Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians

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HARVARD UNIVERSITY

VEHRI

TOZZER LIBRARY

{Gift ofl

George Grant MacCurdy

n-.G. Mii'tJurdy

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS

OF THE

American Museum of Natural History.

Vol. II.

NEW YORK:

Published by. Order of the Trustees.

r

C-'-

J

EDITOR.

CLARK WISSLER.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.

Part I. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler and D. C.

Duvall. September, 1908 1

Part II. The Northern Shoshone (Plate I). By Robert H. Lowie. January,

1909 165

Part III. Notes on New Collections (Plates II to XXIII). Edited by Clark

Wissler. March, 1909 307

Index 366

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS

OP THE

.American Museum of Natural History

Vol. II, Part I.

MYTHOLOGY OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. By Clark Wissler and D. C. Duvall.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Introduction 5

I. Tales op the Old Man 19

1. The Making of the Earth 19

2. Languages confused on a Mountain 19

3. Order of Life and Death 19

4. Why People die Forever 21

5. The First Marriage 21

6. Old Man leads a Migration 22

7. Old Man and the Great Spirit 23

8. Old Man gambles 24

9. Old Man and the Rolling Stone 24

10. Old Man roasts Squirrels in Hot Ashes 25

11. Old Man makes a Drive, and loses Meat in a Race .... 27

12. Old Man sees Berries in the Water 29

13. Old Man loses his Eyes 29

14. Old Man and the Fire-Leggings 31

15. Old Man frightens a Bear 32

16. Old Man gets fast in an Elk-Skull, and loses hb Hair ... 32

17. Old Man cooks Two Babies 33

18. Old Man's Escape 34

19. Old Man deceived by Two Women . 35

20. Old Man sees Girls picking Strawberries 36

21. Old Man penem trans flumen mitt it 36

22. Old Man makes Buffalo laugh 36

23. Adventures of Old Man 37

IL Star Myths 40

1. The Twin-Brothers, or Stars 40

2. Blood-Clot, or Smoking-Star 53

3. The Fixed-Star 58

a)

2 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Page.

4. Scar-Face 61

(a) Version by a Piegan Man 61

(6) Version by a Piegan Woman 65 .

5. Cuts- Wood . 66

6. The Seven Stars 68

7. The Bunched Stars 71

8. The Moon- Woman 72

III. Ritualistic Origins 74

1. The Beaver-Medicine 74

(a) Northern Blackfoot Version 74

(6) Blood Version . . . . . . . ... .75

(c) North Piegan Version 76

(d) Piegan Version 77

2. Otter- Woman 78

3. Tobacco-Seeds and Beaver-Medicine 79

4. Crow Indian Water-Medicine 80

5. Scabby-Round-Robe 81

6. The Elk- Woman 83

(a) Blood Version 83

(6) Piegan Version 84

7. The Bufifalo-Rock 85

(a) Piegan Version 85

(6) Northern Blackfoot Version .87

8. Origin of the Medicine-Pipe S9

9. The Worm-Pipe 91

10. A Pipe from the Seven Stars 91

11. The Black-Covered Pipe 91

12. The Otter-Lodge 92

13. The Bear-Lodge 92

14. The Horse-Lodge 94

15. Black and Yellow Buflfalo-Painted Lodges 94

16. The Crow-Painted Lodge 95

17. The Bear-Knife 95

18. The Smoking-Otter 98

19. The Medicine-Shields 99

20. Never-Sits-Down's Shield 102

21. The Eagle-Head Charm 103

22. The Pigeons 105

23. The Mosquitoes 105

24. The Braves 106

25. Dog-Chief 107

26. Has-Scars-All-Over 109

27. Scabby-BuU 112

28. The Horns and the Matoki 117

(a) Blood Version 117

(6) North Piegan Version 119

29. The Kit-Fox 121

30. The Catchers 121

31. The Bufifalo's Adopted Child 121

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 3

Page.

IV. Cultural and Other Origins 126

1. The Whirlwind-Boy 126

2. The Bladder Story 127

3. The Water-Bull 128

4. Red-Head 129

5. The Meeting in the Cave 132

6. Why Dogs do not Talk 133

7. Why Women are able to stick the Poles into the Holes of the Ears

of the Lodge after Dark 133

8. Contest between the Thunder-Bird and the Raven .... 134

9. The Raven Rescues People 134

10. Why Grasshoppers Spit 134

11. How Medicine-Hat got its Name 135

V. Miscellaneous Tales 138

1. The Lost Children 138

2. The Woman who got Meat from the Cliff 141

3. Bear-Moccasin, the Great Medicine-Man 143

4. The Split Feather 147

5. The Treacherous Wives 148

6. The Woman who Married a Snake 150

7. The Woman who Married Filth 151

8. The Woman who Married a Horse 152

9. The Woman with a Sharpened Leg 153

10. The Woman without a Body 154

11. The Man Cut in two below the Waist 154

12. The Ghost- Woman 155

13. Fed by a Ghost 156

14. Fed by a Coyote 156

15. Riding the Buffalo . 157

16. The Kutenai Black-Tail Deer-Dance 157

17. The Horned-Toad and the Frog 159

18. Turtle goes to War 160

19. The Warrior's Dilemma . 160

20. A Warrior's Duty and his Love 162

21. The Wolverene- Woman 162

22. Seven-Heads 163

23. The Sand Hills 16a

INTRODUCTION.

This collection of narratives was made among the several divisions of the Blackfoot Indians during the years 1903-07. Unless othenv'ise stated, the translations were made by D. C. Duvall, and revised by Clark Wissler. The usual method was to record literal oral translations, which were in turn rendered with some freedom, though the translator's idiom has been retained wherever feasible. In every case, however, both the translator and the editor have sought to reproduce the narrative with the original sequence of incidents and explanatory ideas. In narration the Blackfoot often repeat sentences at irregular intervals, as if they wished to prevent the listener from forgetting their import. Naturally such repetitions were eliminated in the translations. A few narratives were recorded as texts. While texts will be indispensable for linguistic research, the present condition of Black- foot mythology is such that its comparative study would not be materially facilitated by such records. Each narrator has his own version, in the telling of which he is usually consistent ; and, while the main features of the myths are the same for all, the minor differences are so great that extreme accuracy of detail with one individual would avail little. The method pursued with the most important m^ths was to discuss them with different individuals, so as to form an opinion as to the most common arrangement of incidents; a statement of such opinions being given as footnotes to those narrations in which great variations w^ere observed. This variable condi- tion may be interpreted as a breaking-down of Blackfoot m}thology, but there is another factor to be considered. M}^hs are told by a few individuals, who take pride in their ability and knowledge, and usually impress their own individuality upon the form of the narrative. Thus it seems equally probable that the various versions represent individual contributions, and, in a certain sense, are the ownership-marks of the narrators. Once when discussing this matter with a Blood Indian, the venerable old man pulled up a common ragvveed, saying, **The parts of this weed all branch off from the stem. They go different ways, but all come from the same root. So it is with the different versions of a m\th." Hence, to say that any one version of these mvths is correct would be preposterous, because they have not now, and probably never did have, an absolutely fLxed form. The only

(5)

6 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol.11,

rational criterion seems to be the approximate form in which the m^th is most often encountered. So far as practicable, we have made this the basis of selection ; but doubtless many narratives containing unusual features have passed into our collection unobserved. In some instances we have given exceptional versions, because they contained important cultural data, exercising due care by duplication or otherwise that no essential incidents should be omitted. In a few cases we have given versions from the various divisions of the Blackfoot. So far as our observation goes the differences between versions from these divisions are no greater than between individ- ual versions within a single division.

While the greater part of these narratives were collected among the Piegan in Montana, the North Piegan, Blood, and Northern Blackfoot in Canada are well represented. As may be expected under conditions just stated, the contributors were relatively few, — twenty-one in all. No claim for completeness is made. Our effort has been to present narratives in which the tone of the m\thical age predominated, or in which the super- natural was the main interest. In a future paper we hope to present some typical tales of adventure, and a collection of esoteric narratives in con- nection with a discussion of certain aspects of Blackfoot culture. We made no effort to collect ordinary humorous tales (of which there are a great number, chiefly obscene), because none of those encountered contained mythical or supernatural elements.

A number of Blackfoot myths have been recorded elsewhere. The first to mention the subject seems to have been the younger Henrv', whose journal (1808), together with that of Thompson's, contains a brief though somewhat confused statement of the Old Man, the Moon, and the Sun.^ In 1884 Clark reported briefly some observations on nn-thology in his well-known work ^ on the sign language. A year or two later appeared a collection of traditions from various Canadian tribes by Father Petitot,^ in which a few references were made to Blackfoot m^-thology. The next observer appears to have been John Maclean, who from time to time published abstracts and versions of various myths.* By far the most complete collection was made by George Bird Grinnell, containing in all something over thirty narratives.^ A few m}'ths have been publislied by R. N. Wilson.® So far no other publications giving first-hand data have come to our attention.

1 New Light on the Early History of the Greater Nortliwest. Edited by EUiott Coues, 1897. p. 528.

2 Indian vSipn Lanpuape. 1885.

3 Traditions Indieiuies dn Canada Nord-onest. 1886.

• Journal of American Folk-Lore ^Vol. III. 1.S90. p. 296; Vol. VI, 1893. p. 165); The Indians of Canada, 1892; Canadian Savape Folk. 1896.

• Hlackfoot Lodge Tales. 1892, revised 1903; Journal of American Folk-Lore cVoL VI,

1893. p. 44).

6 The .\merican .Antiquarian, Vol. XV. 1893. pp. 149. 150. 200-203: Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, Vol. La VII. 1898, pp. 788. 789.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 7

The narratives collected by us contain incidentally and otherwise a great deal of important data on the culture of the Blackfoot Indians, which we expect to use in the future. Accordingly the senior author has classified and arranged them to facilitate such use. Those of our readers interested solely in comparative mythology will doubtless not be hampered by this, if they ignore the main headings. Proceeding from the point of \dew just stated, it appears that according to association, content, and function, the narratives fall into four groups, — Tales of the Old Man, Star M}'ths, Ritualistic Origin, and Cultural or other Origins. To this may be added a miscellaneous collection in which, for the most part, each narrative is its own excuse for being. A brief discussion of these groups may serve as a characterization of Blackfoot mythology.

The Old Man, or Napiw*, has been given the first place in our collection. The collection of Grinnell contains several adventures not found in ours. One of these is characterized by the following:

Old Man goes out to hunt with the wolves. When sleeping with them at night, he is kept warm by lying under their tails. The next day, Old Man disregards an injimction against opening his eyes, and is hit on the nose with a bone. Later he retaliates, and kills the wolf who threw the bone. In this story, also occurs the only known case in which Old Man becomes an animal. By request he is transformed into a wolf; but this seems to be lost sight of in the course of the narrative, where he appears in his true form. Later he encounters Chief Bear, and shoots arrows into him and several other bears. Then he meets Frog going for medicine, takes Frog's skin, puts it on, and, so disguised, goes in and kills the bears.*

This last incident bears a striking similarity to part of an Algonkin m\i;h recorded among the Sauk and Fox by Dr. William Jones .^ Grinnell also records an incident in which Old Man plucks the hair from a fox and sends him out to attract buffalo. The buffalo are killed with laughing at the antics of the fox. WTiile Old Man is butchering, it becomes cold and the fox freezes stiff. The buffalo laughing himself to death occurs in our col- lection, but b due to the Old Man's acts.

According to Maclean, the Old Man was a party to the stealing of bags containing summer and winter.'

Petitot says that by tradition the three divisions of the people — Northern Blackfoot, Bloods, and Piegan — are the respective offspring of the Old Man's three sons.*

The creation of the world from mud brought to the surface by a diving

» Blackfoot Lodge Tales, op. cit., p. 149.

2 Culture-Hero Myth of the Sauks and Foxes (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XIV, p. 225).

» Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VI, p. 166.

• Petitot, Traditions Indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest, p. 493.

8 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11,

animal is a frequent incident in the mythology of central North America. In addition to the fragment in our collection, Blackfoot versions have been recorded elsewhere. Maclean makes use of them in several publications, one of which runs as follows: —

"The aged men of the camps tell us of the time when there was nothing but water, and the Old Man was sitting upon a log, with four animals. Pondering over his situation, he thought that there must be something under the water, and, anxious to learn what might be there, he sent the animals down after each other, till the last to descend was the muskrat, and he alone retiuned to tell the story of his explora- tions, bearing in his mouth some mud, which the Old Man took, and rolling it in the palm of his hand, it grew rapidly and fell into the water. Soon it assumed such dimensions that he stepped upon it, and placing there a wolf, this animal ran swiftly over the plastic matter, and wherever he stepped an indentation was made, which became a valley, and where he placed not his foot the plains and mountains appeared. The water rushed into some of the indentations, and these became lakes." 1

In confirmation of this the following may be noted : —

"At a certain time, it happened that all the earth was covered with water. The 'Old Man' (Napiw) was in a canoe, and he thought of causing the earth to come up from the abyss. To put this project into execution he used the aid of four animals, — the duck, the otter, the badger and the muskrat. The muskrat proved to be the best diver. He remained so long under water that when he came to the surface he was fainting, but he had succeeded in getting a little particle of earth, which he brought between the toes of his paw. This particle of earth the "Old Man" took, and blowing on it he swelled it to such an extent as to make the whole earth of it. Then it took him four days to complete his work, and make the mountains, rivers, plants, and beasts." *

The myth was also known to the Sarcee in the same form as above .^ The writer once asked a well-informed old Piegan man if such a story w^as known to his people. His reply was to the effect that he had heard of it, but regarded it as a white man's tale. This may be an error, for Henry wrote about a century ago as follows : —

"At first the world was one body of water inhabited by only one great white man and his wife, who had no children. This man, in the course of time, made the earth, divided the waters into lakes and rivers," * etc.

Thus there seems no reason to doubt but that this myth was known to the Blackfoot in the same general form as was current among the numerous tribes of the Algonkin group. It may not have been current among the

• Canadian Savage Folk, p. 51.

2 Hale, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1886, p. 704.

3 Wilson, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889, p. 224.

• New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, p. 528.

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 9

Piegan, since Henry was among the Northern Blackfoot (from whom our version was obtained), and Maclean seems to have secured his data from the Bloods. That the Blackfoot formerly had a well-defined creation myth, in which the Old Man took the initiative in producing and transforming the world, is indicated by several writers. Those noted above give more or less in 'detail a running account of the peopling of the earth and the in- struction of mankind in the art of living. While these incidents do not occur in detail in the Old Man myths recorded in this paper, they are occasionally implied. Such origins are at present often assigned to the Old Man without the formality of a myth. It will be noted that the greater part of the tales collected by us recite the absurd, humorous, obscene, and brutal incidents in the Old Man's career. No ritualistic or ceremonial practices appear to be based upon any of these narratives, though it may have been otherwise, in the past. On the other hand, connected with them are the suggestions of origins for many aspects of material culture, such as the buffalo-drive, the making of weapons, methods of dressing skins, ^tc. A considerable number of places and topographical features were associated with his ad- ventures; as Old Man's River, Tongue Flag River, Old Man's Gambling- Place, Old Man's Sliding-Place, Rolling-Stone Creek, etc. In fact, there seems a tendency to give all of his adventures a definite location in what is now^ Alberta.

From the accounts of all observers, it appears that confusion exists in assigning some myths. Thus Grinnell records as adventures of the Old Man our myths containing the incident of the dog and the stick (p. 52), the placing of the crow in the smoke-hole (p. 51), the woman with a snake- lover (p. 150), and the rolling head (p. 154). We found differences of opinion on these and other tales, but have in our list the ones rarely if ever challenged. Taking into consideration all the data at hand, we are of the opinion that there has been a disintegration of the creative and cultural origin myths concerning the Old Man. This opinion is partly based upon the agreement of these myths with those attributed to similar characters among the Cree, Ojibwa, Fox, and other divisions of the Algonkin stock, for which a common origin is assumed, and also partly on the present attitude of the Blackfoot themselves toward these myths.

For several decades at least, the Blackfoot have considered the Old Man as an evil character, in most respects trivial, who long ago passed on to other countries. Whenever the writer asked if the Old Man was ever prayed to, the absurdity of the question provoked merriment. The usual reply was, that no one had enough confidence in him to make such an appeal. In daily conversation his name is often used as a synonyme for immorality. However, it must not be implied that he is regarded as an evil spirit. His

10 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

name is esp)ecially associated with things obscene, and pertaining to sexual immorality. I have heard the Piegan say that so and so '*must be trying to be like the Old Man; he cannot be trusted with women."

We have occasionally noted a tendency to assign modem obscene anec- dotes to this character, and it may well be that many of the tales long attributed to him have been accumulated by the laws of &sociation. The unfortunate human tendency to appreciate keenly the humor in such anecdotes seems sufficient to account for their survival and accumulation long after behef in and respect for the Old Man as a creator, teacher, and transformer, has passed the verge of extinction.

Certain differences of opinion among former obsen^rs make it desirable to reconsider our assumption that these m^ths are survivals from a much , lai^r group constituting the ancient basic beliefs of the Blackfoot. The first account we find bearing upon this point was written by Alexander Henry in 1809.^ He speaks of 'one first great white man and his wife" to whom all things are due, but states that he went to live in the sun and is called Nah-toos, while his wife went to the moon. Unfortunately, Henry is not sufficiently specific for the identification of the "one first great white man." Among the present Blackfoot people, Natos refers to the Sun-Man, whose consort is the Moon- Woman, a character regarded as distinct from the Old Man. The term used by Henry is probably a translation; for, in his comparative vocabularies, "Nappeekoon" is given as the equivalent of "white man," the term still applied to members of our race. This of itself makes it probable that Napiw is the character referred to in the above.

Later, about 1874, R. P. Lacombe writes that Napiw*^ went to live in the Sun.^ M. Lacombe is quoted by Hale (1885) to the effect that Napiw* and Natos are distinct, and that the former is a secondary character.' Maclean also states that Napiw* is a secondary character.* Grinnell (1892) expresses the opinion that Napiw* and Natos are the same and that the latter is a more recent conception.^ It is of interest to note that the earher writers are disposed to treat Natos, the Sun, as the home of the Old Man, while the later ones make each a character. My own information is em- phatic in indicating a present distinction between the two. This is supported by the following statement from a man for many years an interested observer of Blackfoot customs : —

" The Sun is then the principal deity .... Equally erroneous is the view that they addressed prayers to, or in any manner worshipped, *Napi,' the Old Man of the legends, the blunderer, the immoral mischief-maker." ^

• New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, op. cit., pp. 527, 528. 2 Petitot, op. cit., p. 504.

» Hale, op. cit., p. 704.

• Canadian Savage Folk. p. 52.

• Grinnell, op. cit., p. 258.

fi K. N. Wilson, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1898, p. 789.

1908.] Wissler and Dvvall, Blackfoot Mythoh^. 11

There are several obvious ways in which the different statements recorded above can be interpreted. It may be reasonable to assume that the later writers w^ere better informed, and therefore able to distinguish between two m)1;hical characters ha\ing some things in common. On the other hand, the observations may be of equal weight, and so represent a change of belief. While the means are not at hand for the solution of this question, it may be noted that the m}ths so far recorded are quite consistent with the modern Blackfoot belief that Xapiw^ and Natos are distinct characters. For example, in Grinneirs version of the theft of the fire-leggings, Napiw* steals them from Natos. Again, the Old Woman, or Moon- Woman, is practically always associated with Natos as his respected and honored con- sort ; while mention of such a character seldom occurs in the myths of the Old Man group. Further, in ceremonies Natos is often addressed as Napiwa, but, so it was stated to us, in the sense of old and venerable man. This suggests that the sole difficulty may be due to verbal confusion in the native tongue, obscuring a former distinction between Napiw* and Natos. However this may be, the import of the preceding seems to be, that, for a number of years at least, the Old Man has been a secondary mythological <;haracter. The problem is, then, to determine whether this secondary relation is due to gradual displacement by intrusive beliefs, or to the fact that the belief in the Old Man is in itself of recent introduction.

While we have no intention of making a comparative study of these myths, a few statements may not come amiss. The Old Man of the Thomp- son Indians, is, like the Old Man of the Blackfoot, a secondary character, though relatively less prominent, and, according to Boas, he is not made an object of prayer, and not held in particular reverence.^ In the Plains, it appears that the Old Man of the Crow% Nih'a"ca" of the Arapaho, Nix'a"t ■of the Gros Ventre, and Napiw^ of the Blackfoot, have a great deal in com- mon. They w^re in certain respects creators, but also tricksters; and many vile pranks were common to all. The general impression one gets from comparative reading of all these tales is that the Blackfoot and the Crow stand in close relation as opposed to the Arapaho and the Gros Ventre. However, the collections from the Crow and Gros Ventre are not complete. It is interesting to note that the Arapaho Nih'a"(;'a" is the word for "white man," as is also the Cheyenne Vihuk and the Blackfoot Napiw^. The Arapaho Hixtcaba Nih'a"(;'a" (Above-^^lite-^Ian, God) is identical in meaning with Spo'^toom Napiwa. Again, the statement of Kroeber, that *in none of the Arapaho myths is there the slightest trace of any animal or spider-like qualities attributed to Niha"<^a"," ^ applies equally well to

» Thompson River Indian Traditions, p. 7.

2 George A. Dorsey an<l Alfred L. Kroeber Traditions of the Arapaho. (Field Columbian Museum Publication 81. 1903. footnote, p. 7).

12 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

Napiw*, also entirely human. This is certainly in contrast to many of the surrounding tribes in whose mythologies similar antics are attributed to a rabbit, coyote, or spider-like person. Thus we have another of those fre- quent suggestions that the Algonkin tribes of the Plains themselves consti- tute a sub-group.

It is unfortunate that so little Cree mythology has been recorded, as the few narratives published by Russell ^ suggest the closest relation to those of the Blackfoot so far encountered. Similarities to Fox and Ojibwa myths seem much more numerous among the Blackfoot than among the Arapaho, Gros Ventre, or Cheyenne. Thus, the wide distribution of these charac- teristics among the various Algonkin speaking tribes of the Missouri-Sas- katchewan area, seems to favor the view that the Old Man myths represent the older basic beliefs of the Blackfoot. In this connection the failure to find in the present mythological beliefs evidence of the identity of the Old Man and the Sun, justifies the assumption that the secondary character of the former is due to the intrusion of the latter.

According to the testimony of many writers, the Blackfoot Indians took great interest in the heavens, and possessed considerable astronomical knowledge. However that may be, this collection contains an unusual number of Star Myths. We have considered them as such because the chief characters either appear as heavenly bodies (though sometimes in disguise), or become such at the end of their earthly careers. In many cases this transformation forms no essential part of the narrative, being a mere inci- dent, or as it were an afterthought by the narrator. This is especially notice- able in the Twin-Stars, or Brothers, where we find an elaborate myth com- posed primarily of the widely distributed Found-in-the-Grass. The same may be said of Blood-Clot or Smoking-Star. On the other hand, we find the Morning-Star as an important character in a number of myths, where he appears as the son of the Sun and Moon. In Blackfoot religion these three are in many respects a sacred trio to whom prayers are addressed individually and collectively. Again, in the Morning-Star myths we find the well-known incident of a woman marrying a star, in this case the Morn- ing-Star himself, whose son by this union becomes the Fixed-Star. Taking the entire eight Star Mjths as a whole, but three appear to be original with the Blackfoot, — Cuts-Wood, Scar-Face, and the Bunched-Stars.

A large number of mj^hs function as ritualistic origins, the rituals them- selves being in part dramatic interpretations of the narratives. Yet, while the rituals are fixed and rigidly adhered to, the m>ths show the same wide variations in detail as those of other groups. This is contrary to expectation.

Frank Russell, Explorations in the Far North, 1898, pp. 201-220.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 13

We cannot at present decide whether this is best explained by assuming these myths to be secondary popular accounts of the ceremonies composing the rituals, or otherwise. In most ceremonies the origin of the ritual is regarded as the result of a personal relation between its first owner and its supernatural giver; each ceremony, or demonstration of the ritual, being a reproduction of this formal transfer. Thus the myths are, in a sense, pre- ludes to the rituals; yet, when one asks for the reason or significance of a specific part of a ritual, he is referred at once to the myth. Thus the great variation in these narratives b difficult to interpret.

In passing, one important aspect of this group deserves attention. It will be seen that these narratives can be placed in two divisions, according to the relation between the incidents and the rituals associated therewith. In many cases the relation is primary, or the myth itself recounts the inci- dents leading directly to the transfer. Also this transfer is the main incident or climax of the narrative. In other cases the myth stands apart, having its own culminating incident, after which we are informed, parenthetically as it were, that one of the characters came into the possession of a ritual. Rarely are we told in such cases that a definite relation exists between the origin of this ritual and the incidents composing the narrative, though some kind of relation is always implied. In this collection there are twenty myths bearing the primary relation, and eleven bearing the secondary. I'o be exact, five of the Star Myths show ritualistic functions, one of which may be considered primary,^ and four secondary'. Thus, in a total of thirty- six ritualistic m}'tlis, twenty-one appear to bear the primary relation, and fifteen the secondary. Thus we are safe in assuming that at least a third of all Blackfoot ritualistic origin myths belong to the secondary division. As may be anticipated, the character of the m\ths in one division differs considerably from that of the other. Those of the secondary type are decidedly classical, and show greater art in composition than those of the primary. The people seem to appreciate them for the sake of their power to charm, while the sacred associations of the primary myths are sufficient to make them respected.

The most suggestive difference, however, appears when a comparative view of these divisions is made. Those in the priniary group are not often found in the m^'thologies of other tribes : in fact the incident of a woman with beaver-children is the only certain exception we have so far encountered. On the other hand, many m\ths of the secondary division are widely dis- tributed among other tribes. Here we find the well-known Blood-Clot, Found-in-the-Grass (Twin-Stars), The Woman-who-Married a Star, The Girl with a Dog for a Lover (No. 25), The Woman who Married a Bull (Nos. 26, 27), The Buffalo-Boy (No. 28), The Child Reared by the Buffalo

14 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,.

(No. 31), The Brother on the Desert Island (No. 18), not to mention minor incidents of these and other narratives.

There are, however, exceptions, the chief of which are Scar-Face and Scabby-Round-Robe, to which we have so far found no parallels. The natural inference from the foregoing is, that in the primary division the myths and the rituals had a common origin, while in the secondary they have come into association, by accident or otherwise, long after their respec- tive forms became fixed. ^ The intrusion of rituals practised by other tribes may have been the occasion of many such associations. Thus we find that the secondary character of the Origin M^ths for the societies of high rank — as the Bulls, Horns, Dogs, etc. — is most pronounced in those societies derived, according to Blackfoot tradition, from other tribes. That the traditions in these instances are founded upon fact is rendered exceedingly- probable by the peculiar distribution of these same societies among the tribes of the Missouri basin. ^ With one exception, the m\i;hs associated with the sun-dance are also secondary. While there are no traditions indicating foreign origin for this ceremony as a whole, its general distribu- tion makes such an origin probable. Yet it is with this ceremony that the highly original Scar-Face myth is secondarily associated. This exception in the case of a very important myth indicates that the cause of the secondary association cannot be w^holly due to a tendency to assimilate foreign tales. Such inference is sustained by the presence of a considerable number of foreign tales without ritualistic associations of any kind, and by the entire absence of such associations in the Old Man group, which we have shown to be a very important part of the older Blackfoot mjthology.

