charm for obtaining a person’s affections is the male and female of another plant, also unidentified. These are gathered, put together, mashed fine with a stone or stick, and mixed with red ochre. Then the person who makes the charm repairs to running water at sunset or daybreak, where he paints a minute spot on each cheek with the mixture, at the same time praying to the plant for success. Finally the mixture is sewed up in a small buckskin sack, and worn on the person. This charm is used by young people of both

1 See footnote, p. 311,

372 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

sexes. It is said that both these charms, if not properly prepared, sometimes — have the effect of making either the charmer or charmed crazy. The flowers of Dodecatheon Feffreyt Moore are used as a charm to obtain love or wealth, and to make other people give presents to the charmer. The heart of the fool-hen was used as a charm by some men to gain the love of a woman.

After castrating a horse, the testicles are often placed on a tree or on a high bowlder, to be out of the reach of dogs, for if touched by the latter, the horse would not be good. Sometimes the testicles are buried, so as to make the horse come back to he same place (his own country) if he should be lost or stolen.

To bring back the luck of tables and utensils contaminated by unclean persons, Astragalus lurshit Doug). and Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt. were used.

Current Betrers. — The following are beliefs regarding dreams :— Whena person dreams, his soul leaves the body, and walks around the earth. The soul of a person who has the nightmare is nearing the beginning of the trail leading to the world of the souls. — When dreaming of a dead person touching, or lying on, or wearing one’s clothes, one must not wear that article again. It ought to be hung up in a tree the next morning. If this isnot done, evil or sickness will ensue, — If a person is sick, and another person dreams of seeing him naked, and

passing from east to west, or vece versa, the sick person will die. If he is seen |

dressed, and walking in any other direction, he will recover.—To dream of seeing a person falling, and then disappearing in a westerly direction, signifies that he will die very soon. — To dream of seeing a man going downstream in a canoe means that he is in danger of death. If he comes ashore within sight, he will get well; but if he disappears, paddling in midstream, he will die.—If a person dreams that he sees dead people who offer him food, of which he eats twice, he will die within four days. — To see a person with his hair loose, and walking toward the west or south, in which direction he finally disappears, means that such person will die soon. If the soul of a sick person turns back before going out of sight, and begins to retrace its steps, it means that such person will recover. — To dream of a sick person ascending a height means that he will recover. — To dream of a sick person swimming or fording a stream means that he will die. — To see a sick person’s soul descending toward and entering a stream, in which it disappears, means that he will die; but if he turns back from the edge of the stream, and then ascends a hill, it means that he will get well. — To dream of seeing a dead person or a ghost lying down on a man’s bed or pillow means that the possessor of the bed will die very soon.

Events portended by dreams may be avoided by painting the face on the next morning, or by a sweat-bath and prayers. ;

The following are omens of death :— A person who has been left an orphan when quite young can tell when a death is going to occur, by reason of an extreme itching in the head. — The apparition of a man is seen near the house of a person shortly before that person’s death.— A man well versed in mystery can tell, by smoking another man’s pipe, whether the owner of the pipe is in danger of dying.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 373

This is known by the taste. — If an owl perches very close to a habitation at night,

and cries in a peculiar manner, the death of some friend of the inmates will take place soon. — The crying of a coyote night after night close to a dwelling, and in a peculiar manner, foretells the death of an inmate of the house, or of some friend in another place. — Repeated and long-continued howling of a dog, or crowing of a cock, portends the death before long of some one near by. —If one imagines he hears weeping outside or near a house, some person in that house, or a near friend of the inmates, will die very soon. — The finding of a dead young mouse on one’s path portends the death of some young child of his acquaintance soon. — Formerly a common practice of elderly men was to place clippings of their finger-nails, one at a time, on top of a hot stone in front of the fire. If the nails gradually burnt up, it was a good sign; but if one jumped off the stone, the man said, “I shal die soon.” — On the trail up Salmon River there is a rock called “ The Marmot,” through which there is a narrow passage. The trail passes through it, and there is just room enough for a man with an ordinary pack to pass without touching the rock. They believe that a person who is going to die shortly cannot go through without sticking in the passage. He is also further forewarned of his early demise by a marmot running out of the pass in front of him, and crying. Even a child, if it is going to die soon, cannot go through the rock without sticking.

A buckskin thong around the neck ought not to be cut by the e rson

‘wearing it, because this would be symbolic of cutting one’s own throat, and the

person would meet with a violent death.—The ends of all thongs worn as neck- laces, wristlets, etc., are tied, with the exception of those used as anklets. The last-named are fastened by lacing one end into two slits on the other end.

A sudden and peculiar crack accompanied by a hissing noise made by the fire is taken by the hunter as a sign that he will kill deer on the morrow: if the noise occurs repeatedly, he will kill several deer. It is considered lucky for a hunter to go out in the morning before eating. He will be light-footed, alert, and will see

_ many deer. To carry a lunch is unlucky, although some carry dried service-

berries.

Four is a lucky number ; therefore, in counting and dividing, and particu- larly in gambling, the Indians count by fours. — Buzzing in the ear is the dead calling. — For a tree to fall in calm weather is a bad omen.

If hair is touched with the fingers by either male or female, it will never grow long. —If a person sneeze, some person is talking about him, or mentioning his name. — If the heart beats hard, it is a sign that one will hear news, probably bad news.

If a dog lies down, and places his lower jaw on both front paws, it is a sign that a visitor bearing a pack of food or presents will come. — For a cock to crow after dark and before midnight is a bad omen (this belief is of recent origin).

The black bear will have premature young if the falling leaves touch her back, therefore she goes into her hole when the leaves begin to fall in the autumn; whereas the male black bear does not go into his den until long afterward. — A

374 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. married man was believed to be luckier at gambling than an unmarried man, — Warts on a person show that: he is stingy.

Corpses were believed to have a contaminating effect upon everything that came in contact with them. This explains the regulations regarding the treat- ment of persons who prepare the body for burial (p. 331).— When a corpse is taken across a river in a canoe, no fish will be caught for four days. — When a person is drowned in the river during the salmon-run, the fish will cease to run for several days.

When there are many red worms in wild cherries, there will be many salmon (Lower Thompsons). — If a person bathe in the river, he must do so below, and not above, fishing-platforms, as the salmon are affected a mile or two below the place where a person bathes.— Children are forbidden to mention the name of the coyote in winter-time, for fear that that animal may turn on his back, and

immediately bring cold weather by so doing. — Fog or mist is said by some to be

caused whenever the coyote turns over.

If a person burns the wood of trees that have been struck by lightning, the weather will immediately turn cold. — It is also believed, that, if a person steps over wood of this kind, his legs will swell, and that whoever steps on such wood will shortly afterward be attacked with some kind of sickness. — A person who, finding a lightning arrow-head, touches it or takes possession of it, will sooner or later go crazy. — For a cat to roll over is a sign that it will bé good weather.

The death or burial of a person causes an immediate change in the weather ; that of a shaman or some other “ powerful” person, a sudden and extreme change. The birth of a child, and especially of twins, has the same effect. The open- ing of graves, a person reaching the age of puberty, a man or woman powerful in magic washing their bodies, any person powerful in magic weeping or smoking, Indians intruding on the haunts of spirits in the mountains, —all these are considered the causes of changes in the weather. Weather changes of this kind are called “warning day.’— Kokwi'la-root was chewed, and then spit out against the wind, to cause calm. — Distant lightning not accompanied by thunder is a sign of steady hot weather. — To throw a stone into the river may cause a gust of wind. — When mosquitoes suddenly become thick and bite badly, it will rain very soon. — When the loon calls often and loud, it will rain soon. — When crows gather together in the summer-time, it will rain before long. — To imitate or mock the cry of the loon may cause rain. — To burn hair of the beaver will cause rain. — The first visit of Indians to Botani in each root-digging season causes rainy weather.— The short spell of showery weather usually occurring about the beginning of June is said to be caused by the deer dropping their young. ‘The rain is to wash the young fawns after birth. — To burn the feathers of the ptarmigan, or hair of the mountain-goat, big-horn sheep, or the hare, will cause sudden cold weather or a-snowstorm. — Persons who have the weather for their guardian spirit can produce rain or snow by smoking their pipes. — A sec- ond or third crop of strawberries and other berries in one season indicates a hard

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 375

or severe winter coming. — Large numbers of hares in the fall portend a hard winter. — The early migration of hares to lower grounds in the fall portends an early winter. — The early changing of the hare’s and weasel’s coats, and the plumage of the ptarmigan, to white, indicates the early setting-in of winter; as does also the arrival of large flocks of the small birds called tsa1tsé1Enwa’utEn (‘bringing in the cold a little ”), and of the gray-crowned finch of Hepburn == To burn the feet, skin, or bones of the hare will also cause cold weather or snow. : Occasionally, when it snows, some of the Indians will be heard to say, ‘“ The

_Old Man scratches himself ;” or, when it rains, “ Your Grandfather urinates,” or

“Your Grandmother urinates,” or “ The Coyote urinates.”

Some small muscles located in the leg just above the instep move up to the knee when a person grows old, thence they gradually ascend to the head: a person is then really old, and sits with his knees up past his ears, as in extreme old age. These knots or muscles are situated in the left leg only. Some say they go only to the knee, and then move back again.

XIV. — ART.

By Franz Boas.

DercoraTIvE Art. —The almost complete absence of works of plastic art among the Thompson Indians is most striking, particularly when compared with the highly developed art of the neighboring Coast tribes, who model almost all their implements in animal forms. Their dishes, spoons, hammers, lances, clubs, fish-hooks, harpoon-points, canoes, repre- sent animals, distorted, and adapted to the shape of the objects. Among the Thompson Indians very few carvings of this kind are found. One stone vessel representing a frog (Fig. 153), and another one representing a snake coiled around a cup (Fig. 154), have already been de- op Figi2905 (Hts). Hammerstone with Animal Head. Height, scribed. Here also belongs a spoon with

the head of an animal carved at the end of the handle (Fig. 156). A few hammer-stones show an animal head instead of a knob at the upper end (Fig. 295). Plastic decoration was rare in pre- historic times also. Mr. Harlan I. Smith has figured a fragment of a steatite pipe from Lytton (Part III, Fig. 113) representing an animal’s head, and two remarkably well executed carvings in bone— according to the Indians, toggles of dogs’ halters— representing animal figures (Fig. 296). Excavations at Kam- loops also have yielded but few specimens of this character. Notable among these are a sacrificial stone vessel in the shape of a man, and two beautiful war- clubs made of antler, the handles of which represent heads of warriors (see Part VI of this volume). Carvings representing human or animal figures are also

Fig. 296, a, 4 (g3$5), ¢ (33$5). Bone carvings. a, 4, nat. size; c, 3 nat. size.

very rare in this area. The only ones known to me are the crude figures erected over graves (Figs. 287-289). Here may also be mentioned the rude stone orna- ments placed on top of houses. Fig. 297 shows one of these, representing a man. Hawk-feathers are glued to the back of the head, and the clothing is

[376]

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. SLe

indicated by red painting. None of these carvings can compare with the beau- tiful work of the Coast Indians,

The principle of decorative art of the Thompson Indians is quite distinct from that of the Coast tribes. The former have the conception of animals adapting themselves to the use of man, and assuming the form of implements. The whale

\ becomes a canoe, the seal a dish, the crane a spoon. The latter adopt this idea very rarely, but deco- rate their implements with symbolic designs placed on a suitable surface, but without any immediate

connection with the form of the implement. Inthe oon [ former, the decoration depends upon form; in the iA oe latter, form and decoration have no intimate con- TA er “
nection. Comparatively few designs are primarily > \ i decorative. Their fundamental idea is symbolic, ae vas For this reason by far the greater number of designs A a Py \ I 4 AQ may be described as pictographs rather than as Ri , [game a

decorations. Nevertheless the symbol is often used for purposes of decoration.

The symbols are mostly painted, etched, or etched and filled with colors. The Thompson In- dians have not developed any great skill in graphic art. Their designs are largely attempts at a realis- tic representation, but the difficulties of execution have led them to adopt a number of conventional expedients to express certain ideas. They use a number of conventional designs, the meaning of which is always understood. These are shown in ite Gan ay ne esis Coa ee Fig. 298. ing a Man. } nat. size,

Another important expedient is the substitution of rel actual representation of the object. A cross represents the crossing of two trails (Plate XIX, Pig <1; No, 8) ; dots near such a cross, offerings made near the crossing of trails (Plate XX, Fig. 13 2). A single or double straight line signifies a trench - and lines or dots placed near its ends, sacrifices placed there (Plate XX, Fig. L3rfa). The object sacrificed is further suggested by the form of the line or dot, A line signifies something long, such as a pole (Plate XX, Fig. 13 /), while dots sug- gest food and painted bowlders. A line connecting a number of designs desig- nates that they belong together or are near each other. Thus on.Plate XX, Fig. 13, @ represents the grisly bear going by way of é to the lake c; on Plate XIX, Fig. 1, No. 3 are fir-branches in front of a hut: No. 25 represents a fir-branch placed at the crossing of trails.

It will be seen that some of the conventional signs are ambiguous. When found on implements, the use of the latter often determines the meaning of the designs, because they are always symbolic of the use of the implement ; while

[TTT JOnUn/OnnUnauInn

ation in space for an

378 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

in ceremonial implements they represent the dreams of the owner. In other cases the accompanying figures define the significance of the ambiguous design. On the pipe shown in Fig. 306 we see on the left-hand side of the upper side of the stem a circle with a long line. It signifies a lake and a river flowing into it. This meaning is determined by the beaver and otter running toward the river from the right-hand side next to it. On the tongs (Fig. 160) we see almost the same design, but there it represents a basket and ladle.

In some cases where the use of the implement determines the significance of

T i 1 a

BOK Nee

Pp g ©

Fig. 298.. Conventional Designs.

a, The crossing of trails ; 6, Fir-branches used by girls in their puberty ceremonials ; c, Unfinished basketry or a pile of fir-branches ; d, Matting ; e, A trench with earth thrown to one side; 7, Underground house with protruding ladder; g, Grave-poles; 4, Tracks of grisly bear: 7, Tracks of bear cub; 7, Loon; &, Two lakes connected by a river, the inner circle representing the water ; Z, Cascade ; m, Mountain, the curved lower line representing the earth, the lines running down the sides of the mountain representing gulches, and the circle on top representing a lake on the mountain ; 7, Sun; a, Star; A, Rainbow ; g, Mountains and valleys or track of a snake ; 7, Lightning.

the design, all attempt at reproducing the form of the object, or even of its con- ventional sign, is abandoned. Thus the red ornament on the stirrer (Fig. 159) represents food. ‘The red tip signifies salmon ; the lines in the middle, roots ; the red on the handle, trout. The red at the end of the tongs (Fig. 160) represents the spring from which water is obtained, and the lines on the back of the tongs are water-snakes.

The symbolism of designs is well expressed in the decorations of weapons. On the inner side of the bow (Fig. 218) we find two rattlesnakes, represented by a red zigzag band and white cross-lines for the tail, crawling into their den, which is represented by a red band in the middle of the bow. On another bow (Fig. 216) are represented a hunter and two dogs, and a warrior decorated with feathers. The red ends of the bow represent trees; four lines on one end, wood-worms

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 379

under the bark, These are rubbed by young men on their arms to gain strength

for spanning bows. _, Painted with the design of a skeleton (Fig. 245). The lance-head represents the skull indicated by the two orbits and the aperture The rings on the shaft repre- sent the ribs. Thestone war-axe, Fig. 299, represents a woodpecker. The point of the axe is to be as powerful in piercing skulls as the beak of the woodpecker is in Piercing the bark of trees. The wooden club shown in Fig. 251 is decorated with designs representing the ribs of a skeleton. Drinking-tubes used by girls during the puberty ceremonials are often decorated with symbols of -the crossings of trails at which they staid, of trenches which they dug, or of other objects connected with their ceremonials (Fig. 284 6). The crosses on the holes of the tube shown in Fig. 284 a are said to represent stars, while those at _ the ends represent crossings of trails. The design shown in Fig. 300 is an old design found on robes and pouches made of buf. Its meaning is unknown. Designs representing the guardian spirits and supernatural dreams of the

of the nose.

Lances were often

oil

Owner are very frequent. These were eae believed to be the means of endowing the Fig. 299 (8s). War-axe representing Woodpecker. 3 nat. size, implements with supernatural powers, Men decorated their clothing according

‘ Design on Flap of a Pouch, } nat. size.

to instructions received from their guardian spirits (see p. 206), and painted their dreams on their blankets. In Fig. 301 a mountain range resting on an earth-line is shown above the fringe. On the upper part of the blanket two suns are shown,:outside of which there are two large beetles called “kokaum” (June-bugs). In the centre is a buck deer pursued by two Indians. The figures near the right and left margins are grisly bears. On the lower part of the blanket two loons are shown. They are painted on a large scale, because they are the principal guar- dian spirits of the wearer. Between them there isa lake with trees around one side, and a canoe and a man in the centre. The trail lines under the loons indicate that they

The owner's pipe is painted in the lower right-hand corner,

belong to the lake.

380 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,

Boys, during the puberty ceremonials, painted their aprons and blankets in the same manner. In Fig. 302 a painted apron of this kind is shown. The central top figure is the lad himself in the attitude of a dancer, with a feather head-dress and his apron. The bow and arrow painted at his side are symbolic of his future professions of

| | { } \ 7 _ hunting and war. Two moons

Knvebees and six stars painted around AGRA RRAAAR ARORA RRR RRR RN i

him suggest his nightly trav- els. He must become familiar with the deer and salmon, the pursuit of which will occupy much of his time in future years, and furnish him with most of his food; therefore the figures of a buck or an elk and of a salmon are painted beneath him. Under them is painted a lizard, of which he has dreamed, or which he has already obtained, or is anxious to obtain, for his guardian spirit. On the left of the apron is a picture of the Dawn of the Day, to which he prays, and which he awaits daily in his solitude. The light-colored cloudy portion is the daylight rising from the dark line, which means the horizon. Underneath are pictured four mountains resting on an earth-line, with a lake between two of them. These are the mountains over which he travels. At the bottom are the principal mountains where he resides while trying to obtain a guardian spirit. The short spikes around the edges rep- resent trees; and the long lines inside, gulches.

Another example of a pictographic design is shown on the drum, Fig. 314. The drum was made to be used at a pot- latch. On one side is a dancing man and awoman. ‘The horse represents the com- monest gift at a potlatch, which is gener- ally given away after a man or woman has danced. The other paintings have d no special significance in reference to the Kig_/so? Gite). Painted Apron gy aaa potlatch, but were painted on the drum to suit the fancy of the men who made it.

Clubs were often decorated with designs representing the owner’s guardian spirits. On the arrow, Fig. 222 d, the water-snake is represented. On the war- club, Fig. 303, already figured on p. 264, we see sky and the thunder-bird, The

Fig. 301 (a$%7). Blanket with Dream Design. Width of upper edge, s} ft.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 381

black and red lines on the handle represent the earth, and the four lines con-

necting earth and sky represent lightning. The quiver, Fig. 225, is painted red

and black, with mountains rising over a line representing the earth, and two suns.

In Fig. 304 is represented the painting on the shaman’s head-band shown in

Fig. 183. On one side the wolf and a star are shown, and on the other a star and the shaman himself wearing a feather head-dress,

Gambling-implements were decorated with designs supposed to secure luck.

% On the pouch holding a set of birch-bark cards, Fig. 305,

ila is the figure of the sun, The dots signify stars: the

cross means either the crossing of trails or a reel for

winding string.

Handles of digging-sticks often had carvings represent- ing the dreams of the owner. The specimen shown.in Part IIT, Fig. 21, was explained in this manner.

The shaman’s pipe, Fig. 306, shows inlaid in the stone stem the loon necklace design, which signified the necklace with pendant loon’s head that was sometimes worn by sha- mans. On the stem are shown the following: on top, at the left, a lake, and a river flowing into it; a beaver: an otter; two earth-lines ; a wolf: track of the grisly bear ; two mysterious lakes of several colors, connected by a river; a mountain with fog on top. On the side is a snake ; under- neath, at the left, a rattlesnake; then a buck deer, earth- lines, the sun, earth-lines, and a loon necklace. On the appendage of another pipe (Fig. 307) is carved, on one side the sun, on the other a man with a spear in his hand. On still another (Fig. 308), the appendage is given the shape of a canoe. On one side is carved in relief the head of a big-horn sheep, on the other an otter. On the stem, ribs are represented in red. The pipe represented in Fig. 309 shows the design of ribs inlaid in the stem of the bowl.

To this class of designs belong most of the rock- paintings found so fre- quently in the coun- try inhabited by the Thompson Indians.

sme GP, Ee Almost all of these | Thunder-bird. 3 nat. size. were made by boys Fig. 304 (rs). Painting on Shaman’s Head-band. } nat. size.

and girls during their puberty ceremonials. The figures composing each painting were generally made by different individuals and at different times, and consequently the figures are disconnected. On Plate XIX some of these paintings will be found that have been reproduced from photographs. On Plate XX others have been reproduced from drawings collected by Messrs. James

382 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS. OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

Teit, Harlan I. Smith, and John Oakes, in the region between Lytton and Spences

Bridge and in Nicola Valley. All the explanations were obtained by Mr. Teit. Sometimes the connection between ornamentation and object is difficult to understand. The cap, Fig. 193, shows a series of lodges on a line representing the earth, and dentalia sewed on in a mountain design over the earth-line. The dots on the cap represent stars. A piece of skin for playing the stick game (see Fig. 257) we find surrounded by a line, inside of which is a circle. These rep- resent the world. The short lines extending inward are clumps of trees.- Two men and a dog are seen in the centre of the world. SoS es -4 The bat for playing ball, Fig. Eid ag nd Bak Pec or Bick Cadet Dies 267 a, represents a small Waller : : snake. On a_ tobacco - pouch

(Fig. 310) is represented a lizard in appliqué skin. Many objects are decorated with the “butterfly” or ‘‘eye” design ; for in- stance, the arrow-flaker (Fig. 118) and the tweezers (Fig. 210; see also Part II], Figs. 109, 110),.95 Bite design of the wood-worm was also frequently used. It consists of a series of short parallel lines, the ends

Fig. 306 (z38x). Shaman’s Pipe. a, Inlaid Design’on Bowl; 4, Designs on Stem, 4 nat, size,

of which are sometimes connected by long straight lines (see Part III, Figs..21, 112). | . The specimens in which the painted or etched designs are closely adapted to the form of the object are very few. The butterfly design just mentioned is often adjusted in such a way as to bring about a decorative effect. The same is the case with the arbitrary symbols of food and trees on the stirrer,

tongs, and bows mentioned above (Figs. 159, 160, 216, 218), while the less —

conventional designs} are little jinfluenced in form and position by the decorative

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 383

field. The only exceptions to this rule are the basketry and weavings of the Lower Thompsons and the bead-work which evidently developed from the former. Wile peculiarities: of the decorative art of the basketry of the region will be discussed in Part V of this volume. The woven carrying-straps, Fig. 311, show the arrow pattern adapted to a long narrow band. Fig. 312 (and also Fig, 200) represents a snake pattern in beads.

One of the very few purely ornamental designs for which no explanation is obtainable may be seen on the shaft of the root-digger shown in Ero 29206;

STM i TA ai

Fig. 309.

Fig. 307 (<3). Pipe with Design of a Man, nat. size. Fig. 308 (3§2).. Pipe with Designs of Otter and Big-horn Sheep. a, Reverse of Bowl ; 4, Top of Stem. 4 nat, size, Fig. 309 (a38s). Pipe with Design of Ribs. 4 nat, size,

_ The rhythmic arrangement of beaded strings is often very elaborate, as illustrated in Fig. 313, which shows the grouping of strings composing the fringe on a pair of trousers. When worn, the fringe hangs down (see Fig. 168) so that the arrangement of the strings cannot be seen. Nevertheless the same motive is applied throughout, which consists of five elements, — one string of one glass bead and two bone beads in alternating order, one undecorated string, one of

alternating glass and bone beads, one undecorated, one of one glass bead and two bone beads in alternating order.

Music.— The Thompson Indians used very few musical instruments. Their songs and dances were accompanied by the drum, which consisted of a round wooden frame covered with skin. That of a one-year-old deer was con- sidered best, and was often worn before being used on the drum, because this was believed to improve the sound. The drums were generally painted with symbolic

384 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

designs. Those made for use at potlatches (see p. 297) had designs referring to those festivals. Such a one is shown in Fig. 314. It is only recently that square drums, like the pres- -. ent specimen, have been made, a box being used for the frame. The paint- ings represent, on the sides, the rain-

bow, the sun, a male and female dancer, and a horse tied to a post, to be given | away as a present. On thetop is painted 6 a grave-post with bhi attached _ sacrifices, is oh a Ws stars, and on the . s upper part a deer- 2i8. 289 Gifs), Tobacco-pouch with: Design gee

lines representing the spring-poles (see also p. 380). On another drum (Fig. 315 @) is seen a cross painted in red, which represents the points of the com- pass. The four white lines are said to represent bridges, more particularly the one at Botani, from which Coyote fell (see Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by “SI SSSEE James Teit, p. 26). The white cross-lines at the Aa Apa ends of the long white lines represent the ends aii \rae of the bridges. No explanation has been ob- tained for the rest of the painting. The drum- stick (Fig. 315 6) is made of skin padded with deer-hair and decorated with hawk-feathers.

The Thompson Indians used no rattles ex- cept rattling anklets made of deer hoofs, which were worn at dances.

The Indians have a great many songs, which they divide into classes. The principal classes of songs are the lyric song, treating of love, deeds i833. pee of valor, etc.; the dance song ; the war song; the shaman’s song; the song sung in sweat-houses ; the mourning song; the prayer or religious song; the gambling song for the game lehal; and the cradle song.

Wa y'44 |,

inn i nn

Fig. 312 (73$3). Beaded Necklace with Snake Design. § nat. size.

“Shean

Se ~.%

TEYT. THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 385

One song is called the cricket song. The tune is an imitation throughout of the cricket's chirp. The cricket js supposed to say, “Mend the fire,” or “ Put fuel on the fire,” consequently the words of the song are the saine.

Dancinc. — Some of their dances are described om p. 352. Danées also take place at potlatches and other festivals. One or more (generally women, per- haps three or four at a time) get up and dance. Many of these dance as long as they have the breath to do so, after which they hold out a present of a dress or

a blanket, saying, “ This is because you have seen me dance.” This present is then

& A

a AK
_ | ~

WO \ \

i We \

aN A AW Y \

Fig. 314 (4385). Drum. Length of side, 16 in. Fig. 315, @ (1385 A), Drum (diam., 16 in.); & (738 B), Drumstick (length, rz in.),

handed over to the guests. Sometimes a man gets up and dances, holding a rifle

‘in his hands, with which he goes through many manceuvres, uttering at the same

time grunts and exclamations, and then the rifle is given to the guests. At times

_ some of these men and women imitate in their dances certain birds and animals,

such as prairie-chicken, hare, or goose, in sound and gesture. Sometimes the whole actions and motions of the birds or animals while feeding, etc., and the hunting of them, were gone through, causing much merriment to the onlookers, These particular animals were selected because their motions were well suited to this kind of dance; and, besides, these animals or birds were seldom the guardian spirits of any person. They were not the guardian spirits of the persons who imitated them. The particular songs or tunes for those dances were called by the names of the birds and animals. In the majority of feast dances, no animals or birds were imitated. Some Indians think that the custom of imitating birds, etc., in

these dances, may have been copied from the northern Shuswap, who carried it to

greater perfection than any other tribes. When trading-parties of the northern Shuswap wintered in the Spences Bridge country, as they did sometimes, the latter gave feasts to the former, and we versa. When the former entertained

the Spences Bridge band, they frequently gave exhibitions of these animal

386 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

dances on a grand scale. The favorite animals imitated were the moose and the caribou; the dancers being dressed to resemble these animals, even to the antlers. All the actions of the animals in the rutting season were gone through ; and the whole process of hunting them, and their final death, were all acted by several men. Generally one or two men acted as hunters, showing how they hunted the animals, and finally shooting and skinning them all. The hunters painted their faces in perpendicular stripes of red and black. Many of the actors held in their hands rattles made of cow’s or sheep’s horn, with shot inside, Each person danced separately at a considerable distance from the others, never moving from one place while dancing. Occasionally some of the women danced close together, facing the guests. They remained stationary, moving only the body, head, and arms, or went forward and receded, accompanying their motions with a hissing sound. Sometimes they danced one behind the other. In the latter case, the dancers were women, who advanced slowly toward the speaker, and either gave him presents or received them from him. Sometimes the prin- cipal of the party giving presents arose and danced to the accompaniment of drum and song. A guest who praised the dancer was entitled to a present. |The chief or best singers, both male and female, sat in a circle round the drummer or leader of the singing.

Formerly, when dancing at the potlatch, some of the men and women put birds’ down on their hair. Any kind of down was used, except that of the eagle, which was looked upon as being the peculiar property of the shaman. Some people kept this down in bags made of bow-snake’s skin. Some used to paint their faces red or with perpendicular red stripes. :

XV.— CONCLUSION.

By Franz Boas,

The culture of the Thompson Indians which has been described in the preceding pages, resembles in many respects the culture of other tribes of the western plateaus, and bears evidence of having reached its present stage under the influence of the culture of both the Plains Indians and the tribes of the North Pacific coast, although the affiliations with the former seem to be by far the stronger.

The Salish tribes, of whom the Thompson Indians are one, are remarkable not only on account of their far-reaching linguistic differentiation and the diversity of physical types represented in the various groups, but also on account of the great variation in their cultural status. While the most northern Salish tribe, the Bella Coola, have absorbed all the important elements of the culture of the Northwest coast, which they have developed in their own peculiar way (see Part II of this volume, p. 120), we find that the tribes farther to the south have adopted this culture to a much less extent, The most northern tribe of this group are the Comox, who live on the central part of the east coast of Van- couver Island. While they still possess many of the characteristic features of the culture of the Northwest coast,— such as totemism, highly developed plastic art, and a peculiar mythology,— these decrease in number as we proceed southward, until on the coast of the State of Washington most of them are found to have disappeared. The most southern tribe of Salish affiliation, the Tillamook, who live in northern Oregon, have developed a culture which is strongly influenced by that of the tribes of northern California. East of the Cascade Range and of the Coast Range of British Columbia we find Salish tribes who, partly on account of different environment, partly on account of eastern influence, resemble in their culture, in many respects, the tribes of the Plains. The Lillooet, who live in one of the large valleys of the Coast Range of British Columbia, are the only one among the Salish tribes of the interior, to whom they belong according to their linguistic affiliation, who have absorbed many elements of Coast culture.