The discussion of this problem would carry us into a study of the rituals themselves, a subject we propose to take up in a future publication. W^e may, however, offer a tentative interpretation of the preceding peculiarities. Assuming the tales of the Old Man as older and fundamental, the absence of rituaUstic associations among them may be due to the more recent devel- opment of the present ceremonies. The beaver-medicine, seemingly one of the oldest rituals, and apparently the creation of a single shaman, set the type to which all other rituals tended to conform. In this case the myths still tend to the primary association, or to conserve the type. Later rituals w^ere brought in from other tribes and adjusted to the prevailing type, even to the introduction of new m^ths, that would also tend to be foreign, though not necessarily. Further, according to our data, rituals originating in sha- manistic dreams have sometimes been attributed to heroes in wTll-known

» For an example of a myth incorporated in a ritual, see Franz Boas, The Social Organiza- tion and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians, 1897, p. 662.

2 A. h. Kroeber in the Proceedings of the International Congress of Americanists, 1906, Vol. II, pp. 53-64.

1908.] WUsler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 15

m^hs, the hero having appeared and transferred the ritual. Thus we have the functioning of a well-known factor in primitive speculative thought. The tendency to find a mythical origin for every important ceremonial practice is common to all peoples, as is also the tendency to conventionaUze the kind of associations formed.

Another characteristic of this group is the frecjuency with which a woman plays an important part in the transfer of rituals and other powers, — the Elk-Woman, the Otter-Woman, the Woman-who-Married-thc-Buffalo, the W^oman-who brought-the-Pipe, etc. In almost every case the woman has sexual relations with a male being from whom, or by virtue of whom, the ritual or power comes, and such grant is often manifestly to appease a wronged husband or parents. However, this may be a more or less con- ventional mode of constructing a m\th, based upon the same human interests that make the love-passion the core of all novels.

Now we may consider m\ihs of cultural and other origins. In the first place, these narratives are such as account for certain conditions in humanity and nature, and certain folk-practices. In the second place, the origins and transformations are primary rather than secondary parts of the narra- tives, in which respect they stand in opposition to a large part of the preceding group. Such a distinction is by no means absolute, and some of the narra- tives in this group will doubtless impress the reader as not quite within the bounds of the above characterization; yet he should not forget that we have also been influenced in the selection by the attitude of the narrators and others toward the tales themselves.^ One of the chief points of note in this group is the lack of correspondence to the mythology of the Plains. In most cases the narratives seem to be original with the Blackfoot, yet this is relative, since here and there are suggestions of parts of other myths. Again, these narratives are relatively few in number, and in most cases lack the classical ring of other groups.

The miscellaneous group contains various elements. Some are recog- nizable as Plains and Eastern tales; while others, again, seem to be original. The definite intrusion of what are regarded as Kutcnai m\ths is a matter of interest, because the narrator, a Piegan, is credited with the chief responsi- bility of their introduction in association with the Black-Tail deer-dance. Narratives Nos. 19, 20, deser'e special mention, because they are told as ethical puzzles usually exciting discussion, different persons having more or less fixed opinions about the matter. So far as known to the WTiter, such narratives have not been reported by other observers. A large part of this

1 In the case of the Medicine-Hat tale, the ori^n of the name is to a degree secondary; but the real significance of the narrative is that it accounts for the origin of a special method for trapping eagles.

16 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

miscellaneous group is made up of narratives for children, though all tales of the Old Man are told even to the youngest children, and often recited as lullabies for infants.

No effort has been made to determine the place of the Blackfoot in the mythology of the Plains; but in the various footnotes, references to such parallels among neighboring tribes as came to our notice have been made. Many of the m\ths generally distributed throughout the central parts of North America appear in our collection and among the works of other writers. Some rather striking exceptions are the well-known Imitations of the Host, Vaginal Teeth, and The Dancing Ducks. All of these appear in the Arapaho collections, and, with the exception of the second, in the Gros Ventre. By inquiry we found individuals who claimed to have heard the following narratives, but were unable to render them : The Dancing Ducks, Vaginal Teeth, The Man who Received a Flageolet from an Elk, The Man who Played Dead and Deceived a Bear,^ The Recovery of Water by Stealing the Vessels in which it was Concealed, and the Wounded Man Carried Home by a Bear. Among those for which no recognition was observed may be mentioned the Imitation of the Host, Raven Creating the World and People, The Tar-Baby and the Recovery of the Daylight by Theft. However, without going into details, certain tentative similarities may be noted between the mythology of the Blackfoot and that of neighboring tribes, though the material at hand is very unsatisfactory. There is the appearance of close similarity to the mythology of the western Cree and an almost equal degree of similarity to that of the Crow. To come to a definite conclusion on this point, we need larger collections from these tribes, and also data on the mythology of the Assiniboine, who were allied with the western Cree living along the edge of the forest. Again, the similarities in Gros Ventre mythology are numerous, though, as may be expected, the myths of this tribe bear much greater resemblance to those of the Arapaho. On the other hand, there are a number of similarities between the Blackfoot and the Arapaho not paralleled in the Gros Ventre. However, our collec- tion from the latter is probably not so complete as from the former. While these similarities taken together include many of the more widely distributed North American myths, they include others apparently restricted to these three tribes. In this connection we need more data from the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Shoshone, especially the former, who are members of the Plains Algonkin group. There are also a number of Blackfoot similarities to Arikara incidents, that seem less definite among the collections from other Caddoan tribes. Perhaps these Arikara incidents are characteristic of Upper Missouri mythology. Here we need data from the Hidatsa.

1 Dorsej' and Kroeber, Traditions of the Arapalio, op. cit., p. 451.

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 17

It may not be out of place to give our impression of the position these tales occupy in Blackfoot culture. While their mythology certainly stands for a part of what we know as the literature of a people, it does not by any means comprise the larger part; for historical, militar}% adventurous, ceremonial, and other fonns of narratives there are in profusion. It will be noticed that the narratives in our collection correspond in general style to what we recognize as fiction. The attitude of the Blackfoot people toward these narratives is difficult to reduce to accurate statement, but one gets the impression that they are often valued more for their aesthetic factors than othen^ ise. Yet the active elements of this mythology seem to function in mythical characters so firmly fixed in folk-thought, that each may be regarded as a reality. One also gets the impression, after some famiUarity with the serious life of these people, that mythical characters are generally accorded the same reality as pertains to a deceased friend. The most venerated of these are Sun-Man, Moon-Woman, Morning-Star, the Thunder, Scar-Face, the Seven-Stars, the Pleiades (Bunched stars), Otter-Woman, Elk- Woman, the Old Man, Blood-Clot, Scabby-Round- Robe, the Woman-who-Married-the-Star, and the Woman-who-Married the-BuflPalo. All are regarded as having made at least some important contribution to the welfare of the people. Naturally, not all are of equal rank; the Sun, Moon, Thunder, and Morning-Star being of very great power and supernatural significance. An exhaustive collection of Blackfoot narratives would doubtless contain numerous and various versions of the doings of these and other minor characters. Taken collectively, these char- acters give the sanctions for many practices and beliefs. That they are strictly moral sanctions is doubtful, since they seem to have prescribed the formal parts of ceremonies and worship rather than ethical procedure. Anyway, to the present Blackfoot mind, the moral lives of these characters are not always exemplar}'. The Old Man is held in contempt, and one may hear such expessions as "I do not hold Scar-Face in esteem, because, while he did a great thing, he did it for spite." However, a full discussion of these characters must be deferred until we have presented the details of ceremonial practices and beliefs.

So far as we know there are no restrictions against the telling of m}'ths at certain times of the year. There is no detailed myth which can be narrated only to select audiences, as among the Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Dakota, — myths that have so far not been recorded. Neither are their mj'ths peculiar to women or men, as the case may be, any one being at liberty to render any myth whatsoever. However, persons not versed in a ritual are often reluctant to narrate the myth accounting for its origin, because in a general way it is improper for one to speak in detail of medicines concerning which

18 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

they have httle knowledge. As women take important parts in most rit- ualistic ceremonies, such restrictions are not correlated with sex differences. Then, again, all elderly persons are assumed to have had considerable experience in ritualistic ceremonies; hence young people usually hesitate to narrate myths in deference to the rights of their elders.

Clark Wissler. New York City, July 11, 1908.

1908.] Wissler ami DumU, Blackfoot Mythology. 19

I. TALES OF THE OLD MAN.

1. l^E Making of the Earth.

During the flood, Old Man was sitting on the highest mountain with all the beasts. The flood was caused by the above people, because the baby (a fungus) ^ of the woman who married a star was heedlessly torn in pieces by an Indian child.^ Old Man sent the Otter down to get some earth. For a long time he waited, then the Otter came up dead. Old Man examined its feet, but found nothing on them. Next he sent Beaver down, but after a long time he also came up drowned. Again nothing was found on his feet. He sent Muskrat to dive next. Muskrat also was drowned. At length he sent the Duck (?). It was drowned, but in its paw held some earth. Old Man saw it, put it in his hand, feigned putting it on the water three times, and at last dropped it. Then the above-people sent rain, and ever}thing grew on the earth.'

2. Languages confused on a ^Jountain.

After the flood. Old Man mixed water with different colors. He whistled, and all the people came together. He gave one man a cup of one kind of water, saying, *'You will be chief of these people here." To another man he gave differently colored water, and so on. The Blackfoot, Piegan, and Blood all received black water. Then he said to the people, '*Talk," and they all talked differently; but those who drank black water spoke the same. This happened on the highest mountain in the Montana Reservation [Chief Mountain ?V

3. Order of Life and Death.

There was once a time when there were but two persons in the world. Old Man and Old Woman. One time, when they were travelling about.

1 In rendering these narratives explanatory matter supplied by the narrator is indicated by parenthesis, that supplied by the translator or editor is indicated by brackets.

2 See Narrative of the Fixed Star, p. 58.

3 A North Blackfoot version, collected by Dr. R. H. Lowie. For another version, see Maclean, Canadian Savage Folk^. 51; Also Hale, Report of the British Association, 1886, p. 704. For a Sarcee version, see Wilson, Report of the British Association. 1889, p. 224. For note on the distribution of this myth, see G. A. Dorsey and A. L. Kroeber, Traditions of the Arapaho (Field Columbian Museum Publication 81, p. 20).

• A North Blackfoot version, collected by Dr. R. H. Lowie. In this connection note the following: "Au commencement, on habitait sur une montagne, et tous Ifs hommes parlaient la m6me langue." — Petitot, op. cit., p. 383. See also pp. 130 and 332. For a second mention of this incident in our collection, see p. 23.

20 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Old Man met Old Woman, who said, "Now, let us come to an agreement of some kind; let us decide how the people shall live." **Well," said Old Man, " I am to have the first say in ever}^hing." To this Old Woman agreed, provided she had the second say.^

Then Old ^lan began, **The women are to tan the hides. WTien they do this, they are to rub brains on them to make them soft ; they are to scrape them w^ell with scraping-tools, etc. But all this they are to do very quickly, for it will not be xery hard work." **No, I will not agree to this," said Old Woman. "They must tan the hide in the way you say; but it must be made very hard work, and take a long time, so that the good workers may be found out."

"Well," said Old Man, "let the people have eyes and mouths in their faces; but they shall be straight up and down." "No," said Old W^oman, "we will not have them that way. We will have the eyes and mouth in the faces, as you say; but they shall all be set crosswise." ^

"Well," said Old Man, "the people shall have ten fingers on each hand." "Oh, no!" said Old Woman, "that will be too many. They will be in the way. There shall be four fingers and one thumb on each hand."

"Well," said Old Man, "we shall beget children. The genitals shall be at our navels." "No," said Old Woman, "that will make child-bearing too easy; the people will not care for their children. The genitals shall be at the pubes."

So they went on until they had provided for ever}^hing in the lives of the people that were to be. Then Old Woman asked what they should do about life and death; should the people always live, or should they die? They had some difficulty in agreeing on this; but finally Old Man said, "I will tell you what I will do. I will throw a buffalo-chip into the water, and, if it floats, the people die for four days and live again; but, if it sinks, they will die forever." So he threw it in, and it floated. "No," said Old Woman, "we will not decide in that way. I will throw in this rock. If it floats, the people will die for four days: if it sinks, the people will die forever." Then Old Woman threw the rock out into the water, and it sank to the bottom.^ "There," said she, "it is better for the people to die forever; for, if they did not die forever, they would never feel sorr' for each other, and there would be no sympathy in the world." "Well," said Old Man, "let it be that way." *

1 See Hale, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1886. p. 705.

2 "Old Man made some women .... As the mouths of the women were opened vertically, so he closed them up again and cut them anew." — Maclean. Canadian Savage Folk, 1896, p. 62.

3 This part of the myth is analogous to a Cheyenne version, for which see Kroeber, Journal of American Folk- Lore, Vol. XIII. i>. 161. For a similar incident, in which the stone is thrown by Nih'a^ca", see Dorsey and Kroeber. op. cit., pp. 17. 81.

•• For a comparative statement of mythical accounts of the origin of death, see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 20.

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology, 21

After a time Old Woman had a daughter, who died. She was very sorry now that it had been fixed so that people died forever. So she said to Old Man, " Let us have our say over again." "No," said he, ** we fixed it once.'*

4. Why People Die Forever.

One time Old Man said to Old Woman, "People will never die." "Oh!" said Old Woman, "that will never do; because, if people live always, there will be too many people in the world." ^ "Well," said Old Man, "we do not want to die forever. We shall die for four days and then come to life again." " Oh, no!" said Old Woman, "it will be better to die for- ever, so that we shall be sorry for each other." "Well," said Old Man, "we will decide this way. We will throw a buffalo-chip into the water: if it sinks, we will die forever; if it floats, we shall live again." "Well," said Old Woman, "throw it in." Now, Old Woman had great power, and she caused the chip to turn into, a stone, so it sank.

So when we die, we die forever.^

5. I'he First Marriage.

Now in those days, the men and the women did not live together.' The men lived in one camp and the women in the other. The men lived in lodges made of skin with the hair on; the women, in good lodges. [The idea is, that the women dress the skins, hence the men could not live in dressed-skin lodges.] One day Old Man came to the camp of the men, and, when he was there, a woman came over from the camp of the women. She said she had been sent by the chief of the women to invite all the men, because the women were going to pick out husbands.

Now the men began to get ready, and Old Man dressed himself up in his finest clothes: he was always fine looking. Then they started out, and, when they came to the women's camp, they all stood up in a row. Now the chief of the women came out to make the first choice. She had on very dirty clothes, and none of the men knew who she was. She went along the line, looked them over, and finally picked out Old Man, because of his fine appearance. Now Old Man saw many nicely dressed women waiting their turn, and, when the chief of the women took him by the hand, he

» See Dorsey and Kroeber, on. cit. p. 17.

2 This version was received from a North Piegan, For a third version, see Grinnell. Black- foot Lodsre Tales, pp. 138-139.

3 Rev. E. F. Wilson writes, "The Sarcee have a tradition similar to that of the Blackfoot about men and women being first made separately, and then being brought together through the action of the mythical being *Napiw."' — Report of the British Association, 1889, p. 244.

22 Anthropological Papers American Mttsevm of Natural History. [Vol. II,

pulled back and broke away. He did this because he thought her a very common woman. When he pulled away, the chief of the women went back to her lodge and instructed the other women not to choose Old Man. Wliile the other women were picking out their husbands, the chief of the women put on her best costume. \Mien she came out, she looked very fine, and, as soon as Old ^lan saw her, he thought, **OhI there is the chief of the women. I wish to be her husband." He did not know that it was the same woman.^

Now the chief of the women came down once more to pick out a hus- band, and, as she went around, Old Man kept stepping in front of her, so that she might see him; but she paid no attention to him, finally picking out another for her husband.

After a while all the men had been picked out, except Old Man. Now he was very angry; but the chief of the women said to him, "After this you are to be a tree, and stand just where you are now." Then he became a tree, and he is mad yet, because he is always caving down the bank.^

6. Old Man Leads a Migration.

The first Indians were on the other side of the ocean, and Old Man de- cided to lead them to a better place. So he brought them over the ice to the far north. WTien they were crossing the ice, the Sarcee ^ were in the middle and there was a boy riding on a dog travois. As they were going along, this boy saw a horn of some animal sticking up through the ice. Now the boy wanted this horn, and began to cry. So his mother took an ax and cut it off. As she did so, the ice gave way and only those on this side of the place where the horn was will ever get here.*

1 Arapaho Tale No. 51 (Dorsey and Kroeber. op. cit.) has a few of the minor characteris- tics of this tale, but the plot is different.

a For another version of this incident, see No. 23. The following was collected among the Northern Blackfoot by Dr. R. H. Lowie: —

Women were living on one side of Little Bow River, the men on the other side (northwest of Calgary). The5' killed coyotes, using skins for blankets. Old Man came to the women's buffalo-drive. The women asked, '* Whence come you? " "From men's camp." The women told Old Man to go there and tell the men to come. "We'll choose husbands," they said. "The women asked for the chief's color. Old Man said, "He wears a wolf blanket with the tail on." The men arrived at the women's buffalo-drive. The chieftainess wearing bad clothes went out to the men. She selected Old Man; but he did not want her on account of her ugly appearance. Then the chieftainess said to the women, "You see that tall man; don't choose him." She then put on eood clothes, and Old Man tried to get her; but she chose another. He was left unchosen. He stamped his foot, and made the earth fill the enclosure of the buffalo-drive.

3 The following version was found among the Sarcee, — Another Indian told us how the Sarcee were at one time one people with the Chipewyans. and gave us the myth wliich accounts for their separation. "Formerly," he said, "we lived in the north country. We were many thousands in number. We were travelling south. It was winter, and we had to cross a big lake on the ice. There was an elk's horn sticking out of the ice. A squaw went and struck the horn with an axe. The elk raised himself from the ice and shook his head. Tlie people were all frightened and ran away. Those that ran toward the north became the Chipewyans, and we who ran toward the south are the Sot^nna or Sarcee. — Rev. E. F. Wilson, Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889, p. 243.

• This is said to have happened on a lake in Alberta, called Buffalo Lake by the Indians, because its shape is like a buffalo lying down. See Kroeber, Gros Ventre Myths and Tales (Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. I, Part III, p. 112). Also known to the Arapaho and Cheyenne.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 23

Now Old Man led these people xlown to where the Blood Reserve now is, and told them that this would be a fine country for them, and that they would be very rich. He said, "I will get all the people here." All the people living there ate and lived like wild animals; but Old Man went among them and taught them all the arts of ci\ilization.^ (\Vhen crossing the ice, only about thirty lodges succeeded in getting across, and among these were the representatives of all the tribes now in this country. At that time the Blackfoot were just one tribe.) When he was through teaching them, he did not die, but went among the Sioux, where he remained for a time, but finally disappeared.^ He took his wife with him. He had no children.

7. Old Man and the Great Spirit.

There was once a Great Spirit who was good. He made a man and a woman. Then Old Man came along. No one made Old Man; he always existed. The Great Spirit said to him, "Old Man, have you any power?" "Yes," said Old Man, "I am very strong." "Well," said the Great Spirit, "suppose you make some mountains." So Old Man set to work and made the Sweet-Grass Hills.' To do this he took a piece of Chief Mountain. He brought Chief Mountain up to its present location, shaped it up, and named it. The other mountains were called blood colts. "Well," said the Great Spirit, "you are strong."

"Now," said Old Man, "there are four of us, — the man and woman, you and I." The Great Spirit said, "All right."

The Great Spirit said, "I will make a big cross for you to carry." Old Man said "No, you make another man so that he can carry it." The Great Spirit made another man. Old Man carried the cross a while, but soon got tired and wanted to go. The Great Spirit told him that he could go, but he should go out among the people and the animals, and teach them how to live, etc.

Now the other man got tired of carrying the cross. He was a white man. The Great Spirit sent him off as a traveller. So he wandered on alone. The man and woman who had been created wandered off down towards Mexico, where they tried to build a mountain in order to get to the

» See Griiinell, op. cit., p. 139. The following fragment also, from the Northern Blackfoot, was collected by Dr. R. H. Lowie, — On the other side of the High River, the Blackfoot were living on grass. Old Man saw them, and saw buffalo driving them. "What are you doing? " he aslked. "The buffalo kill and eat us," they said. " You are foolish; you ought to eat buffalo," he replied. So he made arrows for them with which to shoot the buffalo. The Indians now made buffalo-drives.

The idea that buffalo formerly ate men is found in Cheyenne Myths, Kroeber (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XIII, p. 161).

2 See Macean, Canadian Savage Folk, op. cit., p. 444.

» See Grinnell, op. cit., p. 137: also the Old Man and the Cojote, Teit, Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia, 1898, pp. 48, 109.

24 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

sky to be with their children; but the people got mixed up until they came to have many different languages.^

8. Old Man gambles.

Far up in the north there is a place known as Old Man's GambUng- Place.^ There is where Old Man played the game of the arrows and the rolling wheel. Once when he came to this place, he found some people playing at the game. He joined them, and lost his robe and moccasins. As soon as he took them off, the robe became back-fat, and the moccasins buffalo-tongues. As the winner had no use for such things, he gave them back at once. Then Old Man put the tongues on his feet, and they became moccasins, and, putting the back-fat on his shoulders, it became a robe. So he gambled again and again, always with the same result.

9. Old Man and the Rolling Stone.

One time Old Man went out with the Fox. This Fox was his little brother, or chum. It was a very hot day, and, when they came to a large rock, Old Man took off his robe and threw it over the rock, saying, "Here,, brother: I make you a present of this robe." Then Old Man went on, but presently saw a heavy cloud coming up : so he sent his little brother back to get the robe. So he went back to the rock, and said, "Rock, Old Man wants his robe." "No," said the Rock, "he gave it to me as a present. I shall keep it. You tell him that he cannot have it." So the Fox went back and told Old Man what the Rock had said. Theji Old Man said, "My little brother, you go back and tell him again. Tell him I must have that robe.'' So the Fox went back to the Rock, and said, "Rock, Old Man sent me for his robe." The Rock replied, "No, no! Rocks never give back presents. If you give anything to a Rock, you cannot take it back." So the Fox returned to Old Man and told him what the Rock had said. Now Old Man was very angry. He said, "Now there is that Rock. It has been there for years and years with nothing over it ; but it refuses to let me have my robe." So he rushed up to the Rock and snatched off the robe, saying, "I need this for myself."

Then Old Man started on, but presently, hearing a great noise behind him, said to the Fox, "My little brother, you go back and see what is making

1 See p. 19.

2 Old Man's home "was in the Rocky Mountains near the source of Old Man's River, in the provisional district of Alberta." — Maclean, Canadian Savage Folk, op. cit., p. 435.

1908.] Wi88ler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 25

that noise." Then the Fox returned, saying, "Let us hurry, for that Rock is after us." When Old Man looked back, he saw the Rock coming. It was rolling along. So they both ran; but all the time the Rock was getting closer. As he went along. Old Man saw some bears, and called upon them for help. The Bears went to fight the Rock; but they could do nothing, for it rolled over them, crushing them. Again as Old Man was running^ along, he saw some Buffalo-bulls and called upon them for help. "Here," he said, "this Rock is chasing me. I want you to stop it." So the Bulls rushed upon the Rock; but the Rock crushed them. Then as he went on he saw some Night-hawks, and called upon them for help. "Here," he said, " is a Rock chasing me, I want you to stop it." Then the Night-hawks flew down and discharged flatus at the Rock, and each time they did so, pieces flew off. Finally it was broken to pieces.^

Then Old Man went on, and finally came to a nest of Night-hawks ► There were young ones in it. Going up to the nest, he said, "Where are your parents?" "They have gone for some meat," replied the young ones. "Well," said Old Man, "I guess your parents are the ones that spoiled my fun. I was having a lot of fun with a Rock that was running after me, and they spoiled it: ' so I am going to tear your mouths out." So he took hold of their bills, and split their mouths back to their necks.

Now, after Old Man had gone on, the Night-hawks came back to feed their young ones. They said to them, "You have been eating. Where did you get the meat that made your mouths bloody?" Then the young Night-hawks told them how Old Man had been there, and how he had treated them. Then the Night-hawks went in pursuit of Old Man. When they overtook him, they flew around overhead, defecating on his robe. Each time they did so, he cut off the soiled portion and threw it away. As the robe became smaller, the filth fell upon his body. At last he sought relief by plunging into the river. In this way he lost his robe.'

10. Old Man roasts Squirrels in Hot Ashes.

One time as Old Man was going along, he came to a place where there were many Squirrels. These Squirrels were playing in hot ashes. Some of them would lie down in the ashes, while the others would cover them

1 A similar incident occurs in the Gros Ventre myth of the Bird with the Large Arrow, Kroeber, op. cit., p. 70. Also see a Cree tale, Russell, Explorations in the Far North, p. 210.

2 A similar sentiment is expressed in a Gros Ventre myth, Kroeber, op. cU., p. 70.

• For other versions see Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, p. 165, and Maclean, Journal of American Folk Lore, Vol. Ill, p. 296. A simUar incident is known to the Arapaho, Dorsev and Kroeber, op. cit. pp. 66-70. The incidents in the Arapaho tale agree quite closely with the preceding version and also with an Arikara version, Dorsey, Traditions of the Arikara, p. 147.. Also see Ute Tales. Kroeber, Journal of American Folk- Lore, December, 1901, p. 261.

26 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

over. When it became so hot that they could stand it no longer, they would call out to the others, who would take them out at once. Old Man watched the game a while, and then insisted that he be allowed to try. He asked them if he could be baked first. "No," said the Squirrels, *we are afraid you do not know how to play, and that you will be burned. Let us be baked first to show you how.' Old Man asked them again, but they still refused. Finally Old Man agreed, provided they would let him cover up all the Squirrels at once. At last this was agreed to. Then Old Man began to cover up the Squirrels in the hot ashes. One of the Squirrels, who was about to become a mother, begged so pitifully not to be put into the ashes that Old Man said, "Well, you may go." When they were all covered up with the ashes, some of them became too warm, and called out to Old Man to take them out; but, instead of doing this, he heaped on more ashes as fast as he could, and finally the Squirrels were roasted to death. ^

Then Old Man took some red willows and made a scaffold upon which to put his squirrel-meat. On this he laid the roasted squirrels. This made the willows greasy, and this is why the red willow is greasy even to this day.^ Now Old !Man had so much meat that he could not eat all of it. So he ate what he could, and, being tired, he lay down by a tree to rest. He had a little brown eye [anus] that always watched for him when he slept. So when he lay down to sleep he told Little BrowTi-Eye to keep watch, and to wake him if anything came around. Just as Old Man was about asleep, Little Brown-Eye gave the warning note (flatus). Old Man got up and looked around, but saw only a crow on a tree near by. This disgusted him so that he went to sleep at once. Not long after this a lynx came around. Old Man was now sound asleep. Little Brown-Eye roared away, but he could not wake him up. So the lynx ate up all the squirrels on the scaffold. After a while. Old Man woke up and went to his scaffold to eat. WTien he found that the meat was all ^one, he was very angry, and said, "Little Brown-Eye, I told you to wake me up if anvihing came around. Here you let a lynx eat all of my meat." With that he caught up a stick from the fire and rubbed it into Little Brown-Eye.^ The wood was a kind of willow, and ever since that time this willow has been called "stinking wood."