All this tends to show that the Salish tribes have been subject to foreign in- fluence rather than that they themselves have exerted a strong influence upon the tribes with whom they have come in contact. This may have been due to a low stage of development of their early culture, or to social conditions unfavor- able to a continued growth of their own culture.

One of the most important questions in regard to the early history of the Salish tribes is whether the home of the tribe was situated on the coast or east of the mountains. On the whole, the evidence seems to be in favor of an inland origin of the present Coast tribes of Salish affiliations. Archeological investiga- tion of the coast region indicates that in very early times the culture of the

[387]

388 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. southern coast of British Columbia was quite similar to the culture of the northern coast. While at the present time the type of man found in that area is characterized by very broad head and face, we find in the earlier period, which is indicated by the lower strata of the shell-heaps, interspersed among the broad-headed type, a peculiar type with narrow face and narrow head, which has no analogue on the coast. These finds indicate a period of mixture of two distinct tribes. The vo- cabularies and grammatical forms of the Coast Salish dialects prove clearly that at an early time the tribes speaking these dialects must have formed one group of the Salish people, and that they must have differentiated after their arrival on the coast. This is shown most clearly by the fact that theirs alone, among the Salish languages, possess pronominal gender, and that a number of terms refer- ring to the sea are common to most of them. The phonetic disintegration of these dialects, on the other hand, suggests the effect of profound cultural revolu- tions, many of which may have been due to mixture with foreign tribes, That such mixture has taken place is also borne out in the variety of physical types represented in this area, in the variety of cultural forms, and in the changes of mode of life which are evidenced by the changes in burial customs that) have taken place in some of these districts in prehistoric times. The existence of small isolated foreign tribes, such as the Chemakum and Athapascan of Washing- ton, substantiates these views. All this is the more striking in comparison with the uniformity of physical type, of dialect, and of culture, which we find among the tribes of the interior. When comparing the culture of the Coast Salish with that of the interior, we find that both have a number of features in common, and that these points are the ones in regard to which the Coast Salish show a marked difference from their northern neighbors. This is particularly true of their social organization, of their art, and of their mythology. While the northern tribes are characterized by a division into exogamic totems, the Salish tribes consist of a number of village communities of very loose social structure. Only the Bella Coola and the tribes north of Puget Sound have adopted to a limited extent the more elaborate organization of their neighbors. I have tried to show elsewhere how the totemic system of the north was probably introduced among the Salish and Kwakiutl tribes,! and that we may assume that originally all the Salish tribes were as loosely organized as we find the Thompson Indians of to-day. I have also tried to show that the mythology of the Coast Salish has not been much affected by the myths of the northern tribes.” We may therefore conclude that the period of contact between the two groups of people does not cover an ex- cessively long time. ? This view is corroborated by a consideration of the art of the Coast Salish,

1 Social Organization of the Kwakiutl Indians (Ann. Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., 1895), p. 333; Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians (Part II of this volume), p. 120. 2 Sagen der Indianer von der Nordwest-Kiiste Amerikas, p. 346.

TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 389

whose works are much cruder than those of the northern tribes. They have never adopted to its fullest extent the method of the latter, of adjusting decoration to the decorative field, but adhere more or less to the pictographic style of the in- terior, Even on their totem-poles we find a number of figures carved on a board rather than a succession of intricately connected figures covering the whole post. The petroglyphs of southern Vancouver Island particularly are of the same pictographic character as those of the east and as the rock-paintings of the interior of British Columbia, while those of the northern coast resemble in style the conventional paintings and carvings of the Northwest coast art. We must also mention here that a number of objects, particularly pipes, found in southern Vancouver Island and onthe Lower Fraser River, are identical in type with specimens found among the archeological remains of the interior,

When analyzing the culture of the Thompson Indians, we find much evidence of a strong influence of eastern culture by way of the Nicola Valley.

The style of dress, the use of feather ornaments, the cradle of the Nicola band,

are decidedly due to contact with the east. The Nicola band have always been in close contact with the Okanagon ; and eastern products, such as pipes and painted buffalo-hides, and eastern fashions and customs, such as styles of dress and the method of building round tents instead of square lodges, have been introduced in this manner. Even the first vague traces of Christianity seem to have found their way to the tribe along this route.

In many respects these resemblances between their culture and eastern culture are common to them and to other tribes of the western plateaus. The sinew-lined bow, the occurrence of the tubular pipe, the peculiar woven rabbit- skin blanket, the high development of the coyote myths, and the loose social organization, combined with the lack of elaborate religious ceremonials, characterize

them as resembling still more closely the culture of the western highlands,

The decorative art of the Thompson Indians is quite similar to the art of the Indians of the plains and of the plateaus, in that it consists in the application of pictographs for decorative purposes. It is, however, much simpler than the elaborate art of the eastern tribes,

Their manufactures show many affiliations with those of the coast. Sagebrush- bark fabrics are of the same make as the cedar-bark garments of the coast; the tools for wood-work used by the Lower Thompsons are evidently copies or importations from the coast region. Ornaments made of dentalia and abelone shell must be considered as evidence of trade rather than as copies of ornaments

_ worn on the coast. The hand-hammer, harpoon, and fish-knife may also be

counted as copies of implements used by the Coast tribes.

One of the elements of their culture that is most difficult to explain is the Occurrence of the beautiful basketry made of cedar-bark, and of woven fabrics made of mountain-goat wool, among the Lower Thompsons. Coiled basketry of this type is found in many places along the Pacific coast. Prof. Otis T. Mason has

390 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.

pointed out that the coiled basketry of the Arctic Athapascans, which belongs to this type, may be related to the coiled basketry of the Apache and Navajo.’ Since the publication of his paper, much material has been gathered which is strongly in favor of this view. The same type of basketry is found not only among the Athapascan tribe of the Mackenzie Basin, as Professor Mason points out, but also among the Chilcotin of British Columbia (see Part V, Plate XXIII, Fig. 12, of this volume). It occurs all along the Coast Range and the Cascade Range in British Columbia and in Washingtori, and attains its greatest beauty in California. Isolated Athapascan tribes are found throughout this area. Their existence proves that at one time a wave of Athapascan migration must have ‘swept southward along the coast. It would seem, therefore, that this art originated among the tribes who now practise it, at the time of the Athapascan migration. It is remarkable, however, that such basketry is not found in Nicola Valley, which at one time was the home of an Athapascan tribe. It may be that the scarcity of wood in this area is responsible for the restriction of the art to the western portion of the country. The style of weaving applied in the woollen blanket of the Lower Thompson Indians suggests that its origin is due to ‘the application of the technique of weaving found in the interior to a different material. The method of weaving these blankets is the same in principle as that applied by the Upper Thompsons in making rabbit-skin blankets and mattings.

In a general way, we may say, therefore, that the Thompson Indians are in appearance and culture a plateau tribé, influenced, however, to a great extent by their eastern neighbors, to a less extent by the tribes of the coast. Their whole social organization is very simple; and the range of their religious ideas and rites is remarkably limited, when compared to those of other American tribes. This may be one of the reasons why, in contact with other tribes, the Salish have always. proved to be a receptive race, quick to adopt foreign modes of life and thought, and that their own influence has been comparatively small.

1 Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84, Part II, p. 295.

APPENDEX,

Note 1 (see p. 177).

From 1895 to 1899 the vital statistics of the band were a follows : —

BIRTHS, DEATHS.

Males. Females, Males, Females, BOOB eterercuens mci sereets, wave acbete <0 2 2 USOSs oatetan secon nonin Ecaedteeitincaes 4 3 MOL Oneiveere/akorer etka she syste e's. 0% «late 2 I LOG Olena ctl atere ae rty eek eye 3 (o) Tey aie Did OAs rae eee 4 I PEQT Rane oir tle at eee Oield ee 6 5 MSO Setaaeversiorainaicn oiiainclvaide-eiecs 3 2 TSG Sins aeeac teicher oe 3 I ESO) eatebre tras store < si sietalire Soc «3 2 I ES OOM atsNete Tastee on ee eerie oeiee 5 3 13 7 21 12 MDotaltincrease. sic. «s<0 ashe: 20 Notalidecreasennhe... 2 een ee 33

DEATHS CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO AGE,

LUNES, 0's stad SOR GCS OBO NOR DLEe ease een aaa ae ae 5 CGC sa, 5a Som perom tes Gece HOR oO ACR OSES aPC a eee eae 6 PNGMILSIURG CHEMI Y teste espana d a ceeiceae siete tat occ 8 EAC ESEOVEKESIXEY Cua repeereatarni oe eine ct icin cisisia oracle vivo ener cs 14

NOTE 2 (see p. 184).

Stone drills were made of glassy basalt, which was flaked like the arrow-heads. They were hafted in handles made of antler or wood.

Stone knives and stone chisels were hafted in wooden handles by being placed in a slit which was filled with gum. Then a lashing was applied around the wood, They were also hafted in antler. The piece of antler was boiled, so as to make it soft. Then the stone blade was driven into its end. When cooling and drying, the antler became very hard, and held the blade firmly, so that no lashing and no gum were required to hold it in place. Both of these methods are applied at the present time in hafting iron tools. It would seem that handles of antler, such as described here, were not attached to wooden handles. This method of hafting seems to have been in use among the tribes of the Fraser Delta.

NoTE 3 (see p. 276).

The stake was generally valued at twelve counters, which were represented by twelve sticks. Each party had six of these counters. When one party guessed wrong, they forfeited a counter, which was thrown over to the party opposite. When one of the parties guessed right, the gambling- bones were thrown over to them, and it was their turn to sing and to hide the bones. When one party won all the counters, the game was at an end. When a large number of gamblers took part in the game, two pairs of gambling-bones were used.

a ee es

‘No deaths were recorded of adults between fifty and sixty.

: [39x]

APPENDIX.

on heres cone ;

The Indians were in the abit of ia fnalf-growa cagletest ‘freed: the eyry ing the cliffs with ropes for this purpose. — They raised the young birds, and full-grown pulled out their tail-feathers and set them free. Mt was believed, that, eaglet was fed first, the ‘brood would die. cases oe ee

fagiom

Suicide was fete very common, and i is so at the present day, principally, The causes are generally shame, remorse, disappointment, or quarrels. mie relatives, the method most eecperaly resorted to.

V.— Basketry Desicns or THE SatisH InpIAns.

By Livineston Farranp.

PLATES XXI-XXIII,

Among the problems which have been brought prominently to the fore in the modern investigation of primitive ornamentation, there are two which are of particular importance in the study of the evolution of decorative designs; in the first place, the development of the prevalent geometric patterns from realistic representations of natural and artificial objects; and, secondly, the adaptation of the design to the decorative field, and its consequent modification. Research in northwestern America has already contributed to the solution of these problems, and has at the same time revealed tribal and group characteristics in the develop- ment of designs which are particularly suggestive.

The present paper is confined to an examination of basketry designs in use among certain tribes of the fairly widely extended but well-defined Salish stock of American Indians.

With a few exceptions, all the designs described in the following pages are the work of the Lillooet and Thompson Indians of British Columbia and the Quinaults of western Washington. .

The Lillooet and Thompson baskets, with the explanations of their designs, were collected by Mr. James Teit of Spences Bridge, B. C., whose knowledge of the Indians of that region is unrivalled, and whose researches are already well known. Mr. Teit’s personal familiarity not only with the Thompson language, but with the Indians themselves, has enabled him to interpret many designs

which must otherwise have remained unsolved, and to him the possibility of the

present study is mainly due. The Quinault and other baskets referred to in the text were obtained by the writer in the summer of 1897.

It is hardly necessary to remark that the explanations given are in all cases from the Indians themselves, — from the makers where possible, and, in the case of very old baskets or traditional designs in common use, from as many informants as could be procured.

It was stated above that local and group peculiarities in design are evident. An examination of the material from the tribes here under discussion shows char- acteristics of ornamentation which differentiate it rather sharply from that of certain neighboring stocks. In his work on the decorative art of the Coast Indians to the north of the Salish tribes,’ Professor Boas has shown the almost

"The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast, by Franz Boas (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IX, pp. 123-176) ; see also Part I of this volume.

[391]

392 FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS.

exclusive use in that region of animal motives in design, and called attention to the fact that the tendency is not to the development of geometric forms, but that conventionalization has followed a unique line in the direction of dissection and distortion, depending particularly upon the shape, use, and material of the object to be decorated. Among the Salish tribes under discussion, on the other hand, the conventionalizing tendency is wholly in the direction of extreme geo- metric patterns, while the use of animal motives is by no means predominant. This geometric trend is, of course, much more in accordance with the general principles of design among primitive peoples in other parts of the world, and, in the case of basketry, is rather what one might expect from the materials and method of manufacture.’ :

In the case of certain designs figured below, steps in the development can be shown ; in others, the intermediate forms, if they ever existed, have disappeared, and nothing but the geometric figure remains.

It should be noted that most of the designs show variants, and also that what were originally representations of very dissimilar objects have converged in their evolution until the same figure does duty for both, — conditions which result in uncertainty and difference of opinion among native connoisseurs, and conse- quently in the conclusions of the ethnologist. Nevertheless the great majority of the patterns are well recognized under specific names. There are, of course, geometric designs which, so far as all obtainable information goes, are used simply for the decorative value of their lines and angles; but such patterns are usually of great age, and it is quite possible that their representative meaning is lost in antiquity or has only baffled the diligence of the inquirer. The well-known con- servatism of the Indian insures the relative permanence of a design, even when its meaning is not recognized. A design of this character is shown on the Qui- nault basket in Plate XXIII, Fig. 9. It is a favorite pattern in the tribe, but not the slightest cue to its meaning could be obtained. Its name signifies “ standing in the corners of the house,” and refers to the fact that in the old days large baskets with this design stood in the corners for the reception of household odds and ends. All informants agreed as to its great antiquity, as well as to the fact that it had doubtless had a meaning at one time, but no amount of inquiry could discover it.

It is true that with changing conditions some old designs have fallen into disuse, but the majority are preserved. A few new patterns are introduced from . time to time, sometimes copied from the work of the whites, sometimes the result of inspiration on the part of the artist, but the greater number in use are old.

The following recognized names of patterns were obtained from the Lower Thompson Indians by Mr. Teit. The suffix—aist, which is found in all of them, is the compound form of the word tcutcua/isten, meaning “ pattern.”

tatazaa'st (from tata’za, “ arrow-head”), arrow-head pattern. mulada’st (from mu’la, “a variety of root”), root pattern.

’ For a description of methods of manufacture and application of designs, see Part IV of this volume, p. 188.

FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS. 393

kikaxéna'ist (from nki’kaxéni, “ butterfly ”), butterfly pattern. kokucena'ist (from nkoku’cén, “ star ”), star pattern.

tsuptsupEnd’ist (from tsu’pin, “packing-strap ”), strap pattern, skolkolotsa’ist (from skolo’tz, “zigzag” or “crooked ””), zigzag pattern. lukaaist (from luka, “ grave-box ”’), box pattern.

hala-ua’ist (from hala’u, “ eagle ”), eagle pattern.

The names of other designs among the Lower Thompsons are not usually compounded with the suffix —aist, but are simply the names of the objects they represent. Of such patterns the following names were obtained : snake or snake- skin, snake or snake-tracks, rattlesnake tail, grouse or bird tracks, bear foot or bear tracks, birds or geese flying, fly, beaver, deer, horse, man, hand, tooth, leaf, shells (dentalia), stone hammer, comb, necklace, net, root-digger handle, leggings, canoe, trail, stream, lake, mountain, lightning,

Most of the patterns named are figured below in the text or in the plates. Correspondents for many of these, as well as certain additional designs, were found among the Lillooets and Quinaults.

We come now toa more detailed examination of the patterns in question. It has already been stated that among the Salish tribes under consideration, ani- mal motives are not predominant, as in the case of certain Coast tribes farther north. They are, however, iT aay Ws common enough, ahd exhibit admirably the conven- i ddan i tionalizing tendency. For example, the flying-goose a ge eee Perea

v Wu"

pattern (see Fig. 316; also Plate XXI, Fig. 1) of the a Mae

ate Mrs "'r er MRT Lower Thompson Indians is a very true representa- Te ad Mad 0 tion of the flight of that bird, and at the same time ae Feu shows the conventionalization well advanced. The mee ae rene ¥ characteristic droop of the body and elevation of the yy "anew te wings are very well indicated, and the adaptation to the WW Tite prota Ne exigencies of basket-weaving and to the serial arrange- ni id eget ri ment of the units of the design is evident. DINVOERR OC VUWHA rapa

The Indians described a design closely resembling TW UW R PPBEO Buy this, which was said to represent the big-horn sheep, in | DUN ae neesn aw aeoUe 3 which the distinguishing mark was a downward bend , Buy vinvewenvinwe waa} of the ends of the figure, indicating the striking curve —/lithi WSaNTU Ca a _ of the horns of that animal. Unfortunately no SPeCi- Fig. 3:6 G#8r). Flying-goose Pattern, men could be obtained.

Another Lower Thompson design very much like the preceding is somewhat doubtful in meaning, but is said to represent a rattlesnake’s tail or rattle (see Plate XXI, Fig. 2). The closer arrangement of the units of the pattern distin- guish it from the flying goose, and the explanation is not improbable.

Perhaps the best illustration of the process of geometric conventionalization that was brought to light is the bird design on a bag from the Yakima Indians of Washington. The design in question (see Fig. 317; also Plate XXI, Fig. 3) was

394 FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS.

explained as depicting flying birds, a meaning not clear at first glance, but which was evident enough upon the production of a second bag with the same design

[gale aee a aD

Fig. 317 (és). Flying-bird Pattern. Fig. 318 (438). Flying-bird Design.

less advanced (see Fig. 318; also Plate X XII, Fig. 3), and from which the first was derived by mere elimination of the head and tail. |

Snake designs are widely used, but in many cases are indistinguishable from other similar. patterns, and exhibit the con- fusing process of convergent evolution. The typical snake or snake-track pattern among the Salish Indians generally, is a simple zigzag, vertically arranged (see Fig. 319; also, Plate: Xl, Pigs 4)-bur this often represents lightning as well; 7 and, unless the artist himself is at hand to yu tell what he had in mind at the making, UNE vu there is practically never unanimity of Guu PRE WY opinion among the authorities. Investi- ae gation of the significance of color has thus pitied ay far borne little fruit in this region, though QU "2D nin it is not impossible that it may have a } Santi ae determinant value in just such cases as WCW "aa@ ha this. Thesnake zigzag mayalsobe placed : horizontally, but in that event is often ‘“{iitte | aime)

identical with the mountain pattern repre- {aaa

i a - * . CTY vi 1 aad NW hy ) ti) senting a mountain-chain (see Figs. 328 4 he and 329; also Plate XXIII, Figs. 5and6). Fig. 320 igs). Snake Pattern.

Another variant is in the form shown

TRUAVRY

= se ea a

MM | al ''\ in Fig. 320 (see also Plate XXI, Fig. 5), which in turn is cA JA 1! mt ‘ is . Fig. 319 (gH). Suake Pattem, VaNiously interpreted; e. g., as snake-tracks, mountaliaayeeam

half-circles, etc. It also resembles a design much used by the

FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS. 395

Quinaults, known as the “wave” pattern (see Plate XXIII, Fig. 8), which will be noticed later. Plate X XI, Fig. 7, also shows a snake design formed simply by the differently colored coils of the basket.

The design shown in Plate X XT, Fig. 8, is a butterfly design known as the ‘‘half-butterfly,” and depicting the single wing. This, it will be noticed, is very much like certain of the arrow-head patterns described below. It is probably dis- tinguished by its color.

Plate XXI, Fig. 10, gives a good

example of animal conventionalism

Ty! si Thy) 7 Wi

)

Waa aT a

ry LAT TH phe ranan ‘a AAT A os es es a ty te ATU oa ee

ahi ar a

among the Quinaults, showing a floun- gig I aud ; der pattern, the diamonds representing hag | A a a roughly the shape of the fish. This is 7iniaact ane T eee me Mit a common and well recognized design | a ae

a Tat

in that tribe.

Comparable to the snake-track is the grouse-track pattern (see Piga327 - Fig. 321 (a8). Grouse-track Pattern. also Plate XXI, Fig. 14), though the latter is but slightly changed from a very realistic portrayal. The horizontal line shown in the plate represents the earth-line, indicating that the designs are tracks, and not feet.

A curious decoration much used by the Lillooets, and found among the Thompson Indians, though not obtained from the Quinaults, is the fly pattern (see Fig. 322; also Plate XXI, Figs. 9 and 12, and Plate SOT Perio ts, eb his

design is usually arranged in stripes or bands, and seems to Ute PEW CNL ail | Tia | ala uu ww

FLAT Nal th Dl PA a Te wy \ 2 Ty pl wee

represent clusters of flies. It varies slightly in different ways, l though offering always the same general effect, and is made up, as a rule, of crosses composed of small squares.

Very striking is the Lillooet basket with the large double “tooth” design, so called (see Plate XXI, Migs fY)n Phis represents a head with open mouth, four teeth, and hair along the back of the head. This is an old design, and its vu origin is doubtful. It may portray some mythological char- I f acter. A further development is seen in Plate VOM aitex | if 13, where we have the same figure minus the distinguishing

NN \ Nl) teeth and hair. Fig. 322 (5382). Fly Pattern. Plate XXII, Fig. 1, exhibits a design not unlike the preceding, but which the Indians interpret as depicting in- testines or entrails. This is difficult to understand, and, in the absence of more

exact information, must be left doubtful. It might represent a cross-section of

intestine with the corrugated coat, — an appearance with which the hunting savage is of course familiar,— or it may represent an indefinite length of the intestinal tube.

An interesting class of designs found chiefly among the Lillooets, and mainly composed of animal motives, demands attention (see Plate X XII, Pigsa2ys andi),

396 FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS.

It is important for the reason, that, existing side by side with extreme geometric conventionalizations, it exhibits realistic likenesses conventionalized only so far as the materials of manufacture necessitate ; in other words, while the materials of basket-weaving practically forbid the use of curved lines, and confine the artist to right lines and angles, the attempt to preserve as nearly as possible the natural outlines of the model is evident. For example, the figures of a deer shot by an arrow, of men, dogs, bow and arrows, etc., shown in the plates, exhibit this realistic aim, while even on the same baskets we find such geometric patterns as the net and fly mentioned elsewhere.

The figure of a hunter with a feather in his head-dress, his bow, and his two arrows (Plate XXII, Fig. 5) is especially ambitious, and as realistic as the con- ditions permit. The motive of the relatively huge hand of the man is not clear, though it is as small as is compatible with the dimensions of the strips used in weaving the basket, and the details, fingers, thumb, etc., to be inserted.

It would of course be of great interest to know whether this class of realistic designs is of the same age as the more conventionalized type, whether it is older, or a modern introduction. This question it is at present impossible to decide.

a ee te (lit nN 4 vn | |

M.A AN mA I MAN Beret

rT at : :

i ull mi a

ih VY

if |

| Mls i j my i i mT] A MA Pa Tec WHE PORT) ) 3 LAY Ta Ty NEY wn ven

Fig. 323 (xB8s). Half Arrow-head Fig. 324 (g$z). Arrow-head Pattern. Fig. 325 (ity). Arrow-head Pattern. attern.

Contrary to what might be expected, plant designs are not numerous. Of those obtained, one of the best is shown in Plate XXII, Fig. 4, representing the fronds of a fern-like plant known by the Lower Thompsons as “tsanim,” and which has not been obtained for identification.

Possibly the design most commonly used, particularly by the Lillooets, and exhibiting the greatest number of variants, is that known as the “ arrow” or

FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS. 397

“arrow-head” pattern, derived from the triangular, diamond, or leaf-shaped stone arrow-point. Combinations of this pattern are seen on a large number of the baskets collected, and not only form the main decoration in many, but are used for borders and details in others, Perhaps the best-known form of the design is an arrangement of half arrow-heads, as shown in Fig. 323 (see also Plate X XI, Figs. 6 and 9, central stripes), where each pair is separated by a white stripe, and connected with each succeeding pair to forma band or braid. Another favorite form is that shown in Fig. 324 (see Plate XXII, Figs. 6 and 7), the derivation in this case being obvious. The diamond form (see Fig. 325; also Plate XXII, Figs. 7 and 8) is also well recognized in different arrangements.

The “strap” pattern, so called (see Plate XXII, Fig. 9), is derived from the packing-strap or ‘‘tump-line” of the Indians, the ends of which are fastened to the article to be carried, while the strap, passing around the forehead or chest of the bearer, forms roughly a kind of quadrilateral, and the conventionalized design becomes a series of connected squares, diamonds, or rhomboids. This design so closely resembles a net that it is sometimes known by that name. An undoubted fish-net design, however, is shown in Plate XXII, Fig. 13, which rep- resents a typical Quinault basket.

The basket shown in Plate XXII, Fig. 10, is decorated with the box pattern, which is said to be in imitation of the grave-boxes used by the Indians in the dis- posal of their dead. Another derivative from artificial objects is the stone-ham- mer design shown in Fig. 326 (see also Plate XXII, Fig. 12). These stone hammers, which are still in use for ceremonial purposes in many tribes, are of various shapes, but always with a relatively large, heavy head and short handle. In the design in question the desired symmetry is reached by merely joining the handles, forming a sort of double-headed implement.

yu) ig | OMPPRRPE EES). Be i) i La

T a) WW i A T \ INN }

ie he

a7 aas SS

f= | 45 {lee apnea Cae SE ee Et

eet ea

[er

N ‘dr Fe ay eRPRE BE PE

= ee

Fig. 326 (z$s). Stone-hammer Design. Fig. 327 (43§s). Star Pattern,

To come to another class of decorative motives, we find one of the best- known designs under the name of the “star” pattern. This is usually some

398 FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS.

modification of a cross made up of small squares (see Fig. 327; also Plate XXII, Fig. 14). The design in Plate XXII, Fig. 11, is also called “ star” by some, but by others is regarded as represent- ing crossing trails. This figure of a simple cross is very commonly used by the Indians to indicate the crossing of trails, as well as the 2 : cardinal points of direction, so that ereee irae 4444 tata} the interpretation of this design eee = : a must remain doubtful.

A very beautiful piece of work

azz from the Upper Thompsons is the See ee eee eaasoaeeate: bag shown in Plate XXIII, Figs. 1and 2. On one side (Figwa jaime represented lakes and streams; the upper series representing unconnected lakes; the lower series, lakes connected by flowing streams; while on the edges are shown ducks flying toward the water. The lakes are considered mysterious, which fact is indicated by the different colors of the water. On the reverse side (Plate X XIII, Fig. 2) the rows of rhomboidal figures are leaf-shaped arrow-heads, while the crosses are either crossing trails or the points of the compass. The general design of this bag is said to be an old one.

Another bag from the same region is shown in Plate XXIII, Figs. 3 and 4, and said to represent houses and household furniture. On one side (Fig. 3) are depicted rows of lodges; on the other (Fig. 4), dishes, baskets, etc.; the rec- tangles on the edge represent firewood.

Fig. 328 (g483). Mountain Pattern.

The mountain pattern is es- ae pecially common among the Qui- & BEEBE nault Indians of Washington, and Ci ape shows several variations. The Lp re usual form is a horizontal series of Zz

rather acute-angled zigzags (see

Fig. 328; also Plate XXIII, Fig.

ea) IGA

: S oe a ie op BE 5), and the variants are usually in EEE ° ° ai le EO! BE 7 LAS the line of broken zigzags similarly Fe oe ae ae LTH placed (see Fig. 329; also Plate ed

AXITI Fig. 6). =the: design-on the Thompson basket shown in Plate XXI, Fig. 5, and already de- scribed, was also called a ‘ moun- tain” pattern by certain Indians of that tribe, though the weight of authority was in favor of snake-tracks.

The interpretation of Plate XXIII, Fig. 7, is uncertain, though it was

s i ya PE ce = £ tA at gg) GED, 5 = aL ee CEES EEG SSE LL IE EEE 0D

—

Fig. 329 (438z). Mountain Pattern.

FARRAND, BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE SALISH INDIANS. 399

generally regarded as representing mountains with lakes lying in the valleys between them.

; Another favorite Quinault figure is the wave design shown in Plate XXIII, Fig. 8, which is a meandering pattern, said to be derived from the ripples in the water made by the bow of a canoe.

Lightning is also a favorite object for representation in most tribes. As is natural, it is always a zigzag in one form or another, but as such is liable to con-

fusion with snake and mountain de-

signs. Fig. 330 (see also Plate XXIII, Fig. 10) shows a typical decoration of ii this character taken from a Lillooet Me tt basket. The Lower Thompson Indians Mat described an interesting design closely resembling this, but representing the ladder of a subterranean lodge, the an- cient form of house of that region. In AVI ugpennye the ladder design the zigzag was in the AUUETN form of a staircase, but backed by one or two lines, which were its distinguish- ing mark, Unfortunately no example of this pattern could be obtained.

The decoration of the basket shown in Plate XXIII, Fig. 11, is a dream design, representative or symbolic of some object or event in a dream of the maker. Such being the case, the design is private property and semi-sacred, and would not be used by other artists, even though its meaning might be known, which was not the case with this particular basket, and its maker was not forth- coming. Such dream motives are not infrequent, and may provide a mode of entrance for re-enforcements to the common stock of tribal artistic ideas,

The designs mentioned above, while not exhaustive, represent the chief

Fig. 330 (5385). Lightning Pattern,

types in use in the tribes under discussion, and the majority of their baskets show

these patterns in combinations and variations of one sort or another. Designs of this kind are also found among the tribes living farther to the north, as is shown by the Chilcotin basket figured in Plate XXIII, ios the

The uniformity of the process of evolution from realistic portrayal to geo- metric representation seems clear. The wide distribution of this tendency in other parts of the world has been brought out by various writers in recent years, and the task remaining is to collect more detailed information regarding specific groups. This, it is encouraging to note, is being rapidly done ; and, while it may be true that certain peoples have developed geometric designs without any under- lying realistic motives, the accumulating evidence proves beyond question the prevalence of the process described in the preceding pages.