Then Old Man started out to trail the lynx. He could follow him easily because his tracks were greasy. At last he found him asleep on a large flat rock. Old Man rushed up, caught him, and said, "You are the thief who stole my meat. Now I am going to punish you." So he broke off a part

1 See a Crow tale, Simms, Field Columbian Museum Publication 85, p. 285.

2 A similar version by Grinnell, op. cit., p. 155.

8 See Arapaho tale, Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 60, footnote; also a parallel in the Gros Ventre, Kroeber, op. cit., p. 71. A similar incident occurs in a Dakota myth, Riggs, Contribu- tions to North American Ethnology, Vol. IX, p. 114; Jones, Fox Texts, p. 289; and Russell Cree Myths, op. cit., p. 213.

1908.] Wisaler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 27

of his tail and threw it away. Then he stood on the hind legs, and, pulling by the fore legs, stretched the lynx out to a great length. Next he took the lynx by the ears, and bumped his nose against a rock until it became flat. Then he jerked a handful of hair from the pubes, which he stuck on his nose for whiskers. He took up the Ivnx, and, holding him over a fire, scorched him on the sides. This is how the lynx came to have his present form.^

Now I-ittle Brown-Eye had been badly burned by the stick, and was very sore. When Old Man lay down to rest, he happened to turn Little Brown-Eye toward the wind, and as the wind blew it cooled it, making him comfortable. Yet Little Brown-Eye was still painful, and Old Man called on the wind to blow harder. It did so; but as there was yet pain he called out again and again. Then a terrible storm came up. It blew harder and harder, and finally began to carry Old Man away head over heels, down the hills and over the mountains. As he was going tumbhng along, he caught hold of everything he passed ; but all the bushes and trees gave way before the terrible wind. At last Old Man caught hold of the birch .^ Now the birch is very tough, and will not break easily. Old Man held on to it while the wind tossed him up and down, up and do^Ti. At last the wind died down. Old Man got down from the birch-tree and became very angry. He said, "Here, you old birch-tree! You spoiled all my fun. I was hav- ing a fine time playing with the wind. We were running over the hills and the mountains and through the woods, until you caught hold of me. Now I am going to punish you." So Old Man took out his knife, and gashed savagely at the tree. Now the marks you see on the birch-tree at the present time are the scars made bv Old Man's knife.'

n. Old Man makes a Drh^e, and loses Meat in a Race.

Now Old Man went on and came to a place where deer and elk were playing a game called "Follow your leader." Old Man watched the game a while. Then he asked permission to play. He took the lead, sang a song, and ran about this way and that, and finally led them up to the edge of a cliff. Old Man jumped down and was knocked senseless. After a while he got up and called to the rest to follow. "No, we might hurt our- selves." "Oh!" said Old Man, "it is nice and soft here, and I had to sleep

1 This incident and some other parts of the tale bear some resemblance to Arapaho Tales Nos. 24, 26, and 27. Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit. Also the incident of changing the form of an animal is found in Ute Tales, Kroeber, op. cit., p. 268.

a See a Crow Tale, Simms, op. cit., p. 287.

• This version is in general agreement with one by Grinnell. op. cit, p. 171. The differences in the details are doubtless due to the popular nature of the publication m which they are found.

28 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,.

a while." Then the elk all jumped down and were killed. Then Old Maa said to the deer, **Now, you jump." **No," said the deer, "we shall not jump down, because the elk are all killed." "No," said Old Man, "they are only laughing." So the deer jumped down and were all killed. Now, when the elk were about to jump over, there was a female elk about to be- come a mother, and she begged Old Man not to make her jump, so he let her go. A few of the deer were also let go for the same reason. If he had not done this, all the elk and deer would have been killed.^

Old Man was now busy butchering the animals that had been killed by falling over the cliff. When he was through butchering, he went out and found a place to camp. Then he carried his meat there and hung it up to- dry. When he was all alone, a Coyote came to him. This Coyote had'a shell on his neck, and one leg was tied up as if badly hurt. The Coyote said to Old Man, "Give me something to eat." Old Man said to the Coy- ote, "You get out of here, or I will take up my genitals and beat you over the head." ^

But Coyote did not go away. Old Man said to him, "Give me that shell on your neck to skim the soup, and I will give you something to eat.'' "No," said Coyote, "that shell is my medicine." Then Old Man noticed that the Coyote had his leg tied up, and said, "Well, brother, I will run you a race for a meal." "Well," said Coyote, " I am hurt. I cannot run." " That makes no difference," said Old Man, "run an^^'way." "Well," said Coyote, "I will run for a short distance." "No," said Old Man, "you have to run a long distance." Finally Coyote agreed. They were to run to a distant point, then back again. Coyote started out very slow, and kept crying for Old Man to wait, to wait. At last Coyote and Old Man came to the turning- point. Then Coyote took the bandage off his leg, began to run fast, and soon left Old Man far behind. He began to call out to all the coyotes, the animals, and mice, and they all came rushing up to Old Plan's camp and began to eat his meat. It was a long time before Old ]Man reached the camp; but he kept calling out, " I^ave me some meat, leave me some meat."*

Now, Old Man had hung all the tongues of the animals on poles, and when he got to the camp he saw them still hanging there; but, when he took them down, he found that they were nothing but shells, for mice had eaten out the inside.^ The place where this happened was on Tongue Flag River

1 For another version of thepreceding, see Grlnnell, op. cit., p. 158. A somewhat similar tale is given by Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 60.

2 Old Man's genitals are also spoken of as a lariat. The rainbow is often designated as such, using either term apparently at random. However, the usual idea is, that his genitals are used as a lariat to rope the clouds.

» For a similar Incident, see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 157. Also Maclean, Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. III. p. 297.

• See Grinnell, op. cit., p. 158.

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 29

and Old Man had three names; Old Man, Painted-Dried-Meat, and Fooled-a-Little [meaning the opposite].^

12. Old Max sees Berries in the Water.

One day Old Man, standing on the bank of a stream, saw in the water some reflections of berries growing on the bank. He thought them to be real berries: so he dived into the water, but could find no berries. As soon as he was back upon the bank again, he saw them: so he dived one time after another, and finally tied rocks to his legs, that he might stay down longer. Then he nearly drowned. At last he was very tired, and, finding a shady place under a bush, he lay down to rest. Now, looking up, he saw the berries hanging over his head. Now he was very angry. He picked up a club and beat the berry-bushes until there was but one berry left. This is the reason why the people to this day beat berries from the bushes.'

13. Old Man Loses his Eyes.

Once there was a bird that had power to throw its eyes into a tree and call them back again. Now, Old Man came along one day and saw the bird throw its eyes up into a tree and call them back again. He said, **I should like to do this." So he began to cr^', and asked the bird for some •of its powTr. At last the bird took pity on him. It told him that, when he came to straight standing trees, all he had to do was to wish his eyes to go up, and then to wish them down again. However, he was warned not to wish it when among crooked trees.

Then Old Man went on and came to some nice straight trees. Then he wished his eyes up in the tree, and at once they were up there. Then he wished they were back again, and at once they were back again. Now, Old Man was greatly pleased. Then he came to some thick brush, and he said to himself, *Now I wonder how it will work if I try it on this brush. I wonder why the bird told me not to send my eyes into crooked trees.' So out of curiosity he wished his eyes in the brush, and as he did so they went down into the brush and disappeared. All his wishing would not bring them back again. Now Old Man could, not see, and he went along making signs for some one to come to his aid. Finally a coyote who w^as

» For a similar tale, see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 62.

2 An incident closely agreeing? with this is found in combination with an .\rapaho tale in which Nih'ft^ca" cooks babies, Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 101. It is interesting to find the Arapaho sequence of these incidents in a Cegiha myth, J. O. Dorsey, Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI, p. 562.

30 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

passing that way came up and looked at Old Man. The coyote saw that his eyes were gone. Now this coyote had a festered foot, and he held this up to Old Man's nose. **My/' said Old Man, "that smells like a buffalo- drive. I must be near a camp." Then the coyote stole away, leaving Old Man humming on.^

After a while, as Old Man was walking along, a girl saw him, and, as he was making queer signs, she went toward him. "What do you w^ant?" she said. \Mien Old Man heard the voice, he said, "I want you to come over here." Now Old Man tied up his eyes, and, when the girl came over, he said, "I wish you to lead me, for my eyes are sore." They went on until they came to some thick brush. Then Old Man said, " I will make a camp here." So he set up some poles as if to make a lodge. Then he went after more poles but, being unable to find the ones just set up, he started another shelter, and so on. Finally the girl said, "What are you doing?" Old Man said, "I am making several lodges, so you can have your choice."^ After a while he began to tie a rattle, made of hoofs, to the girl's dress- "WTiat are you doing now?" she said. "Oh," said he, "I am putting preventive medicine on you." Then they camped together. Old Man had hung the hoof-rattles on the girl to act as a bell, so that he could hear her and follow her. One day the bandage came off his eyes, and the girl saw that he had no eyes. WTien she found this out, she tried to run away from him. Old Man followed her by the sound of the rattles; but, when she discovered this, she took them off and threw them out from a steep bank over the river. Then Old Man followed the rattling that they made, and fell head first into the water .^

Now Old Man met Coyote, and said to him, "Brother, you loan me one of your eyes, and I will go and get some meat for both of us." Coyote agreed to this, and gave Old Man one of his eyes. Then Old Man went into a camp where there were people; but when they saw that one socket was empty, they were frightened and began to run away. Old Man ran after them, calling, "I will not hurt you; come back." But this only frightened them the more. At last, finding that he had scared the people, he was ven^ angry, and, going back to Coyote said, "Here, you are to blame for this. You* only gave me one eye, and scared all the people away." Sa then he took the other eye from Coyote.'

1 For a similar version, see Grinnell. op. cit., p. 153.

2 See Maclean, Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VI. p. 168.

3 See Grinnell, op. cit., p. 154. In the Arapaho tale, Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., pp. 60-52. Niira'^ga" loses his eves in the same greneral manner as indicated above, but borrows^ ev'es from small animals. l*he adventures with the ^irl and the coyote do not occur. In the Gros Ventre tale the incidents are somewhat similar to the Arapaho; Kroeber, op. cit., p. 70.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 31

14. Old Man and the Fire-Leggings.

One day Old Man was going along. He came to a lodge standing all by itself, and when he looked in he saw a great deal of dried meat. Looking around he saw hanging up a pair of leggings, which were made of rough buffalo-hide with many crow-feathers on the sides. Then he saw the owner ^ of the lodge, and said to him, 'My friend, give me those leggings." "No,' said the stranger, **I will not give them to you." "Yes, I must have them," said Old Man. " No," replied the stranger, "these old leggings are of no use to you." "Well, then," said Old Man, "let me sleep here." "Well," said the stranger, "you may do that." Now, that night, when the man was asleep, Old Man watched his chance, stole the leggings, tied them on his back, and ran off as fast as he could. He ran and ran until he was a great way off. "Now, then," thought he, "I am so far away that they can- not overtake me: so I will Ue down and sleep." All this time the leggings were on his back. After a while he woke up, and when he looked around, he saw that he was back in the lodge again.

It seems that the owner of the lodge, on awakening in the morning, saw Old Man sleeping with the leggings on his back: so he called to his wife and told her about it. The woman cooked some food, and, when all was ready, the man called out, "My friend, get up and eat!" Now, when Old Man awoke, he was surprised to find himself back where he started from. The man said, "Oh, my friend, what are you doing with my leggings on your back ?" Old Man got up, felt on his back, and, finding the leggings, said, "Well, I don't know how they came there, unless it is because your leggings like me." So he took the leggings oflf and gave them back to the man.^

Now Old Man wanted those leggings very much, so he decided to try again. The next night, as soon as every one in the lodge was asleep, he took the leggings, tied them on his back, and travelled as fast as he could until morning; then he lay down to sleep. After a while, he heard some one calling, and, when he looked around he was again back in the lodge. "Here," said the man, "what are you doing with my leggings on your back?" Now Old Man felt around in apparent surprise, and said, "Well, I do not know how they got there, unless your leggings like me so well that they get on my back during the night." "Well," said the man, "if the leggings like you so well I will give them to you. But they are not ordinary leggings: they are medicine-leggings. You must not wear them every day,

1 In a version by Grinnell, the leggings were said to belong to the Sun. op. cit., p. 167.

2 For a similar incident with Turtle and the magic robe, see Jones, Fox-texts, p. 301 ; also a magic quiver, Russell, op. cit., p. 215.

32 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, ['^ol. II,

but take them out vnih you when .you go to hunt. WTienever you find game in the brush, put on these leggings and run round and round. As you do this, the brush will take fire; but I warn you that you must never wear them except when* you have use for them."

Now Old Man was greatly pleased, so he took his leggings and started out. After a time he came to the camp of the Piegan. All the people were watching him. So he began to dress himself up to look fine. He said to himself, "Now, here are those leggings. I think I will wear them." So he put them on. Now he stftrted out, and at the first step, fire started in the grass. This frightened him very much, and he began to run, setting fire to everything. The faster he ran, the more fire there was. The people began to call out that Old ^lan was trying to bum them up. He ran as fast as he could, and at last succeeded in getting the leggings off. He threw them down on the ground, where they burned up. Then the fire went out.

So Old Man lost his leggings.

15. Old Man frightens a Bear.

One day, as Old Man was going along, he saw a bear digging roots. Then he hid behind a hill where the bear could not see him, and called out, "You dirty anus bear!" When the bear looked up, he saw nothing, and went on digging roots. Then Old Man called out again, "Oh, you dirty anus bear!" This time the bear looked around quickly and saw Old Man get behind the hill. He took after him at once. Old Man ran away as fast as he could with the bear at his heels. Finally he came to a large tree, and began to run round the tree with the bear after him. They kept on around the tree so long that a deep trail was worn in the ground. At last a buffalo-horn was uncovered in the trail. WTien Old Man saw thb, he picked it up, held it on his forehead, and, turning, rushed at the bear. This frightened the bear so much that he turned to run, and as he did so he defecated all over Old ]Man.^

16. Old Man gets fast in an Elk-Skull, and Loses his Hair.

One day Old Man was going along, when he came to an elk-skull on the ground. Inside of it were some white mice dancing. Old Man began to cr}% because he wanted to go in and dance with the mice. The Mice told him that he was too big to get in to dance, but that he could stick his head

1 For another version see Grinnell. op. cit., p. 157. A similar incident occurs among the Arikara, Dorsey, op. cit., p. 139, and the Cree, Russell, op. cit., p. 210.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 33

inside, and shake it which would be the same as dancing. "However," they said, "whatever you do, you must not go to sleep." So Old Man stuck his head into the skull; but he forgot and went to sleep, and, while he slept, the Mice chewed all his hair oflF. WTien Old Man awoke, he could not get the skull oflf his head, so he went into the river and swam along with the antlers sticking out of the water. In this way he passed a camp of Indians. Then he made a noise like an elk. The people shot at him, went into the water and dragged him out ; but when they had him on shore they saw that it was Old Man. Then they took a stone and broke the skull, that he might get his head out again. ^

17. Old Man cooks Two Babies.

Old Man came to a lodge in which there were some old women and two babies. The women asked him to get some meat for them. So he went out into the brush. He pulled hair out of his robe and scattered it around. Then he rubbed his buttocks on the snow until they bled, making the snow bloody. Then he returned to the lodge and told the women that he had killed something, and asked them to go out and bring in the meat. So they started out, leaving their babies in the cradles.

As soon as the women had gone. Old Man took out his knife, cut off the heads of the babies, and put their bodies into the pot. Then he put their heads back into the cradles, and fixed them as before.

When the women came back they said, "We cannot find the meat. The 5now was all bloody, with hair scattered around. The coyotes must have eaten it."

"Oh," said Old Man, "while you were gone, I got an antelope. It is <x)oking in the pot. Now be careful; don't wake the babies. I shall go after some wood." So Old Man went out, gathered a pile of wood, and blocked the door with it. Then he called out to the women, "Your babies are cooking in the pot."

The women rushed to the cradles and found it was true. Now they were very angry, and tried to get out by the door; but the wood was in the way. Old Man ran off .^ However, the old women soon got out of the lodge, and pursued him. WTien they were about to overtake him, he ran into a hole in the ground. Then the women sat down and cried.

While they were crying. Old Man came out of another hole, disguised

1 Similar tales are known to the Arapaho (Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., pp. 107-111). The Gros Ventre version is similar only in the main incident of the mice dancing in the skull <Kroeber, op. cit., p. 68). The Arikara have a similar tale (Dorsey, op. cit., p. 137).

This incident is found among the Gros Ventre (Kroeber, op. cit., p. 71).

34 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

himself, and came aromid to the women. "Well, my grandmothers," said he, "why are you sitting here?" Then the women related to him all that had happened. Then Old Man appeared to be very angry, and said, "I will go into that hole and kill him." Then he went into the hole, and while he was inside he made a great noise, as if a terrible fight was going on. At last everything was quiet, and after a time Old Man came out, saying, "Now he is dead."

Then Old Man requested the women to go down into the hole to bring out the body; but, as soon as they were under, he stopped up the entrance, made a fire, and suffocated them with smoke.'

18. Old Man's Escape.

Old Man came to a camp of the Piegan. He went up to a lodge. It was a chief's lodge. IxK)king in he saw no one but a giri asleep. He stole up and put excrement on her dress. The smell of it wakened her, and she requested Old Man to remove it.^

"Well," said Old Man, "I must have pay. I do not work for nothing."

The girl offered bows, arrows, and everything in the lodge; but Old Man refused each offer. Then she offered him her mother, sisters, etc.; but still he refused. Then she offered him her robe, her leggings, mocca- sins, etc. ; but he refused each in turn. Finally she had nothing but herself to offer. Old Man said he would be satisfied with that.

When the girl saw the size and length of Old Man's lariat, she was troubled, and asked him to tie a stick across it, near the end. This he did. While they embraced, he removed the stick. The girl was torn in pieces.^

Then Old Man went into the lodge of some old women. He tied up his head and pretended to be very sick. They cared for him.

When the chief returned to his lodge, he found his daughter dead, and from her condition knew that Old Man must have been there. He searched, and found him with the old women. When Old Man was accused, he pleaded sickness as a proof of innocence. Now the chief was suspicious. He decided to try an ordeal. Every one was to be required to jump a ditch, and the one who failed was to be considered guilty of the crime. As they were going out to the place of trial, Old Man met a bird, and induced it to exchange genitals with him.^ Then they went on to the place. When it

1 This tale aprees generally with two Arapaho versions (Dorsev and Kroeber op. clt., pp. 101-105). A general statement of its distribution is given in a footnote, ibid. p. 103. llie last incident is found in a Gros Ventre tale (Kroeber, op. cit., p. 43).

2 See Gros Ventre version (Kroeber, op. cit., p. 74). « See note p. 28.

< According to a Northern Blackfoot version, he concealed his guilt by placing them In the sky as a rainbow. See footnote p. 28.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 35

came the turn of the bird, he could not jump because of the unusual weight he carried. So he fell into the ditch. When they were about to execute the bird, he told what had been done. Then they were about to kill Old Man, but he offered to bring the giri to life again. The chief agreed to give him a trial. ^

When all was ready, Old Man placed two women at the door of the lodge, one on each side. They held stone mauls in their hands. On the outside he placed two men with spears. The other people were sitting around inside of the lodge. Then Old Man put two pieces of fat on the fire, and when they were hot he took one in each hand and whirled about, causing the hot grease to fly into their eyes. Then he sprang out of the door. As he passed, the women with mauls struck at him, but killed each other. The same thing happened to the two men with spears.

Old Man ran, but he was pursued by the men of the camp. After a time, the chase led by a place where some women were dressing hides. They caught him. Now Old ^lan was good at promising. He promised them elk-teeth, and they let him go. Soon the chase passed some young men playing the wheel-game. They caught him. He told them that he was not being pursued, but was running a race for some arrows. So they let him go. At last he got away.^

19. Old Man deceived by Two Women.

Now all the women knew that Old Man was a very bad character, and they always tried to avoid him. One day two women out picking berries saw Old Man coming, but saw no way to avoid him. So they decided to play dead. As Old Man was going along, he saw the two women lying on the ground, stopped, and said, "Poor women! These are nice women. It is too bad they are dead." Then he touched one of them, *'Oh, they have just died! They are still warm; something must have killed them. I wonder what it was." So he turned them over and over, but found no wounds. Then he began to remove their clothes, examining their bodies carefully. Finally he saw the vulva. Oh!" said he, "no wonder they died. Here are the wounds. They have been stabbed by a dagger." Then he put his finger in one of the wounds, took it out and smelled it. "No, he said, "it was not by a dagger that they were killed. They were shot by a gun, because I smell the burnt powder. Well," said he, "I pity these poor women. They were too young to die. I must try to doctor them

• For a tale almost identical with the preceding see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit, p. 73. 2 For another version, see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 159.

36 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

back to life again." So he took one of them on his back to carry her away to the doctoring place. One of her arms hung over his shoulder, and as she pretended to be dead, she allowed it to swing freely so that, as they went along, her hand beat his nose, making it bleed. At last, when Old Man came to a suitable place for doctoring, he put the woman down, and started back for the other one; but when he was halfway, both women jumped up and ran away. Then Old Man called out, **Oh, I thought you were dead! Don't run away. Come, play dead again."^

20. Old Max sees Girls picking Strawberries.

One day as Old Man was going along, he saw some giris picking berries at a distance. So he insinuated his long lariat along under the ground and up among the strawberries, the juice of which stained the protruding end.' As the girls were picking, one of them came to the protruding part, and exclaimed, "Oh, here is a big one!" She tried to pick it, but it could not be moved. The she called her companions to her aid, but without avail. They tried to eat it. At last one of them sat on it. Suddenly she was raised up and killed.^

21. Old Man pexem trans flumen mittit.

Old Man went on. After a time he saw a female beaver on the other side of the river asleep. He called the muskrat, and requested him to carry his lariat across and place it to the beaver. He directed the muskrat to pinch the end when properly placed. Now the muskrat began to swim across with his burden. The current was swift, and carried him down. At this Old Man scolded harshly, which made the muskrat very angry; so when he landed, he sought out a thicket of thorns in which he deposited his burden and did as directed. Old Man thrust with all his might. He ploughed out a deep trail.*

22. Old Man makes Buffalo laugh.

Old Man looked from Red Deer River over to Little Bow River. He saw some buffalo. He tied up his hair in knots, and crawled along on hands

1 Parts of this tale are known to the Crow (Simms, op. cit., p. 284).

• See part of a Crow tale (Simms, op. cit., p. 284). « See note p. 28.

• For similar tales, see Dorsey and Kroeber, Arapaho Myths, op. cit., pp. 63-64.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfooi Mythology. 37

and knees. The sight made the buffalo laugh. One of them laughed himself to death, and the Old Man butchered him.*

23. Adventures of Old Man.

As Old Man was travelling along, he saw a rock, and said, **Now I shall give you this robe." So he took off his robe and put it over the rock.^ Now Old Man was travelling with his little brother the Fox, and as they went on it began to look Uke rain, so Old Man sent his little brother back to get the robe. But when Fox came to the rock, and said that Old Man sent him for the robe because it was going to rain, the Rock said, "No, he gave it to me." Then Fox returned, and reported to Old Man. This made Old Man very mad. He hurried back to the rock, and jerked off the robe, saying, "You have been here many years without a robe, and now you will not give it back to me when I need it." Then Old Man went on. Presently he heard thunder. After a time Fox looked back and saw the rock rolling after them. Then they began to run. They ran as fast as they could. Presently Old Man saw some buffalo-bulls, and called on them for help. The bulls tried to stop the rock, but they were crushed. Then Old Man saw some bears, and called to them for help, but the bears could not stop the rock. Then Old Man saw some night-hawks, and called out to them for help. Then the night-hawks flew down, and each time they came near the rock they discharged their flatus, causing pieces to fly off. Finally the rock was broken to pieces, and from the inside came a bear and a bull [buffalo].'

Now old Man came to a river where he saw some young night-hawks in a nest. "Oh, yes!" said he, "it was your father and mother who spoiled all my fun. They broke to pieces the rock that was chasing me. Now I shall tear your mouths." So he widened their mouths. When the old birds came back, the young ones told them what Old Man had said. So they pursued him. When they overtook him, they circled around and defecated over him.

As Old Man ran to escape them, he met a man with leggings made of calf-skin. Old Man called out to him for help. Now those leggings were medicine, and the owner caused them to make a fire, which frightened the night-hawks away. Then the two men sat down. Old Man said, "Stranger, give me your leggings." "Well," said the man, "I will give them to you in winter. You will not need them in summer." Old Man insisted, and

1 Recorded among the Northern Blaekfoot by Dr. R. H. Lowie. For another version see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 170.

2 This account is in the form of a continuous narrative, repeating most of the incidents contained in the preceding tales. It was narrated by a North Piegan Indian.

3 This incident does not occur in other versions.

38 Anihropologieal Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IT,

finally the man said he would give them to him after a while.* "Well," said Old Man, "I am going over to the lodges you see yonder."

Now when Old Man came to the lodges, he said to the people, **Let us have a game." (This is a game in which the players move in a row. The leader carries a stick one end of which is on fire, and he strikes the stick, causing the sparks to fly around.) Now in this game Old Man led, and carried the stick. The people who were playing were deer and elk people. Then Old Man suggested that they play another game, *'\Mierever the leader goes." [In this game the players all follow the leader.] They played this until night. Finally they came to a very high bank. Now Old Man played a trick. He said, **Wait!" and crept down at another place; then, running up to the foot of the cliff, called out, ** You have not heard me for a while because I have been laughing. I found a nice soft place when I jumped down." So all the animals jumped down and were killed. There were some females among them about to become mothers, who begged Old Man to be allowed to go. At last he granted their request.

Then Old Man dried the meat and kept it. After it was all eaten up, he travelled on again. Finally he came to a place where some squirrels were playing at a game. The squirrels would be covered up by one of them with hot ashes. Old Man asked them to let him play, but they declined. At length they agreed. Finally Old Man requested that he be allowed to cover them all up at once. Now there was one female squirrel who was about to become a mother, and she begged so pitifully of Old Man to let her go, that he consented. As he did so he said, **I will do this that there may be more squirrels in the world." Then he covered all the squirrels with the ashes, and when they became too hot, they called out to be uncovered; but Old ^lan paid no attention to this. So they died. Then Old Man brought some red willows and made a scaffold upon which to put his meat. Hence, the red willow is greasy to this day. When he had put all the squir- rels out on the scaffold, he began to eat. Finally he could eat no more, but there were still many squirrels left. Now he went to sleep, and said to his anus, **If any one comes along, you make a noise and wake me up." So, whenever a bird or an insect came along, the anus made a noise, waking Old Man. This made him tired. Finally he was so sound asleep that he did not waken when the noise was made. Then a lynx came. He soon found the squirrels, and began to eat them.

Now when Old Man awoke, he was hungry, but found his meat gone. Then he was very angry. So he followed the tracks of the 1\tix, and soon found him sleeping on a flat stone. He caught the hiix, and tried to tear

1 Comparison with the preceding: narrative (No. 14) will show how the story of the fire- leggings is made a part of tlie plot in this continuous narrative.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 39

him in two by pulling on his front and hind legs, but did not succeed. Then he banged his nose on the rock, so that the lynx has a flat nose even to this day. Then he pulled out a bunch of hair from the pubes, and put it on the nose of the lynx for whiskers. Now Old Man was mad at his anus for all this. So he took a stick from the fire and rubbed it. This wood smells bad to this day.

Then Old Man started out but the bum was painful and he went up on a hill that the wind might fan it. There was no wind, so he rolled buffalo- chips down the hill in order to produce wind. At last the wind began to blow very hard, and he was carried along, bouncing up arid down. He caught hold of bushes and trees, but none of them were strong enough to hold him. At last he caught hold of the birch. This did not break, but held him bouncing up and down. When the wind went down. Old Man was very angry. He scolded the birch for being so strong. Then he took out his knife and slashed the bark. [The cause of the markings on the bark.]