VI.— Arcuaotocy or tHE Tuompson River Reaion,

Britis Cotumpra,

By Harvan I. Smiru.

PLATES XXIV-XXVI.,

In the following Pages are contained the results of archeological investiga- tions carried on by the writer for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition in the Thompson River region, between Spences Bridge and Kamloops. The arche- ology of Lytton, a town situated at the confluence of Thompson and Fraser Rivers, has been described in Part III of this volume. Further researches were carried on at Spences Bridge, Kamloops, and in Nicola Valley.'

Spences Bridge is situated on Thompson River, twenty-two miles above Lytton, and about one mile below the mouth of Nicola River. At this place Thompson River flows through a narrow valley, about eight hundred feet above sea-level, between steep mountains cut out by its tributaries from the rolling plateau which extends from the Coast Range to the western slope of the Gold Range. The climate is dry, and, except where irrigation is resorted to, vegetation is scanty; but open timber is found in the higher valleys. Cactus, sagebrush, grease- wood, and bunch-grass grow on the slopes, and cottonwood-trees border the streams. Great numbers of salmon that ascend Thompson River turn up Nicola River.

Kamloops (Plate XXIV) is situated ninety-five miles above Lytton, at the confluence of North Thompson and South Thompson Rivers, in the central part of southern British Columbia. The river here flows through a comparatively wide bottom-land, at an altitude of eleven hundred and sixty feet. The surround- ing country is a rolling plateau. The climate is as dry as at Lytton and Spences Bridge, so that vegetation is equally scanty and similar in character. The neigh- boring mountains have less timber than those near Lytton ; and the open hillsides, which are covered with bunch-grass and greasewood, are favorable for grazing. The Kamloops Indians state that formerly great herds of elk inhabited these hills, and that the neighboring tribes, as well as they themselves, hunted them. Salmon were also used for food, although the number of fish that reach this point is not as great as the number that ascend to Spences Bridge or up Nicola River. Consequently roots and berries, as well as deer and bear, were probably more extensively used than at places farther down the stream. Just below Kamloops the Thompson widens into Kamloops Lake, where wild fowl and fish abound and are easily accessible. A rocky cliff on the north shore of the lake, near the

} See map, p. 166, Part IV,

[4or]

402 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

mouth of Tranquille River, bears numerous pictographs painted in red. The cliff is locally known as “ Battle Bluff.”

A large burial-place and village-site on the Indian reserve, on a low carey stretch Paredes north of Kamloops bridge, has been known for some time, but no full account of it has been published. The whole point bounded by North Thompson and South Thompson Rivers, Pauls Creek, and the mountains to the northeast of these, has for a long time been used by Indians as a camping-ground. The modern Indian village is situated at the northwestern limit of this area, near North Thompson River. A slough extends east and west between the present village and the old burial-place. Specimens collected on this site are in the Museum of the Geological Survey of Canada, in the Provincial Museum at Victoria, B. C., and in private cabinets.

The valley of Nicola River in its lower part is deep and narrow, while in its upper part it passes through an open rolling country, similar in character to the plateau north and south of Kamloops. A number of small streams run into Nicola Lake, which is situated about thirty-five miles south of Kamloops. The lake is about two thousand feet above sea-level. From here the river runs west about twenty-two miles, then northwest about the same distance. There it reaches . Thompson River at an altitude of about eight hundred feet. The whole river is therefore rapid and shallow. Formerly bear and elk were abundant on the plateau. Trout are plentiful in Nicola Lake and its tributaries. The Indians of this valley have commercial intercourse with Kamloops to the north, Lytton and Boston Bar to the west, Similkameen to the south, and with the Okanagon to the east.

There are numerous rock-slides (Plate XXV) along the base of some of the cliffs. The examination of graves reported by Indians to be in these slides was the main object of explorations in this valley.

In June, 1897, a series of explorations was made in the vicinity of Spences Bridge and Kamloops. In May, 1898, and in May, 1899, these sites were revisited. In October, 1899, an exploring trip was made in Nicola Valley from its mouth to the head of Nicola Lake. The following descriptions are based upon these explora- tions. The accompanying illustrations are from drawings by Mr. Rudolf Weber. The botanical specimens have been identified by Mr. Willard N. Clute of Bing- hamton, N. Y. The writer also wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Rev. Father J. M. Le Jeune of Kamloops, to Mr. James Teit of Spences Bridge, and to the chiefs of the Indian bands visited, all of whom rendered valuable assistance in carrying on his field-work.

At Spences Bridge a single grave was the most interesting site explored. It was located on the edge of the first terrace overlooking Thompson River from the north, on the Murray Ranch, about a quarter of a mile above the ferry. There are numerous old graves near by, on an island near the north bank of Thompson River, which the Indians did not wish us to explore, while they assisted in exploring the first grave, which had been unknown to them. This grave con- tained no evidence of contact with whites. On the other hand, there is no positive

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 403 evidence pointing to great antiquity. Fabrics that were buried with the body, and wooden poles in the surrounding soil, were still in a fair state of preservation. A detailed description of this grave will be found on p. 434.

Single graves and little burial-grounds of greater or less antiquity are found at frequent intervals, often less than a mile apart. Several single graves are on the hillside above the burial mentioned before. “ A small cemetery is situated on the south side of the river, not far below the mouth of Nicola River; a second one is just below the settlement on the south side of the river; a third one is on the opposite side; anda fourth one is about half a mile farther down, also on the north side of the valley. One burial-ground below the Indian village was covered by. a gravel-slide which was caused by the encroachment of the river upon the deep gravel-beds which fill the valley.

About four miles above Spences Bridge, on the north side of the valley, are several pits surrounded by embankments, which mark the sites of ancient under- ground houses. Excavations in these pits resulted in finding broken bones of deer, bear, salmon, etc., charcoal, burned and crackled stones, and other evi- dences of occupancy. Similar pits are located on the same side of the valley just above the settlement, and on the south side near the mouth of Nicola River. Between this place and the railroad-station at Spences Bridge the river has cut into the bank, and exposed several old burials. Here are also remains of under- ground houses. More of them may be seen near the Indian village just below the railroad-station, and a large number are located on the low terrace close to the south bank of the river, about a mile down the valley. Excavations in these show that the fireplace was near the centre of the house. Numerous broken bones of food-animals were found with ashes and charcoal. Several skin-scrapers made of stone were found on the surface of the circular embankments (see Fig: 355). Small pits of similar appearance, but deeper in proportion to their diam- eter, are found near these house-sites, and are supposed to be remains of caches or cellars. Chipped points of glassy basalt for arrows, spears, etc., chipped skin- scrapers made of stone, stone hammers or pestles, and bowlders bearing paintings in red,’ are frequently found on the surface near Spences Bridge.

At Kamloops attention was directed particularly to the large burial-ground and camp-site already described. Except where held in place by an occasional sagebrush, the light yellowish gray sand is ever shifting over this site, so that the depth of the remains varies daily, and the original order of burial has been much disturbed. Burned and crackled bowlders hold in place conical piles of sand from twenty to thirty feet in diameter. These are evidently the places where stones have been heated to be used in cooking roots or for boiling food in baskets. Strewn over the entire site are found the bones of food-animals, stray bones from graves, burned and crackled firestones, and other objects, such as dentalium shells, copper beads, and flat oblong beads made of bone. The last named were usually found in little patches near traces of fires, and were frequently charred,

1 See Part IV, Plate XIX,

404 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

Chipped points for knives, arrows, etc., wedges made of antler, and stone pestles or hammers, were also discovered. ;

At intervals along the river-bank, from the western limit of this site to the Government Indian School, about two miles to the east, are remains of under- ground houses, which are most numerous near the school. They vary from about fifteen to thirty feet in diameter, and close to them are traces of cache-pits five or six feet in diameter. There are also remains of underground houses at the south end of the bridge. In one of these a number of willow-trees six to eight inches in diameter are growing.

The “Government Site” is located north of the slough, on a flat at the base of the foot-hills close to the school. Here the shifting sand has exposed the remains of cremated children, together with dentalium shells, flat oblong bone beads, and chipped cache forms of glassy basalt.

The “Government Hill Site” is located on the brow of the foot-hills leading to the mountains, about a hundred feet above the flat northwest of the school, and northeast of the large burial-ground. Here water may have been obtained from the slough at the base of the hills. At this site also the wind constantly shifts the dry sand, and the surface is strewn with material similar to that on the . large burial-ground. Burials found here were not claimed by the present Indians as belonging to their ancestors, although an iron awl with bone handle (see Fig. 357d) was found. Sagebrush fabrics and wood were also found in the graves, but these would naturally last for a long time in the dry sand.

In one of the ravines cutting the foot-hills were quantities of angular pieces of rock, which seem to be of the same material as that of which the chipped implements found in this region were made. It was not determined whether an outcrop of this rock was uncovered by erosion of the ravine, or whether these angular pieces had been carried down by water from a point higher up the hill- side. Following up the ravine, their occurrence became less frequent, and finally they seemed to be entirely absent. Workshops were not discovered in this ravine, but at several places on the Government Hill Site chips of glassy basalt were found in caches uncovered by the wind, and accompanied in one instance by small pebbles possibly used as chipping-hammers, and fragments of bone that may have been used in flaking. Cache forms and finished implements were found in the vicinity. On the whole, these places seem to have been small workshops.

The first whites to reach this vicinity were the Hudson Bay Company’s agents, who built a block-house on the point west of the mouth of North Thomp- son River. Here were found the graves of the Indians who first met the whites. The bodies were buried stretched out on the back, with heads west, in wooden coffins put together with blacksmith-made iron nails. Near these graves were traces of underground houses. The Indians raised no objections to the explora- tion of these graves, although they knew that they were those of their immediate ancestors. They did not know to what people the graves at the other sites at Kamloops belonged.

ms.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 405

About two miles below this point, on the northern side of the river, is a wind-swept sand-knoll where evidences of a village-site were found. Near the mouth of Tranquille River, on the north side of Kamloops Lake, above the red paintings on Battle Bluff, were evidences of still another village-site,

In Nicola Valley, at Likta‘qrten, about nine miles above the mouth and on the east side of the river, were a number of graves (Plate XXV, Rigs tia ene bodies had been placed upon the surface at the foot of a rock-slide or talus slope, and were covered by disturbing the slope sufficiently to cause rocks to slide down over them.’ These graves are usually marked by a few rocks piled up on them; but the pile is so low, that it is difficult to distinguish it from other parts of the talus slope. In some cases.a branch was inserted among the rocks over the grave, and extended down to the body. One skeleton, resting upon the rock-slide, was in a little tent of poles covered with mats made of the stalks of the common cat- tail (Zypha latifolia L.). The rock-slide had been worked down around the tent toa height of about two feet over the skeleton. There were no objects found with the body or in the tent. Another grave was without a tent, but contained a celt and chipped basalt points. The Indians knew of these graves, and considered them as belonging to the Thompson Indians, although they did not care much for them. Numerous pits, the remains of underground houses and food-caches, were located on the flat between this slide and the river.

At a point four miles farther up the valley, or thirteen miles from its mouth, isa rocky bluff which the Indians call Ka'iatamus a canex, or “the shooting rock,” on account of the following custom: The young men, when passing along the trail between the river and the rock, used to try their skill at lodging an arrow-on its top. At the southern base of this cliff is a talus slope in which are a number of burials marked by posts and twigs. One of the posts is carved at the top to repre- senta human face. These gtaves are also known by the Indians to be those of the Thompsons, but they care very little for them, because no near relatives of the people buried there are living. There are house-pits about a mile below this place, also about a quarter of a mile above it, and at various camping-places throughout the valley. They are so numerous that notes of all the sites were not taken. At some of them are cache-pits, and also circular saucer-shaped depressions which mark sites of summer lodges. The former are deep, and surrounded by embankments,

The graves of two children and one man, the latter known to have been buried in the fifties, were explored on the terrace overlooking Nicola River from the south, at the mouth of Nicola Lake and due south of the bridge. These graves were about eighteen inches deep, and above each of them was a pile of five or six bowlders. Red Pictographs were reported by the Indians to be on a rocky promontory which we saw near the middle of the lake, on its northern shore.

At Nxaxtetex’, near Qé’tamix, on the Indian reserve at the eastern limit of Nicola Lake, south of Nicola River and of the church on the reserve, is an outcrop Of rock in the Meander Hills. This is about three miles north of Quilchena

1 See Part IV, p. 330.

406 SMITH, ARCH HZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

(Qwiltca'na). There are three main talus slopes between this knoll and the lake, in all of which were graves marked by sticks and twigs. Charlie Tcilaxitca, who is about sixty years of age and a brother of the chief of this reserve, related that when he first saw the place, it resembled a patch of small dead trees, so numerous were the twigs marking graves on the slope. The rocks were piled up over the graves, but the piles were so low that they were difficult to find, except when marked by twigs (Plate XXV, Fig. 2).

Ulula'mgén, or Iron-Head, a man about seventy years of age, who was born at the lower end of Nicola Lake, and lived on this reserve, gave the following history of these graves. One spring, when his father was a young man, and before he himself was born, about fifty Nicola Athapascans were living in an underground house where the church is now.!. From there on to the flat close to the lake, between it and the rock-slides, a party of about a hundred Thompson Indians were camping in lodges among the bushes which skirt the shore, and give the place its name. A few of them had come from near Spences Bridge, and many from Lytton, to fish in Nicola Lake. In the evening one of the Nicola Athapascans noticed some people without horses walking along the hillsides on the northern border of the lake. He reported what he had seen, but the people thought they were only hunters or some persons out for a stroll. All went well until some time after dark, when they heard a cry like that of an owl from the hill- side to the eastward. Then a coyote-cry answered, and sO On, along the hillside surrounding the camp on the eastward, until the cries of two owls, one fox, two coyotes, and a bald-headed eagle, had been heard. The fires were burning brightly in the dark night, and the people were all eating. When they noticed these cries, they grew suspicious, especially when later they heard the note of a robin nearer the camp than that bird would naturally come. A boy was sent out to see who uttered the cry. He objected; but the people made him go, never thinking it might be an enemy’s cry. Being afraid, the boy stuck a lighted piece of pitch-wood in his head-dress. When he had gone a little distance, a Shuswap warrior, one of a party from near Kamloops, who had probably made the noise, jumped up and struck him on the head, killing him. Immediately, while most of the people were still eating, not having had time to learn of this murder, the war-cries of the entire attacking party were heard. The enemy consisted of about two hundred young warriors. They killed the whole fishing-party except a few young women, whom they made their slaves. Two Thompsons, one man and one woman, escaped by swimming across the lake. All the people in the underground house were killed. The narrator did not know of any noted Indians being present among the victims. The Shuswap left most of the property of the slain behind, in their haste to return before an avenging party could be organized.

Shortly after this, Nkwala’, a chief of the Nicola Athapascans, but partly of Okanagon blood, arrived with a party of friends from his home on the eastern side of Douglas Lake. He was one of the greatest chiefs of the whole region,

1 Remains of underground houses were found where he said, and were probably known to him.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 407

and for him Nicola Valleyis named, He was greatly surprised to learn of the massacre, and pained to see the dead that had been left by the Shuswap warriors, Some of the children had been tied in pairs, and thrown over the handles of spears that had been stuck into the house-poles ; and a number of the older persons, as well as some of the children, had been disembowelled. He set out to bury these people hastily, which took his party over a day anda half. No avenging party was sent by the Nicola Athapascans. The Thompsons sent out a party, which went to Kamloops by way of Douglas Lake, and returned by the Thompson River trails. Their success is unknown, The old men told the narrator that all of the dogs were killed and buried with their owners, so far as these were known; but those whose masters were not known were killed and buried separately. A large number of dentalium shells were buried with one body. Stone axes, kettles (one of which was of copper), and other things, were also buried with their owners when known. A double-bladed iron knife, probably secured by trade from the United States, was buried with one body. The people had no guns at that time: and such horses as they had, if any, were taken posses- sion of by relatives. The Thompsons and Athapascans, being close friends, were buried together indiscriminately. Iron-Head had never heard that any burials were made in the rock-slide before or since this massacre. The chief, however, said that later on, an Indian who had died of small-pox had been buried there, it being an out-of-the-way place.

Resources.—The resources of the prehistoric people of the Thompson River region, as indicated by the results of these explorations, were practically the same as those found at Lytton.! According to Dawson,? fine-grained augite-porphyrite, or basalt, is abundant in the Arrow-stone Hills and near the head of Cache Creek, a tributary of Bonaparte River, which empties into the Thompson from the north, between Kamloops and Spences Bridge. Although objects made of this material are found in the Lillooet Valley, and even in the Fraser Delta, yet it seems to have been more frequently used for chipped implements the nearer the Thompson River region is approached. One drill-point made of andesitic lava was found, and also one object made of aragonite. Green stones? are perhaps as numerous among the bowlders near Spences Bridge as they are at Lytton. Bowlders of nephrite (identified by Mr. George F. Kunz) resembling the same material from Lytton and the Thompson River region were found by the writer on the beach at the mouth of Nootsack River, in the State of Washington. Flat pebbles of the same material, sharpened and partly cut into strips to form celts, were also

1 See Part III, pp. 132, ff.

Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia (Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Section 1A. 1891, p. 35) ; also American Anthropologist, N.S., Vol. I, October, 1899, p. 766.

*See Part III, p. 132; Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia, by George M. Dawson (Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, Section IT, 1891, pp. 11, 18) ; Note on the Occurrence of Jade in British Columbia, and its Employment by the Natives, by George M. Dawson (Canadian Record of Science, Vol. II, No, 6, April, 1887, p. 364); Notes on Specimens of Nephrite from British Columbia, by B. J. Harrington (Trans, Roy. Soc, Canada, Section III, 1890, p. 61) ; and other papers referred to in these publications,

408 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION,

found. It seems that these bowlders are widely distributed, and that wherever they occurred they were used for making implements.

Here as elsewhere tough rocks, such as diorites, were employed for hammers, pestles, etc. Yellow ochre, of a more reddish color than that seen at Lytton,’ was found at Kamloops, while white calcareous or infusorial earths were not found in this region, although there is no proof that they were not used. Frag- ments of rock bearing galena were found at Kamloops, as was also an iron awl.

Some points (Fig. 336) suitable for arrows were made of bone. Beaver- teeth were made into dice. Bone of the whale (identified by Prof. H. F. Osborn) was imported from the seacoast, and made into war-clubs of a form typical of this region. It is possible that it was imported over the same route as were the dentalium shells, which until recently came through the Chilcotin country, from the region north of Vancouver Island. This is further emphasized by the absence of clubs of this material along Lower Fraser River.

Pecten shells were found, but no olivella-shell objects were seen above Lytton. Shells of the fresh-water unio were found in little patches about three feet in diameter at the four largest sites at Kamloops in sufficient numbers to indicate that this animal was used for food.

Fragments of matting made of cat-tail stalks, fabrics of sagebrush-bark, fibre of cedar, and charred bearberries, were found in the graves, but seeds of Lytho- spermum were not seen.

Hunting and Fishing ; Digging Roots. —The implements used in procuring food in this region were fully as numerous as at Lytton, and of a similar character. The chipped points for arrows, spears, knives, etc., were usually made of glassy basalt. Numerous caches containing chips and blades of this material were found. Blades of the forms shown in Fig. 331 were abundant. The chips and flakes which were found in lots of thirty to a hundred in the caches are rather large, curved to the natural fracture, and often show bulbs of percussion. They are similar to chips and flakes from other regions. Some yy a show secondary chipping along one or more Fig. 231, @ Cots), 8 Gikee), c G89). Basi Fomenoe edges, Although usually waste material from GE VE ee ea the manufacture of chipped implements, they were undoubtedly sometimes used, here as elsewhere, for cutting.

Points chipped from this material are very numerous, and exhibit a great variety of forms. A typical series is illustrated in Fig. 332. One of these points (Fig. 332, ¢) was found crushed into pieces of wood resembling parts of a bow, so that it seemed to be hafted in the wood. The specimen shown in Fig. 332 / is slightly polished, and its edges are rounded, probably by the sand blowing against it. Fig. 332, 2, 7, shows typical points much like the usual forms, save that each

1 See Part III, p. 133.

SMITH, ARCH AOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 409

of these is specialized by serrations on one side. Typical forms made of other materials are shown in omg saa Some of these are made of white chalcedony (Fig. 333, a and c), another one of waxy yellow chalcedony (Fig. 333, 6), anda fourth one of chert E95 333.0).

Four beautifully chipped complex forms of glassy basalt are shown in Pig 334 O40 & The form shown in Fig. 334 @ was collected

Fig. 332. Chipped Points of Glassy Basalt. 3 nat. size,

antler LGiae < Gira), a EDL (as & Git), # Bua), J Cathe?) by Mr. Teit froma cache of badly formed points found near Spences Bridge. The Indians Big aa Gib eae cline alae Games maintained that it was a piece of arrow-stone eins mateof Chalcedony and Chert. Ramloops. frat shaped by the Raven for no particular pur-

pose, that the Raven shaped the arrow-stone according to his fancy, but that most of the forms he made resemble arrow-heads. Possibly these may have been used for scarifying the body or for surgical operations.

Two points rubbed out of slate have been found in this region (Fig, 335). These, like the sea-shells and bone of the whale, probably came from the coast, where such forms are common, or they are at least imitations of forms originally belonging to the coast.

Points for arrow and spear heads rubbed out of bone

Fig. 334. Fig. 335.

Fig. 334. Complex Chipped Points of Glassy Basalt. a (3385), Spences Bridge ; (Fig. 336) were not uncom- 5 (75820), c (785 6), 4 (738s), e (74$na), Nicola Lake. 4 Nat, size,

Hee | nae eed Points made of Slate. « (1s), Kamloops; 4 (x8fra),Spences mon. Although I did not find

Bridge. 3 nat. size,

any at Lytton, it is safe to as- sume that they were used there as well. The base of the specimen shown in Fig. 3364 is thin and sufficiently wedge-shaped to be readily inserted in an arrow-shaft, while

410 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON ‘RIVER REGION.

the specimen shown in Fig. 336¢ hasa base nearly cylindrical in form. In the char- coal and soil adhering to the specimen is the impression of primary wing-feathers, , with the tips pointing towards its base. The specimen shown in Fig. 336 d@ is made of the heavy leg-bone of the elk or a like animal, and bears an artificial median groove on the surface opposite the marrow-canal. Of seven bone points that were buried with it, apparently ina pouch at the side of a body, three were of the form shown in Fig. 336 7, one of the form shown in Fig. 336 g, and two of the form shown in Fig. 336. Another one was apparently merely a splint with rounded back and hollowed front. Possibly two pieces like that shown in Fig. 336 f were placed one on each side of the one shown in Fig. 336 g, and lashed there by windings, to form the well-known salmon |har- poon-head.’ Each specimen of the shape shown in Fig. 336 / is considerably decomposed for about half its length from the tapering end, Fi vad ey Srey i while the less acute end is better preserved. GD 2 HO a LH tbe 5,62. Kamloops: “The different states of preservation of the two ends suggest that the points were inserted in

a handle or held by windings, which affected the decomposition of the bone. The splint may have been simply a brace or filling between or outside of the others. Possibly the other specimens were additional barbs. This is not unlikely, because it is known that four- pronged spears were used by the Indians. On the other hand, these specimens may have been used as the barbs of fish-

Fig. 337. Fig. 338. Fig. 337, @ (e3$2), 4 (23S), ¢ (2389). Harpoon-points made of Bone. Kamloops. }3 nat. size. Fig. 338, @ (x}83), Bone object, Kamloops; 4 (g3$5), Wooden object, Spences Bridge. 3 nat. size.

spears.? Fig. 336 @ illustrates one of seven specimens, all of similar form but varying in size, found in the pouch at the side of a grave explored at Spences 1 See Part IV, Fig. 231. 2 Ibid., Fig. 232.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 411

Bridge. Two of the specimens of this lot show well-preserved impressions of winding, exactly as wauld be the case if they formed parts of a harpoon-point.'

A bone harpoon-point made wholly of one piece of material, and with a barb, was found (Fig. 337, a). The barb, however, is broken off. The base is wedge-shaped, and could easily be inserted in the split end of a handle. Such harpoon-points, I was told by Baptiste, an old shaman who is still familiar with the ancient implements of the Indians, were used for spearing beaver.’ A similar point, also said to be used for beaver-spearing, was secured by Mr. Teit from the Indians at Spences Bridge. Two other harpoon-points (Fig. 337, 4, ¢) are much burned, and, as both are broken, their original shape cannot be determined. There are many pieces still less perfect, which were found scattered on the surface of the large burial-ground at Kamloops, while other pieces were found with cremated bones of children at the Government Site.

Fig. 338 a illustrates a bone object found on the surface of the Government Hill at Kamloops. It has been bleached and somewhat warped by the sun. The notch in the end extends slightly down the sides, but shows no rubbing. Fig. 338 4 illustrates a similar-shaped speci- men made of wood, which was found in a woven pouch in the grave at Spences Bridge. Still adhering to it are shreds of cedar-bark, while traces of red ochre cover it. The notch is rectangular, and the other end of the specimen is pointed like a sharpened lead- pencil. These specimens seem to be fore- shafts for arrows or spears,—the former possibly for a spear, while the latter; being delicate, would be more appropriate for a small arrow.

In a grave near Nicola Lake were found fragments of a wooden bow of lenticular cross-section ornamented with parallel, irreg- ularly arranged, cuneiform incisions.’ Pieces of wood, some of which may have been part of a bow, were found in a grave at the mouth of Nicola Lake, and pieces of wood found in the second grave on the Govern- ment Hill at Kamloops resemble a bow of the type shown in Fig. 220, Part IV.

Digging-sticks were used in the region, several of the handles made of antler having been found. Many of them are deco- rated by incised designs.‘

_ Fig. 339, @ (238s), 5 GB8s). Sap-scrapers. Kamloops. 4 nat size.

' See Part IV, Fig. 231. * See Part III, Fig. 20, which shows a specimen probably used for the same purpose.

See Part IV, Fig. 216. 4 See Part III, p. 137; Part IV, Daesre

412 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

For securing soft inner bark or sap for food, the Indians use bone scrapers, with which the trunk of the tree is scraped after the outer bark has been removed.’ The specimens shown in Fig. 339 probably served the same purpose. One of these (Fig. 339, 2) ismade from the shoulder-blade of some large mammal. It is consequently very thin. The edges show that the bone was cut by grooving or incising each side, and breaking, in the same manner as the pieces of serpentine and nephrite were detached from bowlders. The broken edges were then smoothed by rubbing, and the short side was sharpened. A second specimen is also made of bone. It is slightly thicker than the other. It shows no marks of cutting, and has sharp edges on all sides. A third one (Fig. 339, 0) is smaller, but similar to the first. It is perforated, possibly for suspension, and does not show marks of cutting along its edges.’

In Fig. 340a@ is shown a bone implement made from a fragment of a,long bone, slightly worked at the base, and shaped like a paper-cutter at the point. Fig. 340 6 represents another bone implement, very thin, with rounded edges at the base, and is shaped like the former. It is perforated at the centre, about an inch from the base, the hole having been drilled or scraped from both sides. These two implements may have been used for cutting inner bark when the sap runs in April.’

Tubes about four inches long, made from bird-bones cut off squarely at the ends, were secured. These were proba- bly used for drinking.‘

Pieces of birch-bark with perforations resembling small needle-holes were found; and in the second grave on the Government Hill a little dish was secured. It was made by turning up the sides of a piece of birch-bark, folding in the ends, and stitching them with a piece of bark. The speci- men may have been a drinking-cup, similar to those in use up to recent times. The present Indians make such dishes in which to market wild strawberries.

Preparation of Food. — Stone pestles served for crush- Hone te een Euan ing dried meat, berries, etc., as well as for driving wedges, aoa es splitting wood, and in like industries. Many of these pestles are mere cylinders of tough rock, often but slightly changed from the natural pebble by a little pecking or rubbing. One of those found is over a foot in length. The typical form, which is common to this region and to the upper Columbia near Spokane, however, has a conoid body with a rounded or hat-shaped top (Fig. 341, a, 6). In some cases the top is of the form of a face or

poeerbart Vin pucsse

® See Part III, Fig. 95, which was probably also used as a sap-scraper ; not as a pendant, as stated on p. I5r. 3 Ibid, Fig. 51, which figure was believed by Michel of Lytton to represent such an implement.

See, PartolVanpea3i3:

SMITH, ARCH AOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 413

puimal Head (Fig341, c; see also Fig. 295, Part IV). The last-named specimen has a cylindrical striking-head, which resembles that of the typical pestles of Lytton. It might easily have been brought from there ; and it is surprising that no more pestles with cylindrical striking-heads have been im- ported into this region,

Flat oval bowlders, like those seen at Lytton, are frequently found scattered on the surface of the sites. The typical specimen is made of granite, and shows a decided saucer-shaped depression in the centre of one side. This tends to confirm the belief that these objects were used as anvils upon which to crush food or pound other material. Baptiste said that small stones were used as anvils upon which to crush food in mouthful quantities for rich, toothless old persons when travelling. He said that these persons would use a large stone when at home, but that a small one was lighter to carry when travelling. The food was placed between two pieces of skin and crushed with a small pestle. Large flat pieces of sandstone, on which food was rubbed,' were not found in this region. The large stone mortar shown in Fig. 342 was found cached as described on Pp. 436. It is made of granite, with bottom slightly concave. The bowl is about six inches across by four inches deep, and fairly smooth.? The little stone mortar shown in Fig. 343 has a rather smooth, saucer - shaped bowl, with a smaller pecked pit in the base. Around it outside are

Fig. 341. Stone Hammers, 3 Nat. size,

@ (zi$), 5 (=38,), Kamloops ; c (285), Spences Bridge.