Now the man who promised the leggings to Old Man came with them. He said, "You must not use them every day. Do not put them on unless you want to set things on fire. Wear them on the ice, and when you are hungry, dance and sing, and up will come food. But you must not do these things often." Old Man paid no attention to what was said, took the leggings, put them on, and began to dance, and when he* did so they took fire; so he took them off as quickly as he could, and gave them back to their owner.

At this time the women and the men were not married, and Old Man came to a place where the women were going to pick out husbands. Old Man stood among the men, but no one picked him out. This took place in a buffalo-drive. When Old Man found that he had not been chosen, he was very angr}'. He began to tear down the cliff; then he turned into a pine-tree, and has been there ever since.

40 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

II. STAR MYTHS.

1. The Twin Brothers, or Stars.^

A long time ago there was a man by the name of Smart-Crow. When he travelled, he always went by himself. One day after he was married he told his wife that in the future two children would be bom to them, both boys. He predicted that one of them would be an outlaw ( ?) and the other a good man. Smart Crow knew this, because a Crow had given him the information in a dream. This Crow also told him, that, before his two children were bom, an evil man >vould try to kill their mother. The Crow told the man that he must wam his wife. It said, '*This man will come to the lodge when you are away, and ask to come inside. Your wife must say nothing to him. He will repeat the visit four nights."" The next time Smart-Crow went out to hunt, he told his wife about this dream, and warned her not to speak to the strange man.

While Smart-Crow was away, the strange man came and stood before the lodge. After a while the woman thought to herself, "Why does not this man come in ?" Now, the stranger had great power. He read the woman's thoughts, and, as soon as she thought this, the man answered by saying, *'I will tell you why." So he entered the lodge and sat down, saying as he did so, '*I knew you wished me to come in." Now the woman began to cook some meat for the stranger, and when it was ready, she put it in some wooden bowls, and placed it before him. There were four kinds of bowls in the house. Some were made of hard knots of wood; some, of bark; some, of buflfalo-hom; and some, of mountain-sheep hom. After the woman had cooked the meat, she placed it before the stranger in a wooden bowl. The stranger looked at it and said, "That is not the kind of bowl from which I take my food." Then the woman took the food, and, putting it into a bark bowl, offered it to him again. "No," he said, "I do not take my food from bark." So the woman took the food, placed it in a bowl of buffalo-horn, and offered it to him for the third time. Again he refused » saying that he did not take food from homs. The woman took back the food, and, putting it in a bowl of sheep-horn placed it before him; but he refused to take food in such a dish. Now the woman was troubled, and looked about the lodge for something in which to serve the food. Finally she saw a piece from the hom of a moose, and offered him food upon it

» Sometimes spoken of as the Origin of the Four-Tail Lodge; also spoken of as the Dusty- Stars, or Puff-Bails. The Blackfoot have a curious belief that certain kinds of fungi are asso- ciated with the stars. Sometimes these fungi are spoken of as the "fallen stars." See pp. 19,. 42. 44. 60.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Black/oot Mythology. 41

This he refused ako. As she looked about for something else, she hap- pened to see a blanket. **That will not do, either," said the stranger. Then she offered her dress. "That is nearer the kind I must have," he said. Then the woman said, **Oh, well, I will put the meat on my belly." "All right," said the stranger. The woman then lay down on her back, and placed the meat on her belly. She was heavy with child. The stranger had a white stone knife, which he sharpened and began to cut the meat. Three times he cut the meat; but the fourth time he said, "I came near cutting you." The fifth time he cut the woman open. Then twin boys came out.

Thus the boys were bom. They were twins. The stranger took one of them, put him down near the ashes, and as he did so said, "You shall be called Ashes-Chief." Then he took the other, stuck him behind the lining of the lodge, and said, "You shall be called Stuck-Behind." Then the man went away. He carried a small lodge, with the skin of the running- fisher, for a flag.^

After a while Smart-Crow returned from his hunt^ bringing much buffalo- meat. As he came over the hill near his lodge, he saw no smoke rising from the smoke-hole. "Now," he said to himself, "I know what has hap- pened. I knew that woman would invite the stranger in." When he entered the lodge, he saw Ashes-Chief lying by the fire. While he was look- ing at his wife's body he heard the other infant crying behind the lodge-lining.

Now Smart-Crow was very angry, and rushed out in pursuit of the stranger. He followed his trail and soon overtook him. As he came up, he said to the stranger, "Now I shall kill you." "My friend," said the stranger, "I will restore her to }'ou." "I do not believe you," said Smart- Crow. "My friend, I tell you I will restore her," repeated the stranger. "I cannot beUeve it," said Smart-Crow. "My friend," said the stranger, "I will restore her to you." "You are a liar," said Smart-Crow. Then the stranger began to sing a song. The words of this song were as follows: —

" I am a great medicine [powerful]. Everything in the ground hears me. Everything in the sky hears me."

WTien Smart-Crow heard this song, he beUeved in the promise of the stranger. Then the stranger took the bundle from his back, and said, "I give you this lodge and the running-fisher skin." The stranger set up the lodge. There were four buffalo-tails hanging to hs sides. Two of these were cow-tails, and two were bull-tails. One of each hung in front, and

1 The medicine object for a painted lodge is often spoken of as a flag: i. e., an emblem hung from a pole.

42 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

also behind. This lodge was called the Four-Tail Lodge. The stranger told Smart-Crow that the hanging of the buffalo-taik on the lodge would make the buffalo range near it, so that the people would always have meat. The stranger transferred this lodge to Smart-Crow. He sat down upon a stump, explained the ritual to him, and also taught him the songs. Among other things he said, "The punk which you use to make fires is made of bark, and does not kindle quickly; take puff-balls (fungus) instead, for they are much better. They are the Dusty Stars. You are to paint these stars around the bottom of the lodge. At the top of the lodge you are to paint the Seven Stars on one side and the Bunch Stars on the other. At the back of the lodge, near the top, you must make a cross to represent the Morning Star. Then around the bottom, above the Dusty Stars, you shall mark the mountains. Above the door, make four red stripes passing around the lodge. These are to represent the trails of the buffalo."

When Smart-Crow had received all of the instructions belonging to the new lodge, and had learned all the songs, he went away with it and returned to his own lodge. He picked up Ashes-Chief, and said to a large rock lying near by, "I give you this child to raise." Then he pulled down the lining of the lodge, picked up Stuck-Behind, and called out to his friend the beaver, ** I give you this child to raise." So the rock and the beaver took the boys away.

The boys grew up. When they were about fifteen years old, Smart- Crow began to wish that he might have them with him again. He went out to get them back; but the boys were wild, and knew nothing about people. So, when the boys saw him coming, Ashes-Chief ran into the rock and Stuck-Behind into the beaver's house. Then Smart-Crow took some arrows from his quiver, laid them down near the rock, and concealed himself in the bushes. After a while, Ashes-Chief came out, saw the arrows, and looked curiously at them. As the boy was about to pick them up, Smart-Crow sprang out and caught him. Now Ashes-Chief had been raised by the rock, and was so strong for his age that Smart-Crow was scarcely able to hold him. He saw that his son would soon break away; so he said, ' Ashes-Chief, lick my hand, and you will know that I am vour father." Then Ashes-Chief licked his hand, stopped struggling, and said, "Yes, you are my father, and I will go with you"

Now Smart-Crow was anxious to secure Stuck-Behind, and ad'ised with Ashes-Chief as to how to proceed. Finally they decided to draw him out of the beaver's house by playing the hoop-game. Smart-Crow concealed himself near the house while Ashes-Chief began to roll the hoop back and forth hear the door. Stuck-Behind became curious to know about the hoop, and ventured out to play. WTien he was outside, Smart-Crow sprang

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 43

upon him, and held hira fast. Now, Stuck-Behind had been raised by the beaver, and for that reason was very hard to hold. Smart-Crow said to him, "Lick my hand, and you will know that I am your father." He did so, and recognized his father.

When the boys were at home with their father, their names were changed. Ashes-Chief was now called Rock, and Stuck-Behind was called Beaver. Rock was the e^^l ( ?) one, and Beaver the good one, as the Crow had told their father in the dream. One day Rock said to his father, **Make me a bow and two arrows." **\Tiat do you want with bows and arrows?" said Smart-Crow. "Well," said Rock, "Beaver and I wish to go out to hunt buffalo. While we are gone, you must go back to our old lodge where the bones of our mother lie, and cut a stick such as she used for stirring the meat when cooking. W^ait there for us until we bring the meat." Then Rock and Beaver went on their way to hunt.

Now, at this time, the people cooked in pots of clay. These were shaped •out of mud by the hands, and put in the sun to dry; then the kettle was rubbed all over with fat inside and out, and placed in the fire. When it was red hot, it was taken out, and allowed to cool. Such a pot was good for boiling. Rock told his father to take one of his mother's pots, fill it with water, and put it over the fire so that it might be ready for his mother to boil meat.

After a while the boys came up to their mother's lodge, where her skele- ton lay.^ They had a great deal of meat with them. Rock said, "Now, I shall take a little meat from each part of the buffalo, boil it in the pot, and then make medicine to put over the skeleton of our mother." Beaver said, "I shall help mother with the heart, the brains, and the marrow." Rock took up the tongue, blew his breath on it four times, and put in into the pot. Then he took up the other parts, one at a time, and did the same. The brains and marrow, however, he laid to one side, and did not put them into the pot. Rock said to Beaver, " I will help mother in two things and you may help her in the other two things." Now Smart-Crow was lying down in bed. The boys took his robe, and covered their mother's bones. Then the pot began to boil more than ever, and Rock said to his father, "Get up, call mother, arid tell her that her pot is about to boil over."

The father arose from his bed, went over to the place where the robe lay, and said, "Get up, woman! Your pot is about to boil over." The bones did not move. Then Beaver called, "Mother, get up quick! Your pot is boiling over." At this there was a little movement under the robe. Then Rock called out, "Mother, get up quick, and feed us!" At this there was

1 In former times the deati were often left in the lodge, while the whole camp moved to -another site.

44 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,.

much movement under the robe, and parts of the woman's feet could be seen beneath the edge. Now Beaver called to her, which made the fourth time, saying, ** Mother, get up quick! I have a heart, brains, and marrow for you to eat.*'

The woman sat up and drew a deep breath. **I have had a long sleep," she said. "I am very hungry: I shall eat." The boys gave her some of each part of the buffalo to restore her to life. For eyes, they gave her the inside of the eyes; for brains, they gave her the brains; for tongue, part of the tongue; for heart, part of the heart, and so on. When she had eatea all of these, she got up and set food before her children and Smart-Crow, as she had always done.

Then Smart-Crow said to his wife, " Let us move from this place, it is an unlucky place for us. Let us leave this lodge here and take the new one given me by the stranger. When this new lodge is up in a new place, make a sweat-house, that I may go through it, for we have a medicine-lodge now. I did not kill the stranger, because he promised to restore you to me, and gave me this new lodge. After all I have seen, I believe that this lodge is very powerful. You have been asleep for a long time. Your bones were bleached, now you are alive; and it is the power of this lodge that made you so. When we are old, we will give this lodge to Beaver; he is a good man. Rock, on the other hand, is no good, and he will not live long."

This happened out in the far north, when the Piegan lived there.

When the mother had put up the new lodge in a new place, she made a sweat-house. Smart-Crow put the skin of the running-fisher around his shoulders, painted his face, took off his breech-cloth and moccasins, and was ready to go through the sweat-house. Then he covered the sweat- house with the skin of the new lodge, that it also might be purified. When he came out of the sweat-house, he painted his wife and children, and, taking up the lodge, put it in place. When all this was arranged, the woman looked at the lodge, admiring it. **What are those round things at the bottom?" she said.

** Those," said Smart-Crow, "are for two purposes. They will help us to live long and to make fire quickly." When they had gone inside of the lodge, Smart-Crow said to his wife, "Now I shall teach you how to use the smudge." Then he took some moss from the pine-tree and laid it upoa the fire, singing a song. "You are to do this," he said, "every morning and every night. Also you must sing two seven-songs [fourteen] that I shall teach you."

Now all this time Smart-Crow had been away from his people ; but now he returned with his family and the new lodge. This created a great sensa- tion.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 45

Now the hoop that was used in catching Beaver was the big game-hoop. Rock and Beaver often played at this game. One day their father told them that they must not roll the hoop in the same direction as the wind. Then they went out to play. Now Rock said to Beaver, '* There is no reason why we should not roll this hoop with the wind. Nothing will happen if we do." "Oh," said Beaver, **our father requested us not to do this, and we should obey him." However, Rock paid no attention to what he said, and started the hoop in the direction of the wind. Now, the hoop continued to roll and roll. It would not stop, and as the boys followed along, waiting for it to fall, they were brought near a rock lodge. As the hoop rolled by, an old woman came out, took it in her hands, and invited the boys inside. They both went in.^

Now this old woman had some kind of power. She killed p)eoplc by suffocating them with smoke. As soon as the boys were seated, she took out a large pipe with a man's head for a bowl. Then she placed a great heap of wood on the fire, and, after shutting the door and the ears [smoke- hole] of the lodge, lighted the pipe and made a great smoke. Then the old woman said to the boys, ** Smoke with me." **No," said Rock. "You must," said the old woman, "because it is the custom for the guest to smoke with the head of the lodge."

Now this old woman was a cannibal, and the boys knew it. So Rock said to the old woman, "Well, I will smoke wuth you." But Beaver refused. Then the old woman gave back the hoop, which Beaver took and put over his head. Rock took out a yellow plume and tied it to his hair. Now both of these things had power. The hoop kept the smoke away from Bea- ver's head, so that his head was in a hollow place surrounded by thick smoke. The plume in Rock's hair whirled in the air, and kept the smoke from his face. Now the smoke was so thick at last that the old woman could not see. She did not know that the boys had such great power. It became so thick at last that she was almost suffocated herself. "Oh!" she said, "there is too much smoke." She tried to rise to open the door, but fell down dead. Then the boys went outside of the lodge, and called out as if talking to the old woman. In this way they made all manner of fun of her great power. Looking around, they found themselves near the rock that had raised Rock. Then Rock took an arrow from his quiver, spit upon the point, dipped it into the water, and, pointing toward the rock, asked it for help, sa'ing, "Make the arrow do what I wish." Then he threw the arrow at the lodge in which the old woman lived. It struck at the bottom, making a hole from which the water began to flow. The stream continued to increase in

» See Kroeber, Gros Ventre, op. cit., p. 109, where this incident appears as a separate tale.

46 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

size until it carried the lodge and rock away. Then the boys went home. Rock told his father everything that had happened, and laughed a great deal.

There was a tall tree upon which grew some fine berries. The father said to them, "You must not eat those berries." Some time after, when the boys were out by themselves, Rock looked up at the tree, and said to Beaver, **Come, let us get some of those berries.'' But Beaver said, "No. Every time father requests us to do a thing, you do the opposite." But as Rock insisted upon getting the berries, Beaver consented. Now, beneath this tree Uved a monstrous snake with a large horn in the middle of his head. When they came near the tree, Beaver was afraid, and said to Rock, "I da not wush to climb the tree. You get the berries." Then Rock began to climb the tree, and, when he was up in the branches, the snake came out of the bushes and began to climb the tree. When the snake came within reach, he tried to hook Rock; but, missing, his horn struck the tree and stuck fast. Then Rock broke the tree and twisted the trunk, which pulled out the snake's brains. This snake always killed people who came to gather berries. Then the boys took some of the berries and went home. Rock related the adventure to his father, and laughed as if it were but an incident.

Once they WTre forbidden to shoot at the morning-bird. Now the morning-bird was a very powerful creature; every one was afraid to do anything to him. One day when the boys were out, they saw this bird, but could not get at him as he was high in the air. Later they saw the bird near the ground, and Rock suggested to Beaver that they send an arrow after it. Again Beaver tried to persuade Rock to heed the commands of their father; but tvithout success. So Rock shot an arrow into the bird. It fell into the branches of a tree, almost within their reach. Rock stood upon a log and tried to reach the bird; but every time he tried, the bird got a little higher. Then he got upon a limb, and finally into the tree itself. Then, as he climbed the tree, the bird went higher and higher, and the tree became taller and taller, until Beaver, who stood upon the ground, could not see them. Now Beaver felt very much ashamed that he had yielded to his brother's folly. He did not feel like going home to tell his father, so he sat down by the tree and began to cry. When this happened, the boys were men, but Beaver cried so much at the foot of the tree that he became a dirty little ragged boy again.

At this time the Piegan were out looking for buffalo, but could find none. They w^re forced to live upon such berries as they could find. One day an old woman w-as out gathering berries when she heard a child crying.* Looking around, she found Beaver at the foot of the tree. He was almost

See Arapaho incident (Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 347).

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 47

starved. The old woman felt sorry for him, picked him up and took him home.^ She gave him to her daughter to care for, saying, **Here is my grandson. When he grows up, he will run errands for us. You jnust feed him." Now, as they had no meat from which to make soup for the child, the daughter gathered some old bones around the camp and boiled them in a kettle. A few days after this the chief of the camp, who had two beautiful daughters for whom there were many suitors, made a pubUc announcement. He said, "To-morrow morning a [prairie] chicken will sit upon a tall tree near the camp, and all the young men are to shoot at it with bows and arrows. The man who hits it first shall receive my eldest daughter for a. wife."

Now Beaver was a very dirty little fellow, he even defecated in bed, and every one in the camp talked about his uncleanness. When he heard what the chief said, he said to the old woman who found him, "Make me some arrows and I will try to hit the bird." "Oh, you dirty thing I" said the woman in disgust. "You are a disgrace to the camp; you would nauseate everybody. The girl would not have you anyway." The boy insisted that the arrows should be made for him; and, the fourth time he made the request, she made a bow and four arrows. All were very poorly constructed.

WTien the time came for the young men to try their skill at shooting, the little boy came among the crowd, wearing an old piece of skin for a robe. He was pot-bellied. His eyes were sore and dirty. The people made fun of him. "What can you do?" they said. "What brought you anj'way ?" So they threw dirt at him and mocked him. Then the shooting- began. One after the other, the young men discharged their arrows at the bird; but no one made a hit. Beaver looked at the bird in the tree, then discharged one of his arrow^s, which came near hitting the bird.

Now there was a man in the crowd called Crow- Arrow, who had never been able to get a wife. He observed that the boy had some kind of power, and envied his success. Then'he got his bow ready to discharge an arrow at the same time as the boy, and, in case the bird was hit, he would dispute the ownership of the arrow. W'hen the boy discharged his second arrow, Crow-Arrow discharged his also. The boy's arrow struck the bird, and it fell to the ground. Crow-Arrow, who was very swift, ran at once to the spot, pulled out the boy's arrow and put in his own. The people, who were all looking on, said, "No, it was the boy who hit the bird." Then they all went before the chief, and announced to him that the little dirty boy

J This incident in connection with part of the preceding is a version of the widely distrib- uted Found-in-the-Grass Myth. For a similar rendering, see Kroeber, Gros Ventre Myths,. op. cit., p. 77.

48 Anthropological Papers American Mvseum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

had won; but Crow- Arrow insisted that it was his arrow that killed the bird. The chief looked at the small dirty boy with disgust, and said to himself, '*I cannot have him for my son-in-law, even if he did hit the bird." Then he said to the people, ** Since there is a dispute about this, we will try something else. All the young men shall set wolf-traps, and whoever gets a black one or a white one shall be my son-in-law."

Beaver went home and asked his grandmother to make him a wolf-trap. The grandmother said, **Oh, you get away from here, you dirty boy! No wolf would ever go into a trap you touched." But as Beaver insisted, she fixed up a trap just back of the lodge. In the evening, Beaver went out to fix his trap, and when morning came there was both a black and a white wolf in his trap. Now Crow-Arrow had set a trap also, and in the morning found a black wolf in his trap. Crow-Arrow hurried to the chief with his prize; but when he got there he found Beaver with two wolves, one black and one white. "Well," said the chief, "there is no dispute about it this time. The little dirty boy must be my son-in-law."

So the eldest daughter was dressed up, her face painted, and taken over to the lodge where Beaver lived.

Now Beaver always defecated and urinated in his bed. WTien the girl saw him she was disgusted, for his eyes were dirty and his abdomen was very large; but she gave him some food. He ate, and immediately defe- cated in the bed. His grandmother cleaned him, and scolded. After a while the girl and Beaver went to bed, but he dirtied the bed as usual. When the girl awoke, the condition of the bed caused her to vomit. The girl said she would not live with such a husband as this, and went over to five with Crow-Arrow. WTien the chief heard this, he was yery angry, because he knew that the little dirty boy possessed some kind of power, for which reason his daughter should have kept her promise. So, to make amends, he sent his youngest daughter over to be the wife of Beaver. Now this girl was rather bashful, and when she came to the lodge where Beaver lived, she got behind the old woman, and, peeping out at him, whispered to the old woman, "I think that boy is very pretty. I shall stay with him because he is so nice, and I see no reason why my sister left him." Then she went to bed with Beaver. He did as before, but the girl got up and asked the grand- mother for a piece of robe to clean the bed. She was cheerful and kind.

Now all this time the people had been without meat, and the chief sent out the young men in ever' direction to look for buffalo, but none were seen. Beaver said to his wife, "You are to go home to-night and stay with your mother until I send for you." He said to his grandmother, "You also must go away from this lodge and not return until I call you. You must leave me alone here." As soon as they were gone, Beaver took some yellow

1908.] Wissler and DuvdU, Blackfoot Mythology. 49

paint, put it in the hollow of his hand, mixed it with water, and painted his entire body. Then he took hold of his hair, pulled it down and painted it. At once be became a man, as before. Before him stood the Four-Tail Lodge of his father. In it was a dress covered with elk-teeth for his wife, also a fine white robe for himself. There were beds and other furniture in the lodge. Then Beaver sent out for the old woman, his grandmother, and when she came up directed her to wait outside of the door. Then he brought out a fine dress covered with elk-teeth, and told her to put it on. As soon as she did this, she became a young woman again. Then he sent the grand- mother over to the lodge of the chief to call his wife. The young woman did not recognize the grandmother, but followed her as requested; and when she came to the strange lodge she also failed to recognize Beaver. Beaver explained to her what had happened, and told her that she was to be re- warded for her kindness to him when he was such a dirty little boy. He brought out to her a fine dress covered with elk-teeth, and, rubbing paint upon her hair, pulled it gently until it became very long. Then he sent his wife to her father. When she came in she said, ** Father, my husband is about to go out to drive the buflfalo over into the enclosure. There will be one white buffalo in the herd, and my husband requests that no one shoot it, but that it be roped and then knocked on the head so that no injury be done to the skin, for it is to be made into a robe.''

All the young men of the camp went out with Beaver to drive the buffalo. Crow- Arrow also went. Beaver took a white rock and placed it near the edge of the enclosure, then he took up a rock colored like the beaver, and placed it on the other side. Then he directed the young men to lay rows of rocks spreading outward from these two. Then they laid down between them some buffalo-chips. As they were putting down the last Beaver shouted four times. Everybody looked around. They saw a herd of buffalo, a white one and a beaver-colored one in the lead. Then the men hid behind the rocks. This was a buffalo-drive.^

When the people were going out with Beaver to prepare the buffalo- drive, Crow-Arrow came upon an old buffalo-carcass. He cut out some of the spoiled meat, aiid carried it back to the chief to make him believe that he had the power to get meat first. WTiile Crow- Arrow was on his way back, he heard the shouting and the noise of the buffalo going over. He ran up as quickly as he could, and saw the white buffalo already roped and about to be knocked upon the head. Looking around, he saw the beaver- colored one and shot it. WTien the buffalo were killed, Beaver called to his wife, directed her to take his arrows, rub them over the skin of the white

» See Arapaho incidents CDorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., pp. 349, 355, 374, 386).

50 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II ,

buffalo, and throw them away. These arrows were feathered with eagle- tails. As the woman threw them from her, all the young men fought for them, because they were regaided as very good medicine. When Crow- Arrow saw this, he directed his wife to take his arrows and do likewise with the skin of the beaver-colored buffalo. Crow-Arrow*s arrows were made of crow-feathers. Now when Beaver's wife rubbed the arrows over the skin of the white buffalo, it was made smooth and clean; but when the wife of Crow-Arrow rubbed the skin of the beaver-colored buffalo, it did not change. So when she threw her arrows away, no one seemed anxious to pick them up. Now the wife of Crow-Arrow, the same one who deserted Beaver, felt ashamed. She came close to Beaver, and said, **I wish you would give me some of your arrows to clean the skin." "No," said Beaver. *'Once I married you, but you refused to live with me or to clean me: now I shall not help you clean skins." When Crow-Arrow saw^ what had happened he was very angry, and went home with his wife. He was very angry be- cause Beaver seemed to have greater power than he. Now Crow-Arrow was a great medicine- man, and so he transformed himself and his family into crows, and they flew out at the top of their lodge. Then the crows flew around all of the lodges, and called out to the people in crow-language, "We shall starve you; we shall take all the buffalo away from you, and starve you to death."

After this no buffalo were seen in the country, because the crows took the buffalo over the mountains.^ Beaver and his people were soon driven to starvation; but the crows returned, flew around over their lodges and mocked them. So Beaver called the people together in council and said to the young men, "What can you do? Has any one power to bring back the buffalo ?" No one seemed to have such power. This was in the winter. Then Beaver said, "Let two young men go to the place where the beaver lives, cut a hole in the ice, build a fire and try to smoke the beaver out. Then I shall transform myself into a beaver and lie by the hole as if dead." The young men did as directed. During the night, Beaver went dow^n to the place, transformed himself into a beaver and lay down upon the ice as if dead. Part of the skin was pulled away, and his entrails could be seen. While he was lying there, Crow-[ Arrow] flew up, looked down, and said, "Oh, yes! I know your game. I know you. It is no use for you to try to get me in this way. Your people will starve. You think you are very smart, but you cannot get me. It is no use to try me .in that way, because I know too much." None of this made any impression upon Beaver, who

1 From this point forward, the narrative is similar to tlie Dog and the Stick (Grinnell, op. cit., p. 145). In that tale, Napiw«, or the Old Man, takes the part played by Beaver in the above. The incident occurs among the Arapaho as a detached story (Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 459).

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 51

looked precisely like a corpse. Then Crow said to himself, "Well, after all, I believe it is a real dead beaver/* He came down and looked closely at the corpse, and pecked at the breast and eyes. They were all frozen hard: he could not make a dent in them. So the Crow took up a piece of fat from the entrails. He flew to a place and began to eat. Then he said, ** Yes, it is a real beaver." Then Crow went back to the corpse and began to eat. Beaver lay still for a while, but suddenly transformed himself into a man, sprang upon the Crow and caught him. As he struggled, the Crow cried, "Let me go! let me go! I will get buffalo for you." "No," said Beaver, " you are a liar. I shall hold on to you this time. I shall surely punish you." So he broke the wing of the Crow, tool^ him home and tied him to the smoke-hole of the lodge. Then Beaver gathered a lot of birch- wood and threw it into the fire, making a very black smoke. Now, up to this time, all crows were white ; and while Crow was crying in the top of the lodge, "Oh, let me go! let me go! I will bring you buffalo surely," the smoke made him black, and crows have been black ever since. After Crow was as black as he could be, Beaver consented to let him go if he would call the buflFalo. Crow promised, but, as soon as he was released, he flew to the top of the lodge and called back, "I shall let you starve, I shall let you starve. I was just fooling."