4 Ph 5 Fig. 342. Fig. 343.

four incised lines that Fig. 342 Ga8z). Stone Mortar. Kamloops. } nat size.

are somewhat effaced, Fig. 343 (2485). Stone Mortar. Kamloops. # nat, size.

the specimen apparently

having been last used as a hammer-stone. Mortars of the type shown in Fig. 342

1 See Part IIT, p. 139.

According to information secured by Professor Boas some years ago, while at Kamloops, a large stone dish, made of serpentine or steatite, was found there in 1874, and is said to have been sent to Geneva, Switzerland ; another was said to have been secured by Professor Haliburton and sent to Ottawa ; while a third and fourth were taken to Victoria by Judge O’Riley and Dr. Ash. The last-named specimen is said to have represented a woman in a sitting posture, with a snake sculptured on her back, where was also a cup-shaped depression,

414 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

were not found west of Kamloops. They are common, however, to the south, in Columbia Valley and in California.

Fish-knives made of slate, like those found at Lytton, were rare at Kam- loops. They were not found at Spences Bridge or in Nicola Valley. The scar- city of slate knives among the finds is probably due to chance or to the fact that dried fish was a comparatively unimportant article of diet. It cannot be due to lack of contact with Coast tribes, because other objects are found, made of material imported from the coast, or exhibiting in their form the influence of coast culture. The slate knife illustrated

aS: in Fig. 344, like another one, has very dull edges,

, Hig ads (otf) Flsh Ents andlooes all of which are about equally rubbed or rounded, as

would be the case had the object been used as a skin-

scraper. There is a wide shallow groove, perhaps one-fourth the width of the

specimen, running lengthwise near one edge, and on the other side a similar

groove near the opposite edge. These grooves disappear before reaching the ends of the specimen.

No shell spoons were found. The conical piles of sand held in place by burned and crackled pebbles, that are described on p. 403, are undoubtedly the sites where roots were baked, after being covered with leaves and ashes. The Indians boiled their food in baskets until recently. The scattered burned and crackled stones, and the entire absence of pottery, suggest that it was the custom in the past. We may naturally suppose that roasting before open fires was also as customary as it is now.

Habitations. — Here, as at Lytton, the ancient houses were similar to the underground houses inhabited by the Indians until within the last decade. This is proved by the numerous pits, each surrounded by a circular embankment, found at all of the sites visited (Part III, Plate XIII, Fig. 2, also pp. 403 ff). Near them are often found the pits indicat- ing ancient food-caches or cellars.

Tools. — Wedges made of elk-antler were of the same sort, and were as numerous in the graves and on the surface asat Lytton. Undoubtedly they were here used for the same purposes, for splitting timbers, cutting firewood, and for gen- eral carpentry-work. Some of these wedges are much bat- tered by long use. The one illustrated in Fig. 345 shows grooves at the sides similar to those which are seen on some of the stone celts, the antler having been partly cut through from both sides, and then broken before the wedge was rubbed to a point. Some of the wedges were made of very small prongs of antler sharpened from both sides, and are almost small enough to serve as awls.

Fig. 345 (239s). Wedge made of Antler. Kamloops. 3 nat. size.

1 See Part IV, pp. 192-195.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 415

seen, but tough pebbles were used for pounding. Some of these are small, and battered on only one end. Similar unbattered pebbles found with pieces of glassy basalt in the caches suggest that the former might have been chipping- hammers. Others are mere pebbles the ends of which were flattened by use in pounding. One of these hammers (Fig. 346) is very smooth on one side, while the opposite side is slightly polished. The flattened ends are not battered, but appear as if the object had been used to pound some soft material, or as if while in use it had been protected, perhaps by being covered with skin. It may have served as a club-head.!. The rubbed sides would tend to confirm the idea that it had been hafted.

The specimen shown in Fig. 347 is a pebble which has been notched or grooved on two edges. It does not show any battered ends; but another object of the same kind is slightly abraded on one side. These may have been sinkers for nets used when fishing in Kamloops Lake, or club-heads which were covered with skin when in use. Round stones somewhat similar to these were covered with skin and used as balls? Possibly some stones of the kind here described? may have been used for this pur- pose.

Stone celts, the longest specimens of which Baptiste

Fig. 346. Fig. 347. : bie A Fig. 348 (23%). Handle made of Figs. 346 (g8$s), 347 (238s). Stone Hammers, Kamloops, } nat. size, Antler. Kamloops. 3 nat, size,

said may have been used either as battle-axes or chisels,’ were found throughout the entire region.

The bleached piece of antler shown in Fig. 348 was possibly the handle of a stone chisel. The lower end is cut squarely across, and the upper end is bevelled. The specimen was found in pieces, the soft inner part of the antler being too much decomposed to determine whether the object was a handle or merely a cylinder of antler. It is the only archeological evidence secured in this region that tends to prove a statement of Baptiste, that celt handles were made of antler.

The material of the celts is green stone, apparently such as was used for the

"See Part IV, Fig. 248. ? Thid., p. 279. ® See Part III, p. rq2. 4See Part 1V, p. 183.

416 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

same purpose at Lytton. Those figured were identified as nephrite by Mr.

George F. Kunz.

These celts vary in size. The largest one found measured nearly fourteen

Fig. 349, a (7i$s), 2 (7484), ¢ (739m). Celts made of Nephrite. East End Nicola Lake, 3 nat. size.

inches in length (Fig. 349, a), and the smallest barely two inches

in length (Fig. 350, 6). Both of these specimens are double-

bladed, and, like nearly all celts of the region, show traces of the grooves by which they were cut out.’

ye, Michel of Lytton stated that the horsetail

a’ rush (Z/guzsetum) was used to start the grooves

when cutting out pieces of nephrite.’ After that, sharp- ened beaver-teeth, and finally quartz, sandstone, or ne- phrite, either with or without sand, was used. Mr.Teit refers to the use of the same plant for polishing.’

I have stated already’ that vari- ous methods were used for cutting nephrite, and that the numerous frag- ments of sandstone showing bevelled or rounded edges, which were found at Lytton, awed probably exten- sively used for this purpose. It would seem that those with rounded edges had been worn down in the process of cutting.

'See Part III, p. 143.

2See Part III, Fig. 49. Michel probably meant steatite, of which pipes were made, and in cutting which beaver- teeth might have been used. 3 See Part IV, p. 184.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 417

Some pieces of slate with rubbed edges, found at Kamloops, may have served the same purpose; but pieces of sandstone similar to those found at Lyt- ton were entirely absent. It may be that nephrite implements were not manu- factured at any of the places investigated, as is also suggested by the scarcity of cut bowlders, of which a single specimen only was found ; and this would account for the absence of these sandstone cutters. Some of the grooved bowlders found at Lytton have small artificial scratches on them, resembling glacial strize, such as would be made by a few large grains of sand under a rubbing-stone,

The specimens shown in Fig. 349, a and 4, have either been battered at one end and afterwards rubbed smooth purposely or by continued use, or one end had never been fully sharpened, leaving part of the fractured sur- face unpolished, while the edge itself was much rubbed. The specimen shown in Fig. 349 ¢ has been cut across at its upper end bya groove on each side. The end was broken off at that point, and part of the fractured surface was rubbed smooth, The implement with slanting edge, shown in Fig. 350 a, might well have served for a knife, even without hafting. Some speci- mens were much worn by use, handling, or by sand being Rea

blown against them. Several have one side convex, the other clsmade of | Nephrite. flat.

A few fragments of siliceous sandstone rubbed on the flat sides were found, which probably served as rough whetstones and for grinding implements into shape. Whetstones, some of them similar to those found at Lytton, were frequently obtained on the surface and in graves. Sometimes several were found ina single grave. One of these (Fig. 351, @) is flat, and a groove runs diagonally across it, as if it had been used to sharpen a chisel-like object. Another one (Fig. 351, 4) has also deep scratches. It is nearly square in cross-sec- tion. Still another one (Fig. 351, ¢) is of fine-grained schist rubbed on the edge, somewhat as are the erit- stones used for cutting serpentine and nephrite; but itis COCA Ve in places, as if rubbed upon rather than used in ploughing a groove. Many of these whetstones were simple, finger- shaped pieces of slate Fig. 351. Whetstones. } nat. size. or fine-grained schist @ (xkt32), 5 (s}%7), Kamloops; c (738), Nicola Valley. rubbed on all sides, The frequent presence of beaver-teeth, not made into dice, in the caches and graves, although they were not cut, as were some found at Lytton,’ suggests that ae ‘See Part III, Fig. 49.

418 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

they were used for cutting or for chipping implements. A piece of wood re- sembling a bow, into which was pressed a chipped stone point (Fig. 332, ¢), is the only object found which is suggestive of a knife-handle.

One bar of antler about a quarter of an inch in thickness and an inch wide, tapering to a narrow square end which was rubbed smooth, may have been used for chipping arrow-points, plaiting baskets, or for similar purposes. According to

Fig. 352. Chipped Stone Implements. Nat. size.

@ (2765), 4 (wad

a), ¢(x4$5a) Scrapers. Kamloops; @ (23$x), Knife. Kamloops; e¢ (27§z), / (248s), Drills. Kamloops ; g (2875

, Drill, Spences Bridge.

Baptiste, implements of this kind were used to rub or scrape small pieces of skin.* Some pieces of the metapodial bone of the deer, split or cut lengthwise, were rubbed on all edges, and sharpened to a spatulate shape; others were rubbed on the broken edges of the middle part of the bone, as would have been the case had they been used for skin-scrapers.”

For scraping and cutting, the chipped objects shown in Fig. 352, a—c, would have been useful. These are rather flat on one side, showing, besides the bulb of percussion, few if any places where chips have been detached. The other side is of the shape of a turtle-back, and shows much secondary chipping. The first of these is made of glassy basalt, the second of chert, the third of opal. Fig. 352 d shows an object similar in shape to the carving-knives used until recently.’ It is made of chert. Fig. 352, e-g, illustrates the typical chipped specimens suitable

'See Part III, Fig. 52. 2 Tbid., Fig. 65. 3 See Part IV, Figs, 125, 126.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 419

for drills or perforators found in this region. The first of these is made of chert, the second of andesitic lava, the third of glassy basalt.

Pairs of coarse siliceous sandstone arrowshaft-smoothers, like those found at Lytton, ' were frequently found in the graves. They vary in length from about two to seven inches.

The object shown in Fig. 353 is part of a larger object made of bone of the whale, but no other. fragments of it were found. It shows at the lower end a4 rectangular cut, as if a hole had been made through it from edge to edge; anda groove extends along its edges, Possibly it was the end of the handle of a war-club, with the hole for a suspending-string and the grooves for receiving a thong for the same purpose, or a string of beads, or similar ornamental objects,

The charred bone object shown in Fig. 354 a is shaped like a staple, and was whittled into shape. The upper end is blunt, and apparently not worn by use. The prongs are square on the inside, and rounded on the outer edges. They are rath- off, *BaGhte: Boe eT sharp. A similar bone object, ee much bleached (Fig.354, 6) was found on the surface of the large burial-place at Kam- Epo loops. Its upper end is sharp- (i: ened, and forms a head of ¥ greater width than the rest of the object. Grooves begin with the deep notch at its base, and extend upward towards the pane Sic Hwtagiy set, point. The prongs are incised my wy (ifup, Stinamnper, Spee

on their outer edges. If this object had originally been slipped over the end of a stick, and bound on, these incisions would have held the winding-strings in place. These objects may have been points for some implement, parts of dog-harnesses, or attachments of nets.

-The charred bone object shown in Fig. 354¢ was found with the specimen illus-

trated in Fig. 355, and it shows that it was whittled into shape. Both ends are broken off, but some of the Indians believe it to be part of a beaver-spear point.

Many implements were found which served for the preparation of skins and for sewing vegetable materials. Skin-scrapers made of pebbles of quartz,

1 See Part III, p. 146.

420 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

argillite, granite, and other materials, were in general like those found at Lytton. The specimen shown in Fig. 355 is unusually large, being over seven inches and a half long. It is made by chipping the edge of a large flake on both sides. A few are dovetail shape. Some large chipped points made of glassy basalt, and similar in shape to the specimens shown in Fig. 331, would have served well for the same purpose.’

The scrapers made of bone were practically of the same kind as those from Lytton. Scrapers made of shoulder-blades of large mammals were secured, but none made from a full-length metapodial bone. The specimen shown in Fig. 356, made of the scapula of a deer, was found in the grave at Spences Bridge. The ends still show traces of windings of vegetable fibre; and the whole specimen resembles the scrapers made of horses’ ribs, wound at the ends with sage- brush and skin, such as the present Indians use to beam skins.2 Ac cording to Baptiste, the natural grooves in the skin-scrapers and chisels made of the metapodial bones of the deer and elk* were used as receptacles ‘for awls, and needles for making mats. When

Fig. 6 (x§s). A Scraper made ‘of a not in use, the whole Fig. 357.

Awls. Kamloops. 3 nat. size.

Scapula. Spences

See a (ah$a)y 8 (abs), ¢ (abs), Bone Awls ; d (3782), Iron Awl.

scraper was wrapped in skin or textile, and the delicate implements were safely carried in its groove. Besides the stone drills or perforators previously mentioned (Fig. 352, e-g), there were found several awls made of bone and one of iron. The specimen shown in Fig. 357 @ is made of the proximal part of an ulna of a deer. Another one (Fig. 357, 4) is made of one-half of the distal end of the metapodial of a deer. Each of these specimens represents a type of awl, made of a special bone, which is widely distributed in America. The awl shown in Fig. 357 ¢ is made of the distal end of the humerus of a bird, probably a goose or duck, and is cut diago- nally across. Fig. 357 @ represents an iron awl, with handle made of bone, found in the pouch at the back of the skeleton in the first grave on the Government Hill at Kamloops. The iron shaft is so much oxidized that no trace of metallic iron remains. It is (setting aside the copper, which may be of native origin) the only object suggesting contact with the whites, found at any of the old sites herein

1 See Part IV, p. 185. : 2 See Part III, Figs. 54, 65.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 421

described, except the one west of the mouth of the North Thompson, which was inhabited after the Hudson Bay Company settled there. The bone handle of this specimen is covered with incised lines, probably intended for ornamental purposes, and it is stained by copper salts.

Fine and coarse flat needles made of bone were used throughout the entire region for sewing together cat-tail stalks to form mats, and for other purposes. The specimen shown in Fig. 358 a is least flat of all, being nearly half round in Cross- section ; and the eye, which in most cases is about a third of the way from the end, is in this case at the tip. It is also con- nected with the end by what is apparently an accidental crack, but which makes the object resemble a self-threading needle. Another specimen (Fig. 358,) has the eye in the usual place, but it departs from the typical form by being made of a thinner piece of bone, so that it was not rubbed down enough to efface the marrow-canal. The eye is of a circular form, gouged from both sides. Fig. 358 ¢ shows. the type of bone needle of this region. It has the eye, which is lenticular in form and also cut from both sides, removed more than one-third its length from the end. It is slightly curved, and made of part of a bone so thick that the cellular structure of the inner side is nearly rubbed away. Fig. 358 @ shows a similar specimen, which has two shallow indentions evidently made purposely,— one near its middle, and the Other opposite its eye. The specimen illustrated in Fig. 358 ¢ differs from the typical form in having two eyes. One is located slightly nearer the centre than Fig se8), Bone Needles, “Paan aee. usual; the other is removed about one- Cag be) EG ey Nicola Lake; ¢ obfaa), d (abfoa), ¢ (abtr), fourth the distance from the end. Fig.

358 / illustrates a piece of bone evidently intended for a needle, but not yet rubbed down or provided with an eye. The cellular structure of the inner side of the bone is very marked.

The specimen shown in Fig. 358 g is of the shape of a knitting-needle. It is made of bone, and shows traces of winding which cover bands sepa- rated by five intervals of irregular size. It is slightly colored by red ochre.

422 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

A second specimen, bearing four bands, but similar in all other details, was found together with the one described here.

War.—Besides the objects which may have been used in war as well as in hunting (such as chipped points for spears, arrows, and knives), and others that may have been tools as well as weapons (such as club-heads, and the long celts said to have been battle-axes), there are some specimens which were probably useful only in warfare. Prominent among these were three large clubs found at Kamloops. They are made from the rib-bones of the whale. They vary from about nineteen inches to two feet in length, For the greater part of their length they are like the natural bone, lenticular in cross-section. The handle occupies nearly, if not quite, the upper third of the object; and on two of the specimens (Fig. 359) the knob of the handle is carved to represent a human head, adorned with what is apparently a feather head- dress. The carvings are practically bilaterally sym- metrical. The feather head-dress may be clearly’ recognized in the smaller club (Fig. 359, 2), the beak forming a crest over the human face. The eye in this crest may belong to the bird from the skin of which the head-dress is made, or the whole may be a head- mask. The lips of the human figure are apart, and the tongue is pushed forward between them. The specimen shown in Fig. 359 6 is the largest of the three clubs, and retains the lateral curve of the rib. The carving, while less intricate than that on the smaller specimen, is quite as striking. The former specimen shows distinct marks of the handle having been wound with cord. The winding probably served to give a better hold, and ended in a loop by which the club was suspended from the wrist... A fourth club, not carved, but made of the same material, is in the provincial Museum at Victoria. It was col- ). Warclubs. Kam- lected at Kamloops, in 1893, by Mr. C. G, King.

The whole style of carving of these clubs sug- gests imitation of the art of the Coast tribes, from whose territory the material for the objects came. Bone clubs as narrow as this, or with handles of this type, have not been found on the coast. The general style of the carving of these handles is most closely approached on the southeastern part of Vancouver Island, but there the carving usually represents a bird’s head.

Fig. 359, @ (2195), b (ahfa loops. 4 nat. size.

1See Part IV, p. 263.

4% 7

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 423

‘A dagger or knife Over one foot long, made of antler, was found jin excavating at the large burial-place at Kamloops. It does not vary materially from a similar specimen found at Lytton,! except in having a hole through the upper end. This hole is about 4 quarter of an inch long, and of the shape of a rectangle with rounded corners, It seems to be worn, as if a thong had been passed through it,

The specimen shown in Fig. 360 @ is rudely made of the thin edge of some large bone, such as a scapula. It has a sharp point. The handle js roughly broken, but may have been wound with bark twine. It is notched near its end, and a scratched groove extends across it from the notch. This notch may have served for holding in place skin or fabric wound around it for a handle, or it may have been simply for attaching a string for suspension, Possibly the imple- ment served as a knife, to be used for a variety of purposes, Fig. 360 4 shows a beautifully ornamented dagger or spear point made of antler. Its base is much decomposed, but a circular perforation may still be seen. It is lenticular in cross- section. Iron-Head said that formerly such implements, made of antler, frequently served as Spear-points,

Dress and Ornament.—Skins of the deer, birds, and other animals, have been found in the graves, and were evi- dently portions of garments and pouches. No spindle . whorls have been found above Lytton. No evidence was found that mountain-goat wool and dog-hair were spun and woven.

Fragments of fabrics woven from vegetable fibre were found at all the sites. Such material was probably used in this region for much of the clothing, as well as for pouches, mats, etc. Mats, which were sometimes found as outer wrappings on the bodies in the graves, were made of cat-tail stalks, either sewed or woven together.? The vegetable fibre used in sew- ing and weaving these stalks, and in weaving in general, Heian Dieerer nes was probably similar to that used by the present Indians: nfoftifa), Kamloops ; 6 (te). Most of the fabrics found in the graves were too fragmentary for determination. Sewed matting was over the burial-tent in the first Nicola Valley grave, while one of the bodies at the Government Hill Site at Kamloops was wrapped in woven matting. Mats were probably used in much the same way as they are by the present Indians. Food is spread on them to dry. They serve many purposes as a piece of household furniture, such as rugs, table-mats, and bedding ; and they are used for covering lodges. The bodies, after being wrapped in mats, were sometimes bound with a three-stranded cord, about one-fourth of an

"See Part III, Fig. 80, * See Part IV, Fig. 131, ¢, ¢, * [bid., p. 188 ff.

424 SMITH, ARCHA.OLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

inch in diameter, made of fibre resembling cedar-bark. The small strands were made by twisting the fibre to the left, and these were combined by twisting to the right. Pouches such as were found with the skeletons and other portions of fabric were similar in all details to the fabrics illustrated in Fig. 131, @ and &, Part 1V. Other pieces were made of the same weave as that shown in Fig. 131, e or 6, but of much finer strands. Some have a finer warp but a coarse woof. The coarser strands of the warp are probably very small rushes. Fibres resembling straw, grass, or in some cases the rough outer bark of the elm, were found in these fabrics, the weight of the soil apparently having pressed two distinct layers together. These fibres seem not to have been woven. ~ It is pos- sible that these were mattings made of cat-tails, and that only pieces between the stitches happen to be preserved. Flat pieces of fibrous matter were found which resemble sheets of pounded bark, and which in structure are somewhat like bark-cloth. There were also black fibres of bark found in rolls, and many shreds of cedar-bark.. Such may have served as slow-matches for carrying fire. Shredded cedar-bark was found near the heads of some of the bodies, and may have served as pillows or bedding for the bodies. Fragments of such bark are still attached to the arrow-shaft shown | in Fig. 338 4.

Personal ornaments in great variety were found. Red, yel- lowish-red, and yellow ochre, copper clay, and charcoal were frequently met with, and, mixed with grease, probably served for painting the body. The pieces of copper clay show rubbed surfaces. They were probably ground on stone in preparing paint. Body and clothing were further deco-

ties Oeaghe aa OR Cee ee See rated with ornaments of the same Fig. 362 (ols). Head-scratcher. Kamloops. } nat. size. materials as were employed at Fig. 363 (7382), (7483). Copper Pendants. Nicola Lake. 4 nat. size. Lytton. No combs were found. Objects made of stone and bone were secured, that the Indians believed to have been head-scratchers. The specimen shown in Fig. 361 is one of these, and is made of beautiful white aragonite. It seems that it had two lobes, which, however, are broken away. The specimen was formed by rubbing, and may have been a head-scratcher or a hair or nose ornament.! The specimen shown in Fig. 362, however, is more likely to have served as a head-scratcher.? It is made of bone, and bears an incised design.

a )

Fig. 361.

Fig. 364. Fig. 362. Fig. 363.

Fig. 364 (538s). Copper Pendant. Kamloops. 3 nat. size.

1 See Part IV, p. 223. Tbid., pr 312;

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 425

The pendants shown in Fig. 363 are made of thin copper, each with a smal] irregular hole punched in the wide end. They were found near the neck of a skeleton. The copper disk shown in Fig. 364 has a small perforation, and was probably a pendant for the ear.

With the copper objects shown in Fig. 363, others (Figs. 365, 366) were found in a mass near the neck of askeleton. The last-named figure shows what is unmistakably a neck. lace of four strands of shell beads of cylin. drical form, about an eighth of an inch in diameter, and about a thirty-second of an inch in thickness, with a bore of about a thirty-second of an Lise inch, These are NG ~~ strung on a cord ON made of vegetable fibre twisted to the Fig. 366. ret. The loops meet, Fg 66 ito, Necises Mi Ne zeta and are held at the back by a cord, which is also twisted to the left. Suspended from the middle of the front was a perforated copper pendant, a fragment of which remains, Its shape resembled that of the pendants shown in Fig. 365, and Figs. 87-89, Part III. The testimony of Charlie Tcilaxitca in regard to these specimens agrees with the finds. He said that they were probably worn on the chest by the daughters of chiefs.

One of these pendants (Fig. 365) is suspended by a string the strands of which are twisted to the right, but other strands, noticeable in the knot, are twisted to the left. The string is tied twice around the pendant through the large central opening. It then Passes up through a whole dentalium shell and through a small cylindrical bead made of vegetable material. As the necklace near which this piece was found had a pendant, it seems probable that this speci- men may have been used for an €ar-ornament, especially since another specimen found in the same grave matches it, and dentalium shells and beads found loose near by may have been similarly attached to that specimen.

Some fragments of mica that were found may have been fastened to the garments for ornamental purposes. In Fig. 367 is illustrated a pendant made of bone, found in a pouch at the back of a body. It is colored yellowish red by the ochre in the grave. The two edges are rounded, and the ends are sharp like those of a sap-scraper. The perforation, which is rather large, is gouged from both sides, and the surface of the specimen is scratched with crude lines, Its

5 SS iota SSE vp SSS) OP Risa

”

MIN PS

426 ’ SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

shape and size are so closely related to the copper pendants that they suggest its use for a similar purpose, although it may have served as a sap-scraper.

The nail or outer covering of a bear-claw, cut across at the upper end, through which an elliptical eye was gouged for receiving a skin thong, was found in a mass of material at the neck of a skeleton. Another pen- dant (Fig. 368) was made of the core of a bears claw. It also has been cut across and perforated at the upper end. The hole is crudely drilled from both

Fig. 367. Fig. 368. Fig. 369. Fig. 370. sides. The palm side of

Fig. 367 Gite) Bone Pendant. Rastoors 4 nat. size. this claw is scraped or cut.

Feo lin, Poet ena aoe ee All ofsthe penn

Fig. 370 Giza). Boke Bead. Kamiopun neers: of cores of bears’ claws

had been burned. Some cores of puma claws were found in the graves at the large burial-place at Kamloops. One of them shows incised lines across it, but others remain in their natural ~ form.

In Fig. 369 is illustrated one of the many pendants made of the incisor of a deer, and found at the neck of a skeleton. A perforation is drilled from both sides through the root of the tooth. This specimen, like many of those found, is stained by copper salts. Along with these pendants made of incisor teeth, and also throughout the region, were found pendants made of the canine teeth of the elk, that are exactly like those found at Lytton.’ According to Charlie Tcilaxitca, pendants made of teeth, like those referred to here,’ were used one for each ear, as well as in larger numbers on a string for necklaces.

A small piece of abelone shell with smooth edges was found in the grave at Spences Bridge. It shows part of a perforation, and may have been a portion of a pendant. No specimens made of abelone shell have been found by us farther to the east than Spences Bridge.

Beads for necklaces, ear-ornaments, fringes, and the like, were made of copper, shell, bone, and vegetable material. Many flat bone beads (Fig. 370) of irregu- lar shape, but somewhat rectangular with rounded corners, were found with cremated bones at the Government Site and on the surface at the large burial- place at Kamloops. Many of these beads were charred. They were generally perforated near the centre, the hole tapering from each side in the usual way. Strips of flat copper were rolled into tubes from seven-eighths of an inch to an inch and a half in length. Many of these were used as beads, as is proved by finding them strung with other beads. Some of the longer specimens, however,

1 See Part III, Fig. 96. > See also 7did., Figs. 96-08.

SMITH, ARCH AOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 427

may have served as nose-ornaments, to be inserted horizontally through a hole in the nasal septum,

Fig. 371 shows the use of the rolls of copper in combination with dentalium shells for necklaces. These beads are strung on strings made of fibre, some of which are twisted to the right. A small fragment of this ornament shows dentalium shells arranged on small cords twisted to the left. There is a cord at right angles to the shells which serves to keep the strings apart. This specimen is probably a portion of a large breast-shield, the rest of which had fallen to pieces. Numerous dentalium shells found in the same grave were prob- ably parts of this ornament. Such breast-shields are frequently seen among the present Indians of the North Pacific coast. In the graves at the large burial-place at Kamloops some dentalium shells were found which bear in- cised designs. These designs are shown in Fig) 3470.5 LHe objects were prob- ably nose-ornaments, ear-pendants, or parts of ornaments similar to that last mentioned.

Besides simple shell beads made from sections of dentalium shells cut from about a thirty-second of an inch to an eighth of an inch in length, there were also found on the surface of the large burial-place at Kamloops perforated disks or short cylinders of shell described as approximately an eighth of an inch in diameter, a thirty-second of an inch thick or long, with a bore a thirty-second of an inch in diameter. These are drilled from each side in the usual manner, tapering towards the centre. There are also beads similar to these, but of about twice the diameter, and with a much less tapering perforation. From the surface of the Government Hill a number of beads were secured, each made of a basal ring of a barnacle. The ends and edges had been rubbed to give the beads a somewhat symmetrical form. No beads made of olivella shells were found.

The object shown in Fig. 372 a is made of fluorite, has an almond shape with one side flat, while over the curved upper side a groove is cut not far above the middle of the object. Fig. 372 4 shows another stone object. It is well worked on all surfaces, and apparently

. polished by use. A perforation, as usual tapering from

Obiens Kamien Gite). Stone each end towards the middle, extends through it from sidé to side. The base is flat, and the ends rather

sharp. The entire object is square in cross-section, except that the upper corners are rounded and their edges notched. It suggests at once the bird-shaped stones of the Mississippi Valley, which Cushing believed were used in the head-dress. According to information obtained by Mr. Teit from Indians at Spences Bridge,

Fig. 371 (518,). String of Copper and Dentalium Beads. Kamloops, 4 nat, size.

428 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

this object (and probably the former one also) may have been an attachment to a dog-halter, or, which they thought far more likely, a sinker for a fish-line.

Games, Amusements, Narcotics. — Sets of dice made of beaver-teeth, similar to those found at Lytton,’ but varying in the details of the number of incised marks and circular pits on them, were frequently found in the graves. The game played with these has continued in use among many tribes of this territory until the present day, and is consequently well known.’

The astragalus bone of the deer® is often found in the sites of the Thompson River region, and may have been used, as it is farther east, as a dice.

Tubes made of bird-bone, varying in length from an inch and a half to two inches and a half, and of proportionate diameters, were found in the pouches in graves. Five were found in one bag, and one in another, so that their number does not seem significant. They were all colored by red ochre. Some of them bear a few notches or are slightly scratched; but no design is noticed except on one, which has upon one side a row of diagonal scratches, and on the other a double row of zigzag lines with five angles. Some of the specimens show that the end of the bone was partly cut through and then broken off ; others are cut smoothly. The ends of all the tubes are fairly square. These may have been used as" gambling-bones.’

There were found in the pouches in the grave at Spences Bridge, and in Nicola Valley, cylinders or oval bars of bone and wood about an inch and a half long. Four of these, made of bone, were found together in the grave at Spences Bridge. All are marked with incised lines. Three of them are shown in Fig. 373. The reverse sides of a and 6 bear only transverse incisions. One made of wood, found in the second grave at the eastern end of Nicola Lake, is hollow. The bark is still on, and it has several notches on each side.