Then the people of the camp scolded Beaver. They said, "You knew that he was a liar. You knew that he would not keep his word. You should have kept him fast until he produced the buffalo." "Well," said Beaver, "I will get the buffalo myself." One of the men said, "I should like to go with you." "What kind of power, have you?" said Beaver. "Well, I have some power," said the man. "I can transform myself into a swallow, a pup, and a spider." "Well, you have some power," said Beaver, "but I have greater power. I can transform myself into anything, but you may come with me."

Now, the name of this man was Little-Dog. He transformed himself into a swallow, and Beaver became a prairie-chicken. Then they started out to look for buffalo. As they went along, Little-Dog saw Crow's camp in the distance. Then he transformed himself into a spider, and, coming up to a man belonging to Crow's camp, inquired of him the whereabouts of Crow. The man informed him that he had gone over the mountain to live, and that there was a very high cliff behind them. Then Little-Dog transformed himst^lf into a swallow, and Beaver into a horse-fly. Together they flew over the cliff. Here they saw Crow's camp. While they were looking. Crow's people moved their camp. Then Little-Dog transformed himself into a spider, and Beaver became a pine-tree. Now the two watched a long time for the buffalo; but they saw no trace of them around Crow's

52 Anthropological Papers American Mvseum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

camp. One day they saw Crow go away. Then they went to the place where the camp was first seen, and Beaver transformed himself into a digging-stick, and Little-Dog became a pup. After a while the young daughter of Crow came out to look around the old camping-place. She found the digging-stick and the pup, and carried them home ^ith her. When she came up to her lodge, her mother was tanning a hide. The girl said to her, ** Mother, these things were left behind when we moved camp." So the woman thought no more of it, and the girl took the two into the lodge to play. Now the girl was very fond of the pup, and carried it about in her arms, with the digging- stick stuck on her back in the way that women carry babies. While the girl was placing with the pup, as children do, she raised up the edge of the bed. There was a deep hole under it, and, holding the pup over it, she said, "Pup, do you see that deep hole? Do you see all the buflFalo down there?" Now Little-Dog and Beaver looked down into the hole and saw where the buffalo were hidden. As the girl was looking over, the digging-stick slipped from her back into the hole, and pup grew into a large dog, so large that he slipped down of his own weight. The girl was very much frightened, but went away vs-ithout saving anything to her mother.

So Beaver and Little-Dog fell down into the hole. Beaver transformed himself into a man, and Little-Dog became a monstrous dog. At once he began to bark and chase the buffalo, and the man ran after them shouting. This frightened the buffalo so much that they dashed up through the hole and out upon the earth. There were so many buffalo that it took them a long time to get out; so that Crow returned while Beaver and Little-Dog were still driving buffalo. Crow knew who was driving them out, and took his station by the side of the hole, waiting to kill them. However, they were not to be caught so easily. Beaver caught hold of a buffalo, trans- formed himself into a stick, and concealed himself in the long hair of the neck. Little-Dog became a pup once more, and fastened his teeth in the long hair of the breast of a buffalo. Thus they were carried out, unobsen-ed by Crow.

Now the buffalo were running over the earth, they were restored to the people once more.^

After this, Beaver returned to his people. One day he told his wife that she must never put sagebrush on the fire as it was against his medicine ; but one day his wife forgot this, and threw the sagebrush into the fire while Beaver was away. When Beaver came in, he knew what had been done. He said to his wife, "Now, since you have used the sagebrush for the fire.

» The confinement of buffalo in a cave is an incident often found in the mythology of the buffalo area. For its recurrence in this collection see pp. 123, 124.

1908.] Wiasler and DuvaUy Blackfoot Mythology. 53

I must leave you and go to my brother. You will never see me here again." Then he took his white robe and a plume. He blew the plume up into the air and rose to the sky. His brother had been carried to the sky on the branches of a tree, and Beaver went up to him. Now they are both stars. Every night we see two large stars side by side : these are the two brothers, Ashes-Chief and Stuck-Behind.

2. Blood-Clot, or Smoklng-Star. ^

Once there was an old man and woman whose three daughters married a young man. The old people lived in a lodge by themselves. The young man was supposed to hunt buflPalo, and feed them all. Early in the morn- ing the young man invdted his father-in-law to go out with him to kill buflFalo. The old man was then directed to drive the buffalo through a gap where the young man stationed himself to kill them as they went by. As soon as the buffalo w^ere killed, the young man requested his father-in-law to go home. He said, "You are old. You need not stay here. Your daughters can bring you some meat." Now the young man lied to his father-in-law; for when the meat was brought to his lodge, he ordered his wives not to give meat to the old folks. Yet one of the daughters took pity on her parents, and stole meat for them. The way in which she did this was to take a piece of meat in her robe, and as she went for water drop it in front of her father's lodge.

Now every morning the young man in\dted his father-in-law to hunt buffalo: and, as before, sent him away and refused to permit his daughters to furnish meat for the old people. On the fourth day, as the old man was returning, he saw a clot of blood in the trail, and said to himself, "Here at least is something from which we can make soup." In order that he might not be seen by his son-in-law, he stumbled, and spilt the arrows out of his quiver. Now, as he picked up the arrows, he put the clot of blood into the quiver. Just then the young man came up and demanded to know what it was he picked up. The old man explained that he had just stumbled, and was picking up his arrows. So the old man took the clot of blood home and requested his wife to make blood-soup. When the pot began to boil, the old woman heard a child crying. She looked all around, but saw nothing. Then she heard it again. This time it seemed to be in the pot. She looked in quickly, and saw a boy baby: so she lifted the pot from the fire, took the baby out and wrapped it up.

» This is a widely distributed tale, and very popular among Plains tribes. A footnote to an Arapaho version (Dorsey and Kroeber, op. clt., p. 298) gives its general distribution The version given here is in close agreement with a Gros Ventre rendering (Kroeber, op. cit., p. 82).

54 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. f'ol. II,

Now the young man, sitting in his lodge, heard a baby cning, and said, **Well, the old woman must have a baby." Then he sent his oldest wife over to see the old woman's baby, sa\ing, ** If it is a boy, I will kill it." The woman came in to look at the baby, but the old woman told her it was a girl. When the young man heard this, he did not believe it. So he sent each wife in turn; but they all came back with the same report. Now the young man was greatly pleased, because he could look forward to another wife. So he sent over some old bones, that soup might be made for the baby. Now, all this happened in the morning. That night the baby spoke to the old man, saving, **You take me up and hold me against each lodge-pole in succession." So the old man took up the baby, and, beginning at the door, went around in the direction of the sun, and each time that he touched a pole, the baby became larger, ^^len halfway around, the baby was so hea\y that the old man could hold him no longer. So he put the baby down in the middle of the lodge, and, taking hold of his head, moved it toward each of the poles in succession, and, when the last pole was reached, the baby had become a very fine young man. Then this young man went out, got some black flint [obsidian] and, when he got to the lodge, he said to the old man, "I am the Smoking-Star. I came down to help you. When I have done this, I shall return."

Now, when morning came, Blood-Clot (the name his father gave him) arose and took his father out to hunt. They had not gone very far when they killed a scabby cow. Then Blood-Clot lay down behind the cow and requested his father to wait until the son-in-law came to join him. He also requested that he stand his ground and talk back to the son-in-law. Now, at the usual time in the morning, the son-in-law called at the lodge of the old man, but was told that he had gone out to hunt. This made him very angry, and he struck at the old woman, sa\ing, **1 have a notion to kill you." So the son-in-law went out.

Now Blood-Clot had directed his father to be eating a kidney when the son-in-law approached. Wien the son-in-law came up and saw all this, he w^as very angry. He said to the old man, *'Now you shall die for all this." **Well," said the old man, **you must die too, for all that you have done.'' Then the son-in-law began to shoot arrows at the old man, and the latter, becoming ' frightened, called on Blood-Clot for help. Then Blood-Clot sprang up and upbraided the son-in-law for his cruelty. **Oh," said the son-in-law, *'I was just fooling." At this Blood-Clot shot the son-in-law through and through. Then Blood-Clot said to his father, **We will leave this meat here: it is not good. Your son-in-law's house is full of dried meat. Which one of your daughters helped you ?" The old man told him that it was the youngest. Then Blood-Clot went to the lodge, killed the

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfooi Mythology. 55

two older women, brought up the body of the son-in-law, and burned them together. Then he requested the younger daughter to take care of her old parents, to be kind to them, etc. ^ *'Now," said Blood-Clot, '' I shall go to y\sii the other Indians."

So he started out, and finally came to a camp. He went into the lodge of some old women, who were very much surprised to see such a fine young man. They said, "Why do you come here, among such old women as we? Why don't you go where there are young people?" "Well," said Blood- Clot, **give me some dried meat." Then the old women gave him some meat, but no fat. "Well," said Blood-Clot, "you did not give me the fat to eat with my dried meat." "Hush!" said the old women. "You must not speak so loud. There are bears here that take all the fat and give us the lean, and they will kill you, if they hear you." "Well," said Blood-Clot, "I will go out to-morrow, do some butchering, and get some fat." Then he went out through the camp, telling all the people to make ready in the morn- ing, for he intended to drive the buffalo over [the drive].

Now there were some bears who ruled over this camp. They lived in a bear-lodge [painted lodge],^ and were very cruel. When Blood-Clot had driven the buflfalo over, he noticed among them a scabby cow. He said, **I shall save this for the old women." Then the people laughed, and said, **Do you mean to save that poor old beast? It is too poor to have fat." However, when it was cut open it was found to be very fat. Now, when the bears heard the buffalo go over the drive, they as usual sent out two bears to cut off the best meat, especially all the fat; but Blood-Clot had already butchered the buffalo, putting the fat upon sticks. He hid it as the bears came up. Also he had heated some stones in a fire. When they told him what they wanted, he ordered them to go back. Now the bears were very angry, and the chief bear and his wife came up to fight, but Blood-Clot killed them by throwing hot stones down their throats. Then he went down to the lodge of the bears and killed all, except one female who was about to become a mother. She pleaded so pitifully for her life, that he spared her. K he had not done this, there would have been no more bears in the world. The lodge of the bears was filled with dried meat and other property. Also all the young women of the camp were confined there. Blood-Clot gave all the property to the old women, and set free all the young women. The bears' lodge he gave to the old women. It was a bear painted lodge.

1 The preceding is similar to a version by Maclean, The Indians of Canada, 1892, p. 169. This author passes over the other parts of the story with "Kutoyis eninloyed all his time in driving the evil out of the world.' See, also, the same author, Journal or American Folk-Lore, Vol. VI. p. 167.

For a note on these lodges, see p. 92.

56 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

"Now," said Blood-Clot, "I must go on my travels." He came to a camp and entered the lodge of some old women. When these women saw what a fine young man he was, they said, "Why do you come here, among such old women? Why do you not go where there are yoimger people?" "Well," said he, "give me some meat." The old women gave him some dried meat, but no fat. Then he said, "Why do you not give me some fat with my meat?" "Hush!" said the women, "you must not speak so loud. There is a snake-lodge [painted lodge] here, and the snakes take everything. They leave no fat for the people." "Well," said Blood-Clot, "I will go over to the snake-lodge to eat." "No, you must not do that," said the old women. "It is dangerous. They will surely kill you." "Well," said he, " I must have some fat with my meat, even if they do kill me." Then he entered the snake-lodge. He had his white rock knife ready. Now the snake, who was the head man in this lodge, had one horn on his head. He was lying with his head in the lap of a beautiful woman. He was asleep. By the fire was a bowl of berry-soup ready for the snake when he should wake. Blood-Clot seized the bowl and drank the soup. Then the woman warned him in whispers, "You must go away: you must not stay here." But he said, "I want to smoke." So he took out his knife and cut off the head of the snake, saying as he did so, "Wake up! light a pipe! I want to smoke." Then with his knife he began to kill all the snakes. At last there was one snake who was about to become a mother, and she pleaded so piti- fully for her life that she was allowed to go. From her descended all the snakes that are in the world. Now the lodge of the snakes was filled up with dried meat of every kind, fat, etc. Blood-Clot turned all this over to the people, the lodge and everything it contained. Then he said, "I must go away and visit other people."

So he started out. Some old women advised him to keep on the south side of the road, because it was dangerous the other way. But Blood-Clot paid no attention to their warning. As he was going along, a great wind- storm struck him and at last carried him into the mouth of a great fish.^ This was a sucker-fish and the wind was its sucking. WTien he got into the stomach of the fish, he saw a great many people. Many of them were dead, but some were still alive. He said to the people, "Ah, there must be a heart somewhere here. We will have a dance." So he painted his face white, his eyes and mouth with black circles, and tied a white rock knife on his head, so that the point stuck up. Some rattles made of hoofs were also brought. Then the people started in to dance. For a while Blood-Clot sat making wing-motions with his hands, and singing songs. Then he stood

1 For a similar incident, see J. O. Dorsey, op. cit., p. 34.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 57

up and danced, jumping up and down until the knife on his head struck the heart .^ Then he cut the heart down. Next he cut through between the ribs of the fish, and let all the people out.

Again Blood-Clot said he must go on his travels. Before starting, the people warned him, sa\nng that after a while he would see a woman who was always challenging people to wrestle with her, but that he must not speak to- her. He gave no heed to what they said, and, after he had gone a Uttle way, he saw a woman who called him to come over. *Xo," said Blood-Clot. "I am in a hurry." However, at the fourth time the woman asked him to- come over, he said, ** Yes, but you must wait a little while, for 1 am tired. I wish to rest. When I have rested, I will come over and wrestle with you.'^ Now, while he was resting, he saw many large knives sticking up from the ground almost hidden by straw. Then he knew that the woman killed the people she wrestled ^ith by throwing them down on the knives. When he was rested, he went over. The woman asked him to stand up in the place where he had seen the knives; but he said, *'No, I am not quite ready^ Let us play a Uttle, before we begin." So he began to play with the woman, but quickly caught hold of her, threw her upon the knives, and cut her in two.

Blood-Clot took up his travels again, and after a while came to a camp where there were some old women. The old women told him that a little farther on he would come to a woman with a swing,^ but on no account must he ride with her. After a time he came to a place where he saw a swing on the bank of a swift stream. There was a woman swinging on it. He watched her a while, and saw that she killed people by swinging them out and dropping them into the water. When he found this out, he came up to the woman. "You have a swing here; let me see you swing," he said. "No," said the woman, "I want to see you swing." "Well," said Blood- Clot, "but you must swing first." "W^ell," said the woman, "Now I shall swing. W^atch me. Then I shall see you do it." So the woman swung out over the stream. As she did this, he saw how it worked. Then he said ta the woman, "You swing again while I am getting ready; " but as the woman swung out this time, he cut the \dne and let her drop into the water. This happened on Cut Bank Creek.'

"Now," said Blood-Clot, "I have rid the world of all the monsters, I will go back to my old father and mother." So he climbed a high ridge, and returned to the lodge of the old couple. One day he said to them, "I shall

» This is regarded as the origin of a ceremony known as the "dance of the spirits of the dead," or "ghost dance." The knife tied on the head is said to glisten or give off light, like a halo (smoke), hence the name Smoking-Star.

2 For a different rendering, see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 37. However, the swing is found among the Gros Ventre (Kroeber, op. cit., p. 87) and the Fox (Jones, op. cit., p. 103).

« Grinneirs version contains another Incident. After this adventure. Blood-Clot is eaten four times by a cannibal. In each case the bones are restored to life by a little girl. After the fourth restoration Blood-Clot kills the cannibal (op. cit., p. 37).

58 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. ['ol. II,

go back to the place from whence I came. If you find that I have been killed, you must not be sorry, for then I shall go up into the sky and become the Smoking-Star." Then he went on and on, until he was killed by some Crow Indians on the war-path. His body was never found; but the moment he was killed, the Smoking-Star appeared in the sky, where we see it now.

3. The Fixed Star.

One summer night when it was very hot inside the lodge, two young women went outside to sleep. They woke up before daylight and were looking up at the sky, when one of them saw the Morning Star. She said to her companion, **That is a very bright star. I should like him for a husband." She soon forgot what she had said. In a few days these two young women went out from the camp to gather wood, ^^len they had made up their packs and were drawing them up on their shoulders vnth the pack-straps, the strap broke that belonged to the girl who said she wished the Morning Star for her husband. Every time she made up her bundle and raised it to her back, the strap would break. Her companion, who was standing by her side with her pack on her shoulders, began to grow weary. She said, " I shall go on with my load: you can follow."

When the young woman was left alone, and had made up her bundle again, a handsome young man came out of the brush. He wore a fine robe made of beaver-skins, and had an eagle-plume in his hair, ^^len the young woman started to go on, he stepped in front of her. ^^lichever way she turned, he headed her off. Finally she said to him, '*^^ly do you head me off?" The young man replied, **You said you would take me for your husband." '*No," said the young woman, **you must be mistaken. I never had anything to. do with you. I do not know you." **I am the Morning Star," said the stranger, "and one night, when you looked up at me, you said that you wished me for a husband. Now I have come for you." "Yes, I did say that," said the young woman. So she consented to go away with him. Then Morning Star put an eagle plume in her hair, and told her to shut her eyes. Then they went up into the sky.

Now the Sun was the father of the Morning Star and the Moon was his mother. When they came into the lodge, Morning Star said to his parents, **I have brought a wife with me." The parents were pleased with what their son had done. Moon gave the young wife four berries and a few drops of water in a little shell. These were given to her to eat and to drink. Though the young woman was very hungry, she could neither eat all of the berries nor drink all of the water, because these berries were all the food

1908.] Wissler and Durall, Blackfoot Mythology. 59

there was in the world and the shell contained all the water there was in the ocean (?).

After a time, Moon said to her daughter-in-law, **Xow I shall give you a root-digger, and you may go out to dig roots ; but you are not to dig that big turnip there, because it is medicine [natoji'wa]." So the young woman went about the sky country digging roots for their food. She often looked at that fine large turnip growing there, and was curious to know why she was forbidden to dig it up. In course of time she gave birth to a child. One day, when it was old enough to sit alone» she said to herself as she went out to dig roots, '' Now no one will know about it if I do dig it up." So she stuck her digging-stick into the ground under the turnip; but, when she tried to raise it, the stick would not move. WTien she found that she could not get the stick out, she began to cry. Then two large white cranes flew down; one was a male and the other a female. The young woman prayed to them for help to get her root-digger out of the ground. Then the Crane- Woman^ said, When I married I was true to my vow. I never had anvthing to do with any other man than my husband. It is because of this that I have power to help you. Your mother ^ gave you this digging- stick. Now I shall teach you the songs that go with it. Then Crane-Woman made a smudge, took the hands of the woman into her own, and, while she sang the songs, placed them upon the digging-stick. Then Crane- Woman pulled out the stick, and, marching around in the direction of the sun, made three move- ments toward the turnip, and with the fourth dug it out. Now the young woman took the digging-stick and the turnip home with her. When they saw what she had, they reprimanded her. Morning Star said to her, **\Tiat did you see when you dug out this turnip ?'* The woman replied, ** I looked down through the hole and saw the earth, the trees, the rivers, and the lodges of my people."

'*Now," said Morning Star, **I cannot keep you any longer. You must take the boy with you and go back to your people; but when you get there you must not let him touch the ground for two-seven [fourteen] days. If he should touch the ground before that time, he will become a puff-ball [a fungus], go up as a star, and fit into the hole from which you dug the turnip. He will never move from that place, like the other stars, but will always be still."

Sun said to her, "I shall call in a man to help you down to the earth." After a while a man came with a strong spider-web, to one end of which he

1 In all Blackfoot narratives where animals take important parts in medicine procedure, it is assumed that they are persons in diss:iiise, and "become as people."

a In all ceremonial ^fls or transfers, the ^iver is spoken of as a father or mother, according to the sex; hence the thoui?ht is, that this digging-stick was not an ordinary gift, but carried with it ceremonial obligations.

60 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [V'^ol. 11^

tied the woman and the boy, and let them down through the hole from which the turnip was taken. The woman came down over the camp of her own people. The young men of the camp were placing at the wheel-game. One of them happened to look up into the sky, where he saw something^ coming down. Now this young man had very poor eyes, and, when he told his companions that something was coming down from the sky, they looked, and, seeing nothing, made sport of him. As he still insisted, they, in derision, threw dirt into his eyes. But after a while they, too, saw something coming- down from the sky. As the woman reached the ground in the centre of the camp, some one, recognizing her, called out, "Here is the woman who never came back with her wood." Then all her friends came out to meet her, and her mother took her home.

Now, before the woman left the sky, Morning Star told her, that, since she had made one mistake in digging up the turnip, she would no doubt make another mistake, and allow the child to touch the ground before the time was up. So he adnsed her to make the sign of the Morning Star on the back of her lodge, so that she might be reminded daily of her duty. (The doors of the lodges at that time faced the sun, and the sign of the Morning Star was to be made upon the back of the lodge, because he always travels on the other side from the sun.)

The young woman kept careful watch over the boy for thirteen days. On this day her mother sent her out for water. Before going out, the young^ woman cautioned her mother to keep the child upon the bed, and not allow him to touch the ground. Now the grandmother was not so careful, be- cause she did not understand the reason for watching the child; and while her back was turned he crawled out upon the ground, ^^len she saw him, she caught him up, putting him back on the bed as quickly as she could. This seemed to make the child angr>% for he pulled the robe up over himself. The grandmother paid no further attention to him.

Now, when the boy's mother came back, she looked around, and said, "WTiere is my child?' "Oh, he covered himself up with a robe,' said the grandmother. The young mother rushed to the bed, pulled back the robe, and found nothing but a puff-ball [fungus]. She caught this up, and carried it in her bosom all the time.

That evening when the stars came out, she looked up into the sky. A new star stuck in the hole from which she pulled the turnip. Then she knew what had become of her child.

This is the way the Fixed Star came to be.

After this the woman painted circles around the bottom of her lodge to represent the puff-ball, or the Fallen Star [the one that came down]. She had already painted the Morning Star on the back of her lodge. This is

1908.] Wiasler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 61

why the people paint their lodges in the way that you see them. Also this woman brought down the turnip and the digging- stick. Crane-Woman taught her the songs that go with them and their use in the sun-dance. This was the beginning of the medicine-woman [leader in the sun-dance].

Many years after, this woman, while holding the sun-dance, made another mistake. She took some of the offerings from the sim lodge. ^\Tien she did this, she died.^

4. Scar-Face.

(a) Version by a Piegan Man.

Once there was a very poor young man who lived with his sister. He had a chum. In the camp was a very fine girl, the daughter of a chief, with whom all the young men were in love. Now the poor young man was in love with her also, but he had a long, ugly scar on his cheek. One day he asked his sister to go over to the chiefs lodge to persuade the girl to marry him. Accordingly, the sister went over; but when the girl found out what she wanted, she said that she was willing to marry Scar-Face whenever that ugly scar disappeared. She made all manner of fun of Scar-Face.

Now the sister returned and told Scar-Face what the girl had said. He was very much hurt, and decided to go away to seek some one who could aid him in removing the scar. Yet, though he travelled far, no one could tell him where to go for aid. At last he decided to go to the Sun. So he travelled on and on, and the farther he went, the blacker the people became. As he went along, he inquired for the Sun's house. Always he was told to go on until he came to a very high ridge where some people lived who could tell him the whereabouts of the Sun's house. At last Scar-Face came to this ridge. There he saw a nude man with very black skin and curly hair. Scar-Face called to him, "Where is the Sun's lodge?" **It is at the end of this ridge," said the black man. **But go back! go back! You will be burned very badly!" Scar-Face said, *'Well, I shall go on anyway; it is better to die than to go back." " Look at me!" said the black man. "You can see how I have been burned black. You had best take my advice and go no farther." "Where do you live?" asked Scar-Face. "I have a cave to live in," replied the black man. "I stay in this cave when the sun is hot, otherwise I should be burned up." (It was just about sundown that Scar- Face met the black man.) The black man advised him to travel only at night.

• The account of the woman who married a star as the result of a wish occurs in the mythol- ogy of many tribes. Its general distribution having been staled in the traditions of the Arapaho ^Dorsey and Kroeber, on. cit.. p. 338). This version agrees fairly well with the Dalcota rendermg recorded by Riggs, op. cIt., p. 83.

62 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Now Scar-Face went on towards the place where the Sun lived. Pres- ently he saw a young man standing alone. The young man called to Scar- Face, **\Tiere are you going?*' "I am going to the Sun," said Scar-Face. "Oh!" said the young man. **Sun is ifiy father, this is his house." (This young man was Morning Star.) *My father is not a good man. He is not at home now, but when he comes in the morning he will surely kill you. However, I will talk with my mother, who is a good woman and will treat you kindly." Then Morning Star took Scar-Face up to his father's lodge, and addressed his mother, saying ** Mother, I have brought a strange young" man here. I wish him for a companion. He has come a long way to find us, and I wish you would take pity on him, that I may enjoy his company."^ "Well," said his mother, "bring him in. We will talk to your father when he returns; but I fear we shall not be able to keep the young man."

When Scar-Face was taken into the lodge, he saw on the ground a kind of earthen square, some cedar-brush, and buffalo-chips. This was the Sun's smudge-place. After a time the old woman, who was Moon, said to Scar- Face, "Is there an>thing that you especially care for?" "Yes," answered Scar-Face, "I want this scar taken from my face." "Well,"^ replied Moon, "it is about time for my husband to come in. If he take pity on you — well, we shall see." In a little while Moon said, "Now he is coming." Then she took Scar-Face to one side of the lodge and covered him up with cedar. Now Scar-Face began to feel very warm, because Sun was approaching. He began to shift about under the cedar, but Moon whispered that he must be quiet. So he lay very still, but became very hot as Sun came up. Finally Moon said to Scar- Face, " Now Sun is at the door." Sun looked into the lodge and said, "Oh, my, this lodge smells bad!'* "Yes," Moon replied. "Morning Star has a chum here." "Well," said Sun, "make a smudge with cedar."

After this had been done. Sun entered the lodge. Now Scar-Face was very hot. Finally Sun said, "Where is that young man?" "We covered him up," said Moon. "Come," said Sun, "get up." Then Scar-Face came out from under the cedar. He could not look Sun in the face. As Sun looked upon him, he knew that this was a poor unfortunate boy, and took pity on him. The heat then grew gradually less.

Now it seems that Morning Star was out on one of his journeys, and Sun waited for his return. When Morning Star came into the lodge and sat down in his usual place, Sun addressed him, saying, "My son, do you wish this young man for a companion?" Then Morning Star said that he did very much, as he wished for a companion to go about with him. He was

J The idea is. that he was firm, and not moved by pity or sympathy.

1908.] Wissler ami DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 63

lonesome on his journeys. "Well," said Sun, "you must make a sweat- house." Then Morning Star went out and prepared a sweat-house. When all was ready, Sun went out. He had a disk of metal at the back of his head. This disk looked like brass. Then Sun went into the sweat-house and began to wipe off the metal disk. Then he brought Morning Star and Scar-Face into the sweat-house. When they were in, the covers were closed down. At last, when all was ready, the covers were raised and the light let in. The two boys now looked alike.

Now, Moon came out, and Sun said to her, "Which is Morning Star?'* Moon looked at them for a moment, then pointed at one; but she made a mistake, for she pointed at Scar-Face. "Oh!" said Sun "you are a foolish woman! This is the star you mistook for Morning Star. After this, his name shall be The-one-you-took-for-Moming Star."