Some whole shells of Pecten caurznus were found at the large burial-place at Kamloops. Each is perforated by an oval hole about half an inch long, cut through the flat valve about half an inch from the central apex of the shell, below the ligamental pit. These are evidently parts of rattles similar to those used in the dances of the present Coast Indians.

Rie a neee The stone pipes (Fig. 374) found in graves at the Lae burial- ee place at Kamloops resemble in general those of Lytton. They are es made from steatite, are of tubular form, with a bowl the shape of a wine-glass. In the first specimen (Fig. 374, a) the tube for half an inch from the mouth is larger than the shaft, and forms a mouthpiece which shows traces of windings. The present Indians sometimes wind the mouthpieces of their pipes with string, that they may the easier hold them with their teeth. The shaft has been Hollen near its 5 junction with the bowl, and here also are stains

! See Part III, Fig. 100, : See Part III, Fig. ror, a Seevb7d., p» 053); Part IV, py272- asec Pant wv epee ss

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 429

as of windings. Possibly it had been repaired in this way. The stem is marked off from the bowl by three carved rings. The bowl is small in proportion to the stem, and is cut Squarely across at the edge. It is broken. It contains a mass of carbonaceous matter which yields ammonia on distillation. The large ash residue is alumina and silica, Another pipe made of mottled green steatite

(Fig. 374, 6) is highly polished, and the bowl is ornamented with incised lines,

was hollowed by drilling from both ends. These drillings did not meet squarely, and the side of the stem was broken in consequence. From the mouth to the middle of the stem the hole is slightly funnel-shaped. No pipes were found by us at Spences Bridge or in Nicola Valley. The modern Pipes of the whole region are not tubular.’ Chief Salicte at Nicola Lake said that the narrow-leaved to- bacco (Wicotvana attenuata Torr.) of the region was used pure until the manufac- tured tobacco was introduced. Not until then were the leaves of bearberry (Arctostaphylos uva-urst Spreng.) mixed with tobacco.

Fig. 374, @ (y3$,5), 6 (x8). Stone Pipes. Kamloops. 4 nat. size, Fig. 375, a (oS), 5 (8), CAGsen a Bone

8! Developed design on bowl of 3. Carvings, Kamloops. 3 nat, size.

These tubular pipes penetrated to the coast. A fragment of one was found ina shell-heap at Port Hammond. A piece of a very large one was found in a shell-heap at North Saanich, and a perfect short-stemmed specimen was seen at the shell-heap near Sidney.

A chalcedony concretion of conoid shape was found ina grave at the eastern end of Nicola Lake. It may have been a charm, or valued on account of its attractive form.

'See Part IV, Fig. 271.

430 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

Art.—The graphic and plastic arts of the early people of this region are illustrated by engravings and carvings in bone and stone, antler, and on dentalium shells. Many of the objects found in the graves are colored by red ochre.

The engravings closely resemble the painted designs of the present Indians, who are able to interpret them by analogy with their own designs.’ The digging- stick handles made of antler are ornamented by incised lines.* Long lines with short marks at right angles to them are often found. Sometimes the short marks are wide and deep at the base, and taper to a point, forming minute triangular pyramids resting on the long line. These markings probably represent the mani- tous of the owners of the objects. There are numerous pieces of bone and antler with incised cross-lines and notches on the sides. Awls are frequently marked with notches along the sides. The en Bones on the pipe mentioned above (Fig. 374, 6’) also consist of lines.

In two specimens of the penis-bone of the bear, which had been decorated by incised lines and 9©{ notches, there is an eye, similar to the eyes in the

Fig. 375 ¢ shows a piece of antler of conoid shape, with the tip cut squarely across. It is colored by red ochre found with it, and is slightly worn. From base to tip extend three rows of incised lines, each like an inverted letter V, placed one over the other at a distance of about one-eighth of an inch. According to information secured from the Indians by Mr. Teit, these may represent wood-worm borings. i

NW} efi) BH U's

The bone object shown in Fig. 376 has the form of an ellipse with broken ends, and bent to a cres- cent shape. The edges are rounded and smooth. In the middle of its outer surface, extending length- wise of the specimen, is an incised design similar

Fig. 377. Fig. 378. Fig. 376 (348). Bone Object with Incised

Design. Kamloops. } nat. size. to a ladder. Seven cross-lines show, some having yak 377 tho). Sapscraper. Spences Bridge. heen broken away with the ends of the specimen,

x rigs 278 (rife). Dagger with Incised Design. which are lacking. A specimen similar im )shape has been found in a shell-heap at North Saanich. Fig. 377 represents a delicate bone sap-scraper with a perforation at the top for suspension. It is decorated by drilled pits artistically arranged. There are also a few notches along one edge. The dagger described on p. 423 is ornamented with circles, circular pits, and incised le Most of the lines extend over the edge of the dagger to the other

1 See Part III, p. 156; Part IV, p. 378. 2 See Part III, Fig. 2.

SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION. 431

side, connecting some of the circles and pits. This is shown in Fig. 378, in which the ornamentation on the reverse of the dagger is drawn in broken lines.

Some of the den-

talium shells found

in a grave at the large

burial-place at Kam- Q\ loops bear incised N p se

designs, which are . shown in Fig, 379. Fig. 379 (2385). Incised Designs from Dentalium Shells. Kam- 6 loops. “4 nat size, The most artis- tic carvings found in this region are the specimens shown in Figs. 359, a, 6, and 380, The last-named specimen represents a human head surmounted by a human figure. There is a conoid-shaped hole resembling a pipe-bowl in the forehead of the lower figure. On the back of the upper figure is a sculpture in relief, suggesting a lizard without legs. Between the throat of this figure and the back of the human figure there is a perforation made by two cone-shaped holes meeting from each side. This specimen resembles in a general Way certain stone carvings found on southeastern Vancouver Island, in the Lillooet Valley north of Harrison Lake, and in the vicinity of Vale, B.C) All'these specimens bear a- certain resemblance to sculptures of the Fig. 380 (383). Stone Image,

Kamloops, 2 Nat. size. (Drawn

eee oes Te region of Columbia River, the Gulf of Eernet ioe te ie Georgia, and Puget Sound, and may have Co Ha eey owned by Mr. originated under the influence of the culture of these districts,

Fig. 381 shows the tip of an antler which is carved to represent the head and Meck of a bird. The mouth is indicated by a long furrow on each side, while each eye is represented by a drilled cone-shaped hole. The specimen is charred,

Method of Burial—The dead were evidently buried at a short distance Honrthe'villages, No burials were found in any of the pits marking the sites of underground houses. In most cases the bodies were buried in the ground, apparently at a depth of about three feet. The knees were drawn up to the chin, and in some cases evidence was found that the body was wrapped in fabrics or mats, and then tied up with cords. Traces of red ochre and other paints on the bones and in the earth sutrounding the skeleton give evidence either that the body was painted before burial, or that paints were buried with it. The body was also decorated with the ornaments of the deceased, such as ear-pendants, hose-ornament, necklaces, etc. His tools were buried with him. Some were often put in a pouch, which seems to have been placed near the middle of the

@ 3S c a e ge I

See the B. C, Mining Record, Christmas number, 1899, where the same specimen is described by Mr. C, Hill-Tout,

432 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

body. In these pouches were found arrow-makers’ tools, such as pieces of glassy basalt, finished arrow-points and shaft-smoothers ; and also gambling-implements, such as dice made of beaver-teeth. Graves of women contained their tools, such as needles for mat-making and awls.

In a few cases the grave was surrounded by a number of poles or by slabs of wood, It would seem that small tents were erected over the body, which gradually decayed, leaving only the butt-ends of the poles, which were buried in the sand. One of the graves at Kamloops was found surrounded by pieces of a broken canoe arranged in the form of a conical tent over it (see Plate XXVI). Only the lower parts of the pieces of wood were preserved. It would seem that after the tent had been erected, the sand was blown into it, and the lower part of the wood was covered, and thus protected from the weather. Three graves near the mouth of Nicola Lake were covered with a few bowlders. There is evidence that these three graves are of recent origin. One of them is known to have been made between 1840 and 1850. The evidence afforded by the finds as described here, agrees closely with the description of modern burial-customs of the Thomp- son Indians given by Mr. Teit.’ |

In Nicola Valley a number of graves were found in rock-slides. In these the skeletons, with few exceptions, were placed on the back, with knees doubled up, © the head towards the east. A remarkable number of large celts of nephrite, a number of well-preserved copper pendants, and a necklace were found here. The bodies were covered by disturbing the rock-slides and allowing some of the material to fall down over them. It would seem that a few rocks were placed on the tops of the graves in order to mark the sites. Besides this, poles or branches were put up over the graves. One of these graves was also covered by a small tent made of poles that had been covered with mats. Near some of these bodies were found skeletons of dogs. Their bones were colored here and there with red ochre, and the rocks close by were also colored from contact with lumps of paint.

At the Government Site near Kamloops a number of small masses of children’s bones were found. The bones in all of these were partly burned, and with them were many bone beads, chipped cache forms of glassy basalt, etc. They were found less than six inches deep, while some of the bones were on the surface. It is possible that these were uncovered by the wind.

Near Kamloops a considerable number of caches were found which con- tained pieces of glassy basalt and hammer-stones, while in others were bone awls, needles, sap-scrapers, etc. These caches were not associated with any graves.”

Concluston.—The finds made at Kamloops, Spences Bridge, and in Nicola Valley, corroborate the conclusions drawn from archeological investigation of the burial-ground at Lytton. The ancient culture of the whole of the southern interior of British Columbia was quite uniform, and resembled in all essential

1 Part LV, pp. 328, 329. 24 detailed account of the material found in the graves and caches will be found in the Appendix, pp. 434 /.

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 433

points the culture of the present inhabitants of this area, as described by James Teit in his monograph on the Thompson Indians, It has been pointed out that this culture shows close affinities to that of the interior of Oregon and of California, and that on the whole its affiliations are rather with the tribes of the Plains than with those of the North Pacific coast. Nevertheless there is evidence that the Coast people have influenced the culture of the interior of British Columbia. Material such as shells and bone of the whale, from which utensils and implements were made, was imported from the coast, and some of the carv- ings of this region may perhaps be considered as made by artists familiar with the art of the Coast Indians.

The physical type of the people of the interior is quite uniform, and a preliminary examination of the skeletons of the Prehistoric people does not

APPEND

LIST AND CATALOGUE NUMBERS OF SURFACE FINDS, AND CONTENTS OF GRAVES AND CACHES, UPON WHICH THE PRECEDING DESCRIP- TION 1S BASED.

SPENCES BRIDGE.

1 16 16 16 16 16 1 thie, chfo-z$z, ahha, seho-seen west -eees. Surface finds. (See Figs. 332 ¢, 4, 334 4, 335 4,

341 ¢, 352 8, 355-)

xig$s-i$,. Grave 22 inches below the surface. In the soil above it were a number of bowlders, such as are common along the river. Below these, at a depth of 6 inches, were rolls of birch-bark about half an inch in diameter,’ and some fragments of charcoal. Several of the bowlders showed signs of having been in contact with fire. Extending around the grave at intervals of about a foot were charred remains of posts, approximately an inch anda half in diameter. ‘hey were still standing upon end, but did not extend above the surface, the projecting portions, if there had been any, having been destroyed.

The body was that of a man about forty-five years of age. It was buried face downward, with head towards the south, The knees were slightly flexed, so that the feet, knees, and pel- vis formed the corners of an equilateral triangle, the feet lying in line with the vertebral column. The right arm extended ‘under the chest to the left elbow, and the left hand reached across below the pelvis. The body was entirely wrapped in a fabric woven of the inner bark of the sagebrush, outside of which was a mat or blanket of cat-tail stalks made by weaving rather than stitching. The entire bundle was bound with a cord about a fourth of an inch in diameter. With the body were the following objects :—

A pair of grooved arrowshaft-smoothers at the left elbow, near a pouch made of woven vegetable fibre, which extended from the left elbow to the left knee, was daubed with red ochre, and contained a bone scraper wound at the ends with vegetable fibre ; red ochre ; jaw of arodent; a bundle of bone implements, one of which was rubbed at the end ; five bone cylinders ; two teeth ; chipped points and pieces of glassy basalt ; a bone pendant; two fish vertebra ; part of a beaver’s lower jaw ; three pieces of beaver-teeth ; the beak of a great blue heron; a beak of another bird; caudal vertebree of a small mammal; pieces of wood, one probably being an arrow-shaft ; an arrowshaft-smoother ; seven bone objects, some of them showing traces of winding, and all evidently parts of harpoon-points ; pieces of antler and bone, some of the latter being sharpened ; a skin-scraper made of bone. Six chips of glassy basalt, a piece of perforated abelone shell with smoothed edges, pieces of beaver-teeth, and a long copper bead or tube, were found by Mr. Teit when he discovered this grave by digging into it. (See Figs. 336 c, e, 338 4, 356, 373, 377-)

LARGE BURIAL-PLACE AT KAMLOOPS.

16 16 6 16 6 6 16 6 1 ahtzstis. ths, ohhu, chhe—cbte, shts, shho-ai$s. Surface finds. (See Figs. 333 ¢ 3414, 350 @, 361, 380.)

xk$s—oh$y. Objects which, although distinctly found in graves, were not identified with particular skeletons. (See Figs. 331 @, 332 @, 337 ¢, 351 4, 352 SJ, 354 4, 359 @, 4.)

The remains of skeletons obtained from the following graves were usually found at a depth of about 3 feet. So far as could be distinguished, the bodies had been buried on the side, with

1 See Part III, Fig. 117. [434]

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 435

knees drawn up to the chest. The bones were much decayed. In some cases it was even impossible to distinguish a single bone, as the whole skeleton was decomposed to a mass

resembling sawdust. This may be due to the fact that the land bordering the river is low, so that the lower layers of sand are always wet.

sher-st$y. Graver (objects found as if they had been buried in a pouch), — 2 pairs arrowshaft- smoothers made of sandstone; 1 rubbed stone ; 4 whetstones ; 2 broken skin-scrapers made of deer-bone; 1 fragment of bone showing artificial shaping ; 1 notched bone; 8 sharp bone implements ; 3 pieces of pecten shell; 25 pieces of chipped glassy basalt, including arrow- points, etc.; and fragments of bark, (See Figs. 336 @, f-h, 376.)

atts—at$s. Grave 2.— Stone pipe ornamented with incised lines ; 2 large whetstones ; 3 small whetstones ; 1 rubbed slate point ; a piece of mica ; apiece of red ochre ; 9 chipped pleces of glassy basalt, some of them forming rude arrow-points. (See Figs. 335 a, 351 a, 374 0.)

aeiv-sth,. Grave 3-— A broken stone pipe ; a large white chalcedony chipped point ; r chipped point ; 9 chips of glassy basalt ; dentalium shells ; 1 piece of Copper clay ; charcoal. (See Figs. 333 a, 374 a.)

ab$q-zh$s. Grave 4.—2 carved penis-bones of the bear; r bone awl; 4 bone needles ; birch- bark ; bark ; charcoal ; 3 chips of glassy basalt ; dentalium shells ; fragments of bone. (See

Figs. 358 @, 375 a, 0.)

ab$q—-st$s. Grave 5-1 stone hammer; 1 pair arrowshaft-smoothers ; 3 pieces chipped glassy basalt ; 1 whetstone ; copper clay ; a piece of carved antler bearing Copper stains; 1 bone implement. (See Fig. 341 4.)

ta-aths. Grave 6 (close to Grave 5).—2 pieces of copper; 1 bone awl; 2 bone implements ; dentalia beads ; fragments of antler and human bones; t arrowshaft-smoother ; 1 chipped point ; a stone knife ; 6 pieces of chipped glassy basalt.

Bbba-st$s. Grave 7 (near Grave 5).—3 chipped points ; r chipped piece of chert ; dentalia beads.

ae$r-atbs. Grave 8.— Dentalia beads ; a carved bone awl; fragments of bone ; a bone imple- ment ; a roll of birch-bark ; 2 nephrite celts; a large whetstone ; a stone implement. (See Fig. 362.)

esee—seez. Grave 9. — Cylindrical shell beads; a burned bone awl ; a piece of galena ; 5 pieces of copper clay ; a slate fish-knife ; chips of chalcedony ; a fragment of a stone pipe ; asmall celt of green stone ; 5 chipped scrapers of glassy basalt ; 7 chipped points of glassy basalt, six of them being leaf-shaped ; 1 chipped point of chalcedony ; 1 stone; 2 chips of glassy basalt ; 1 chip of stone ; 1 little arrow-point ; piece of object made of bone of whale; a bone

tube ; burned bones, some of which were human. (See Figs, 332 a, 333 4, 344, 350 4, 353.)

skes—sthy. Grave 10.— Dentalium shells, some bearing incised designs ; a large chipped point ; burned bone; 7 chipped points; 4 chips of glassy basalt; red ochre. (See Figs. 332 £, 4, J, 379.)

gkoe-sths. Grave 11.— 2 pieces of sandstone > Copper clay ; 2 whetstones; 2 claws ; a beaver- tooth ; a bear’s canine tooth ; fragments of pecten shells ; dentalium shells ; a celt made of nephrite ; 16 chips and chipped points of glassy basalt; bone implements ; copper disk. (See Figs. 340 a, 364.)

ze0m ehor-sh$y. Grave r2 (partly uncovered by the wind ; the skeleton, that of a man about fifty years of age, lay flexed, on the left side),— 2 pairs of arrowshaft-smoothers ; 2 rubbed stones : 2 pieces of galena; 2 pieces of yellow paint; 1 piece of copper clay; 4 cache forms ; 32 chips, 2 pieces, and 4 points of glassy basalt ; 2 chipped chert Scrapers ; a wedge of antler; a bone needle ; pieces of bone, some of which are cut; a broken harpoon-point of antler ;

436 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

a rubbed bone point ; 4 pieces of beaver-teeth ; a fresh-water unio shell; various objects of bone and antler. (See Figs. 333 @, 337 @ 358 ¢.)

sh Sa-zh $y. Grave 13 (a child).—Dentalium shells, pieces of shell, refuse. ‘

ahh3-z}$y. Cache about 6 inches deep and 200 feet from the river—Bone implements, a bone _ awl, and 3 sap-scrapers made of bone. (See Figs. 339 @, 4, 357 @, 360 @.)

GOVERNMENT SITE, NEAR KAMLOOPS.

All of the human bones found here were partly burned, and some were stained by copper salts. The surface of this site resembled that of the large burial-ground. Flat bone beads were numerous with some of the masses of burned bones.

sths-zbhs, at$s, shbov-abia, ahh. Surface finds. (See Figs. 346, 352 4-d.) 34$z-z}4,. Cache near following cremated remains, but not distinctly associated with them (depth,

6 inches),—A stone mortar inverted over a chip and three chipped points of glassy basalt, a bone drinking-tube, a bone needle with two eyes, three bone awls, a beaver-tooth dice, a beaver-tooth and other bone implements. (See Figs. 342, 357 4, 358 ¢, /.)

yi $y-y}4,. Charred human bones No. 1 (original depth, judging from topography, about 1 ft., partly uncovered by wind), remains of a child; 51 chipped triangular cache forms of glassy basalt ; a rubbed stone ; fragments of chipped implements ; a fluorite object of almond shape ; an incised antler-tip ; cylindrical beads made of dentalium shells ; burned oblong flat _ bone beads. (See Figs. 331 4, 372 2.)

yt $,-yi$,. Charred human bones No. 2 (found about 3o ft. south of No. 1, and barely covered with sand) ; 16 chipped cache forms of glassy basalt ; antler implements ; carved bones and bone implements ; a carved piece of antler; a celt of green stone ; 2 wedges of antler; frag- ments of beaver-teeth ; copper clay; bone awls; a stone object. (See Figs. 336 a, 340 4, 345, 348.)

o4$5-z}$. Charred human bones No. 3 (found 80 ft. south of No. 1 ; depth, about 6 inches) ; ro chipped cache forms of glassy basalt ; a whetstone ; dentalium shells ; 3 flakes of glassy basalt ; 5 pendants made of the cores of claws. (See Figs. 331 ¢, 368.)

of$g-s343. Charred human bones No. 4 (found 20 ft. south of No. 1; depth, about 3 inches) ; a perforated stone object ; a whetstone ; chipped forms of glassy basalt and other stone, including points, a scraper, and a drill; 3 pieces of mica ; 9 pieces of fresh-water unio shells ; burned dentalium shells ; cylindrical shell beads ; oblong flat bone beads ; fragments of bone imple- ments ; pieces of carved bone; a burned pendant made of an elk-tooth; burned pendants made of the cores of claws; a tibia of a small mammal; pieces of antler implements, some burned ; yellow material ; a bone pendant ; pieces of a burned antler handle for a root-digger ;

barbed harpoon-points made of bone, and partly burned. (See Figs. 337 4, 352 @, ¢, 354 @, ¢, 370, 372 4, 381.)

GOVERNMENT HILL, NEAR KAMLOOPS.

x, phoa-gigg. Surface finds. (See Figs. 332 4, 338 @, 343, 347-)

‘3

Grave 1 (Plate XXV1), indicated on the surface by some scattering dentalium shells, and an oval (three feet long by two feet wide) of brown spots, at intervals of a few inches. These proved to be the ends of decayed fragments of a canoe made of Alaska cedar (Chamecy- paris Nootkaensis) daubed with red ochre. These pieces were standing on end around the body. Outside of this oval were the ends of four poles made of red cedar ( Thuya gigantea Nutt.). -They were set at regular intervals around the grave. The pieces of canoe extended down two feet and a half ; but as the wind shifts the surface sand, and since they were rotted

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 437

down to the surface of the soil, it seems probable that they were originally much longer. The body may have been placed on the surface, the stakes and pieces of canoe forming a little burial-tent similar to the one found in the Nicola Valley. When the sand was blown into the tent, it preserved the lower portion, while the upper part was destroyed by natural forces. The body, probably that of a woman about twenty years of age, lay on its left side, with head towards the east, and legs slightly flexed, so that the thigh-bones were about at right angles to the vertebral column. It was wrapped in a fabric daubed with red ochre, and in pieces of skin. The whole bundle was bound with cords about a quarter of an inch

in diameter, made of three strands of vegetable material twisted to the right. The fibres of each strand were twisted to the left. Four strings of dentalia, short cylindrical shell beads, and long cylindrical copper beads, arranged on a string, extended across the forehead, Similar copper beads, dentalia, and pendants made of teeth, some being the canine teeth of elk, others the incisor teeth of deer, were found at the neck. A bag about one foot long by three inches wide, made of fabric, extended from near the shoulders to the middle of the back. It contained beaver-tooth dice, bone needles, an iron awl in a bone handle, five bone tubes, chips of glassy basalt, a bone pendant, bearberry-seeds, and two bone objects showing traces of windings. Particles of red ochre permeated the bag and the surrounding soil. (See Figs, 357 4, 358 g, 367, 369, 371, 375 ¢.) The iron awl found in this grave is the only object showing contact with the whites, and iron secured by barter from the whites was not found in any of the other graves except in the long wooden boxes known to have been made since the arrival of the Hudson Bay Company’s agents,

but, instead of pieces of a canoe, poles had been placed around the body. They enclosed a space three feet in diameter. Their tops had been burned off about a foot below the surface or three feet above their lower ends. The skeleton, that of a woman about thirty years of age, was found two feet and a half deep, below the sand strata, resting on a hard gravel, which was exceedingly compact. The head was to the west, while the knees were flexed to the chest. The left hand was at the left shoulder, and the right arm was similarly flexed. Some bones of a small mammal were found near the right shoulder, A birch- bark dish rested over the thighs. The body was wrapped in a fabric of woven vegetable fibre. Outside of this was matting made of cat-tail stalks woven as shown in Fig. 131 leet IM Pieces of wood, possibly parts of a bow or spear-handle, were found on the south side of the right arm bones, A chipped knife made of glassy basalt, which shows traces of gum along its base, was found crushed into one of these pieces of wood, and may have been hafted in it, A bone awl with traces of cord that had been wound around it was found at the right elbow on the south side of the grave. A little square piece of stone, fragments of bone, a beaver-tooth, a whetstone, and four chips were also found south of the right elbow (see Big 325 cya The exceedingly dry climate and good drainage of the hill would preserve wooden objects and fabrics for a very long period.

Beery sz. Grave (2 located 42 feet south of Grave 1). — Somewhat similar to Grave 1 -

Bits—stty>. Cache 1 (depth in shifting sand, about 6 inches).—127 chipped flakes of glassy basalt; 4 scraper and point of the same material ; 7 pebbles which may have been hammer-stones ; a piece of slate ; a whetstone ; pieces of bone. (See Fig. 332 he.)

2481, st$z Cache 2 (depth, about 6 inches),—rz flakes of glassy basalt ; 3 hammer-stone pebbles.

atto—st$z, Bbse-eh$y. Surface finds near Kamloops. (See Figs. 336 4, 357 ¢.)

‘ NICOLA VALLEY.

aoez, we$s. Surface finds.

zéiz. Grave'1 (6 miles up the valley).—The skeleton, which rested on the rock-slide material, was in a tent of poles about seven feet long, covered with mats made of common Cat-tail stalks

438 SMITH, ARCHAZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

( Zypha latifolia) sewed together as shown in Fig. 131 c, Part IV. The talus material covered this to a depth of about two feet. The skull was south, the face east ; the body, which was that of an old woman, lay upon its back, with the legs closely flexed and projecting upward. There were no objects with the skeleton or in the tent.

ats, chSaahs. Grave 2 (also covered by about two feet of talus). — The skull was south, the face east, the body lying on its back with legs closely flexed and knees projecting upward. A broken nephrite celt, a rubbed stone, a fresh-water unio shell, 2 chipped pieces, 2 chipped points, and a chip of glassy basalt, were found at the right side (see Fig. 351 ¢). The leg- bones were much decomposed, and badly broken by the rocks.

Mourty or NicoLa LAKE.

16 Surface find. — Skeletons of two children found near here were eighteen inches deep, massed in a pocket of black soil, which extended down into the yellow subsoil about six inches. The top of each grave, which was level with the surrounding surface, was covered with five or six bowlders.

99 261

7, t4h, ah$z¢- Skeleton of a man found near the children mentioned above was known to be that of a large person from Lytton, who was born at Cisco. He was murdered in the fifties, and his family buried him. The body lay upon the back, with head to the west, the legs closely flexed, and was covered with woven fabrics, some of which had evidently been secured from the whites. A bundle of half-round wooden rods about three feet long, with a longitu- dinal groove down the middle of the flat side, was found in the grave. The tibia and fibula had been broken; and the latter had fully healed, while the former. was still in the process of healing. The tradition regarding this burial does not relate that the man was ever lame. The fact that the grave is of recent date proves that this style of burial prevailed until the middle of the century, and suggests that the children’s graves, being similar to and near his, may also be recent. Graves of this type known to be very old have not been found by us in the Thompson River region.

, HeEAD or NIcoLa LAKE. qty. Surface find.

ah$s. Found in excavating.

Grave 1 (a child) in the talus on the Indian reserve here. — The head was towards the east, the face towards the north. The skeleton was covered with about four inches of earth and eighteen inches of rock-slide material. It rested upon its right side, and a thin stratum of yellow ochre was found in the earth near the head. This was probably the yellow paint from the face or garments. Among the rocks near this grave a piece of a human occiput was found, which bore knife-marks, as though the head had been cut off.

ohis, ahoa-ab$s. Grave 2.— The bones, which were fully bleached, rested on the surface of the soil, and were covered toa depth of about two feet by the rock-slide material. The head was east, face west, and the legs were closely flexed. A double-edged celt of nephrite nearly four- teen inches in length was found lying diagonally across the chest, with its grooved edge south- west, curved corners northwest, and most perfectly formed edge to the southwest. A bone sap-scraper, beaver-teeth, two bone implements, and a piece of pointed wood, were found at the top of the skull. Dentalium shells and an awl of bone or antler were found under the head. Baptiste, the Indian guide, believed this to be a girl’s head-scratcher. A knife of glassy basalt was found under the left upper arm, and a wooden cylinder at the left elbow. The skeleton of a dog, also fully bleached, was found with the head west, and tail near the left shoulder of the skeleton.

SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 439

tébo—7b$5. Grave 3-—The skeleton rested upon the soil, and was covered toa depth of one

foot with rock. The body lay upon the back, with the head west, face east, and legs flexed, the knees projecting upward, The right hand was flexed to the shoulder. Three beaver- teeth and a celt of nephrite over thirteen inches in length, with grooved side down and blade west, were found on the right side of the skull. Near the blade of the celt was found a chipped point of glassy basalt daubed with red ochre. A drinking-tube lay near the top of the skull, and a small celt of nephrite was secured from under the head. A bone needle, such as was used for sewing tules into mats, and a finer bone needle, were found parallel to this celt, and with it a double-bladed celt somewhat larger in size, also made of nephrite, with grooved side down, the square blade east, and the diagonal blade west, Near the pelvis was a chip of glassy basalt, Pieces of burned skull-bones and a chipped point of chalcedony were also found in the grave. Probably the lodges of the victims were set on fire by the Wwar-party, which may account for the charred appearance of the bones. (See Fig. 358 a, 6.)

ater, Toit —7i$s. Grave 4.—The skull was found about one foot west of the skull of the third.

‘The body lay upon the surface of the ground, and was covered with small fragments of rock of the talus. Above these were bowlders weighing from thirty to a hundred pounds. A post Stood at the head, which was to the east, and faced northward. The right hand was flexed to the shoulder. Dentalium shells were found under the skull, and matting made of cat-tail stalks sewed together, as shown in Fig. 131 ¢, Part IV, was taken from under the back and arms. A handle made of antler, for a Toot-digger, lay along the left upper arm, with its larger end at the shoulder, where were also a little mass of red ochre, a beaver-tooth, beads made of sections of dentalium shells, a small arrow-point of glassy basalt with its point towards the head, and a bone needle. Under the middle of the back was found a cylinder of copper, copper beads, and short cylindrical beads of sections of dentalium shells. A bone of a bear, and a Stray radius of an adult human being, were found in the tocks above the pelvis of this skeleton,

ot $s, abiy -7h$s. Grave 5.—The skeleton was that of a youth, and lay on the surface of the soil,

under eighteen inches of rock-slide material. The head was south, with face west. The left parietal and some bones of the body were stained with copper salts, and covered with woven fabric and deer-skin on which the hair still remained. South of the head was a bundle, prob- ably a pouch made of deer-skin from which the hair had not been removed. Four strands of beads made of sections of dentalium shells strung upon a cord were around the Ne Ckauuline whole formed a necklace tied at the back. From the front a copper pendant was suspended. A copper object of similar shape was found with a mass of material around the skull, Being suspended by a string which passed through a whole dentalium shell and a bead, it seems probable that the whole formed an ear-pendant. Another copper ornament, and dentalium shells, probably the remains of the other ear-pendant, were found in the same mass, <A piece of rope or slow-match of shredded cedar-bark, to which was attached askin of a small mammal, part of a bird-skin, a perforated bear-claw through which was part of a thong, and two copper pendants, were found in this mass of material. A celt made of nephrite lay with its irregular blade east, flat side up, near the beads and skin. It may have been in the pouch. The skull of a dog was found among the rocks covering the skeleton, and with it was a large wedge made of antler. (See Figs. 349 4, 363, 36s, 366.)

7033—7b$5. Grave 6 contained only one bone, the fibula of an adult person. It rested on

the surface of the soil, covered by rock-slide material. Three chipped pieces of stone, a nat- ural piece of chalcedony of cone shape, and five fantastically chipped points of glassy basalt, were also in the grave, Among the stones above the grave was found a celt of green nephrite, (See Fig. 334, dc.)

zé0g- Grave 7.—The skeleton rested on the surface of the soil, under eighteen inches of rock-slide

440 SMITH, ARCHZOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

material, The skull was to the east, face west, and the legs were closely flexed. The hands covered the face. 99

sia, thSs, ahix. Grave 8.—The skeleton rested on the surface of the soil, below about eighteen inches of rock-slide material. ‘The neck-bones were west, and there was no skull. The legs were flexed, The left arm as far as the elbow extended along the side, the fore-arm then crossed to the pelvis. An ornamented implement made of antler lay diagonally across the breast, with the point towards the left wrist, and the butt towards the right elbow. Two elk- tooth pendants were found near the neck. (See Figs. 360 4, 378.)

sity, rh$s, zh$s, thhs, rots. Grave 9.—The skeleton rested on the surface of the soil, and was covered to a depth of about one foot by rock-slide material. Above the skeleton were found pieces of birch-bark, the bones of a dog colored with red ochre, a chipped point of glassy basalt, and pieces of charcoal. The body rested on its back, with the hands to the shoulders, and legs flexed in such a manner that the knees projected upward, the head turned towards the east. At the side, extending from the femur to the skull, were fragments of a much-decayed wooden bow. It was of very hard, close-grained wood, and was elliptical, tending towards lozenge- shape, in cross-section. The surface was very smooth, and one side was ornamented with little cuneiform incisions arranged like the marks on birch-bark. A celt of green nephrite, with the long grooved side down, and the square blade toward the feet, lay with the bow, and parallel to it. A shorter celt with one broken corner lay with this, having its square blade towards, the feet. Its grooved side was down and bevelled side up. (See Fig. 349, @, ¢.)

APPER DATE ADDITIONAL INFORMATION REGARDING SPECIMENS FIGURED IN PART III.

The following additional information regarding specimens figured in Part III of this volume was secured at Spences Bridge and in Nicola Valley during 1899, from Baptiste, an old Indian shaman living in the valley ; Michel, an intelligent old Indian of Lytton ; Salictr, chief at Nicola Lake ; and the brothers of the last named, James Michel Tcilaxitca and Charlie Tcilaxitca. When Baptiste and Michel were children, objects of white manufacture were rarely if ever seen by them.

Fig. 1. This Baptiste considered to represent an unfinished pipe. The theory seems plausi- ble, although the pipe would have been very small. Michel of Lytton thought it represented a small hammer, to be hafted in a little handle and used by a slave or servant to crush food for a rich and toothless old person, the food being put between two pieces of skin or fabric, which accounts for the absence of a bruised surface on the object.

Fig. 20. Baptiste thought that this represented a beaver-spear, and that a string was tied through the perforation in the base, so that the point might not pull out of the handle and allow the animal to escape with it. This opinion was also held by Michel of Lytton.

Fig. 38. According to Baptiste, this represents an anvil upon which to crush food in mouthful quantities for rich, toothless old persons when travelling, larger anvils being used when in camp (see Part 11, po ro).

Fig. 39. This is thought by Baptiste to represent a stone that, when covered with skin, was used as a ball in the game described on p. 279 of Part IV. Mr. Teit approved this opinion, but Michel of Lytton believed it to have been covered with skin and used as a club-head (see Part 1V, p. 264). It is hardly probable that specimens like the one shown in Fig. 247, which are not nearly so spherical even as the one illustrated in Fig. 39, should have been used in the game.

Fig. 49 illustrates a specimen which Baptiste and Mr. Teit agree was undoubtedly used for such purposes as chipping arrow-points, carving wood, and cutting out steatite pipes. They were

SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION, 441

not impressed with the opinion of Michel of Lytton, that it was used for cutting nephrite (see footnote, p. 416),

Fig. 50, Baptiste considered this to represent a large foreshaft and head for an arrow such as was formerly used to kill horses, dogs, and the like, to be placed on the grave of their owner. He later concluded that it represented 4 knife, but said that it resembled these arrow-heads.

Fig. 51. Michel of Lytton considered this to represent a knife for cutting soft inner bark when the sap runs in April (see Fig. 340 and Part TV; 'p. 233). Later Baptiste said that very brave bear-hunters formerly used such an implement to thrust down the bear’s throat, placing one end against the roof of his mouth, and the other on his tongue when he opened his mouth. James Michel Tcilaxitca approved this opinion. Both said that Michel of Lytton was mistaken, but he was not seen after this,

Fig. 52. According to Baptiste, this represents a chisel used to Scrape small pieces of skin, Fig. 53. This, he considered, represents an awl,

Fig. 54. Baptiste also believed this to Tepresent a scraper for small pieces of skin, and he stated that needles and small bone awls were laid in the natural groove and wrapped there to keep

Fig.55. Mr. Teit thought this might represent a sap-cutter. Baptiste believed it to represent a flaker for making arrow-points, Michel of Lytton concurred in Baptiste’s opinion (see Fig, 340).

Fig. 56. Michel of Lytton considered this to Tepresent part of a trap used to catch ground- hogs as they issue from their burrows. He called it an xuap, and said they were made of wood, Poaeor “horn.” No other evidences of traps were found by us.

Fig. 59. Baptiste believed this to represent a spindle-whorl for spinning dog-hair and mountain-goat wool. Michel of Lytton agreed, and said that some of them were made of wood, and others of bone.

Fig. 65. Baptiste said that this, like Fig. 54, represented a case for awls and needles as well as a scraper.

Fig. 84. Charlie Tcilaxitea believed this to represent an ornament worn on the hair, behind the shoulders, by chiefs’ daughters,

Fig. 87. Charlie Tcilaxitca thought ornaments of this kind were worn on the chest by daughters of chiefs (see P. 425).

Fig. 95. This was shown to Mr. Teit, Baptiste, Charlie Tcilaxitca, and also Michel of Lytton. All of them insisted that the object, which is figured as two-thirds natural size, is a sap-scraper such as was used when they were children. Such evidence, in addition to the similarity of the object to modern Sap-scrapers, seems to satisfactorily prove that it was used for this purpose.

Figs. 96-98. Charlie Tcilaxitca says that such pendants were used for each ear, as well as in large numbers for necklaces (see p. 426).

Fig. 99. Charlie Tcilaxitca said of this, that when a child he saw nose-ornaments in use which were made of dentalium shells with a hair tassel at each end similar to the specimen shown in Fig. 99. Baptiste and Mr. Teit both approved this remark (see Fig. 197, Part IV), and also agreed that such shells with tassels may also have served as ear-pendants such as are described on Da222-Part lve Mr. Teit said that all the Indians know of the use of such nose-ornaments,

Fig. 102, Baptiste considers this to Tepresent a drinking-tube; and Michel of Lytton con- firmed the Statement, saying that at the time of the ceremonies when young girls received their manitous, they were not allowed to use a cup, but had to drink through such a tube for the period of one year. Modern drinking-tubes are illustrated on p. 313 of Part IV.

Figs. 107, TO9, 110. Baptiste said that these represented objects which were kept simply

A42 SMITH, ARCHAOLOGY OF THE THOMPSON RIVER REGION.

because they were considered nice or valuable. Charlie Tcilaxitca had the same opinion regarding Figs. rog and rio.

Fig. 114 was submitted to Mr. Teit, Chief Salictr, Charlie Tcilaxitca, and Baptiste. They all agree that it is a fixture fora dog-halter to keep the loop from slipping up and choking the dog ; also that the carving represents the manitou of the owner of the dog, and was first seen in a dream. It resembles, in general shape, and in having a mouth and tail, the specimens known to be such fixtures (see Part IV, p. 245).

Fig. 116. Mr. Teit said that this represented a piece of copper that was probably being rolled around the cylindrical stick to form it into a long bead, and that, as the person was at work upon it immediately before death, it was buried with him.

INDEX. TO VOLUME ile

x» Figures refer to pages,

ABELONE shells, 134, I51, 152, 222, 426, in Bella Coola mythology, 60, 62, 71, 72. Abortion, 305. Additional information regarding specimens fig- ured in Part III, 440. Adolescent girls, shelter for, 198. Adoption of children, 308. Adzes, 142, 145, 183, 415. Alaska, hair ornaments from, 150, 151. Alphabet, 12. American race, antiquity of, 5. Amulets, 160, 305, 308, 371, 372. Ancestors, mythical, of the Bella Coola, 48. of the Tsimshian, so. Andrews, H. A., 165. Animals, belief in a special world for, 343. parts of, as guardian spirits, Bae Anklets, 223, 318, 384. Anthropometry of northern British Columbia, 7. Anvils, 139, 413. Apache, coiled basketry of, 390, Aprons of Thompson boys, 318, 379, 380. Archeology of Lytton, B. C., 129-16r, of the Thompson River region, 401-442. Armor, 263, 265, 266. Arrow-flaker, 182, Arrow-heads, 135, 136, 159, 161, 241-243, 408, 409. Arrow-poison, 243, 263. Arrows, mythological ascent to sky by chain of, 69, 95, 102. of Thompsons, 239, 241-243, 263, 346, 380. Arrow-shaft smoothers, 145, 146, 4109. Arrow-stone, Raven myth regarding, 137, 409. Art, of Coast Salish, 388, 389. decorative, of Salish, 391 (Part V)-399. decorative, of Thompsons, 376-383, 389, 422. of people of Thompson River region, 155-158, 430, 431. See Carvings, Designs. Astas, culture-hero of the Carriers, 47. Athapascans, the, 330, 388, 406, 407. Awls, 148, 155, 156, 186, 404, 408, 420, 430. receptacles for, 420. Axes, 183, 379, 415.

BAG-NETS, 240, 251. Bags, 190, 199, 207, 203. Ball game, 277. Basketry, of Salish, 391 (Part V)—399, of Thompsons, 187-189, 199-202, 383, 380. Baskets, use of windpipes of wolves for, in Bella Coola legend, 105. Bathing, 224, Battle Bluff, pictographs on, 4o2. Beads, 134, 153, 187, 221-223, 403, 425, 4206. rhythmic arrangement of, on strings, 383, 384. Bear, hunting of, 240. legend of black, 111-1 14. Bearberries, charred, finds of, 155, 408, mixture of, with tobacco, 155, 429. Bears resembling men, legend of, 53. Beauty, ideas regarding personal, 229. Beaver, the, in Bella Coola legend, 107. hunting of, among Thompsons, 249, 411. Beds, 199. Begging, 299. Beliefs, current, of Thompsons, 341-344, 372- 375. Bella Bella, B. C., legend of salmon at, 39, 40. Bella Bella Indians, 10, Wy Bella Coola Indians, 9, Io, 25-128, 387, 388. Belt, woman’s, 216. Berries, as a food supply, 231. offering of first, to mountains or earth, 345. painting of face when picking, 344. Berry-cakes, 235. Berrying-grounds, common property, 294. Betrothal, age of girls at, 321. Bird, fabulous, in Bella Coola legend, 100, 124. Bird’s down, magic powers of, 56, 77, 7 8, 80, 86 108, use of, at potlatch, 386. Birth, customs regarding, 309. Statistics concerning, 176, 391 (Appendix). Bits for horses, 258. Blankets, 191, 217, 379, 380. Boas, Franz, 1-128, 153, 165, 376-391. Bodice, woman’s, 216. Boundaries of Thompson tribé, 175. Bows, 239-241.

[443]

444

Bows, decoration of, 378, 382. Boxes, burials in, 335. Bracelets, 223. Breast-shields, 265, 266, 427. Breech-cloths, 208, 209, 217. Bridles, 258. Britton, N. L., 165. Brush-house, 196. Bull-roarers, 281. Burial-grounds, prehistoric, in Thompson River region, 129, 130, 402, 403. of Thompsons, 330. Burials, beliefs regarding, 374. method of, among Athapascans, 330. method of, among ‘Thompsons, 327-336. prehistoric, in Thompson River region, 158—- 161, 404, 405, 431, 432. rock-slide, 330, 331, 402, 405, 432. taboos regarding, 331, 332. tent, 405, 423, 432.

CacuEs or storehouses, 198, 199. contents of burial, 436, 437. Cairns on Vancouver Island, 11. Calendar, of the Bella Coola, 41. of the Thompsons, 353. Calking, method of, 184. Cannibalism, ceremonies connected with, 34, 114-120, 126. Canoes, copper, in Bella Coola legend, 51. covered with abelone shells, in Bella Coola legend, 50. of Thompsons, 184, 255. self-moving, in Bella Coola legend, 39-41, 53, 63, 72; 73- Capsye2034 257-221. Card game, 276. Carniersi47- 28 Carrying-straps, 383, 384. Carvings, prehistoric, in Thompson River region, 129, 155-158, 161, 422, 428-431. of Thompsons, 204, 272, 300, 329, 376, 377, 381. Catalogue numbers of surface finds, 434-440. Catfish, method of catching, 253. Cat’s-cradle, game of, 281, 282. Cedar-bark, red, in Bella Coola legend, 42, 44, 54, 56, 78, 90, 116, 117, 120. red, strings of, in prehistoric finds, 135, 153. Cellar, storage, 198. Celts, 132, 142, 143, 415-417.

INDEX TO VOLUME Il.

Ceremonial, Cannibal, 34, 114-120, 126. ka'siut, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 41, 114-117, 126, La0'laxa, 114, I15. salmon, first catch of, 78. sisau’k’, 34-36, 51, 53, 68, 71, 114-116. tobacco, first gathering of, 349. ts’tsa’eqa, 114, 115. whipping the children, 309. Charms, 160, 305, 308, 371, 372. Chemakum, the, 388. Chief, Great, at religious dances, 352. Chiefs of Thompsons, 289, 296. See also War- chiefs. Chilcotin Indians, 9. basketry, designs of, 399. lodges of, 123. Child-birth, customs regarding, 304, 305, 309. Childhood, customs during, 306-310. Children, beliefs regarding first-born, 309. care of, 177. Chinamen’s ranch near Lytton, B.C., exploration of, 132. Chinook Wind, prayer to, 345. Chipped-stone implements from Thompson River region, 135, 136, 148, 404, 407-409, 418. Chisels, 142, 145, 183, 415. Christians, beliefs regarding souls of, 359. Clan legend, among tribes of British Columbia, LUG setLOwn2 2" Clans, division of Kwakiutl into, rat. Clothing, 206-222. Clouds, belief regarding cirrus, 341. Clubs, 264, 265. See also War-clubs. Clute, Willard N., 4o2. Coast Salish, art of, 388, 3809. Coats, 208. Color, significance of, in design, 24, 394, 395, 398. Comb, fragment of, made of antler, 150. Combs, styles of, 224, 314, 315. Comox, culture of, 387. Compass, points of, 337. Constancy of Thompson women, 326. Consumption among Thompsons, 177. Cooking, method of, 140, 236, 414. Copper, in Bella Coola mythology, 50, 51, 53, 63, 71. clay, in Thompson region, used as paint, 424. ornaments, 150, 151, 160, 222, 403, 424-427. preservative quality of, 134, 153.

INDEX TO VOLUME dete 445

Copper war-clubs, 149, 150, 264. Cormorant, in Bella Coola legend, 39, 40. Councils, 289, Couteau Indians, TOR Cowardice, punishment for, 268. Coyote, the, 337, 338, 341, 359, 375, 384. Cradles, 306-309, 329. Cremated bones, remains of, 404, 411, 426. Crests of the Haida, 14. Cricket song, 385. Cross, incised, on river pebble, 155. significance of, 380, 384, 385, 308. Cruppers, 258. Culture of interior of British Columbia, 157, 161, 389, 432, 433. Culture-hero of the Carriers, 47. Cups, bark, 202. stone, 204, 376. Cushing, Frank Hamilton, 427. Cutting implements, 143, 144, 182, 416, 418.

DacceErs from Thompson River region, 149, 423, 431. of Thompsons, 263, 264. Dances, 296, 298, 324, 345, 350-354, 356, 364, 365, 385, 386. Darts for ring game, 275. Dawn, prayers to, 313, 314, 317, 318, 345, 346. Dawson, G. M., F207 *133) 143,155; 157, 158, 407. Daylight, box containing, in Bella Coola legend, 61, 63. Dead, significance of objects buried with, 158. trail of, 38, 342, 343. Death, beliefs regarding, 360, 374. customs regarding, 296-302, 334. omens of, 372, 373. taboos regarding, 328, 332 Decorative art, of Thompsons, 376-383, 389, 422, 430, 431. of Salish, 391 (Part V)—399. See Carvings, Designs. Decrease among Indian tribes, cause of, 176, Deer, in Bella Coola legend, 32, 62, 92, 97-99. Deer-fences, 246, 247. Deer-hoof ornaments, 318, Deer-hunting, 239, 244, 246-248. Deluge, Bella Coola legend of origin of, 96. legend of Coyote’s escape from, 338. Dentalium shells, 134, 153, 222, 223, 403, 407, 408, 425, 427, 430, 431.

Deserted boy, in Bella Coola legend, 103. Designs, adaptation of, to decorative field, 13,

24, 382, 391, 392. after-image of sun, 23.

ambiguity of, 377,

animals symbolized by parts of body, 15-23.

on aprons, 318, 379, 380.

arrow pattern, 383, 384, 392, 396-398.

On arrows, 242, 380,

on basketry, 391-399.

baskets, 378, 398.

bat, 157,

on bat, 278, 382.

bear, 18, 21, 273) 377, 378, 381, 382.

beaver, 16, 23.

bird, 393, 394, 431.

on blankets, 379, 380.

on bones, 158, 376, 420, 430.

box, 393, 397.

butterfly, 156, 182, 227, 382, 393, 395.

cardinal points, 380, 384, 385, 398.

on cards, 276,

cascade, 378.

clouds, 23.

of Coast Salish, 388, 389.

copper-plate, 22.

ereek 157.

cross-trails, 156, 276, 313, 377-380, 398.

on dagger, 430, 431.

dawn of day, 380.

deer-trap, 384, 385.

on dentalium shells, 430, 431.

devil-fish, 15, 19, 21.

on digging-sticks, 137, 156.

dishes, 398.

dog, 276.

dog-fish, 17, 19.

dog-salmon, 15,

dreams, 157, 379, 381, 399.

on drinking-tubes, 313, 379.

on drum, 380, 384, 385.

ducks, flying, 398.

eagle, 18, 21, 273, 393.

eagle’s nest, 22.

earth, 157, 381.

eye, see butterfly, above.

face, human, 431.

in facial paintings, 13-24, 225, 226, 228, 268, 350.

fir-branches, 378.

firewood, 398.

446

Designs, fish-net, 23, 397.

flounder, 395.

fly, 395-

food, 377, 382.

frog, 18.

on gambling-implements, 153, 272, 273. goose, flying, 157, 393.

grave-post, 378, 384, 385. grouse-track, 395.

guardian spirits, 156.

halibut, 15, 22.

hawk, 18, 19.

on head-band, 381, 382.

horse, 384, 385.

house and household furniture, 398. intestines, 395.

killer-whale, 15, 16, 19, 21.

ladder, 399, 430.

lakes, 378, 398.

lightning, 157, 378, 381, 394, 399. lizard, 380, 382, 384.

lodges, 398.

loon-necklace, 276, 378, 381, 382. from Lytton, 155-157.

moon, I5, 33.

mosquito, 18,) 22.

mountain, 378, 395, 398. mountain-goat, 18, 20.

net, 23/307:

Otter, 2745

in pictographs, 321, 377, 380, 385. on pipes, 154, 157, 158, 301, 376, 378, 381,

382, 429, 430. plant, 396. on pouch, 379, 381, 382. puffin, r9.

on quiver, 244, 381. rainbow, 15, 33, 378, 384, 385. rattlesnake, 157, 393. raven, 16, 19, 20.

realistic, 377, 396. rock-slide, 22.

root, 276, 393.

on root-digger, 231, 383. salmon-berry blossom, 34. on sap-scrapers, 156, 430. sculpin, 17, 20.

sea-lion, 16, 18, 21. sea-monster, 17, 18, 20-23. sea-otter, 23.

on shield, 266.

INDEX TO VOLUME II.

Designs, skeleton, 263, 265, 379. sky, 22, 264, 380, 381. snake, 137, 156, 157, 223, 242, 273; 278, 380, 382-384, 394, 398. snake coiled around cup, 204, 376. on spoon, 204, 376. star, 33, 378-382, 384, 385, 393, 397, 398. star-fish, 15, 17. on stirrer, 378, 382. stone hammer, 397. strap, 393, 397- sun, 15, 266, 276, 301, 378-382, 384, 385. of Thompsons, 273, 313, 376-385, 422, 429, 430. thunder-bird, 264, 380, 381. on tongs, 378, 382. tooth, 395. trails, 1575 276, 313; 377-380. ELCCS, 057,09 272-9 3705, GOONS oe trench, 378, 379. ts’a’gul, 19. underground house, 378. Wasx, 19, 20. wave, 395, 399- > on weapons, 263-265, 357, 378-381. whale, 19, 20. wolf, 16, 18, 19, 273. woodpecker, 16, 19, 21, 22, 379. wood-worm, 137, 156, 157, 382, 429, 430. zigzag, 393, 394, 398, 399- Dialect of Upper Thompsons, 171. Dice, game of, 153, 272, 428. Diercks, 129. Digging-sticks, 137, 138, 156, 381, 411, 430. Dipper, the Great, 341, 342. Disease, cure of, by sucking, 362, 363. Dish that could not be emptied, legend of, 54. Dog-halter, 244, 245. Dogs, burial of, with owners, 407. naming of, 292. Thompson, good hunters, 244. Door, legend of biting, 75, 104. Dreams, of adolescent boys, 318, 320. beliefs regarding, 372. representation of, on implements, etc., 157, 378, 379, 381, 399. Dress, of pregnant women, 303. of prehistoric people of Thompson River region, 150-153, 423-427. of Thompsons, 206-220, 423. Drilling, method of, 183, 184, 391.

INDEX TO VOLUME 1B,

Drills, 148, 407, 419.

Drinking-tubes, £54, 313, 379.

Drowned people, belief regarding souls of, 359. Drums, 299, 380, 383-385.

Drumsticks, 299, 384, 385.

Drying-frame for berries, 235, 236.

Dug-outs, 184, 255.

Dwarfs, belief in a race of, 339.

Dyes, 184.

EAGLtegE, value of tail-feathers of, 214, 357, 392. Eagle-down, legend of ascent to sky by, 78, 86. magic powers of, in Bella Coola legend, 56, 77, 78, 108. Ear-ornaments, 222. perforations for, 321. Earth, Thompson idea of shape of, 337. Earthquake, cause of, 37. Eburne, B. C., stone daggers from, 264. Echo, in Bella Coola legend, 93. Eclipse, of moon, idea of Bella Coola regard- ing, 31. of sun, idea of Bella Coola regarding, 36, Elk, abundance of, at Kamloops, B. C., gor. pendants made of teeth of, 426. use of teeth of, for decorative purposes, 222. Elopements, 324, 325. Embroidery, 187, 212, 222. Endogamy, 116, 121, 123-125, Engraving, see Carvings. Epidemics, 177, 364. Ethical concepts, 366, 367. Exogamic system, 116. Eye-shade used by fishermen, 252.

Facia_ paintings of Indians of northern British Columbia, 13-24. of Thompsons, 225, 226, 228, 267, 268, 344, 35°, 351, 361, 386. Farrand, Livingston, 8, 121, 391-399. Father, authority of, among Thompsons, 292. Festivals, religious, 334, 350-354. social, 296-302. Finger-nail clippings, burning of, 360. Fir-branches, use of, by girls, 315. Fire, origin of, 338. Fire-drill in Bella Coola legend, 62. of Thompsons, 203. Fireplace in underground houses, 403. Fish, fabulous, 28, 44, 66, 124. See Sistur. Fishermen, guardian spirits of, 355.

447

Fish-hooks, 253,

Fishing, 249-254, 256. beliefs regarding, 348. platforms for, 250-252.

Fish-knives, 234, 414.

Fish-lines, 253.

Fish-spears, 251, 252.

Fish-trap, 254.

Fish-weir, 254,

Fog, origin of, 338.

Food, animals used for, 134, 257, 403. caches for storing, 414. implements used in preparing, 138, r4o, 233,

235, 236, 412-414, implements used in procuring, 135, 231, 408. method of cooking, 140, 236, 237, 414. prayer regarding, 353, preservation of, 234-236.

Food-supply of Thompson River region, 129, 401. of Thompsons, 230-237,

Foot-races, 280.

Fortresses, 266,

Fraser River, in Bella Coola legend, 50, 52, 53. occurrence of basalt in delta of, 407. shell-mounds on, 11. tribes of Upper, 9.

Fringe, beaded, rhythmic arrangement, 383, 384. buckskin, 221,

Frog, carving of, on stone vessel, 204, 376. sister of Moon, according to Thompsons, 341.

Fruits, varieties of, used by Thompsons, 232, 233.

GAMBLERS, guardian spirits of, 355. Gambling, implements used in, 153, 154, 272, 273, 275, 381, 382, 428, songs used in game of, 275. value of stake in, 391. Game, beliefs regarding, 346-348. distribution of, 248, 294. Games, 153, 154, 272-282, 428. Garter of Upper Thompsons, 208. Geometric patterns, development of, 13, 391-393. and realistic patterns on same object, 396. Ghosts, beliefs regarding, 340, 358, 365. sketch showing land of, 343. visit to country of, in Bella Coola legend, 37, 38, 42. Giant with copper plates, legend of, 63. Giants, belief of Upper Thompsons in, 340. Gitlop, legend concerning the, 67. Glacier, legend of, rog—111,

’

448 INDEX TO

Government Hill Site, location of, 404. Government Indian School, 404. Government Site, location of, 404. Grave figures, 131, 329, 335: Graves, of Thompson River region, contents of, 434-440. exploration of, 402, 404. marking of, 406. of Thompsons, opening of, by relatives, 330. Great Bear or Dipper, 341, 342. Green stones, 132, 133, 142, 407, 415. Grinding-stones, 143, 144, 202. Grisly bear, influence of, on twins, 310. Gritstones, 144, 184. Grooved stones, 142, 146, 149, 160, 417. Grooves, method of cutting, 143, 144, 416. in skin-scrapers, uses of, 420. Guardian spirits, of Bella Coola mountain-goat hunter, 45, 58. of Thompsons, 354, 355- representations of, on tools, clothing, etc., 156, 206, 379, 380, 430. Guessing game, 275. Guns, first, used by Thompsons, 244.

Hasirations, of Thompson River region, 140, I4I, 414. of Thompsons, 192-199. Hafting, method of, 147, 183, 184, 391 (App’x). Haida Indians, 10, 14-24, 121. Hair, burning of combings of, as guard against sorcery, . 360. cutting of, as a sign of mourning, 224, 333. of dead, style of dressing, 328. styles of dressing, among Thompsons, 224-227, 393, 351. use of grease on, 224. Hair-ornaments from Alaska, 150, 151. of Thompson girls, 218. Hair-ribbons, 213-215, 227. Half-breeds among Thompsons, 179, 180. Halter-ropes, 258. Hammers, 138, 142, 183, 403, 404, 408, 413, 415. Hammer-stone with animal head, 376. Hand-guard, 241. Hare, belief of Thompsons regarding, 341. Harpoon-points, 137, 410, 411. Hatchets, 265. Hau'hau, legend of the, too. Head-bands, 212-218, 313, 318, 351. designs on, 381, 382.

VOLUME II.

Head-scratcher, 424. Hearths, ancient, 130, 155. Heaven, in Bella Coola legend, 27, 28. hole in, 66. Herald of Thompson war-chief, duties of, 290. of thunder-bird, description of, 47. Hermaphrodite, in Bella Coola legend, 53, 54. Hide-and-seek, game of, 28r. Hillsides, burning of, to secure abundance of roots, 230. Hill-Tout, Charles, 8, 130, 155. Horse, most common gift at potlatch, 380. Horsehair, use of, in embroidery, 187, 206, 212. Horse-races, 280. Horses, introduction of, among Thompsons, 257. names of, 292. slaughter of, for food, 299.

Horseshoe as a guard against ghosts, 358. House, legend of woman rooted to floor of, 89, RO: House of Myths, in Bella Coola legend, 27, 28,

Ax OL, 7.5, 50, 110,01 Lo: House-furnishings, 199. House-pits, ancient, 132, 140, I41, 403, 405, 414. Houses, fortified, 266: See also Habditations. Hudson Bay Company, block-house of, at Kam- loops, 404. Hunt, George, 8. Hunters, 213, 214, 355, 386. Hunting, beliefs regarding, 347. ceremonies to insure luck in, 364, 365. implements used in, 135, 136, 239-249, 408- A412. Hunting-lodge, 196. Hunting-territory, common property, 293. Huts, erected over graves, 329. occupied by girls during puberty rites, 312.