Now Scar-Face staid with his new companion at Sun's house. Sun told him that he could go anj'where in the sky-land except straight west or straight down: he could go in any other direction. One morning, when Morning Star and Scar-Face were out together, Scar-Face said, "Let us go that way," pointing to the west. "No," replied Morning Star. "It is dangerous. My father said we must not go there." "Oh," said Scar-Face, "let us go anvway." Morning Star refused, but at the fourth request he said, "All right, let us go." So the two boys went in the forbidden direction, and presently they came to a place where there were seven large white geese. At once the birds attacked them. Morning Star ran, calling out, "Now you see." Scar-Face did not run, but killed the seven geese with his club, and ran home. Before he reached home, he overtook Morning Star, and said to him, "There is no danger now. I killed all of these birds."

WTien they reached home. Morning Star told his mother what Scar-Face had done, but she said to Scar-Face, "I will not believe you until you get their heads." So the boys returned and took the heads of the seven birds. (This is supposed to be the origin of scalping, and no one will believe that an enemy is killed until his scalp is produced.)

Some time after this, Scar-Face and Morning Star went out together as before, and Scar-Face said, " Let us go that way again." "No," said Morn- ing Star. " It will be more dangerous than before." Scar-Face insisted, and at the fourth request. Morning Star consented. As they were going along, they saw seven cranes. When the cranes saw the boys, they took after them. Morning Star ran as fast as he could. These cranes were terrible looking birds, and Scar-Face w^as badly frightened; but he took off his robe and held it in front of him. As the cranes came up, they began to peck at the robe, whereupon Scar-Face struck them one by one with his club.

Now when Scar-Face reached home, Sun was there and asked where he

64 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [V'ol. II,

had been. Scar-Face said that he was walking along when some large cranes took after him, and that he had killed them all with his club. " Oh I" said Sun, **I will not believe it until you have shown me their heads." So Scar-Face returned to the scene of his conflict, and brought away the heads of the cranes. When Sun saw the heads, he believed him. Sun was greatly pleased at the courage of Scar-Face, and brought out a bundle. "Here," said he, **are some clothes for you, — a shirt and leggings. These I give you because you have killed some very dangerous and troublesome birds." Then Sun took up the leggings, and painted seven black stripes on them, saying, " I make these here as a sign that you killed enemies. All your people shall wear black stripes on their leggings when they kill enemies." Then Sun sang some songs which were to go with the clothes.

After a time, Scar-Face said to Sun, "Now I should like to return to mv people. I have been here long enough." "All right," said Sun. "You may go." Then Sun took Scar-Face out, put a hoop or ring of cedar around his head, and, as soon as the hoop was on, Scar-Face found that he could see down to his people. "Now," said Sun, "shut your eyes." Scar-Face shut his eyes. WTien he opened them, he found himself down by the camp of his people. Now in the camp at that time there were some Indians who were playing at the wheel-and-arrow game; and one of the players, looking up, saw a black object coming down from the sky. He called out, "Oh, look at that black thing!" Then all stopped to look. They saw the object coming closer and closer. At last it reached the ground, some distance from them. It appeared to be a person. Then the old chum of Scar-Face, who was among the young men playing at the wheel-game, recognized Scar-Face, and rushed up to him; but, as he approached, Scar-Face said, "Go back! Go back! Do not touch me. You must get some willows, and make a sweat-house out here from the camp."

Then the chum went back to the people of the camp and explained to them. A sweat-house was prepared. When all was ready, Scar-Face went into the sweat-house with the bundle cont-aining the suit of clothes given him by the Sun. When the bath had been taken, Scar-Face came out, carrying the bundle in his arm. He said to his chum, "My friend Sim gave me a suit of clothes: now I will give them to you." ^

Now this is why our people say that the sweat-house came from the sun.

^ A different version is given by Grinnell, op. oit., p. 93. The writer heard this story a numl)er of times in approximately the form g:iven above. For an abstract witli comments by R. N. Wilson, see Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1897, p. 789. This tale has not come to our notice among the collections from other tribes, though there are suggestions of it in Arikara and Pawnee renderings of the Woman who married a Star (Dorsey, op. cit., p. 45, 58) where we find the child destroying animal monsters. However, these incidents are about equally similar to the adventures of Blood Clot in our collection. The Micmac character, Oochigeaskw. seems to have nothing in common with the Scar-Face of the Blackfoot. See Rand. Micmac Legends, p. 101.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. . 65

The medicine-lodge we make at the sun-dance is the lodge of the sun where Scar-Face had been. The weasel-tail suit which Scar-Face brought to his chum was just like those you see to-day. There was a disk on the back and one on the front. There were seven black stripes on the sleeves. These were for one group of seven birds that Scar-Face had killed. Sometimes the feet of these birds are painted on the shirt. The seven bands on the leggings are for the seven other birds that Scar-Face killed. Scar-Face directed that only such persons as performed great deeds were to be allowed to wear such a suit. After a time Scar-Face went back and became a star.

(6). Version by a Piegan Woman,

There was once a poor young man who wished to marry a girl of the camp; but every time he approached her she drove him away with contempt. So he left the camp and went out by himself, looking for power. He had a scar on his face, and when the girl refused him she said that she would not marry him until the scar was taken off his face. Now, as the young man was wandering about, he came to the place where the Sun Uved. Here he saw some swans, who at once attacked him, but he killed them. This boy's name was Scar-Face. Just as he had killed the birds, he looked up and saw a fine young man. "Oh!" said the young man, "how did you manage to kill those birds ? They are very dangerous, and have killed many people." " Oh," said Scar-Face, "it was no trouble for me : it was very easy." * * Well," said the stranger, "I am Morning Star. I invite you to come to our house."

Then Scar-Face went with Morning Star towards Sun's house; but, as they approached. Morning Star said, "You stay outside." Then Morning Star went into the house, and, as he did so. Sun said, "My, something smells badl" Then Morning Star explained that he had found and brought home a young man who had killed the dangerous birds. He begged Sun to per- mit the stranger to live with them. Finally Sun consented to this, and told Morning Star to bum incense over Scar-Face and make him tolerable. When Morning Star had done this, he brought Scar-Face into the lodge. Then Sun took Scar-Face and put him through the sweat-house four times. When he came out, Scar-Face looked exactly like Morning Star. His scar was entirely gone.

"Now," said Sun to Scar-Face, "you are to go back to earth and take revenge on that woman who refused to marry you, I will make you a great medicine-man." So Sun gave Scar-Face a forked stick, and cedar for the smudge, and some feathers, and explained to him how to put up the medi- cine-lodge. Sun also told him to go to the Elk- Woman and get her bonnet

66 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II ,

to use in the ceremony. The killing of the swans represents the taking of scalps from enemies, and that is why coups are counted at the sun-dance.^

5. Cuts-Wood.

Once there was a very poor boy who was an orphan, and he went down to the side of a stream, where he sat and cried. He was very lonesome, and mourned over his hard lot. As his sister was now married, he had no relations in the world. Now Morning Star took pity upon him, and, chang- ing himself into a boy, came down. Morning Star came up, and said, "What are you crying for?" The poor boy said, **I am feeling very badly because I have no relatives. I am poor and hungry." "Well," said Morn- ing Star, "I will show you a way to get food. Finally you will become the leader of the camp. I will get another boy, then there will be three of us to play together."

Morning Star went away, and soon returned with another poor boy. Then all went into the brush, where they began to play. Morning Star made a little sweat-house of one hundred willows. Then he made a medi- cine-woman's lodge. Then he went to the other side, and made a small sun-lodge. When this was complete, he dug a hole for the fire, and made the booth for the weather-dancers. Then, all being complete, they sang the medicine-lodge dance-songs. Then they went out to kill some birds and squirrels, and put them on top of the centre pole as offerings to the sun. Now the two poor boys did not know that their companion was the Morning Star. After they had played a while, he said, "I will go home and get some food for you." So he went into the brush, and came out with food. After this they played here every day, and the strange boy brought food for them. They did not know who it was. The boys learned the play, and spent most of their time at it.

One day, as the brother-in-law of the orphan was sitting in his lodge, he said to his wife, "I wonder how it is with that little brother of yours. We never see him eat an}thing, and he is out from the camp the whole day. We must watch him. There is something mysterious here." So the next day the brother-in-law went to the top of a hill overlooking the camp to watch the orphan. He noticed that he had a companion, and that they

1 Another narrative in our collection differs from the preceding versions in that Scar- Face went out and killed two cranes, after which the Sun gave him a buffalo-skin with hair frin^s to Indicate that he had killed an enemy. He also took the cranes' bills back with him to use m the sun-lodge as digging-sticks. It also stated that the Sun gave Scar-Face a flageolet with four holes, with which to charm the girl he wished to marry, telling him, that when this was played she would not be able to resist the temptation to join nim.

For a discussion of a similar use oi the flageolet with origin myths, see Wissler, Journal of American Folk- Lore. Vol. 18, pp. 262-4; also an Arikara myth, Dorsey, op. cit., p. 188.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU^ Blackfoot Mythology, 67

went into the brush at a certain place. Then he stole quietly to the place and saw that there were three boys. He heard them singing, and saw the small medicine-lodge. Then he went quietly home and meditated. After a while he invited some of the head men into his lodge, told them what he had seen, and suggested that they all go out at night to look at the place where the boys played. They all saw it, and wondered much. However, they said nothing about it, for it appeared to be medicine.

One day after the orphan-boy had grown up, his sister and his uncle advised him to make up that play; but the young man said, "It is powerful and medicine. I cannot make up a big one." They kept on talking to him, however, until he said, "Well, I will make it up; but my sister must be the woman to take a place in it, and she must make a confession." Then his sister asked him w^hat kind of a confession she must make. He explained that in the first place she must have led a good life, not guilty of stealing, etc., and that if any man not her husband had accosted her to invite her to commit adultery with him, she must tell all of the detaik in the presence of the people; but if at any time she had been so accosted, and yielded to the temptation, she could neither make the confession, nor take part in the ceremony. His sister said that she had never made a mistake or done any great wrong in her life, and that she could make the confession. Then the orphan-boy promised her -that she could go ahead and give the medicine- lodge, after which everybody would live long and be happy. Also the sun and moon would heed her prayers.

Now at this time the Indians of the camp had a buffalo-drive, and col- lected a hundred and fifty tongues. The orphan requested an old woman to get these tongues, and invite all the young married women to come to her lodge, but that only those should accept the in\itation who had been true to their marriage- vows. When all these women were assembled, the orphan told them that they must confess, and that if they kept anything back their relations would die off. He told them that they had been invited there to slice all the buffalo-tongues, and that if, in slicing them, any one should cut a hole in a slice, or cut her fingers, it was a sign that she had made a mistake in her life, and had lied in making the confession. Then he painted one tongue black, and gave it to his sister. She sliced it. She did not cut it or her fingers. Then the other women sliced the remaining tongues and everyone had good luck. After this they put up the centre pole in the sun- lodge and did everything as they do now. After the sun-dance was over, the orphan went on the war-path. Now the next season, another woman in the camp wanted to make the medicine-lodge. So she got the tongues and did everything as before; and after the sun-dance was over, the orphan 'went on the war-path again. Every time he went on the war-path, he

68 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11,

cut a stick and painted it black. He left these with his sister, asking her to watch these counting-sticks. (This is the way he got the name of Cuts-Wood.)

One time after the sun-dance, while Cuts- Wood was out on the war-path, his sister noticed that one of the sticks was missing. Then she knew that something was wrong. So she went over to the lodge of the woman who gave the last sun-dance and said to her, "You must be a bad woman, because one of the sticks is gone." The sister laid the blame on this woman. After a while a war-party came to the top of the hill. The people watching saw them throw a robe away. Then the sister began to cn% and when the war-party came in, the people heard that Cuts- Wood had been killed.

6. The Seven Stars.

Once there was a young woman with many suitors; but she refused to marry. She had seven brothers and one little sister. Their mother had been dead many years and they had no relatives, but lived alone with their father. Every day the six brothers went out hunting with their father. It seems that the young woman had a bear for her lover, and, as she did not want any one to know this, she would meet him when she went out after wood. She always went after wood as soon as her father and brothers went out to hunt, leaving her little sister alone in the lodge. As soon as she was out of sight in the brush, she would run to the place where the bear lived.

As the Uttle sister grew older, she began to be curious as to why her older sister spent so much time getting wood. So one day she followed her. She saw the young woman meet the bear and saw that they w^ere lovers. When she found this out, she ran home as quickly as she could, and when her father returned she told him what she had seen. WTien he heard the story he said, **So, my elder daughter has a bear for a husband. Now I know why she does not want to marry." Then he went about the camp, telling all his people that they had a bear for a brother-in-law, and that he wished all the men to go out with him to kill this bear. So they went, found the bear, and killed him.

When the young woman found out what had been done, and that her little sister had told on her, she was very angry. She scolded her little sister vigorously, then ordered her to go out to the dead bear, and bring some flesh from his paws. The little sister began to cry, and said the was afraid to go out of the lodge, because a dog with young pups had tried to bite her. '*Oh, do not be afraid!" said the young woman. ** I will paint your face like that of a bear, with black marks across the eyes and at the comers of the mouth; then no one will touch you." So she went for the meat. Now

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 69

the older sister was a powerful medicine- woman. She could tan hides in a new way. She could take up a hide, strike it four times with her skin- scraper and it would be tanned.

The little sister had a younger brother that she carried on her back. As their mother was dead, she took care of him. One day the Uttle sister said to the older sister, "Now you be a bear and we will go out into the brush to play." The older sister agreed to this, but said, "Little sister, you must not touch me over my kidneys." So the big sister acted as a bear, and they played in the brush. While they were playing, the little sister forgot what she had been told, and touched her older sister in the wrong place. At once she turned into a real bear, ran into the camp, and killed many of the people. After she had killed a large number, she turned back into her former self. Now, when the little sister saw the older run away as a real bear, she became frightened, took up her Uttle brother, and ran into their lodge. Here they waited, badly frightened, but were very glad to see their older sister return after a time as her true self.

Now the older brothers were out hunting, as usual. As the little sister was going down for water with her little brother on her back, she met her six brothers returning. The brothers noted how quiet and deserted the camp seemed to be. So they said to their little sister, "Where are all our people?" Then the little sister explained how she and her sister were playing, when the elder turned into a bear, ran through the camp, and killed many people. She told her brothers that they were in great danger, as their sister would surely kill them when they came home. So the six brothers decided to go into the brush. One of them had killed a jack-rabbit. He said to the little sister, "You take this rabbit home with you. When it is dark, we will scatter prickly-pears all around the lodge, except in one place. When you come out, you must look for that place, and pass through."

When the Uttle sister came back to the lodge, the elder sister said, "Where have you been all this time?" "Oh, my little brother mussed himself and I had to clean him," repHed the little sister. "Where did you get that rabbit?" she asked. "I killed it with a sharp stick," said the little sister. "That is a Ue. Let me see you do it," said the older sister. Then the Uttle sister took up a stick lying near her, threw it at the rabbit, and it stuck in the wound in his body. "Well, all right," said the elder sister. Then the Uttle sister dressed the rabbit and cooked it. She offered some of it to her older sister, but it was refused: so the little sister and her brother ate aU of it. When the elder sister saw that the rabbit had all been eaten, she became very angry, and said, "Now I have a mind to kiU you." So the little sister arose quickly, took her little brother on her back, and said, "I am going out to look for wood." As she went out, she followed the narrow

70 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. f^ol. II,

trail through the pricklv-pears and met her six brothers in the brush. Then they decided to leave the country, and started off as fast as they could go.

The older sister, being a pow:erful medicine-woman, knew at once what they were doing. She became ven' angry and turned herself into a bear to pursue them. Soon she was about to overtake them, when one of the boys tried his power. He took a little water in the hollow of his hand and sprinkled it around. At once it became a great lake between them and the bear. Then the children hurried on while the bear went around. After a while the bear caught up with them again, when another brother threw a porcupine-tail [a hairbrush] on the ground. This became a great thicket; but the bear forced its way through, and again overtook the children.* This time they all climbed a high tree. The bear came to the foot of the tree, and, looking up at them, said, "Now I shall kill you all." So she took a stick from the ground, threw it into the tree and knocked down four of the brothers. \Miile she was doing this, a little bird flew around the tree, calling out to the children, '* Shoot her in the head! Shoot her in the head!" Then one of the boys shot an arrow into the head of the bear, and at once she fell dead. Then they came down from the tree.

Now the four brothers were dead. The little brother took an arrow, shot it straight up into the air, and when it fell one of the dead brothers came to life. This he repeated until all w^re alive again. Then they held a council, and said to each other, "WTiere shall we go? Our people have all been killed, and we are a long way from home. We have no relatives Uving in the world." Finally they decided that they preferred to live in the sky. Then the little brother said, **Shut your eyes." As they did so, they all went up. Now you can see them every night. The little brother is the North Star ( ?). The six brothers and the little sister are seen in the Great Dipper. The little sister and the eldest brother are in a line with the North Star, the little sister being nearest it because she used to carry her little brother on her back. I'he other brothers are arranged in order of their age, beginning with the eldest. This is how the seven stars [Ursa major] came to be.^

1 Traditions of the Skldi Pawnee, p. 115.

2 For another v^-rsion of this narrative, see The Ainerioan Antiquarian, Vol. XV, pp. 200- 203. In this case the incident of the hcar-lover doe.s not occur. Tlie writer has heard several versions, and that gi\ t-n here is the usual form ilioutrh in some renderings the seven brothers became Ursa major. For simihir talcs in whole or in part, see Dorsey and Kroeber's Arapaho, op. cit., pp. ir>2. 227, and 2;j.S: Simms, Crow, op. cit.. p. 312; J. O. Dorsey, Cegiha, op. cit., p. 292; Jones, lox Texts, p. 161; Krotbcr. Gros Ventre, op. cit. p. 108. It appears that the Black- foot rendering combines two incidents often found separated in other parts of the continent, the woman witli a bear-lover and the pursuit of childivii who become stars though both occur na Dakota myth, <,Jouriuil ol American Fulk-Lore. Vol. XX, p. 195).

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 71

7. The Bunched Stars.

In a camp of our people there was a family of six boys. Their parents were very poor. Every spring the people went out to hunt for buffalo. At this time of the year, the buffalo-calves are red, and their skins are much desired for children's robes. Now as the parents of these children were very poor, and not able to do much hunting, these boys had to wear brown robes or those made of old buffalo-skins. As the children grew up, they were constantly reminded of the fact that they had no red robes. The other children of the camp sometimes made fun of them because of this. So one day one of the boys said to his brothers, "Why is it that we never get any red robes ? If we do not get any next spring, let us leave the camp and go up into the sky." Then the boys went out to a lonely place to talk the matter over. Finally they agreed that, if they did not get red robes in the following spring, they would go up to the sky country. The spring hunting-season passed, but no red robes came to the boys. Then the oldest brother said, "Now I shall take you all up to the sky." The fourth brother said, "Let us also take all the water away from the people, because they have been bad to us."

Then the oldest brother took some weasel-hair and placed a little on the backs of his brothers. Then he took another bunch of hair, put it first into his mouth, then rubbed it on his palm. " Now shut your eyes," he said. Then he blew the weasel-hair up, and, when the brothers opened their eyes, they foimd themselves in the house of the Sun and Moon. The Sun, who was an old man, and the Moon, who was his wife, said, "Why have you come?" "We left the earth," said the oldest brother, *' because the people never gave us red robes. All the other children had red robes to wear, but we had only brown ones. So we have come to you for help." "Well," said the Sun, "what do you want?" The fourth brother said, "We should like to have all of the water taken away from the people for seven days." Now the Sun made no answ er to this ; but the ^loon took pity on the poor boys and said, "I will help you; but you must stay in the sky." The Moon pitied the boys so much that she cried. She asked the Sun to aid her in taking away the water from the people; but the Sun made no answer. She asked him seven times. At last he promised to aid her.

Now the next day on the earth was very hot. The water in the streams and lakes boiled, and in a short time it all evaporated. The next night was very warm and the moonlight strong. When the water was gone, the people in the camp said, "Let us take two dogs with us out to the river-bed." When they came to the bank of the river, the two dogs began to dig a hole in the side of the bank. When they had dug a long time, water came out of the

72 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Naiural History, [Vol. II ,

hole like a spring. This is the way springs were made. Even to this day, all the people have great respect for their dogs because of this. The days were so hot that the people were forced to dig holes into the hills and crawl into them. They would have died, if they had remained on top of the ground. When the water in the springs gave out, the dogs made other springs. Now the leader of the dogs was a medicine-dog. He was old and white. On the seventh day, the dogs began to how^l and look at the sky. The leader of the dogs was praying to the Sun and the Moon. He explained to the Sun and Moon why it was that the boys got no red robes. He asked them to take pity on the dogs below. (This is why dogs some- times howl at the moon.) On the eighth day the Sun and Moon gave the people rain. It was a great rain, and it rained for a long time.

The six boys remained in the sky, where they may be seen every night. They are the Bunched Stars [Pleiades].*

8. The Moon-Woman.'

Once there was a woman with two children. She had a black birth- mark on the calf of her leg. One day the woman disappeared, and she could not be found anywhere. After a time, her husband married again. Now the woman had been enticed away by a man who Uved in the moon. This man had met her as she was going for wood. After they had lived in the moon a while, the woman said to her new husband, "I am anxious to see my children again. Suppose we go down and \isit them." So the woman disguised herself in men's clothing and they both went to her former husband's lodge. They told him that they were Cree Indians, but that they could speak Piegan. The father and the two children took the strange men into the lodge and treated them kindly. The smaller of the two strangers seemed much interested in the children, kissed them, played with them, etc. The father of the children took notice of this and grew suspicious. At night, when it came time to go to bed, he also noticed that one was very slow and cautious in taking off his leggings. The next day, when both of the strangers were out of the lodge, one of the children said, "Father, that young man has teeth and eyes like those of my mother. Somehow he makes me think of mother." The father said to himself, '*I believe that stranger is my former wife in disguise. I shall watch my chance and find out if this is true."

1 See American Antiquarian, Vol. XV, p. 149, for another version.

2 While this is not strictly a star myth, it may be considered as such since it is sometimes said that the husband of the woman was a star. In some versions the woman went up into the sky and became the moon.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 73

The father now set about discovering the identity of the strangers. He began to make arrows for himself, and gave some of the material to each of the strangers. As he did so, the taller stranger said, "My friend is not good at making arrows." But the father insisted that they all make arrows, which they did. He noticed that the arrows made by the smaller stranger were very poor indeed. This stranger also kept an otter-skin drawn closely over his forehead, and in eating kept his mouth closed as much as possible. The next night the father kept the strangers up very late, telling them stories so that they might get very sleepy, and sleep so soundly that he could look at their legs without waking them, and so discover whether or not one of them had the black birth-mark of his former wife. When they were all sound asleep, he took a stick, put some grass and bark around the end, stuck it into the fire, and, using it as a torch, cautiously raised the robe covering the smaller stranger, and discovered the familiar mark on the leg. He also saw that her breasts were bound down to make her look Uke a man. Then he put out the light, for he knew that the stranger was really his former wife.

When morning came he invited the strangers to get up and eat; but before doing so he directed his children and their stepmother to go outside of the lodge. When the strangers arose, he stood at the door with a white rock knife in his hand, and informed them of his discovery. He addressed his former wife, upbraiding her for her conduct, and her impertinence in returning to his lodge in disguise. "Now," he said, "I shall kill you both; for you cannot get out except through the top of the lodge." Then the woman began to plead for her Ufe, but to no purpose. Just as the angry husband was about to execute this threat, the strange man, with the woman following, rushed out through the smoke-hole like shooting-stars. As they passed out, the man threw his rock knife at the woman, striking one of her legs and cutting it ofF.^

The woman and her new husband went up in the sky to live in the moon as before, and this is why the woman we now see in the moon has but one leg.

' See Henry and Thompson's Journal, op. clt., p. 528.

74 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

III. RITUALISTIC ORIGINS.

1. The Beaver-Medicine. (a). Northern Black foot Version,

There was a man who always went out hunting for deer and antelope. He was camping near a big lake fringed ^-ith bushes. He had two wives. One day the older took a pail to fetch water. She saw a young man, Beaver, who invited her to his tent. She went. When the man returned, he asked his younger wife for the older one's whereabouts. "I don't know. She went to the lake for water. When I looked for her, I could not see her trail, but only saw the pail." The man was sad, thinking his wife had gone to another camp. He went to another camp, but failed to find her, and returned. Then, after a night's sleep, he went to hunt early in the morning. The younger woman went for water. She saw the older wife rising from the water. The women kissed each other. The older said, "If my husband wishes, I will obtain for him the beaver-bundle which Beaver will give him for taking me away. He must bum sweet grass. All the creatures in the w^ater will come to his tent. He is to prepare a feast for them. Then he is to pray to the Sun, Moon, and Morning-Star, begging them to come to him also." The man did as he was bid. The Sun and Moon came down and sat in this order: —

Sim Man Moon Woman

Then the Sun burnt sweet-grass, and sang. He said to the man, " Give me some eagle-tail feathers." These were in payment for the first ritual 5ong. Then the Sun sang again and asked the man for hawk-tail feathers. The third time he sang for black-fox hides. The fourth time he said, *'01d man wants black-coyote skins." The man's second wife fed the visi- tors. Then they untied the beaver-bundle. Sun took paint, rubbed it on his hands, gave it to the man, and the man prayed to Sun for long life. The Sun sang all night, gi^ing the songs to the man. Before sunrise, he left to rise in the east. After four nights' singing, the beaver-bundle was given to the man. The Sun said, ** Your people shall always have the beaver-bundle. Every spring, when the leaves are coming out, you shall put seed [tobacco] in the ground, and dance. Make a vessel of buffalo-hide. At sunset go into a large tent and feed all the Indians. You, the owner of the beaver- bundle, and the old men shall dance [tobacco-seed dance]."

After the feast the man was told to take a stick, dig a hole in the ground and insert the seed, to make the oblong [altar], put dry sticks in th^ centre

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfooi Mythology. 75

and burn them. The next morning he was to rake the ashes, and have the Uttle boys stand there and pray to the Sun and the beaver-bundle man to let the tobacco-seeds grow. After a month and a half, he was to send a young man with sweet-grass to look at the tobacco: the youth must bum the sweet-grass in each corner of the oblong, take out some tobacco and return it to the owner of the bundle. No one was allowed to look before. The next morning all the old men were summoned, the tobacco w^as dried and mixed with kinnikinnick. All prayed, then smoked. Each old man was to have his own tobacco. The bundle-owner examined the seeds, saying, **You have a good crop" or **you have only a small crop." The man who had the smallest grieved.^

(6). Blood Version.

You say you have heard the story of Scabbv-Round-Robe; but he did not first start the beaver-medicine, because it is said in the story that there was such a medicine before his time. The story I now tell you is about the origin of the beaver-medicine.

Once there was a man and his wife camping alone on the shore of a small lake. This man was a great hunter, and had In his lodge the skins of almost every kind of bird and animal. Among them was the skin of a white buffalo. As he was always hunting, his wife was often left alone. One day a Beaver came out of the water and made love to her. This went on for some time, until finally she went away with the Beaver to his home in the water. Now when the man came home, he looked all about for his wife, but could not find her anv-where. As he was walking along the shore of the lake, he saw her trail going down into the water. Now he knew what had happened. He did not break camp, but continued his hunting. After four days, the woman came up out of the water and returned to her lodge. She was already heavy with child. When her husband returned that evening, he found her in her usual place and she told him all that had occurred.