INCISED lines, see Carvings. Infants, burial of, alive, 329. Inheritance, laws of, among Bella Coola, 124. laws of, among Thompsons, 293, 294, 331, 332. Initiation, of Cannibal, 118. of shamans among Bella Coola, 42-44. Intercourse between Upper and Lower Thomp- sons slight, 178. Intermarriages among Thompson tribes, 179. Intertribal trade, 161.

JACKETS, 207, 208.

Jacobsen, Adrian, 26, 27, 42, 114.

INDEX TO VOLUME IT,

Jacobsen, Fillip, 8, 26, 2155 25 LIA—116,

Jade, bowlders, mode of cutting, 182. implements, 142, 320, 407, 416, 417, Occurrence of, in British Columbia, 133, 407,

Jealousy of Wolf woman in Bella Coola legend,

106,

Jesup, Morris KS 6:

Jesup North Pacific Expedition, members of, 6. operations of, in 1897, ae

plan of, 4. Kamvoopsy, B. C., explorations at, 8, MS AKC = 404, 408, 411, 422, 428, 429, 431. Kemp, J. F., 132, aa Kettles, 200, Killer-whale, legend of, 108, 109. King, C. G., 422. King, J.-D., 135. Knives, of Thompson River region, 140, 144,

of Thompsons, 183, 184, 234, 266, 301 (App’x). Knuckle-covering for lehal players, 276. Kokwé'la, a Thompson Transformer, 337. Kunz, George F., 407, 416, Ka'siut, see Ceremonial. Kwakiutl, 114-116, 121, 124, 126, 388,

Laszor, division of, SED AXON. Lacrosse, game of, 277, 278. design on stick used in, 278, 382. Ladle, 203, 204. Lakes, origin of, 338. Languages of North Pacific coast, 6, 7. distribution of, in Bella Coola legend, 65, 60. Legends, borrowing of, among Coast tribes, 120, Leggings, 208, 209, 216. Lehal, game of, Dil, Le Jeune, J. M., 4o2. Levirate, 325. Lice, treatment of, by girls, 316. Lifting stones, game of, 280. Lightning, relation of, to thunder, 338. Lines, incised, see Carvings. Lillooet Indians, 9, 183, 229, 387, 391, 393, 395, 396, 399. Lillooet Valley, 407. Literature of Bella Coola, 26. Lizard, belief regarding, 348. Lodges of Thompsons, types of, 195-197. See Labitations. Log-houses of Thompsons, 199, 266.

449

Lower Thompsons, Indian names of, 168. Lower world, Bella Coola conception of, 27, Luck, designs Supposed to secure, 381, Lynx, in Bella Coola legend, 45. Lythospermum seeds in Lytton region, 135, 160. Lytton, B. C., archeology of, 129-161. centre of the world, according to Thompsons, 337. dividing-line of Thompson territory, 168, situation, climate, etc., of, 129. Lytton band of Upper Thompsons, 170-172,

Maaic flight of Stump’s wife, legend of, ro2, staff, in Bella Coola legend, 53, 54. Manitou, see Guardian Spirit, Manufactures of Thompsons, 182-191, 389. Marriage rites, 321-326, 353. Masks, of Bella Coola, 35, 36, [ley BUTI of Thompsons, 209, 362. Masmasala'nix, 32, 36, 39, 53, 61, 66, 67. Mason, Otis T., 389, 390. Mats, of Thompson River region, 405, 408, 421, 423. of Thompsons, 188, 190, rgr. Meander Hills, 405. Meat, preservation of, 234. Medicines, list of, used by Thompsons, 368, BOs Menstruation, beliefs regarding, 42. customs during, 198, 312, B20) 327% Mental traits of Thompsons, 180, Migrations, 4, of Thompsons, 178. Milky Way, 342. Mink, in Bella Coola legend, 38, 39, 50, 95, 96, 103. Mittens, 212. Moccasins, styles of, 209-211, 216, Monsters, belief of Bella Coola in, B08 belief of Thompsons in, 339. Months of the year, names and characteristics of, among Thompsons, 237-239. Moon, Bella Coola idea of eclipse of, 31. Thompson idea of, 341. Morning Star, 341. Mortars, 139, 413. Mosquitoes, origin of, go. Mountain-goat hunter, protector of, 45, 58, 59. prayer of, to Sun, 29, Mountain-goats in Lytton region, 134, belief of Bella Coola regarding father of, 47. wool of, used for clothing, 150.

450

Mourning, sign of, among Thompsons, 224.

Musical instruments, 383, 384.

Mysteries of land and water, 338, 344.

Mythology of Bella Coola Indians, 25-127. origin of, 120.

Name of Thompson tribe, 167. Names, of animals and birds in Bella Coola legend, 4o. of animals, among Thompsons, 292. of deceased, taboo against mentioning, 332. hereditary, 290. of months, in Bella Coola legend, 41. of months, among Thompsons, 238, 239. personal, of Thompsons, 291, 292. of Thompson bands, 170. of villages, Bella Coola, 48-50. of villages, Thompson, 169, 171-174. Necklaces, 218, 223, 425-427. Neck-rings of red cedar-bark, in Bella Coola legend, 42, 44, 116, 120. Needles, 148, 149, 420, 421. Nephrite, see /ade. Nets, 190, 191, 248-250. Netting-stick, 191. Newcombe, Charles F., 11. Nicola band of Upper Thompsons, 170, 174. Nicola Valley, explorations in, 402, 405, 406, 407, All. Nootsack River, Washington, 407. North Pacific Coast, history of explorations on, 7. North Saanich, 429. Nose-ornaments, 222, 223, 321. Notched bones, 430.

Oakes, J. J., 130, 382. Ochre, red, 133, 155, 408, 424. Offering of berries to mountains, 346.

sun, Bella Coola, 29. Okanagon, contact of, with Thompsons, 186,

389, 402.

villages of, 174. Olachen, Bella Coola myths regarding, 51, 54, 61. Old Man of Thompsons, 337, 341, 344, 359, 375- Olivella shells, 134, 153. Omen of women during pregnancy, 304. Operations, list of surgical, of Thompsons, 370. Organization of Kwakiutl, 121.

of Salish tribes, 122. Ornamentation, of basketry, 188, 200, 201.

of clothing, 206-209, 212-222.

INDEX TO VOLUME II.

Ornaments, personal, 150, 151, 222, 223, 424. Osborn, H. F., 408.

PACK-SADDLES, 258. Paddles, types of, 256. Paint, materials used for, 133, 184. Painting, of face or body, among Indians of northern British Columbia, 13-24. of face or body, among Thompsons, 225, 226, 228, 267, 268, 344, 350, 351, 361, 386. of rocks, 155, 339, 391, 382, 403. Paint-pot, 202. Pecten shell, 134, 151, 154, 408, 428. Pendants, 151, 152, 424-426. Pestles, 138, 139, 141, 203, 403, 404, 412, 413, 415. Petroglyphs, 320. Physical type of people of interior of British Columbia, 433. Pictographs, 317, 321, 377, 402, 405. Pillows, 199. Pins, 187. Pipe, passing of, around, 302, 353. smoking of, the cause of rain or snow, 374. use of, to drive away ghosts, 358. Pipes, 154, 155, 157, 158, 300, 301, 363, 376, 378, 381, 382, 428-430. Plants, edible, 232, 233. male and female, 311. mysterious powers of, 333, 346. Platforms, fishing, 250-252. Pleiades, of Thompsons, 341. Point Thomas, copper ornament from, 151. Polishing, method of, 184, 416. Polygamy, 326. Ponchos, 219, 220. Population of Thompsons, 175. Porcupine-quills, use of, for decoration, 187, 206, 202, 222) Port Hammond, B. C., 429. Post, sunset, in Bella Coola legend, 36, 50. Potlatches, 297-299, 366, 380, 385. Pouches, 201, 203, 379, 381, 382, 384, 424. Powder-horns, 244. Prayers, 29, 126, 303, 313-315, 317-329, 344-359, 353, 354- Pregnancy, ceremonies regarding, 303, 304. Prehistoric habitations near Lytton, 132. Presents, giving of, among Thompsons, 299. Property, laws regarding, 293, 294, 331, 332. Prophets, 365. Protector, see Guardian spirit.

INDEX TO VOLUME II,

Puberty rites, 311-321, 381, 382. Puma, bones of, in Lytton finds, 134. claws of, in Kamloops finds, 426,

Putnam, F. W., 6,

Qa'NIG ILAK”, introduction of, into Bella Coola traditions, 115.

Qoa’quqar, miracle- worker among Thompsons, 337-

Queen Charlotte Islands, 11.

Quinaults, basketry designs of, 391-393, 395, 397-399.

Quivers, 243, 244, 381.

Races, among Thompsons, 280, Rafts for fishing and transportation, 256, Rag mats, ror. Rain, origin of, Bar prayer for cessation of, 345. Rainbow, belief concerning, 342, Rattles, 154, 384, 386, 428, Raven legends, Bella Coola, 33, 45, 50, 60, 61, 79-72, 90-95. Carrier, 47. Thompson, 137, 409. Reburial of bones of deceased, 336. Re-incarnation, belief regarding, 359. Religion of Thompsons, 337-367. Reserves, the sites of villages, 174, Resources of prehistoric people of Thompson River region, 132, 407, 408. Ring games, 274. Rings, finger, 22 2 of red cedar-bark, 42, 44, 116, 120. Rivers, origin of, 338. Rivers Inlet, r1, 47, 51, 61, 70, Robes, 206, 218-220, Rock, abundance of angular pieces of, 4o4, Rock-paintings, 155, 339, 381, 382, 403. Rock-slide burials, 330, 331, 402, 405, 432. Rooms of underground house, 194. Root-diggers, 156, 187, 231, 232, 383. Root-digging grounds, common property, 294. Roots, dry, method of cooking, 236. edible, near Lytton, 135. a food-supply of Thompsons, 230-232. Process of drying, 235. Runners, guardian spirits of, 355.

SADDLE-BAGS, 200, Saddle-girth, 258,

Saddles, 258. Sagebrush-bark, 150, 404, 408, 420. Sahaptin, the, Igo. Salish, basketry designs of, 391 (Part V)-399. culture of, 387, organization of, r22, original home of, 387, Salmon, ceremonies at first catch of, 78, legends of Bella Coola regarding, 30, 38-40, 79, 73-83, 94. method of catching, 249, 25m method of drying, 234, occurrence and use of, 134, 230, 4or. Salmon-berry Bird of Bella Coola legend, 77. Salmon-berry blossom, design of, on kia’siut deity, 34. Salmon-oil, process of making, 235, Salmon River Cafion, legend of origin of, 66. Salmon-trout, method of fishing, 253. Salt-licks, deer-hunting at, 246. Sand, conical piles of, 403, 414. shifting, 4o4, 405. Sandstone, siliceous, 133, 143, 416, 419. slab of, rubbed, 139, Sap-scrapers, 156, 233, 411, 412, 430. Sash worn by dancers, 351. Scaffolds for storage of household goods, 199. Scalping, 268, 356. Scouts, 270, Scrapers, see Sap-scrapers, Skin-scrapers. Scratchers, see Llead-scratcher, Shin-scratchers. Seasons, among Thompsons, 225-230, in Bella Coola legend, 4r. Seesaw, prophetic, of Bella Coola, 32. of Thompsons, 282, Serpentine bowlders, 143, 182. Sexual desire, creation of, by Bella Coola sha- mans, 42. Shamans, Bella Coola, 42, 44, 57. Thompson, 214, 215, 300, 354, 357, 358, 360— 365, 378, 381, 382, 386. Sharpening of bone, method of, 184. Shells, 134, I5I-153, 221, 222, 425, Shields, 265, 266, 427. Shirts, 206, 207, 215, 276, Shoes of poor, 220. Shooting-games, 279, 280, 405. Shooting Rock, the, of Nicola Valley, 405. Shuswap, 133, 158, 406, 407. Sidney, B.C., 429. Sign language of Thompsons, 283, 344, 354.

452

Signals, among Thompsons, 287. Sisau’k’, see Ceremonial. Si'siut, 28, 44, 124. description of, 66. Skeena River, 10, 50, 69. Skin, fragments of, in Lytton finds, 146. Skin-scrapers, 146, 147, 185, 186, 403, 418, 419. Skin-scratchers, 312. Skins, preparation of, 147, 184, 185, 419, 420. uses of, 134, 423. Sky, ascent of Cannibals to, 118. ascent to, by chain of arrows, 69, 95, 102. bursting of, caused by Bella Coola, 36. post supporting, in Bella Coola legend, 36. rent in, 360, 66. Slame, prehistoric village near, 131. Slate knives, 140, 414. disk, perforated, 146. Slavery among Thompsons, 269, 290. Slings, 281. Slow-match, 205, 424. Small-pox among Thompsons, 070. Smith, Harlan I., 8, 129-162, 264, 300, 376, 382, 401-442. Smoking, 154, 155, 349, 35° 353- Snake, fabulous, 28, 44, 66, 124. See Si stu. Snare for small game, 249. Snéné‘iq, legend of, 31, 64, 83-89, 9°. Snow, origin of, 341, 375- Snowballing, 281. Snowshoes, 256-258. Soap, substitute for, 228. Social organization, of Bella Bella, 124. of Bella Coola, 48, 120. of Haida, 14. of Thompsons, 289. Society of the Laughers, Bella Coola, 114, 120. Society of the Throwers, Bella Coola, 114. Socks, 212. Solstice, conception of, by Bella Coola, 36, 39. Songs, of Bella Coola, 33, 36, 37, 71, 93) 98, 99: of Thompsons, 320, 352, 3575 383-385. Souls, beliefs concerning, 327, 357-3, 363. land of, 342, 359, 364- Spear-heads, bone, 409. Spear-point, ornamented, 423. Spears, 251, 252, 263, 411. Spences Bridge, B.C., explorations at, 402, 411. location of, 401. Spences Bridge band of Upper Thompson In- dians, 170, 172.

INDEX TO VOLUME II.

Spences Bridge band of Upper Thompson In- dians, statistics concerning 176, 177, 391 (Appendix).

Spoons, 134, 140, 203, 204, 376.

Spruce-bark baskets, 187.

canoes, 184.

Spuzzum, B.C., 150, 195, 264, 290.

Staff, magic, in Bella Coola legend, 53, 54-

Staffs of shamans, 360.

Stakes in games, 154, 273.

Starfishes, in Bella Coola legend, 60.

Stars, belief concerning, 341.

Statistics concerning Spences Bridge Indians,

176, 177, 391 (Appendix).

Stein Creek, prehistoric village north of, 131.

Stick game, 272.

Stirrer, wooden, 203, 205.

Stirrups, 258.

Stockings, 212.

Stone cairns, Vancouver Island, 11.

Stone, carvings in, 129, 202, 204, 430, 431.

implements of, 132, 136, 142, 158, 182-185, 264, 391, 403, 404, 412, 413, 415) 424, 428, 429.

pipes, 154, 155, 157, 158, 428, 429-

Storage-bags, 201.

Storage-baskets, 200.

Storehouses, 198, 199.

Stump, legend of marriage of, 100.

Sturgeon, method of catching, 253.

Sucking, removal of disease by, 362, 363.

Suicide among Thompsons, 325, 357, 392:

Suicides, beliefs regarding souls of, 358, 359-

Sun, the, in Bella Coola legend, 36, 43, 5, 53, 61, 63, 69, 7°, 79-85, 95, 102.

Bella Coola offerings to, 29.

Thompson beliefs regarding, 341, 356, 357; 360, 361.

Sun-box in Bella Coola legend, 61, 63.

Sundog, of Bella Coola, 36.

of Thompsons, 341.

Sunflower root, 236, 349.

Sunset, post at, in Bella Coola legend, 36, 5°.

Surface finds in Thompson River region, 403, 434, 436-438.

Surgical operations of Thompsons, 37°.

Sweat-bathing, 321, 347, 356.

Sweat-bathing Grandfather Chief, prayer to, 319.

Sweat-house, 198, 319.

Swimming, 281.

Symbolism, color, 24, 377- See Designs.

INDEX TO VOLUME Ls

TABLE-MATS, 190, 199. Taboos, of Bella Coola, 54. of Thompsons, 393) 317, 321, 325-328, 331- 334, 346-349, 362. Tassels, use of, for decoration, 222, Tattooing, 228, 321. Taylor, M. L., 165. Tcilaxitca, Charlie, 406, 425, 426. Teit, James, 8, (55, 156, 163-375, 381, 352, 391, 392, 402, 409, 416, 427, 430. Tent-burials, 405, 432. Thompson Indians, 163-392, 406, 407. Thompson River, 8, archeology of region of, 401-442. Thread, materials used in making, 187, Thunder, beliefs concerning, 338, 346. Thunder-bird, of the Bella Coola, 47. of the Thompsons, 338. Tides, cause of, 37. Tlingit Indians, division of, into clans, rar, Tobacco, ceremony at first gathering of, 349. gifts of, at potlatches, 298. prehistoric, 155, 429. substitute for, 300, Tobogganing, 28r. Toe-nails, burning of, to guard against sorcery, 360. Toggles of dog-halters, 158, 376. Tomahawks, 264, 265, 379. Tongs, 203, 20s, 378, 382. Tools of Thompson River region, 141-148, 414— 421. burial of, with dead, 431, 432. Tops, 281. Totems, 290, 388. Totem-poles of Coast Salish, 389. Totosd’nx, so. Trade, intertribal, of Thompsons, 258, 250. Traditions, character of Bella Coola, 122, of Bella Coola village communities, rar. Trail of the dead, in Bella Coola legend, 38. in Thompson legend, 342, 343. of the Sun, in Bella Coola legend, 36. Trailers to moccasins, 211, Training necessary for Thompson shaman, 354. Tranquille River, 4o2, 405. Transformation, of boy into bird’s down, legend of, 80. of boy into mink, legend of, 103. of children into fish, legend of, 76. of man into feather, legend of, 78.

BPO,

‘Transformers, the, of Thompsons, 337. supplication of, 344. Traps, for catching deer, 246, 247, for catching fish, 254. for catching small game, 249. Trays for food, wooden, 203, 204. Trousers, 206, 208, 209. Trout, abundance of, in Nicola Lake, 4o2 Ts’étsa’eqa, Kwakiutl ceremonial of, 114, inne Tsimshian, 50, 69, 121, 126, Tubes made of bird bones, 154, 412, 428. Tug-of-war games, 280, Tump-lines, 256, Tweezers, 227, 228, Twins, customs and beliefs regarding, 210, 311.

UNDERGROUND houses, 130, 131, 140, 192, 194,

403,404, 406. in Bella Coola legend, 79.

Unfaithfulness, method of detecting, 106,

Unio shells, finds of, 134, 408.

Upper Fraser band of Upper Thompsons, 170, 172.

Upper Thompsons, name of, 168, 170,

Uta'mat, significance of name, 168.

VALUE, standards of, 260-262.

_ Vancouver Island, 11, 408, 422.

Vendetta, 290. Village communities, 48, 50-73, rar, Villages, list of Bella Coola, 48-50. of Okanagon, 174. of Thompson, 130, 131, 168, 169, 171, 172, 174, 405. Visions, 365. Visits, social, of Thompson families, 206.

WALLETs, method of weaving, Igo. War, weapons of : aITOWS, 241, 243. axe or tomahawk, 264, 265, 379. clubs, 149, 150, 263-265, 380, 381, 408, 422. knives, 263. War-chiefs, 267, 289, 290. Warriors, 213-215, 225, 226, 267, 268, 328, 354, 356, 357. Wars of Thompsons, 267, 268. Water, origin of, 338. Wealth of Thompson chiefs, 289. Weapons of Thompsons, 148-150, 239, 263, 357, 422. Weasel, bones of, in Lytton finds, 134.

454

Weather, beliefs regarding, 374, 375. Weaving, method of, among Thompsons, 190, 191, 383, 424.

Weber, Rudolf, 130, 165, 402. _

Wedges, 141, 182, 183, 404, 414.

Weirs, 254.

Whale, bone of, 408, 419 422.

Whetstones, 144, 417.

Whistles, 33, 68, 154, 313.

Whites, first, at Kamloops, 404.

Widow and widower, 226, 332-334.

Wind, myth concerning, 337, 338.

Winwi'na, legend of, 38-40. significance of name, 124.

Witchcraft, beliefs regarding, 360, 361.

Wolf, bones of, in Lytton finds, 134.

INDEX TO VOLUME II.

Wolves, Bella Coola legend of, 97-99, 103-108. Woman rooted to floor of house, in Bella Coola legend, 89, ror. Women, constancy of, 326. customs regarding, 326, 327. dressiof, 2115,7210.5303) forbidden to catch olachen, 54. guardian spirits of, 156, 355. war-dance of, for success of men, 356. Wood, excavation of, 404. work in, 183. Woodpeckers, scalps of red-headed, used in ear and nose ornaments, 222.

World, conception of, by Bella Coola, 27, 37.

by Thompsons, 337-344. Wrestling-matches, 280.

ERRATA.

Page 152, in legend to Fig. 95, “ 4 nat. size” should read “ § nat. size.” Page 183, 2d line of footnote, “Fig. 122” should read “ Fig. 120.”

‘

Page 223, in legend to Fig. 108, ‘

65 4572

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should read “z4$-5.

“ Pages 391, 392,” Part IV, Appendix, should read “ pages 390A, 390B.”

Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE I.

— Left eyebrow : killer whale; black. Right eyebrow : whale ; red. Lips painted red, representing copper. Used by the Vak*g'it’inai’ of Lqa’gilt or Skidegate. (Git’ina’.)

2.— Halibut ; red and black. Used by the Sta’stas of K’’it'st’a, the Yé'das of the Kaigani; the T's’atlanas of Ia’k’d. (G/it’ina’.)

— Halibut ; red and black. Used by the Sta'stas of K‘’id'st’a, the Yé’das of the Kaigani; the Ts’atlanas of 1a’k’6. (G it’ina’.)

4.— Devil-fish ; red and black. Used by the Yakvla’nas of Ia’k’6 and Nanaa'ri of the Tlingit. (Q’oa’la.)

5.— Dog-salmon ; red and black. Used by the Sk’a’g’nas xa’edra (dog-salmon house people) of the Kaigani. (G/it’ina’.)

6.— Dog-salmon ; red and black. Used by the Sk’a’g'nas xa’edra (dog-salmon house people) of the Kaigani. (G it’ina’.)

7,.— Star-fish ; red. Used by the S’aln’ndas of 1a’'k’6. (Git’ina’.)

8.— Sun; red and black. Used by the Kits’adé’s of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit. (G it’ina’.)

— Rainbow ; upper margin green, body red, lower margin blue. Used by the Stastasqéowai’ of L8a'it or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa'la.)

g. 10.— Moon; crescent on chin red; ornaments on cheeks made of abelone shell glued

on to the skin. Used by the Yak"la'nas of Ja’k’6 and Lqénola’nas of Q’u'na or Skidans. (Q’oa’la.)

. 11.— Dog-salmon ; red and black. Used by the Sk’a’g’nas xa'edra of the Kaigani.

(G it’ina’.)

ic. 12, —Halibut; red and black. Used by the Sta’stas of K’’id'st’a, the Yé'das of the

Kaigani; the Ts’atlanas of 1a'k’d. (G it’ina’.)

ig. 13. —Halibut ; red and black. Used by the Sta'stas of K’’ia’st’a, the Yé’das of the

Kaigani; the Ts’atlanas of 1a'k’6. (Git’ina’.)

_ 14.— Woodpecker ; red and black. Used by the Tasla'‘nas of Da'dens. (Q’oa'la.)

_ 1s.—On forehead: sea-lion blowing ; black. On chin: throat of killer whale; red.

Used by the Skoa’t’adas of L8ait or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa'la.)

_ 16.— Wolf; red and black. Used by the Q’adasqé'owai of T’ano’ or Tlo. (Q’oa'la.)

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat, Hist., Vol. IT

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Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE II.

r.— Beaver ; red and black. Over nose: hat; over eyebrows: ears ; on cheeks : paws; on chin and lips: tail. Used by the Sta’stas of K"’ia'sta. (G’it’ina.’)

2.— Raven; red and black. Over nose : hat; over eyebrows: beak split in two ; on upper eyelids: tongue; on left cheek : tail; on right cheek: wing; on chin and lips: belly. Used by the G'it’ina’.

3.— Killer whale ; black and green. On right cheek : head; on forehead : dorsal fin; on left cheek: tail. Used by women of the Sta’stas of K’id’sta.

(Q’oa'la.)

4.— Dog-fish ; red. On forehead : head with nostrils ; under eyes: gills; on right cheek : fin; under nose: tail split in two. Used by the Q’onaq’é owai of T’ano’ or Tlo. (G’it’ina’.)

5.—Sculpin; black, blue, lips red. The lips represent the mouth ; on upper lip: the spines ; nostrils represented by circles on each side of mouth ; on nose: dorsal fins; on forehead: tail. Used by the Git’i’ns of S3a’nguai or Ninstance. (G‘it’ina’.)

6.—Star-fish; red. The arms placed side by side. Used by the S’ale/ndas of 1a'k’6. (Git’ina’.) :

z.— Mouth of the sea-monster Ts’an xd'utsé (sea-bear) ; red and black. Used by the Yak"la’nas of la’k’6 and the Nanaa’ri of the Stakingoan of the Tlingit. (Q’oa'la).

8.— Proboscis of mosquito ; black. Tsimshian. (Laxski'yek.)

9.— Beak of hawk ; black and red. Used by the Siéngala’nas of Ta’an. (Q’oa'la.)

_10.— Mouth of frog; red. Used by the Q’onaq’é'owai of Q’u’na or Skidans.

(Git’ina’.)

_ 11. —On nose and cheek: paw and tail of sea-lion; black. Tail under right eye. On

chin : throat of killer whale ; red. Used by the Skoa'L’adas of L8a’it or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa la.)

12.—On forehead : paw of sea-lion ; black. On chin: throat of killer whale ; red. Used by the Skoa’t’adas of 134 it or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa’la.)

13.— On cheeks and forehead : tracks of bear; red and black. On chin ; tail of bear; red. Used by the Yak"la'nas of Ia’k’6 and Nanaa’ri of the Stakingoan of the Tlingit. (Q’oa'la.)

. 14.— Paws of the sea-monster Ts’an xd/utsé ; black: Used by the Vaktla'nas of

la’k’d and by the Nanaa’ri of the Stakingoan of the Tlingit. (Q’oa'la.)

. 15.— Paws of wolf; red and black. Used by the Q’adasqé’owai of T’ano’ or Tlo.

(Q’0a’la.)

ic. 16.—Talons of eagle; black. Used by the Q’onaq’é owai of T’ano’ or Tlo. (G‘it’ina’.)

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Flist;, Vol) TT.

Plate IT:

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Facial Paintings of the Indians of Northern British Columbia.

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE III.

1.— Feet of mountain-goat ; black. Used by the Lqénocla’nas of Q’u’na or Skidans.

(Q’oa'la.)

.—Tail of the monster Wasx; red. Used by the Git’'ns of Lqa'gilt or Skidegate. (G'it’ina’.)

3.—Tail of wolf; red and black. Used by the Qadasqé’owai of T’ano’ or Tlo. (Q’oa'la.)

4.— Tail of hawk ; red and black. Used by the Siéngala nas of Ta’an. (Q’oa'la.)

5.— Tail of woodpecker ; red and black. Used by the Tasla’nas of Da'dens. (Q’oa'la.)

6.— On forehead : tail of raven; red and black. On neck: throat of raven; red. Used by the G’it’ina’.

7.—Tail of raven; red and black. Used by the Yak"la’nas of 1a’k’o, and the Vetnasxa’edra of Kaigani. (G’it’ina’.)

8, — Raven wings; copper tips glued on to skin, bases green paint. Used by. the

G'itk’amga’n (G’itsé'es) of the Tsimshian. (Qanha'da.)

— On face : raven’s wing ; black. On neck: raven’s throat ; red. Used by the G'it’ina’.

—10.— Feathers of the bird Ts’a’gul; red. Painting used by Nenk‘ilsLasLingai . _11.—Tuft of puffin; red and black. Used by the Q’oa'la of the Kaigani. _12.—Tuft of puffin; red and black. Used by the Q’oa'la of the Kaigani.

_ 13. —Arm of devil-fish; red and black. Used bythe Sk’ag’nas xa’edra of the Kaigani.

(G'it’ina’.)

ig. 14.— Back of whale ; red. Used by the Q’oa'la.

15.— Dorsal fin of killer whale; black. Used by the Q’oala.

ic. 16. —Back and fin of dog-fish; red. Used by the Q’dnaq’é'owai of T’ano’ or Tlo.

(G'it’ina’.)

: Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol, LI.

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Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE IV.

1.—Dorsal fin of Wasx; red. Used by the G'it’i’ns of Lqa‘gilt or Skidegate. (G'it’ina’.)

.— Dorsal fin of Wasx; red and black. Used bythe G’it’i/ns of Lqa gilt or Skide- gate, (G'it’ina’.)

3.— Back and dorsal fin of the sea~-monster Ts’an xd’utsé; black. Used by the VYak"la’nas of Ia’k’S and the Nanaa'ri of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit.

(Q’oa'la.)

4.— Short bear’s tail of the sea-monster Ts’an xdutsé ; black and red. Used by the Yakula’nas of Ia’k’6 and the Nanaa'ri of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit.

(Q’o0a la.)

5.— The lips represent the mouth of the sculpin; red. Over mouth and on nose: spines; blue. Used by the Gvit’i’ns of Lqa gilt or Skidegate, and of Ssa’nguai or Ninstance. (G‘it’ina’.)

6.— The lips represent the mouth of the sculpin ; red. Over the mouth : spines ; blue. Used by the G'it’i’ns of Lqa'gilt or Skidegate, and of Sga'nguai or Ninstance. (G’it’ina’.)

7.— The lips represent the mouth of the sculpin; red. On nose and forehead: verte- bre of the sculpin ; blue. Used by the G'it’i’ns of Lqa gilt or Skidegate, and of S8a'nguai or Ninstance. (G‘it’ina’.)