In the course of time the woman gave birth to a beaver. To keep it from dying, she put it in a bowl of water which she kept at the head of her bed. In the evening her husband came in as usual, and after a while, hear- ing something splashing in water, he said, *'What is that?" Then the woman explained to him that she had given birth to a beaver. She brought him the bowl. He took out the little beaver, looked at it and put it back. He said nothing. As time went on he became very fond of the young beaver and played with him every evening.

1 He<orded by Dr. R. H. Lowie.

76 Anthropologiccd Papers American Museum of Natural History. [VoL II,

Now the Beaver down in the water knew everything that was going on in the lodge. He knew that the man was kind to the young beaver and so was not angry with him. He took pity on the man. Then the father of the young beaver resolved to give the man some of his medicine-songs in exchange for the skins of birds and animals the man had in his lodge. So one day, when the woman went down to the lake for w^ater, the Beaver came out and instructed her to request of her husband, that whatever he [the Beaver] should ask in his songs, that should be done. He also stated the time at which he would come to the lodge to be received by her husband.

At the appointed time the Beaver came out of the lake and appeared before the lodge, but, before he entered, requested that the lodge be purified [a smudge]. Then he entered. They smoked. After a while the Beaver began to sing a song in which he asked for the skin of a certain bird. When he had finished, the man arose and gave the bird-skin to him. Then the Beaver sang another song, in which he asked for the skin of another bird, which was given him. Thus he went on until he secured all the skins in the man's lodge. In this way the man learned all the songs that belonged to the beaver-medicine and also the skins of the animals to which the songs belonged.

After this the man got together all the different kinds of bird and animal skins taken by the Beaver, made them up into a bundle, and kept the beaver-medicine.

(c). North Piegan Version.

It was about a hundred years ago a man pitched his camp away from the other people. He was somew^here in the vicinity of St. Mary's Lake. Now the man and his wife went out in different ways. They separated. As the woman was going along, she came to the place where Beavers were at work. The Beavers came out and invited her down to their lodge. When the man came home that night, he missed his wife and set out to find her. At last he discovered her tracks leading down into the water at the place where the Beavers were at work. Now he watched every day for her to appear. Every night when he was in the lodge he could hear dancing and singing. He could only hear it when inside of the lodge, but whenever he went outside he ceased to hear it. One evening when he came back from hunting, he found his wife at home in the lodge. She was burning incense. She had cleared a small spot back of the fire for this purpose. The man saw a large bundle at the back of the lodge, and as he looked at it the woman said, **That was given by the Beavers."

Now that night, when the man was sleeping, he dreamed about the Beavers. In his dream he saw the Beavers come into his lodge, and one of

1908.] Wissler and LhivaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 77

the Beavers addressed him, sa\ing, '* Now, my brother, you have the bundle and the medicine things; so you must learn the songs and how to paint." Then the Beavers taught him the songs, how to open the bundle,^ how to paint, etc. All the directions for the ceremony were given by the Beavers at this time. This was just as you will see it now, because we are about to open this bundle.

There was also another dream about this medicine. In this dream it was explained that the only women who can take part in the medicine- lodge are those who have been true to their husbands. In this dream a head-dress was given for the woman who makes a vow to give the sun-dance. This was dreamed by the same man who received the medicine-bundle from the Beaver. Afterwards he had another dream, in which the elk gave him a robe. This robe was to be used by the woman who gave the sun- dance. Now, after this man had the dream about the elk, he took the robe and gave it to his wife, beause she now had the head-dress that is worn in the sun-dance. She took the robe and wrapped it around the bundle in which the head-dress was kept.

Tobacco is kept in the beaver-medicine bundle, and this tobacco must be planted every year. The woman who plants the tobacco puts on the head-dress and carries a digging-stick. Songs are sung when the tobacco b planted. This is the way to raise the tobacco to be used in the beaver- medicine.

Now we must begin, and, if you watch, you will see w hat the beaver- medicine is.

. (d) Piegan Version.

Once an old woman and her little son were crossing the Yellowstone River when the waters were very high. They had made a raft with the skin covering of a lodge. The little boy was sitting on this raft and the old woman was swimming along at the side, holding by one hand. The raft itself was tied to the horse's tail by a rope. The husband of the woman was guiding the horse. The current was so swift that the rope broke and the raft began to float down stream. The man reached the shore and climbed up on the bank, following the floating raft. At last the woman tried to climb upon the raft, but it filled and sank. Then the man went on to the other Indians, and told them that the woman and the boy had been drowned in crossing the stream. Two da^ after this, he came back to look for the bodies, but found the old woman and the boy sitting upon the bank. They had been under water for two days. The old woman said that when

1 To open the bundle requires an elaborate ceremony. This narrative was given as a pre- lude to the opening of this ceremony.

78 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

they sank the Beaver pulled them into his lodge. When they got into the lodge, they were safe. When they looked around, they saw a great many other animals there. Then the Otter said, **Here is a woman. Let us kill her and eat her." But the Beaver said, *'No, this is a poor woman and a boy that were drowning. I took pity on them and brought them here." *'Well," said the Otter, "they are people; they deserve to die. Let us kill them." So they argued for a long time; but at last the Beaver prevailed over all the other animals, and thus saved the lives of the woman and her child. This shows that the Beaver had some sort of power, at least power to save people. Then the Beaver told the woman that she would have great power, that she would live long, and that he would give her some songs. Now when this woman returned to her people, she started the Crow-water medicine. She is still li\ing among the Crows and the first beaver-skin that came into her hands she kept for medicine.

Now when the man came up and found the old woman and the boy on the bank, he was going to shake hands with her; but she told him not to come near her, that first he must make four sweat-houses. When all was ready, the woman entered the first sweat-house. When she came out, they saw in it a great deal of sand and lake-grass. Each time the woman went through a sweat-house, they found sand and lake-grass in it. Thus the sweat-houses were to get the sand out of her body.

2. Otter-Woman.

It was in the north. Very far north, at a place called The-Place-to-fall- off-without-Difficulty. Some people were camped there. Among them was Chief-Level-Head, (other name, Buffalo-Lodge-Pole) who was trapping beaver. This man was a great hunter and trapper. He spent most of his time in this way. He had camped there before. His relatives wanted him to stay with them, but he would not; and, taking his wife, he went away and camped by himself. His wife was Otter- Woman. One day he went out to hunt, and, on reaching camp with his meat on two dog-travois, he called his wife to come out and get the meat. No one came. Then he called several times, but received no answer. Then he, himself, took off the meat, untied the dogs, and went to look for her. As he went along he said, **I wonder if an^-thing could have happened to her. Did she go off with some young man? Did she get scared and run away, or did she get lonesome and go back to the camp?" All this time he was tracking her along. At last he came to the place where she got water, and there he found her robe. There also was the pail made of paunch, her wooden cup, and bundle of wood. Now he knew what had happened. He saw tracks going

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 79

down to the water. It w^as very deep. The man went into the water to- follow the tracks, but lost them. He saw a beaver's house. It was a big house. Then he made a raft of four poles and followed up the tracks in clear water. He saw that these tracks led up to the beaver house. Then he knew for sure what had happened. Then he went home and cried. He made up his mind that the Beaver had run off with the woman; but he still cried and cried. He was there seven days, crying all the time. On the seventh day he thought to himself, "To-morrow I will go home''; but thai night he cried as before. But a man came to him, saying, ** I have been sent to you. You are to fix up a lodge, for your wife is coming to-morrow. You must not look out when she comes." He heard the man sing, '*Our walking is powerful, the man says," etc. '*My old home I am looking for it. It is powerful." (This means that the woman looked for her home.) Now while the woman was coming up, the strange man sang many such songs. These are the beaver-songs. When the woman came out of the lake, she wore a medicine-bonnet, and some head men [beavers] came out with her to help with the songs and to transfer the bundle. This party went into the lodge and transferred the bundle and the medicine-bonnet to the woman and her husband. The tobacco-plant and everything else was^ given with it. It took seven days to transfer the medicine.

Then the man and his wife went home, and the next summer he went out and planted his tobacco-seeds as the Beavers had directed. That year it grew well. Then he transferred the bundle to another man, and this man called in a friend to help him get it.

"Now it has boiled over." ^

3. Tobacco-Seeds and Beaver-Medicine.

Once there were some men who owned a beaver-bundle. One of them went away on a journey and requested that the others await his return before planting the tol^acco-seed. They did not wait. So when he returned he was very angry and aggrieved. He went out alone on the prairie, cr\dng to himself. At last a Lizard came up and asked him what the trouble was. When he told the Lizard what had happened, it promised to help him. It directed him to go into the woods. As he went along, he met a very old man. When he had explained his troubles to him, the old man called to- gether a great many quadrupeds and birds. These animals set to work to- prepare the ground for planting the seed. The Antelope and the Snow-bird offered to give him the power of their dung to make the plants grow. As

^ This expression is often used to indicate the end of a narrative.

80 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

they had no tobacco-seed, three birds volunteered to go to the sun for a supply. So they started oflf to the sky, and when the first cloud was reached, one of them gave out; but the cloud turned him yellow. When the next cloud was reached, another gave out; but he became red. The other bird went on alone until he finally reached the sun, and became black. This one brought down the seed. Now all the animals assembled, and proceeded to plant the new tobacco-seed. They sang many songs, and performed all the parts of the ceremony. When the seed was finally planted, they fenced in the plot with rocks and sticks, after which they all went away. The man now returned to his people with many new songs, and whenever he heard beaver-men singing, he would go into the lodge and sing his new songs, the number of which far surpassed the others.

At the end of the season, when it was time for all the people to go out to gather their tobacco, it was found that the only tobacco growing was that planted by the animals. In every other plot the buffalo had trampled everj-- thing into the earth. The man gathered his tobacco and took it home. His friends were very much disappointed over the failure of their planting. After a time, he in'ited them all to his lodge and gave them some of his tobacco. Then they transferred to him the other beaver-bundles and he put them together, so that now the tobacco-planting songs are a part of the beaver-medicine.

4. Crow Indiax Water-Medfcixe.

Once a Crow^ Indian had a son killed in war. He was in mourning: so he took his lodge into the mountains and camped there that he might have dreams in which power would be given him to revenge the death of his son. He slept in the mountains ten nights. At last as he was sleeping, he had a dream, and in this dream he heard drumming and singing. Then a man appeared and said, ''Come over here: there is dancing." So he fol- lowed the man. They came to a lodge in which there were many old men and women. There were eight men with drums. He also saw weasel- skins, skins of the mink and otter, a whistle, a smudge-stick, some wild turnip for the smudge, and some berry-soup in a kettle. One old woman had an otter-skin with a weasel-skin around it like a belt. So the man staid there, learned the songs which these people sang, and when he came back to his people he started the Crow-water-medicine. Since that time he has had other dreams: and the skins of the beaver, the muskrat, all kinds of birds, etc., with many songs for each, have been added.

This medicine has great power. If any one wishes a horse, he calk in some of the Crow-water-medicine people. ITien they pray, sing, and dancfe.

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 81

The power of this medicine is such that after a while a man may come along and say, "I have had a bad dream. You must paint me, that the dream may not come true." Then he gives a horse as a fee. The medicine has power also in treating the sick. The people who have this medicine meet at regular times, — on Sundays and at the time of the new moon. They paint their faces with a broad red stripe across the forehead, and one across the mouth and cheeks. A rectangle of red is also painted on the back of each hand. Some wear plumes.

5. SCABBY-RoUND-ROBE.

In the olden times, when Indians danced, it was the custom for a woman who had a lover to dress in his clothes and dance before the people, telling what deeds she would do in war; it being understood, of course, that it was the man, her lover, who intended to do these deeds.

Now there was in the camp a very poor young man named Scabby- Round-Robe, who had very few clothes, and who was in love with a young married woman. Her husband had another wife, but she was very old. He also had a bundle called the water-bundle [beaver-bundle]. One time when the women in the camp were about to dance, he said to the young wife, "Why do you not dance? Surely you must have a lover, almost every woman has one. Why do you not dress up, dance before the people, and show who he is?" He did this because he was jealous of the young wife.

Scabby-Round-Robe always wore a strip of skin around his head with two magpie-feathers stuck up behind. His robe was very badly tanned and the comers had been cut off. That was the reason he was called Scabby- Round-Robe. He was very poor himself, but he had a chum who was very rich. Now one day he was out with his chum far from the camp. At this time the women were about to dance. When they began, there appeared among them the young woman wearing some of Scabby-Round-Robe's clothes. The people looking on said, "Who is that woman wearing those queer things?" Then some one called out, "Oh, those are Scabby-Round- Robe's clothes! That must be his girl." Then the people laughed and derided. Some time before this, Scabby-Round-Robe had been taken away by the Beavers, and had lived with them one whole winter. By this means he obtained some of their power. One day he said to the young woman, "If you ever do dance with the women, you must tell the people that when the waters are warm,^ you will go on the war-path and kill an enemy."

In the spring of the j^ear.

82 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Now, as the people were mocking, the young woman came forward and said, "Wait, I wish to speak." WTien they were quiet she said, "When the waters are warm, I shall go on the war-path and kill an enemy.'* Now the people laughed all the more at the thought of poor Scabby- Round-Robe going on the war-path and killing an enemy. WTiile Scabby-Round-Robe and his chum were walking along, they heard a great uproar in the camp. His chum said, "Let us go to see what is going on." They came up just in time to hear the chief and the people make fun of Scabby-Round-Robe. Scabby-Round-Robe was very much hurt and went home at once. He said to his chum, "I shall go out on the hills, and sleep and wander about until the waters are warm. Then I shall return."

Now it happened that a Snake Indian had killed a Piegan; hence the people must go to war in the spring. So when spring came, nearly aU the men of the camp went out on the war-path. Scabby-Round-Robe and his chum followed along behind, out of sight. Scabby-Round-Robe always carried a stick he had from the Beavers. From time to time the war-party drove them back, but every time Scabby-Round- Robe and his chum would follow again. They were driven back repeatedly, but persisted in following. Finally it was reported to the chief that two boys were always following the scouts, upon which he gave orders that they should remain behind. At last the scouts reported that enemies were seen on the other side of a river, the waters of which were very high, and difficult to cross. So the Pi^an moved up to the edge of the stream and looked over at the hostile camp. Scabby- Round-Robe and his chum went up stream above the camp of their people. Scabby-Round-Robe said, "Now I shall kill a chief." He looked across the river and saw the chief of the Snakes talking to his people. Then he said to his chum, "You stay here upon the bank. I will cross over and bring a chief." Then he went into the water until it reached his arms, when he dived under, coming up in the middle of the stream. When he came up, his people saw him, and called out, "That is one of our people crossing!" Scabby- Round-Robe dived again, and came out near the opposite shore with his stick in his mouth. As he came up this time, the Snakes saw him; and their chief said, "I will go out and kill that fellow." So the chief waded out into the water with a long spear. Scabby-Round- Robe backed away until the water reached his breasts. Then he held the stick in front of him and sang a song. The chief approached and struck at him; but the spear stuck into the stick. Then Scabby-Round-Robe took the spear, killed the chief, took him by the hair, and dived. He came up in the middle of the stream, in plain view of his people, as if he meant to come ashore among them. Then he dived again, but came out at the place where his chum sat. He immediately scalped the chief, and gave his

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 83

chum half the scalp, saving, **Take this quick, before the others get here." The whole camp rose up as quickly as they could, and began the race to count coup on the dead chief.

Now the Piegan started home.

The young woman who had danced for Scabby-Round-Robe was out in the brush picking rosebuds for soup, when a war-party was announced. A runner came into the camp and said, "Where is that girl who danced for Scabby-Round-Robe?" The people said, *'She is out in the brush picking rosebuds for soup." Then they called her. She at once threw down the rosebuds and ran out to meet Scabby-Round-Robe. WTien she met him, he kissed her and gave her the scalp for the woman's scalp-dance. After the war-party had come in, the husband of the woman, who was a chief, took Scabby-Round-Robe to his lodge, and said, "I will give you this lodge, the woman, and my bundle of beaver-medicine: they are all yours." So Scabby-Round-Robe lived with the woman. Afterwards he taught the people some of the things he had learned from the Beavers, and you will remember that in the beaver-songs, they often say that diving is safety.^

6. I'HE Elk-Woman. (a) Blood Version,

This medicine-bonnet was given to a woman who was camping near the Mountains. One day while her husband was away she heard an Elk whistling in the woods. At another time when her husband was away, a man came to the lodge and asked her to go away with him. He told her that he was the Elk that she had heard, and that, if she would go away with him, he would give her some medicine. To this promise she finally con- sented and went with him into the brush, where he explained to her the whole ceremony.^ He told her all about the medicine-bonnet, calling in many animals to help give the woman some power. Among these was the Crane, who offered the use of his bill to dig the medicine-turnip. He said his bill was to be carried on the back like the bunch of feathers on his own neck. Then the Crane proceeded to dig with his bill, and as he did so he sang a song, **I wish to be on level ground."

A robe made of elk-skin, used by the woman in the ceremony, is to repre- sent the Elk himself. The bunches of feathers placed around the bonnet are to represent the prongs of the horns. There are about six bunches in all.

J Another version is given by Grinnell, op. cit., p, 117. Clark gives a brief abstract (Sign Language, p. 7n.

2 A similar incident is given by the Arikara (Dorsey, op. cit., p. 127).

84 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

In front is hung a doll with quill- work upon it. A white-rock arrowpoint and some ear-rings are hung on the side. There are also two little dolk tied on near the feathers. Weasel-tails hang do\Ti by the side. Feathers of the owl are used in making up the bunches on the side of the bonnet, while behind is hung the skin of a woodpecker ( ?) and part of the tail of a >'ildcat. There should also be part of the tail of a white buffalo tied on somewhere. All of these parts were contributed by the animals called together by the man who took the woman into the brush, and each of these animals sang a song as they gave them. The buffalo was there also, and gave its hoofs, which were tied to the end of the digging- stick.

You vnll see all these things upon the medicine-bonnet; but the present one used by the Blood Indians is a little different from that used by the Piegan.^

(h) Piegan Version,

You are asking me about the badger and the medicine-bonnet? Well, the badger-skin is used as a case in which to put the bonnet, but the badger- skin is a new addition to this. It was dreamed not so very long ago. This badger-skin should always be painted red, and it is necessary to go through a ceremony when it is painted. But now I must tell you about the bonnet.

There was once an Elk who was deserted by his wife. When he found that she was gone, he went out to look for her, and finally saw her in the thick woods. He was very angry and wished to kill her: so he walked toward her singing a song. Now this was a medicine-song, and he intended that its power should kill his wife. He had great power. The ground was very hard; but at every step his feet sank deeper into it. Now his wife was frightened; but she had some power also. She began to sing a song, and as she did so she turned into a woman. In her new form she wore a medicine-bonnet, a robe of elk-hide over her shoulders, and elk- teeth on her wrists. The song that she sang when she became a woman

was:

"My wristlets are elk- teeth; They are powerful."

TTien the woman moved toward a tree, moved her head as if hooking at the tree, and it almost fell. Now when the Elk saw what she was doing.

1 By way of comment, the narrator said that the Elk did not teach the woman all that there was to be learned about it, but that later it was learned that the bonnet was to be used in making a vow, and was to be worn by virtuous women only. Once, after this woman had received the bonnet, the people were attacked by an enemy while they were camping in a ravine. The woman remembered the song, ** I want to be on level ground." She went up under the fire of the enemy, and, when out on tlie level plain, began to dig with a digging-stick while she sang this song. This gave her people power over their enemies, and saved them from destruction.

1908.] Wis8ler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology, 85

he stopped in great surprise at her power. He did not kill her as he had intended.

This was Elk-Woman. In the sun-dance a tree or post is put up in the centre of the sun-lodge and the woman who wears the bonnet makes hooking motions at the pole, as did the Elk- Woman in the first part of the story.

7. The Buffalo-Rock. (a). Piegan Version}

Now listen. I suppose you are asking about the iniskim [buffalo-rock], about the way we first came to get it. At a place called Elbow-on-t he- Other-Side [in Canada] it was found. The woman who found it was very poor. Her name was Weasel- Woman, and her husband's name was Chief- Speaking. Well, now you will hear the true account.

At a curved cut bank called the Place-of-the-Falling-oif-without-Excuse it was found. This woman was walking around there among fallen timber [logs]. Her people were all about to die of starvation. She had come out for wood, and was walking around picking up pieces of bark. Then she came to some berry-bushes on all sides of a log and began to pick white berries. Now she heard something singing. The first that she heard was "Ho-o-o-o!" as if some one were making the wing-like movement.^ Near her was a log pointing toward the setting sun. The singing was in the log. An iniskim was sitting in a broken- out place at the end on a bed of shedded buffalo-hair and sage-grass. She could just hear it sing. She stood with her head to one side, listening for a time. Then she began to pick berries again. Now she heard it: —

"Yonder woman, you must take me. I am powerful.

Yonder woman, you must take me, You must hear me. Where I sit is powerful."

Now that is the way it sang to her. As she was walking towards the place from which the sound came, she saw that the object sitting in the broken place was the one that did it. Then it said, "Ky-ja, this is where it is singing." She did not know what kind of a thing it was. She thought that perhaps it was a mouse or a bird. As she slowly removed the shedded

» Taken as a text by Dr. Clark Wissler. Tliis myth is the major part of the ritual for the iniskim and is in general a typical Blackfoot ritual. For a narrative of the origin of this ritual in the usual form of myths, see Grinnell, op. cit., p. 125.

2 A ceremonial gesture said to symbolize a bird. See also p. 104.

86 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

hair that covered the place, she saw it. It was a rock, a buffalo-rock. As she was standing over it, it said, "Do not take me yet. Go back and then walk slowly towards me." [It is now teaching her the songs and ceremonial procedure.] \Miile she was approaching, it sang a song for the woman.

"A buffalo-rock, I am looking for the place where he is sitting. Now I have found him. [Takes it up.] He is powerful.

A buffalo-rock, I have taken him up. He is powerful."

This is the song when she went forward to take it up. This is the time when it told her that she should sleep out in the brush for four nights. It said, "I will show you everything about it. You, I have taken pity on you. Now you will be out four nights, and in eight nights you will get something to eat, you will sit down with great abundance."

Now when she came home again she stood outside and said to her hus- band, "Do not be angr'. I have received something [medicine-power]. We shall have something to eat. Chief-Speaking, do not think I am double married [committed adultery]. The reason I have been sleeping out is that I have received something. It is not valuable [meaning the reverse], but it is to be the only thing [medicine] you are to live by." Her husband said, "Now where is it?" Then he saw it. "Now," he said, "she slept out- side, and this one [the rock] sang for her." Then she came into the lodge. Her husband was a beaver-bundle man, and there was always a crowd of men in the lodge. He said to his head wife, " Give that woman your clothes, she who is very poor."

Now Weasel-Woman expected to receive tallow. They looked about for fat or grease, but every kind that was offered her was refused. At last they offered her some kidney-fat. Then she said, "That will do." She put it down there, then she sang. She was going to feed them all with it. She told the men to get their rattles ready. Then she sang: —

''This man says, 'Kidney-fat, I want to eat it.'"

Then she sang about herself: —

" Woman says, ' Kidney-fat to eat, I want to eat it.' "

In the circle was a young unmarried man who had been chosen to lead the buffalo over [the drive]. She said to him, "You sit here at the head of the lodge. I shall paint your face first. You are going to eat first, for you are to drive the buffalo." Then he sat by her. Now she was painting his face. She was going to give him something to eat, and, changing the words of the

1908.] Wisder and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 87

song, teach him the way he should sing it when the buffalo were being driven up; also tell him how he should stand at the edge of the declivity where the buffalo are to fall over. He was to sing four times : —

"I want to fall [them]. Kidney-fat, I want to eat it."

The reason for all this was that the people might be fed.

"Now," she said to her husband, "you are to handle this iniskim. Men are always better at it than women. Such things are not in keeping with the way we live. It will give you dreams [visions]. We will use it for a long time [live long]." "Yes, you are right," said her husband.

Now she painted the young man's face. Now he was about to hear the song. Her husband was making the medicine-smoke. She took the young man's hand.

''Man says, 'Woman, iniskim, man. They are powerful.'

Man says, 'Those rocks, I move them around. It is powerful.

Woman says, 'Those rocks, I move them around.* It is powerful.' "

"Good running of buffalo. The driver is coming with them. We have fallen them. We are happy."

(6). Northern Blackfoot Version?

The first people, those are the ones that found the buffalo-rock. Nearly starved were all the people. A man said to his wife, "Get some wood and build a fire." She said, "I am not strong enough; I am nearly staned." ^'Go on," said he. "There is no firewood here." Then she arose, sa\ing, ^'I shall go after firewood." She came to a place where there was wood, and, standing beside it, picked it up slowly. She was so weak that the exertion was painful. Then she heard singing, and looked around. At last she saw it. On the cut-bank's side she sat down. The thing doing the singing was the buffalo-rock. The earth was sliding down: that is how she came to see it. While it was singing, the rock said, "Take me, I am powerful." On buffalo-hair it was sitting for a bed. It stretched out its arms. In order that food might be obtained is the reason she saw it.

1 Rocks marking the lines leading up to the bufTalo pound, or drive.

2 Taken as a text by Dr. R. H. Lowie.

88 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II ,

She took it up, wrapped it in the hair and put it inside her dress. Now she knew some food would be obtained. She went back to the camp. She went to her husband's lodge. She went inside. She said to her elder sister, "Tell our husband that I shall make medicine." So the elder one said to him, **My younger sister is about to make medicine." He said, "I have faith. Let her make medicine that we may have food." Then he called out, inviting the camp. All came to the lodge, — men, women, and children, — all came inside. ** There is going to be medicine," he said. To the women and children he said, '*Sit here" [the rear]. ** Gret some tallow,'' said he, "just a little." Then every one looked for it. A long time they had to hunt before finding any.

Then the woman rubbed the fat on the rock. It began to sing when she did it. It sang to the woman, "Take me, I am powerful." The people all saw it. The woman passed it to them, and all kissed it. "You shall have food," she said. Then she began to sing and then to dance. AU joined in the dancing. They made a noise like the buffalo. The woman sang, "A hundred shall I lead over" [the drive]. She said, "When you sing, do not say more than a hundred." Now a man said when he sang, "Over a hundred shall I lead over" [the drive]. The woman said, "We have made a mistake now. So many will go over, that the enclosure will be burst; they will jump out of it. There will be a solitary bull wandering through the camp to-night. It will be a mangy bull. No one shall kill it. Some one must go up the hill to watch in the morning. Look-Backwards, you are to go; buffalo you will see. The-One-We-Made-Look-There, also watch. From there you will see buffalo. If that bull comes to-night, we shall all be saved. If this rock fall on its face, then you will all be happy. There will be plenty of food." All went out. They were happy, because they were to receive food. The woman slept where the smudge was made. That rock made her powerful.

He came through the camp, the one she said was coming, — the mangy bull. They all knew him. They all said, "Ah-a-a! don't kill him. Rub his back with firewood." In the morning all were happy because the mangy bull came at night. They did not kill him, the one that was said to come at night. When the woman looked out, that rock fell over on its face. Then she told them to be happy, because they would have something to eat. "It would be so, if it fell on its face," she said. Looking up, the people saw many buffalo close to the camp. Then the swift young men went out and led the buffalo, many of them. They worked them into the lines. I'hey frightened them to make them run swiftly. Then all ran over into the enclosure. Now the people ran there. Inside were the buffalo. So many were there, that the enclosure was broken dowTi. Over a hundred

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 89

were there. That is why they broke down the fence. Not many of them were killed. All the buffalo were bulls. That is why they broke down the fence.