8.— The lips represent the mouth of the sculpin ; red. Over the mouth: flippers ; blue. Used by the G'it’i’ns of Lqa’gilt or Skidegate, and of Sga’nguai or Ninstance. (G'it’ina’.)

9.— Hat of raven; blue. Used by the G'it’ina.

_1o.—Horns of mountain-goat; black. Used by the LqénéLlanas of Q’u'na or

Skidans. (Q’oala.)

11, —Eyes of whale (red). | (Q’oa'la.)

Over nose : hat of the sea-monster Ts’Em’4’s ; black. Over the eyebrows: its

ears; red. Used by the 18aiola’nas of Lqa‘gilt or Skidegate. (Q’oa'la.)

. 13. — Over nose : horn of mountain-goat. Over eyebrows: its ears; black. Used by

the Lqénoxla’nas of Q’u'na or Skidans. (Q’oa’la.)

_14.—Feet of bear; black and red. The part of the painting over the eyebrows

represents the ears. Used by the xoa'dés of Naéku’n. (Q’oa la.) 15.—Nose of devil-fish ; red. Used by the Sk’ag’nas xa'edra of Kaigani. (G‘it’ina’.)

— Over eyebrows: teeth of sea-lion; black. On chin: throat of killer whale ; red. Used by the Skoa’t’adas of L9a’it or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa'la.)

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. It

Plate IV.

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Facial Paintings of the Indians of Northern British Columbia.

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Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE V.

1.—On face : bladder of sea-lion ; red. On chin: throat of killer whale; red. Used by the Skoa't’adas of Lait or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa'la.)

.—Tail of the sea-monster Ts’dn x6'utsé; red and black. Used by the Yak»la’nas of 1a’k’o and the Nanaa’ri of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit. (Q’oa la.)

3.— Eyebrows of the sea-monster Ts’an xd/utsé; red and black. Used by the Vak*la‘nas of Ia’k’o and the Nanaa’ri of the Stakingoan of the Tlingit.

(Q’oa'la.)

—Face : sea-lion devouring a halibut, Fish-tail; black. On chin: throat of killer whale; red. Used by the Skoa’L’adas of Lait or Gold Harbor. (Q’oa'la.)

5.—Bear’s ribs; black. Used by the Yaktla'nas of 14’k’6. (Q’oa’la.) 6.— Head of white-headed eagle; red. Used by the G'it’ina’.

7.— Red wing-feathers of the woodpecker ; red. Used by the Tasla’nas of Da'dens.

(Q’oa'la.) 8. —'Throat of the killer whale ; red. Used principally by the women of the Q’oa'la.

— Throat of the sea-monster Ts’an xo/utsé ; red. Used by the Yak"la'nas of 1a'k’6 and the Nanaa'ri of the Stakinqoan of the Tlingit. (Q’od'la.)

to.—Nest of eagle; red. Used by the G'it’ina’.

_zr.—Halibut ; black and red. The left side of the face represents the dark upper

side of the fish; the right side of the face represents the light lower side of the fish. Used by the Ts’atlanas of 1a’k’d. (G'it’ina’.)

_12.— Mosquito bites ; red. (G'it’ina’.)

_13.— Tree with holes pecked by the woodpecker ; black and red. Used by the

Qaoqgé owai of 1a’k’6. (Q’oa'la.)

_14.—Vertical bar of copper; red. Used by the Sta'stas of K’ia'st’a. (G'it’ina’.) _15,— Vertical bar of copper; red. Used by the Sta'stas of K”’id'st’a. (G’it’ina’.)

_16.— Trees carried down by a rock-slide; black. Used by the LqénoLla nas of Q’u'na

or Skidans. (Q’oa'la.)

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.. Vo. IT.

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PLATE Vy

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Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VI.

1.— Evening sky ; red. Used by the S’ale/ndas of Ia'k’6. (G'it’ina.)

2.—Cirrus clouds on the horizon of the ocean; red. Used by the Tasla'nas of Da'dens. (Q’oa'la.)

3.— Cirrus clouds on the morning or evening sky ; red. Used by the Lqénovla nas of Q’u'na or Skidans. (Q’oa'la.)

4.—Cumulus clouds; red and black. Used by the tqénorla’nas of Q’u’na or Skidans. (Q’oala.)

Figs. 5 and 6.—Cumulus clouds ; red and black. Used by the Ya'dasgit’inai’ of (?).

Fig.

(G'it’ina’.) The two paintings supplement each other, and are worn by two persons who appear before the tribe together.

7,—Stratus cloud; black. Used by the xoa'dés of Naéku'n. (Q’oa'la.)

8.—After-image of the sun; red. Used by the Kits’adé's of the Stakingoan of the Thngit.

g.— Painting of the Mé'tem dancer; red and black. The painting around the mouth represents blood.

—10.— The monster Ts’em’a’s; red. Used by the Skoa’t’adas of 184'it or Gold Harbor,

and the Qo#a’ngas of Lqa'gilt or Skidegate. 11.—Fish-net; red and black. Used by the G'itsé’es, a Tsimshian tribe. (Qanha da.)

12, Beaver; red and black. The lines drawn from the eyes downward represent tears. The ornament on the chin represents the beaver’s tail. Used by the Sta'stas of K’’ia’sta.

13, —Sea-otter tattooing. Used by the Kunla’nas of Ia’gen.

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. Vol,*It. Plate VI.

(Gra * My

won ig) h yi pa
y=) eX

». Z G (ees 4 fc ) y

d ae

i —

iy ll wi

i Oo My i th ||

alloc a

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To >

Facial Paintings of the Indians of Northern British Columbia.

nme ny ' } 2 Aes, ie

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PEATE Vil.

Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VII.

x*s Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure. red ; horizontal, blue; diagonal, green; dots, orange ; white, natural color of wood.

1,— Mask representing Senx (front and profile). Natural color, nostrils red, eye- brows black. Height, 29 inches. Cat. No. 7$$s-

2.— Mask representing Ark’unta'm (front and profile), Natural color, nostrils red, eyebrows black. Height, 30 inches. Cat. No. z}$5.

3.— Mask representing the Singer of the House of Myths. Blue, red, black. Height, r5 inches. Cat. No. zits.

4.— Mask representing Snatk’ulx'als (front and profile), Natural color, black. Height, 23 inches. Cat. No. qi$s.

5.— Mask representing K-x-éx'ék'né'm (front and profile). Natural color, black. Height, 13 inches. Cat. No. at8s.

— Mask , representing Six'sék‘flai’x’ (front and profile). Natural color, black. Height, 31 inches. Cat. No. ahis.

7.— Double mask representing Nusné’neq’als (opened, closed, and profile of inner mask). Inner face, red, blue, and black ; inner side of wings, black and red; outer face, black, red, blue. Height, 14 inches. Cat. No. 7445.

8.— Mask representing Snodlexelts Axk’unta’m (the deer). Nostrils and mouth,

red ; forehead and eye region, blue ; eyebrows, eyes, nose, black ; rest, natural color. Height, 9 inches. Cat. No. 74$>.

— Mask representing Snitsma’na. Natural color, black, spots blue, lines red. Height, 93 inches, Cat. No. zi fy.

— Mask representing Aiavila’axa (front and profile). Black, blue, red. Height, ros inches. Cat. No. 74$>- ;

11.— Mask representing Aiaila’axa (front and profile). Red, green, black. Height, ro inches. Cat. No. 7}$y.

12.— Mask representing S’anoLx'muta'lt. Natural color, black, orange. Height, g inches. Cat. No. qt$7-

_ 13.—- Mask representing S’anoLx'muLa'lt. Blue, black, red, natural color. Height,

ro inches. Cat. No. z+$¢.

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat, Mise “Voloil Plate VII ate ;

Masks of the Bella Coola Indians,

a 4 \ 7

la

i & =<

eis.

Fig. 3.—Mask representing Mat’apé'exoék’. Black, red, blue. Height, g in

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VIII.

: t.ho } ‘ Ke je «*« Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure, red; horizontal blue; white, natural color of wo tame Sees 4 : iy Sh oa

ts ft

Fig. 1.— Mask representing Maxapa'lits¢k’ (profile and front). Black, red, Height, 28 inches. Cat. No. z}{z-

2.— Mask representing Yula'timdt, and details of ornaments attached to he: ring. Black, red, blue. Height, 31 inches. Cat. No. z4$7.

Cat. No. 7}$5.

Fig. 4.— Mask representing Ivitu lak. Black, red, blue. Height, ro Cat. No. z4$z. eS eng

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Flist., Vol, Il Plate VIII ate .

uy | =V

Ui —_s

i im a

ih scm

| TI i \

UHH

Masks of the Bella Coola Indians.

Fig.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE IX.

»*, Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure, red ; white, natural color of wood.

1.— Mask representing Xémxémala’otla (front and profile). Design: full moon. Natural color, black, red. Height, 134 inches. Cat. No. ath.

2.— Mask representing Xé'mtsiwa (front and profile). Design: full moon, Natural color, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. attr.

3.—Mask representing Omq’dmkilik‘'a (front and profile). Design : half-moon, Natural color, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No, kbs.

4.— Mask representing Q’6'mtsiwa (front and profile). Design: half-moon. Natural color, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. 77(+.

5.— Mask representing Ai’umkilik'a (front and profile). Design: stars. Natural color, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. zis.

— Mask representing K*lé'lias, wearing a ring of red cedar-bark (front and pro- file). Design: rainbow. Natural color, black, red. Height, 14 inches. Cat. No. zits.

7.— Mask representing Q’ulaxa’wa (front and profile). Design : salmon-berry blos- som, Natural color, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. 4407.

8.— Mask representing A’t’mak" (the kingfisher). Wings at sides of head, tail over the forehead. Naturalcolor, black. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. zits.

— Mask representing L’étsaapléLana, wearing a ring of red and white cedar-bark (front and profile). Design: grease-bladder. Natural color, black, red. Height, 144 inches. Cat. No. 7405-

oo).

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist... Vol. II.

Masks of the Bella Coola Indians.

Plate: 1x.

EA eX:

EXPLANATION OF PLATE X.

x Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure, red; diagonal, green ; white, natural color of wood, except in cases where the whole mask is black.

1.— Mask representing Naqumiqa otsaix. Black, red ; ornamented with red cedar- bark. Height, 16 inches. Cat. No. 74$;.

2.—Mask representing the Bear of Heaven. Green, black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. 748-5.

— Mask representing ALk’x’é’'Lnem (front and profile). Natural color, red, black, green. Height, 8 inches. Cat. No. qi$z.

4.—Mask representing Aiq’oa’yosnem (front and profile), Natural color, black. Height, 94 inches. Cat. No. <}$q.

s.—Mask representing Aiq’oa’yosnem (front and profile). Natural color, black. Height, 93 inches. Cat. No. qin.

6.—Mask representing Aiq’oa'yosnem (front and profile). Natural color, black. Height, 94 inches. Cat. No. z} dy.

— Mask representing Nond'osqa, before the birth of the flowers (front and profile). Greenish with faint reddish spots, black. Height, 9 inches. Cat. No. z4$7-

8.— Mask representing the shaman of Nond’osqa (front and profile). Black, white streaks under eyes. Height, ro inches. Cat. No. 74>.

— Mask representing Nond’osqa, after the birth of the flowers (front and profile). Natural color, black. Height, 9 inches. Cat. No. 74$z.

_10.— Mask representing A’ni’argila (the moon). Natural color, black. Height, 16

inches. Cat. No. 7447.

ig, rr.— Mask representing attendant of Nond’osqa (front and profile). Natural color,

red, black. Height, 114 inches. Cat. No. z}$y.

ig. 12. — Mask representing the Black Bear. Natural color, green, red, black. Length,

15 inches. Cat. Novasta.

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Flist., Vol, IT.

co Seal

— 4

ARK

, i ;

7 Dae 3 PAM Ne a if f mM

a ee

Masks of the Bella Coola Indians.

Plate

Fig.

EXPLANATION, OF PEAT Ee

«* Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure, red; horizontal, blue; dots, orange; white, natural color of wood, except in cases where the whole mask is black.

— Mask representing the thunder-bird (front and profile). Black, red. Height, 114 inches. Cat. No. zt#z3.-

2,— Mask representing Arxula’tenum (front and profile). Ornamented with red cedar-bark. Orange, blue. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. z4$.

3.— Mask representing the rabbit. Set with mountain-goat skin. Natural color, black. Height, 13 inches. Cat. No. 74$z-

4.— Mask representing the owl. Black, red. Height, 12 inches. Cat. No. 74-5.

s.— Mask representing L6’qots (the mountain). Natural color, black. Height, 193 inches. Cat. No. 748.

6.— Mask representing the raindrop. On top of the mask is a long switch set with feathers, only the lower part of which is shown. Natural color, black. Height, 10 inches. Cat. No. 744y.

7.— Bird-shaped implement worn by a companion of the thunder-bird. It is filled with eagle-down. During the dance it is shaken, and the down flies out of the holes in the lower part of the implement and from the back. Length, 18 inches. Cat. No. z}$z.

8.—Mask representing the sea-monster K°%'lx‘ta. Red, blue, black. Height, 19 inches. Cat. No. <t%s.

— Mask representing the spirit LaLaia@it. Black, orange, set with bear-skin. Height, 9 inches. Cat. No. z$3y.

Fig. 10. — Mask representing the hermaphrodite (front and profile). Natural color, red,

black. Height, 11 inches. Cat. No. 7332.

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Mist. Vols If

Plate XI,

My Bw

“GAD. Wi

/ tit ff Ne (

i n i 0

Masks and Carving of the Bella Coola Indians,

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XII.

«*s Cross-hachure indicates black ; vertical hachure, red; horizontal, blue; white, natural color of wood. .

Fig. 1.— Mask representing Anailikuts’ai x" (front and profile). Natural color, black ~ Height, ro inches. Cat. No. 7%. ae }

Higa. >. — Mask representing Anailikuts’ai’x’ (front and profile). Natural color, blac : Height, 11 inches. Cat. No. Het is p

Fig.7 3: — Mask worn by the Cannibal dancer ne and peo): Natural color bla : red. Height, 13 inches. Cat. No. 7+§s.

| Fig. 4.—Mask worn by the assistant of the Cannibal dancer. Blue, red, black. Hei ro inches. Cat. No. TED:

| Fig. 5.— Mask worn by the assistant Bs the Cannibal dance (front and prone Blu red, black. Height, ro inches, Cat. No. zh. :

Fig. 6.—Carving representing the S’a’Lpsta in the shape of an eagle. Red. Length, | inches. Cat. No. z}$z.

7.— Carving representing the S’a’'Lpsta in the shape of a Role Red, black. Leuee 12 inches, Cat. No. zt. ‘ es :

Fig. 8.—Mask worn by the assistant of the S’a’tpsta (front and Be color, black. Height, 8 inches. Cat. No. zis.

Fig.

Fig. 9.—Mask worn by the Olx (front and profile). Red, blue, black. Hees inches, Cat. No. zt.

Fig. 10.—Club carried by the Olx. Red, blue, black. Length of head, 7 in | : Cat. No. rity: é | t

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.,

Viole. i Te

Plate XII,

Masks and Carvings of the Bella Coola Indians,

‘are 7\

¢ a 5 i rir owt a

PY tas et ae de a

PPLATE XL

. *

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIII.

Fig. 1. (Cat. No. 520).—View up the Fraser River to the northward from Lytton, B. C. The Thomp- son River is seen joining the Fraser from the east. The noted burial-place at Lytton is located on the barren slope beyond the road-bridge. Stein Creek joins the Fraser from the west in the distance. The nearest land on the left is the ranch cultivated by Chinamen.

Fig. 2. (Cat. No. 528). — View across the Fraser River to the westward from a point on the govern- ment road about half a mile north of Lytton, B.C. A village-site and burial-ground, known as the “Sixth Site,” was located among the first bushes on the opposite bank. A house- pit, or depression where an underground house had been, is seen in the foreground. It measures thirty-nine feet in diameter from the inside edges, and is practically a circle, the diameter at right angles to this being but two feet shorter. The corresponding measure- ments from the outer edges of the surrounding ridge are fifty-three feet and forty-nine feet. The bank between the points where these measurements were taken is from twenty to thirty inches above the level of the ground ; and the depth of the hole at the centre is approximately six feet.

Pic, 2,

Archeeology of Lytton, British Columbia.

Plate X]]]

Fic. 1. PREPARATION OF SKINs.

Fic. 2. SrorEHousr.

The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. i.

" Fic. 2. INTERIOR OF UNDERGROUND House.

The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,

Fic. 2.

FRAMEWORK OF CONICAL LopceE.

Viol LT,

Plate XVI.

@ ¢ 2, sees

_ ——

Fic. 2.

Fre. 1. SWEAtT-HOUSE.

FRAMEWORK OF SWEAT-HOUSE.

The Thompson Indians

Fic. 3. FRAMEWORK oF SWEAT-HOUSC.

of British Columbia.

Plate XVII.

‘ : api} 3) 53235375597) CC SSEEOS:;C!C == AT EE

Plate XVIII

+, Sur

pur

sss

) OHNO GNV ad0yY NINSHaaC]

The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.

fy me <x J Au

EXPEANATION: OF PLATE, XIX.

Fic. 1.— PAINTING ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BRIDGE. 1, 2, Crossings of trails; 3, 4, Fir- branches ; 5, Girl’s lodge, and fir-branches hanging down from roof ; 6, 7, 8, Crossings of trails; 9, 10, Fir-branches; 11, Roof of girl’s lodge with fir-branches hanging down ; 12, Snake; 13, Sacrifices put up at crossing of trails; 14, Unfinished basketry ; 15, Crossing of trails; 16, Two trenches ; 17, Fir-branch ; 18, Unfinished basketry ; 19, Dog; 20, 21, Fir-branches ; 22, Dog; 23, Unfinished basketry; 24, Fir-branch ; 25, Crossing of trails and fir-branch put up asa sacrifice ; 26, Unfinished basketry ; 27, 28, Fir-branches. (See Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., VIII, pp. 227-230.)

Fic. 2.— PAINTING ON A BOWLDER CALLED “ THE BASKET OF CoyoTE’s WIFE,’ NEAR SPENCES Bripce. 1, Centipede or tree blown over; 2, Underground house ; 3, Fish-weir ; 4, Fish ; 5, Trench with sacrifices ; 6, Probably girl’s lodge with fir-branches hanging from roof ; 7, Trench with dirt thrown out to one side ; 8, Fir-branch.

Plate XIX.

FIG

h Columbia.

ans of Br

The Thompson Indi

EXPLANATION OF PLATES

Fics. 1-5. — PamntInGs ON A BOWLDER CALLED “ THE BasKET or Coyorer’s Wire ” (see Plate XIX). 2.— a, Earth, water, and trees ; 4, Tree. 3.— a, Catfish. 4. — a, Juniper-bush ; 4, Fir-branch. 5.—a, Trench and poles.

Fics, 6-12. — RocK-PaInTiNGs FROM Tsix’pAA’UK CANON, 19 miles from Spences Bridge. 6. — Three men, two of them with feather head-dress, 4.—a, Black bear; 4, Fir-branch; ¢, Snake; d, Lakes and river; ¢, Trench and dirt thrown out. 8.— Face with tears. . 9. — Beaver. 10. a, Trench and poles ; 4, Unfinished basketry or pile of fir-branches ; ¢, Man; d, Arrow-heads or cedar-branches. 11. — Dog or horse struck by an arrow.

Fic. 13. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER CALLED “ THE CoyoTe’s WIFE.” @, Grisly bear ; 6, Track of grisly bear; ¢c, Pool of grisly bear; d, Fir-branches ; ¢, Vulva of Coyote’s wife ; f, Trench with poles ; g, Coyote ; 2, Fish ; 7, Arrow ;7, Cap with fringe ; k, Otter ; 2, Grave-poles; m, Insect ; ”, Crossing of trails, sacrifices of food, and pole; 9, Insect kilaxwa'us.

Fic. 14. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BRIDGE. Trail, with horse, deer, trees, and cross-trails.

Fics. 15-17. — RocK-PAINTINGS FROM STINE CREEK. 15. — Mountain-goats. 16. —a, Vision ; 4, Trails; ¢, Lakes connected by a river. 17. — a, Cascade; J, Lakes connected by a river; tracks of bear and bear cubs.

Fics. 18, 19. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BRIDGE. @, Rainbow; 4, animal hit by two arrows.

Fic. 20.— PainTINGS ON A BOWLDER IN NICOLA VALLEY. a, Eagle; 3, c, Beavers; d, Bear; e, Fir-branch.

Fic. 21. — RocK-PAInTINGS FROM STINE CREEK. 4, Mountains and glaciers in valleys; ¢, Water mystery ; ¢, Bear.

Fic. 22. — RocK-PAINTING FROM STINE CREEK. Vision.

Fic. 23.— PAINTING ON A BOWLDER HALF A MILE NorTH OF LYTTON. Star, and two men with feathers.

Fic. 24. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER TWO MILES EAST OF SPENCES BRIDGE. 4@, Rainbow; 4, Men ; c, Fir-branches ; @, Cedar-bark towel ; ¢, Crossing of trails, with sacrifices ; f, Birch-bark cup, with drinking-tube attached to a string.

Plate XX.

Memoirs Am. Mus. Net Hist, Vol:-IT.

“BIQUIN[OD YsIzag Jo suerpu] uosdwoyy eu,

PLATE XXI,

EG:

Fic.

Fic

ine

Fic.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XxXI1.

1.—Basket with design representing flying geese. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of bas- ket, 9 inches ; 1 inch = 6} stitches, 43 coils. Cat. No. g¢¢7-

2,—Basket with design representing rattlesnake’s rattle. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 5 inches ; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 3$ coils. Cat. No. z§$z-

. 3.—Bag with design representing flying birds. Tribe, Yakima. Height of bag, 22 inches; 1

inch = 7 stitches, 9 rows. Cat. No. q$§z.

. 4.—Basket with design representing snake-tracks. ‘Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of bas-

ket, 9} inches; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 3$ coils. . Cat. No. g§$s.

. 5.—Basket with design representing snake-tracks. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of bas- ket, 13 inches; 1 inch = 6$ stitches, 3} coils. Cat. No. zo.

_ 6.—Basket with design representing flies, snake-tracks (?), and arrow-heads, side view. The

bands at either end represent clusters of flies; the adjacent bands are doubtful, but are probably snake-tracks ; the central band represents arrow-heads. Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, 10} inches; 1 inch = 5$ stitches, 2 coils. Cat. No. 3§$5-

_7.— Basket with design representing a snake formed by coils of the basket. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 7$ inches; 1 inch = 8 stitches, 4} coils. Cat. No. $07:

_ 8. — Basket with design representing butterfly’s wings. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 14 inches; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 3 coils. Cat. No. g§4y.

.9.— Basket with design representing flies, arrow-heads, and half-circles. Three bands on lower half of basket are clusters of flies. Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, 10$ inches; 1 inch = 7% stitches, 44 coils. Cat. No. 3$z-

10, — Basket with design representing flounders. Tribe, Quinault. Height of basket, 5} inches; 1 inch = 8 stitches, 12 rows. Cat. No. z$$q.

— Basket with design representing head with open mouth, teeth, and hair along back of head. The bands on lower half of basket are arrow-heads. ‘Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, rz inches; 1 inch = 74 stitches, 4 coils. Cat. No. 34s.

_12,— Basket with design representing flies, end view. ‘Tribe, Lillooet. (See Fig. 6.) Cat. No. 358s

_ 13. —Basket with design representing head with open mouth. Below are arrow-heads. (Cy. Fig. 11.) Tribe, Lillooef. Height of basket, ro inches; t inch = 7 stitches, 5 coils. Cat. No. stfy.

. 14. — Basket with design representing grouse-tracks and earth-line. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 6 inches; 1 inch = 6} stitches, 5 coils. Cat. No. g¢{z-

Plate XXII.

‘Vivier omen nnen sna aerate

Rome a SOOEARNOR He Sta geen

wate ‘ : WONT YS SEE

Sangre reeves we ere tee

penne STR Parse vpte a ee ee 2 ae

Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians,

~ ~% (1) a <x 4 a,

Fic. 1.— Basket with design representing intestines. The bands below are flies. Tribe, Li Height of basket, 11 inches ; 1 inch = 7 stitches, 4 coils. Cat. No. 344.

Fic. 2. — Basket with design representing a net, the interspaces contain figures of a deer she an arrow, deer, man and dogs, flies, etc. Tribe, Lillooet. Height of —/ inches ; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 3} coils. Cat. No. <}§y-

Fic. rae with design representing birds, men, etc. Tribe, Yakima. Height of bag, 84 in h 1 inch = § stitches, 12 rows. Cat. No. 7337 ya

Fic. 4.— Basket with design representing plant with fern-like leaf, end view. Tribe, I Li Thompson. Height of basket, 84 inches; inch = = 7} stitches, 3} coils. No. xifs. ae

Fic. 5. — Basket with design representing man with feet i in an bow, two arrows, and at eit end a ladder (?). Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, 8} inches ; 1 inch = 8 stite’ 53 coils. Cat. No. <$$s.

Fic. 6.— Basket with design representing arrow-heads. Tnbe, Lillooet. Height of basket, inches; 1 inch = 7 stitches, 4 coils. Cat. No. $$. i

Fic. 7. — Basket with design representing arrow-heads of two different-shapes. Tribe, Lill Height of basket, 9 inches ; 1 inch = 53 stitches, 3} coils. Cat. No.s$$;

Fic. 8. — Basket with design representing Sriow heats Tribe, Lower Thompson. He basket, 6} inches; 1 inch = 7 stitches, 4 coils. Cat. No. $;. _

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXII.

anil

Fic. 9. — Basket with design representing packing-strap or tump-line ; possibly fish-net. Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 113 inches ; 1 inch = 63 = 4 coils. No. z$fz-
Fic. ro. — Basket with design representing grave or burial jon Tnibe, Lower be Height of basket, 63 inches ; ; 1 inch =7 stitches, 44 coils. Cat. No. zé§¢-

Fic. 11.— Basket with design css crossing trails, possibly stars. Tribe, Lower Tho Height of basket, 14 inches; 1 inch = 6} stitches, 4 coils. Cat. No. ais.

Fic. 12.— Basket with design representing stone hammer, side view. Tribe, Lower The (See Fig. 4.) Cat. No. gi$s.

Fic. 13. — Basket with design representing fish-net. Tribe, Quinault. Height of ite rit in i 1 inch = 5 stitches, 8 rows. Cat. No. zif3. x

Fic. 14. — Basket with design representing stars. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of bz inches; 1 inch = 7} stitches, 3} coils. Cat. No. z¢fs- ;

Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. IT. Plate XXII ate ‘

Vitessissag PEs F nbeteyt $y

Se tNeleinn cuca,

adh

teara

i He § en ee ing ite ; eee ; i ped : MMi f ae oe ie

OD eertigh

oareg

nee vrata Tone his Nor Pinte re ma comet tosh N

nsatarations Pre oben

ISS eA Data hee Mae ihe

ete smtaroarnas Saar tene” yf rere <2 Memmescetevwre ?

Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians.

PLATE XXIII.

Fic.

Fic. Ke:

Fic.

BiG:

Fic.

Fie.

Fic.

Fie:

Fic.

EXPLANATION - @ROPIe AO tae citi:

— Bag with design representing lakes, lakes connected by streams, ducks flying toward the lakes, and animals’ footprints. Tribe, Upper Thompson. Height of bag, 21 inches; 1 inch = g stitches, 13 rows. Cat. No. 74%5.

2.— Reverse of preceding. Design represents arrow-heads and crossing trails.

— Bag with design representing rows of lodges. ‘Tribe, Upper Thompson. Height of bag, 23 inches; I inch = 54 stitches, 8 rows. Cat. No. 748s.

— Reverse of preceding. Design represents household utensils, dishes, etc..

5.— Basket with design representing mountain-chain. Tribe, Quinault. Height of basket, 8 inches ; 1 inch = 6 stitches, 8 rows. Cat. No. z$$z.

— Basket with design representing mountain-chain. Tribe, Quinault. Height of basket, 10 inches ; 1 inch = 5 stitches, 74 rows. Cat. No. zh$z.

7.— Basket with design said to represent mountains with lakes in the valleys. Tribe, Lower Thompson. Height of basket, 144 inches; 1 inch = 6} stitches, 3} coils. Cat. No. cthy.-

— Basket with design representing waves or ripples in water. Tribe, Quinault. Height of

basket, 10 inches ; 1 inch = 54 stitches, 9 rows. Cat. No. z$$z.

—— Basket with very old design, meaning unknown. Tribe, Quinault. Height of basket, 64 inches ; 1 inch = 7 stitches, to rows. Cat. No. gh$v.

— Basket with design representing lightning. Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, 5 inches; t inch = 8 stitches, 34 coils. Cat. No. g$$>.

11.— Basket with design representing objects seen in a dream, meaning unknown. Tribe, Lillooet. Height of basket, 10 inches ; 1 inch = 5 stitches, 33 coils. Cat. No. 3$$>-

12.— Basket with unexplained design. Tribe, Chilcotin. Height of basket, 8} inches; 1 inch = 6$ stitches, 7 coils. Cat. No. z$$y.

Memoirs Am. Mus. ets Eist. Viol. 11. Plate XXIII

reeope apne

anne E a i ; “eS . CNP PARRY A DR ree : 2 Sey : Netcasapaehie ere 3 oer 7 Seas aneeRTNER TOTS Er eer _ RRM REET TW ETE PE OORT 2 peasant Meta Relat PRE.

Basketry Designs of the Salish Indians,

————__ — ———

——— —— — —\— [= Ss ———_ —_ —— — ——— ——]|} —==> —\— al ——— Sat ———_

— — ——— ——— —— —

| | mu <0 <0 m a =) =) oO oO <—

Anesecemcmaee Tee

Pe ee ee ae

The Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians

a Ss 8

a ros aigie Sy oe

eS Ss rs SSS SS

her clothes, and fastened round the waist with

See Part IV, Fig. 216. 4 See Part III, p. 137; Part IV, Daesre

= i ) SS ll S== ————=, = 2 ES SS -= =

la

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————__ — ———

——— —— — —\— [= Ss ———_ —_ —— — ——— ——]|} —==> —\— al ——— Sat ———_