The woman's husband took all the ribs and back-fat, saying, "Wi'.h these shall a feast be made. Again my wife will make medicine." The people were somewhat happy as the number killed was small. "For a little [while] we are saved. We have a little meat," said the man.

The next night it was called out again that the woman was to make medicine. This time she gave orders that only the women were to dance, so that cows might come to the drive. So the women danced. The men tried not to make another mistake. In the morning they looked from the hill again. They were made glad by the rock falling again on its face. Again the young men went out, and all was as before. Now all in the en- closure were cows. They were all killed with arrows. None of them got out.

The people were happy now. They had plenty of meat. Every one now believed in the power of the rock. The woman who found the rock was respected by her husband.

8. Origin of the Medicine-Pipe.

The Blood Indians have had medicine-pipes for a very long time. There is one pipe among them that is so old that no one has any recollection of ha\ing heard of its being made by any one. So this pipe must be the real one handed down by the Thunder, for all medicine-pipes came from the Thunder.

Once there was a girl who never could marry, because her parents could not find any one good enough for her. One day she heard the Thunder roll. "Well," she said, "I will marry him." Not long after this she went out with her mother to gather wood. When they were ready to go home, the girl's packstrap broke. She tied it together and started, but it broke again. Her mother became impatient; and when the strap broke the third time, she said, "I will not wait for you!" The girl started after her mother, but the strap broke again. WTiile she was tying it together, a handsome young man in fine dress stepped out of the brush and said, *'I want you to go away with me." The girl said, **Why do you talk to me that way? I never had anything to do with you." ** You said you would marry me," he answered; "and now I have come for you." The girl began to cry, and said, "Then you must be the Thunder."

Then he told the girl to shut her eyes and not look, and she did so^

90 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

After a while he told her to look, and she found herself upon a high moun- tain. There was a lodge there.^ She went in. There were many seats around the side, but only two people, — an old man and woman. When the girl was seated, the old man said, "That person smells bad." The old woman scolded him, saying that he should not speak thus of his daughter- in-law. Then the old man said, **I will look at her." When he looked up, the lightning flashed about the girl, but did not hurt her. Because of this, the old man knew she belonged to the family. At night all the family came in one by one. The Thunder then made a smudge with sweet-pine needles, one at the door of the lodge, and one just back of the fire. Then he taught his daughter-in-law how to bring in the bundle that hung outside. This was the medicine-pipe. After a time the daughter-in-law gave birth to a boy, later to another boy.

One evening the Thunder asked her if she ever thought of her father and mother. She said that she did. Then he asked would she like to see them. She said, "Yes." So he said, "To-night we will go. You may tell them that I shall send them my pipe, that they may live long." When the time came, he told the woman to close her eyes, and once more she was standing near the lodge of her people. It was dark. She went in and sat down by her mother. After a while she said to her mother, "Do you know me?" "No," was the answer. "I am your daughter. I married the Thunder." The mother at once called in all of their relations. They came and sat around the lodge. The woman told them that she could not stay long as she must go back to her lodge and her children, but that the Thunder would give them his pipe. In four days she would come back with it. Then she went out of the lodge and disappeared.

In four days the Thunder came with the woman, her two boys, and the pipe. Then the ceremony of transferring the pipe took place. When it was finished, the Thunder said that he was going away, but that he would return in the spring, and that tobacco and berries should be saved for him and prayed over. Then he took the youngest boy and went out. A cloud rolled away, and as it went the people heard one loud thunder and one faint one [the boy]. Now, when the Thunder threatens, the people often say, "For the sake of your youngest child," and he heeds their prayers.

When the Thunder left the woman and elder child behind, he said that if dogs ever attempted to bite them, they would disappear. One day a dog rushed into the lodge and snapped at the boy, after which nothing was seen of him or his mother, and to this day the owner of a medicine-pipe is afraid of dogs.

1 It is often said tliat the Tliunder steals or seduces women. For another version of medicine-pipe ori^n, see Grinnell. op. cit., p. 113.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 91

9. The Worm-Pipe.

Now a man was out hunting. One evening he returned to his camp and was sitting on his bed smoking. A large decayed piece of wood was burning in the fire. As he was sitting there he saw a worm crawling along the stick of wood. Then he heard singing. Now the worm became a person holding a pipe with a straight [tubular] bowl. The stem was decorated. It was a medicine-pipe. The person had an eagle-plume tied in his hair. He shook the pipe-stein, and began to sing, " The fire is my medicine."

Then the worm-person transferred the pipe to the man.^

10. A Pipe from the Seven Stars.

The same man who got the pipe from a worm went out to hunt. After a time he decided to go up on a mountain-top to fast and sleep. He had been there four days when he heard singing from above : —

"The Seven Stars say, ' My pipe is powerful.' "

"Old man says, *My pipe is powerful.' He hears me."

Looking up, he saw that the smallest one of the Seven Stars was singing. Then it became a person, and gave him a medicine-pipe.

11. The Black-Covered Pipe.

Once a man was camping out alone. It was when the leaves were turn- ing yellow, and the elk are often heard to whistle. It was in the foothills of the mountains. He had been hunting here and killed four elk. Once, just after he killed an elk, he heard a Coyote call, *' Wa-wa-woo-oo-oo!" Then he heard some one singing: —

"Fine meat. I want to eat it."

Now he saw what it was that was singing. It was a Coyote carrying a thorn-stick wrapped in his own skin. Then said the man, **I will give you this elk."

After this the Coyote gave him a medicine-pipe.

Grinnell (op. clt., p. 127) gives a different account of the origin of this pipe.

92 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

12. I'he Otter-Lodge.

Man-with-acWoman-Inside-of-Him when a young man went out to a lake far in the north. This was known as Round Lake. It was very deep. He slept on the shore, but had no dreams. Then he made a raft and lay upon it. While he slept the wind carried it far out from shore. Then a Mink appeared in his dreams, and said, "Come to my father's lodge!" He heard drumming down under the water. Now the man awoke, but could not go to the lodge because of the water. So the Mink came up again and told him to shut his eyes. He shut his eyes, and upon opening them found himself under water in a lodge.* The otter was lying at the back of the fire in a large pile of grass from the shore of the lake. Then the Otter became as a person, and spoke to the man. He said that he would give him some power. He took up some of the grass and made a smudge, at the same time singing a song in which the following ideas were expressed : —

"This is my lodge. It is a medicine-lodge. I will give it to you. The water is my lodge. It is medicine."

The Otter sang seven songs and at the last took up an otter-skin, held it ii> his hands and sang: —

"I will have a dream when I sleep."

Then the Otter made a smudge and held his hands in the smoke. Then he took hold of the man's hand and placed the otter- skin in it. The wife of the Otter who had aided him in signing and handling the bundles, now trans- ferred a mink-skin to the man in the same way.

The man staid with these people until he learned many songs and the ways of handling the bundle.

13. The Bear-Lodge.

In the old days, before the Blackfoot had horses, they were mo-ing camp with dog-travois. A little boy was strapped to a dog-travois. The dog went to get a drink of water. He passed through some bushes. The travois was untied and fell off with the child. The dog ran off, while the boy remained sleeping on his travois. The dog caught up with the camp.

• The several divisions of the Blackfoot have a large number of ceremonial teepees to which belong bundles and rituals. The teepees are painted with designs symbolizing parts of these rituals. For a general description of teepees of this type, see Grinnell, The Lodges of the Blackfoot (American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. Ill, pp. 660-668).

1908.] Wisaler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 93

The boy's mother saw the dog without his travois, and went back to look for the boy. She failed to find him. The next day she said, "I shall find my boy this night." But though she searched for him, she could not find bim.

The child cried at night. The Bear heard him and went to see what was the matter. He took the child to his cave. When inside, the boy looked up. He thought it was a tent, for the Bear had painted his cave on ►the outside with his own figure. His hind-feet were marked about the tent in front, and there were painted wings on the roof. Bear said to the boy, "You are to stay with me all winter. I shall make food for you." The child staid there all winter, and Bear transformed buffalo-chips into meat ivhich he gave the boy to eat. He made ripe berries for him out of saska- toon-sticks. The boy grew very fast during the winter. Next fall, when the leaves were turning yellow, the Blackfoot went back near the Bear's cave. Bear, going outside, saw the Indian camp. He returned and •ordered the little boy to return to his people. The boy's parents were no longer looking for him, thinking he was dead. Bear told the boy that his name was Big-Bear. He gave his name and tent to the boy, telling him to paint his lodge in the same way as his cave. He also gave him a large knife, called the "bear-knife."^ Then he gave him some medicine. He said, "You will be an old man, for your enemies cannot hurt you. You have nothing to be afraid of." Then the Bear said, "Now go home to your father. Take this medicine, and whenever you want something you will be able to get it."

The boy went home. WTien he reached camp, he painted his body and face. People saw the boy, but did not recognize him. Having lived with the Bear so long, he was \Qr\ wild. He said to the people, "I am the boy you lost." Then his parents knew him. He said, **I shall not hurt you, for I pity you." He staid with his parents, but grew wilder and wilder. He was a great fighter, and took away other Indians' wives. The people were afraid of him. One day they held a council and decided to kill him. They took their bows, arrows, and stone knives. Big-Bear sent his parents to the bush. Then he attacked his enemies. The people shot at and hit him; but he just rubbed his body, and there was no wound. He killed many Indians. At last they said, "We cannot kill you." Then he bade his parents go home, saWng, "They are afraid of me. Let us go home."

They went home, and the people never again tried to kill him. Big- Bear now was kind to everybody. He painted his lodge and was called Big-Bear. He became a great chief. Whenever he fought, he killed many

See narrative No. 17.

94 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. II,

of the enemy without getting hurt himself. When there was lack of water, he merely scrunched the earth, and produced water for his parents. He lived very long. All his children were as strong as he. The tent and the knife are still here.^

14. The Horse-Lodge.

Once there was a poor man who had just one horse, a mare. It was white. The man was married. He had also a white stud colt. The colt grew to a fine size. This story is not an account of a dream, but a statement of things that really happened. In course of time the man be- came rich, and owned many horses. He did not ride the white mare then,, but took good care of her. One day he led her down to water. While drinking, she spoke to him, much to his surprise. She said, "Father, I shall give you a lodge. To-morrow morning, when you go out to tend your horses, you will see a lodge."

The next day, when the man went out to look for his horses, he came to a lodge, on the right side of which stood his old white mare and on the left side the colt. The White Mare said to him as he came near, "You are to paint this lodge as I direct." The man brought paints, water, and buffalo- fat, and painted the lodge as the WTiite Mare directed. On the right side he painted with white clay, the picture of the old white mare. On the other side he painted with the same kind of clay the picture of the colt. Around the top he painted the seven stars, the bunch stars and the morning star. Around the bottom he painted in red the earth and the hills, and in white the fallen stars. When the painting was finished, the old ^Miite Mare took her master into the lodge, where she taught him the songs and the ritual. Then the man took the lodge home with him and showed it to the people. This man was a Piegan. After a time he transferred the lodge and the ritual to a Blood, who transferred it to a Northern Blackfoot. Finally it was transferred back to a Piegan, its pnvsent owner, who has made use of its power for thirty years. WTien it was transferred to him, he gave away ten horses.

15. Black and Yellow Buffalo-Painted Lodges.

One time two men were sitting on a rock by the side of a river, making arrows. As they looked down into the water they saw a lodge standing on the bottom. One of the men said, **I believe I will enter this lodge." So

Kecorded by Dr. U. H. Lowie.

1908.] Wtssler and DamU, Black foot Mythology. 95

he diyed down into the water. When he got into the lodge he found no water on the inside. A great deal of medicine was hanging up in this lodge, and when the man came out he told all his people what he had seen. At another time the same men were camped at a place where some people saw another lodge down in the water. WTien this man heard about it, he dived down and entered, as before. Here, again, he saw a great deal of medicine hanging up.

Now this was the beginning of the black-and-yellow buffalo-lodges. While the man was on the inside, he was taught the whole ceremony. And when he came up, he got together all the medicine, and painted the lodges as you see them now. These two are the most powerful painted lodges we have.^

16. The Crow^-Painted Lodge.

There is another painted lodge known as the Crow Lodge. It came about in this way. One man was catching eagles on a hill. He had made a hole in which he was hiding. After a while he went to sleep. He dreamed that a Crow came to him sa}ing, "This is my lodge. Now I shall give it to you with the medicine and songs." So the Crow transferred the lodge to the man, taught him the songs and the ceremony.

17. The Bear-Knife.

Once in the winter-time, just one month before summer, or on the sixth moon, a Sarcee was out hunting when a bHzzard came down upon him. This Sarcee was of mixed blood, for his father was a Piegan. Now in the bUzzard he lost the direction, because he could not see. He was feeUng around in the brush and timber for shelter. He was nearly frozen, but finally he felt on the ground a warm spot. This was a bear's den. As he went in, it got warmer and warmer. Presently he heard a Bear begin to growl. Then he stopped and began to pray to the Bear. Now the Bears had a young one, a young male. And this Bear said to his father, "I pity this young man. Do not harm him!" Then the father said, *'Well, all right," and the mother said the same. Then the father said to his son, "You give him some of your power first."

So the son told the young man to come in. Wlien the man was inside, he saw it was a lodge, painted and decorated, with a bearskin for a door.

• For a more complete version of this myth, see Grinnell (Lodges of the Blackfeet, op. cit.. p. 668). The same article (p. 663) contains a brief narrative concerning the origin of another ceremonial teepee.

96 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Now he was in the lodge. At the back of the lodge he saw a rawhide bag and a lance, and on the sides were four persons and four drums. The son said to the man, "You sit at the head of the lodge" [that is where the guests are seated]: "I will sit by you." In front of the man was a pile of thorn- bushes with very sharp thorns. "Now," said the young Bear, "I will give you my knife." "All right," said the man. Then the Bear mixed some red paint in a cup of water, and said to the young man, "Now you must take off your clothes." The man did so, and sat there naked. Now the Bear took up a big turnip, and, taking some fire, put it down upon the ground before him, singing a song as he did so: —

"On the earth I want to sit. It is powerful."

Then he took down the knife, held it to his breast and in the smoke, singing all the while a kind of dancing-song in which were the words, "The ground where I sit is holy," and making the sound of a bear. All this time the knife was in the bag. Now he began to sing another song, which Ls called the "Untying Song." Then he put the knife dowTi. Now he made another smudge, took up the knife, and then mixed some paint in his hand. And as he sang: —

"The ground is our medicine."

He rubbed the red paint on his hands and then over his face, afterwards scratching it with his fingers. Then he took up black paint and made the marks representing the bear-face. Then he took claws, and put one on each side of the head. Then he took paws ( ?) and put them on for a necklace. But before he put the necklace on he held them in the smoke and smudge, and sang: —

"Bear-man says, *It is medicine, I want it.'"

As he put it on his head he sang: —

"Bear is looking for something to eat."

Then he caught the person next to him, as if about to eat him. (Everything that was done was accompanied with bear actions.) Then he took up the knife, held it over the smudge, and took some eagle-tail feathers for a head- dress. All this time they were sitting near the thorns and the Bear had aU his regalia on. Then the Bear took up the knife, and as he sharpened it sang: —

"My children, on the other side of the hill is a big noise. You get into the brush. I will be safe. I have power."

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 97

At the last words of the song he thrust the knife into the earth, and, holding it by the handle, sang: —

"I am looking for some one to kiU."

Then with the knife he pretended to be about to stab the man, and, catching hold of him, threw him upon the thoms on his breast, and holding him there painted him. Then the Bear took him up again and dressed him in his own regalia. Then taking the hand of the man in his own, and both holding the paint, he began to sing, touching the paint to the man's wrist, elbow, breast, and head.^^ Then he laid the man down on his breast, and slapped him on the back with the flat part of the knife. This he did four times with the man turned in each of the four directions. Then the Bear said, ''Now you must sleep out in the timber for seven days. Whenever you pursue an enemy you must sing this song, and make the movements I do: —

*I will run after him. He wiU fall. I will stab him.'

If the enemy shoot at you, do not dodge; if you should do this, you will be killed. Do not turn back, but keep on. If you turn back, sores will break out on your body, and they will be fatal."

Now a long time after the man had gone back to his people, he was out on the war-path and in battle against the Assiniboine. One of the enemy came up to him, put his gun against him, pulled the trigger, but it missed fire. Then the man took the Assiniboine by the hair, and stabbed him with the knife. As years went on, he killed many enemies with his knife in that way. It was very strong medicine. This knife is still among our people, but there are two of them.^

Now it was the turn of the father-bear to give the man something, so he gave him a lance with an otter-skin hanging down decorated with feathers. Bear's claws were hung to it for bells [rattles]. The shaft of this lance was wrapped with elk-skin, and a head-dress of bear-claws went with it.

There was one thing I forgot to tell you about the bear-knife, and that is, when a man is to receive the knife, the knife is thrown at him. If he catches it, it is all right; but if he does not catch it, he cannot receive the medicine.

Then the Bear took up the lance, painted it and made a smudge as before, singing, "Bear above, says the earth is our lodge." Then he mixed the paint and pamted his face as before. Then he sang another song, and as he did

» When the bear-knife is transferred, the ceremony is the same as performed by the bear in this narrative. The transfer of the Icnife is so rough, that no one will talce it, unless forced to do

98 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

SO struck the lance into the ground. While singing another song he took up the lance in the same manner as the knife, then threw the man upon the thorns, and painted him as before. The words in this song were: —

"Underneath is a bear; he has sun power."

Now the lance was thrown at the man and he caught it. If he had failed, he would not have received it. Then the Bear gave him the same instruc- tions as for the bear-knife.^

Now it was the old w^oman's turn to give the man something, and she gave him a painted lodge. This lodge is still among the Northern Blackfoot. On it is a picture of a bear. The owner of the lodge wears bear-claws for anklets, wristlets, and ornaments on his head. He also wears a feather head-dress and a bear-robe. The smudge song for^the bear-lodge is as follows: —

The next song: —

'The earth is our home. It is medicine."

"My lodge I give it to you. It is powerful."

Then she took up the paint and sang as she painted him: —

*Be not afraid. Never turn back. Think of the one you kill and eat."

The woman told the man that no one must spit inside of the lodge, but he must raise up the side, and spit on the outside. (Same is true of the medi- cine-lodge.) The medicine-bundle for this lodge was the robe and the other objects to be worn by the man. It must also have a bearskin for a door, for this is the lodge in which the man found the bears.

18. The Smoking-Otter.

Once there was a white man and his wife who had for a friend a young Indian who was not married. The white man took the Indian off to a great water. They went out to a lonely island which was the nesting- ground for many kinds of birds. The ground in many places w^as covered with feathers. They camped there for a while. After a time the white man began to be suspicious of his Indian friend on account of his wife.

1 The lance was buried several years ago with the body of its last owner. During the^ ceremonies the wife of the recipient of the ritual was also thrown down upon the thorns. Once an indecent exposure of the woman occurred when this part of the ceremony was reached, the narration of which afterwards came to have a definite place in the transfer proceedings.

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 99

He thought that she was in love with the Indian. Now the days on the island were very hot, and one day the Indian said that he was going down on the shore on the other side of the island to take a swim. As soon as he was gone, the white man put his wife into a boat and rowed away as fast as he could. When the Indian came back, he looked around for his friends. Seeing the boat in the distance he knew what had happened. He watched the boat out of sight. Then he began to cry. As the man and his wife had taken everything with them, the young Indian made a bed of feathers, crawled into it, and mourned all night. So he lived on the island alone, sleeping in feathers, and digging roots.*

One day the Indian saw an Otter and a white Swan swimming toward the shore. As they came up, they spoke to him, saWng, **My son, do not be frightened, for we have come to take you to the shore; but you must shut your eyes, and not open them again until we tell you. We will get to the shore yet before the white man does." Then the swan began to sing songs. The words were as follows : —

"The man says, 'The wind is my medicine. The rain is my medicine, The hail is my medicine.' "

Then the Otter sang a song. First he dipped his fingers into the water four times, rubbed them on his hair, blew his whistle four times, and sang: —

"Wherever I lie, I hear. The water is my medicine.**

This is the way the Smoking-Otter medicine came to be among the Indians. When the Indian was brought back to his people, he took an otter- skin and a swan-skin for his medicine. Whenever the owner of this medicine begins to smoke, he shakes the bells on the otter four times. Then he takes some smoke, blows it into the hollow of his hand, and rubs it on the otter- skin. Then he blows one handful to the otter, one to the bells, one to the owner's heart, and one to the ground. This last is because the otter runs on the ground. There is power in this, because the otter is supposed to have long life.

19. The Medicine Shields.

Once there was a man named Always -Talking and a woman named Stepped. This woman was the wife of Always-Talking; but she fell in love with a younger man. When her husband discovered this, he killed her.

To this point in the narrative we have what seems a version of a Dakota myth, RipKS» op. cit., p. 130; also Wissler, Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XX, p. 196. It is interesting to find a fragment of this myth among the Blackfoot accounting for the origin of a medicine- bundle.

100 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. fV^ol. II,

Then he went about and around the camp, telling all the people what he had done, and that they should move camp at once. This was according to the custom of that time, when women who committed this offence were killed and their bodies left unburied. So the people moved their camp far to the north, where they crossed a large river. This was early in the spring and the water of the river got very high, so high that they could not cross back again. Always-Talking had two wives left, but he mourned for his other wife, and was sorry that he had killed her.

Many buffalo were roaming about on the side of the river where the woman's body lay. There were eight buffalo who travelled by themselves, one was a cow and seven were bulls. ^ The Cow always led the bunch. As they were going along one day, they came to the body of the dead woman. They stopped, stood around and looked at it. The Cow said, "For this woman I am sorry. I pity her. You must doctor her." To this the others replied, "We are sorry too. We will do what we can for the poor woman." One of the bulls was the husband of the Cow and he said to her, "You go over to the herd and pick out seven cows to aid us in doctoring the woman." The Cow went away and came back with seven others. Now all the buffalo knew what was going on and gathered around in a large crowd.

The woman had been dead a long time, and nothing remained except her bones. As the buffalo stood around, they all became people, painted and dressed in fine clothes. They had seven drums and other medicine things. Then they began to sing a song. The words were, "We want buffalo to come to life." Then they all walked around the skeleton and pawed until it was covered with dirt and grass. They sang many other songs. Then the Cow and her husband approached the place where the skeleton was covered up, and each hooked at the place twice. Then the other buffalo did the same in their turn. Then the husband of the Cow led the buffalo around to one side and brought them up toward the feet of the skeleton. Then they hooked as before ; then back again and up toward the right side of the skeleton; then toward the head. As they came toward the head of the skeleton, the husband of the Cow rushed at the heap of dirt, and the woman came to life and stood up. Then the woman took the lead of the procession and all the buffalo fell in behind. The husband of the Cow came directly behind the woman. He had great power. He would blow through his nose and all the different colored paints would come out. He blew these paints upon the woman. The other buffalo carried seven drums, and sang this song: —

See footnote p. 122

1908.] Wiasler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology, 101

'^Buffalo is going to drink. Water is my medicine. Buffalo is going to eat. Grass is my medicine."

The meaning of this song was, that when the woman should drink and eat she would be fully restored to life. As the procession approached the river, they stopped three times, and a fourth time at the edge of the river. While they stopped there, they sang this song: —

"Our road is powerful. We look for a powerful road."

Now the woman had been dead so long that she had to be given the power to drink and to eat. So the husband of the Cow put her mouth to the water with four movements, and directed her to drink by licking the water four times. Then he took a buffalo horn spoon, painted it red and yellow, and gave the woman water from it. Then he took some dried meat, rubbed it in his hands, making four movements toward the woman's mouth, and gave it to her to eat. Now the woman was restored to life. The husband of the Cow gave her some buffalo-hair and said, "When you cross this river, go into the lodge of your husband, and if he is still angry at you, throw this hair at him, and he will die of the small-pox. If he treat you well, make him a shield, and one for each of your two brothers." The river was now very deep, and in order that the woman might cross, the buffalo made a bridge of shields over the river. The Cow told the woman to shut her eye5, and began to lead her across. She said to the woman, "When you have reached the other side, the buffalo will give you your choice of three of these shields. There are three medicine-shields here, — the first one upon which you shall step, the fourih, and the one in the centre of the bridge. You choose these, and when you get back make them." When the woman was safely across, the husband of the Cow placed all the shields before her in a row that she might choose some of them. She picked out the three shields as directed by the Cow. The Bull advised her to take others. He said, "Those you have selected have no power. The other shields are medicine-shields." But the woman still insisted upon taking her first choice, and after refusing the others four times, she w^as permitted to take them. Now one of the shields she took belonged to the husband of the Cow. He said to the woman, "My shield must never be put down in the house, but must hang upon a tripod. The face of the shield must always point toward the sun, and it must be moved on the tripod to follow the sun."

Now the woman started to return to her people. WTien she came in sight of the camp, she concealed herself until it was dark, and then went to the lodge of her husband. "Is my husband at home?" j^he said. "He is,"

102 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

a man replied. Always-Talking recognized his wife and gave her a hearty welcome. He forgave her all the past. After a time the woman told Always- Talking that he should kill three large bulls and give her the skins. WTieti the skins were brought to her, she made three shields. She gave one to Always-Talking, and one to each of her brothers. She said to them, ** \Mien you go out on the war-path, you must take these three shields. You must never turn back until you meet enemies. If you do so, you will surely die." This is the way the people got medicine-shields.

20. Never-Sits-Down's Shield.

Somewhere on the other side of the mountains a Piegan was sleeping in lonely places. One night he slept in a buffalo-wallow and had a dream. Next day he returned to his people and entered his father's lodge. The next day he asked his father to cut a piece of skin from the belly of a bull and shrink it by heating over a fire. This done, he was to cut it round like the sun, and paint the picture of a bull and a cow on one side; also to put a fringe across the middle of the shield to represent the beard of the bull. In the centre of the piece he was to tie the head of a jack-rabbit. Then he was to take a piece of elk-horn, bend it into a hook, and tie it across the middle. Wristlets were to be made from the skin of the buffalo's nose, and dew-claws were to be tied to them. Armlets were to be made from the skin taken from the throat where the hair is long. A strip of skin from the buffalo's mane was to be taken for a necklace. Finally his father was requested to get a white horse with red ears, and to bob his tail like that of the rabbit. The horse should be made to look as much like the rabbit as possible. A whistle was to be used to imitate the noise made by the rabbit.

When the boy's father had done all this, he was directed by his son to hang the shield upon a pole on the back of the lodge, then to ride round the camp and tell all the people to stake down their lodges. "\Mien this is done," said the boy, '*I shall sing a song, and if nothing happens, we shall destroy this shield." So the boy's father rode round the camp, calling out to all the people and telling them to stake down their lodges and send a swift runner to assist his son. The whole camp knew that some powerful medicine was about to work. The women hurried out to stake down thejr lodges. When the father returned to his lodge, the boy dug up some dirt at the side of his bed, and scattered some light-colored dust in the hole. ** This," said he, *' is to represent the place where the buffalo do their pawing." The young man directed the runner to go out by the left side of the lodge and run around very fast, take the shield down from the pole as he ran,

1 908.] Wiasler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 103

and bring it into the lodge without stopping. WTiile the runner was doing this, the boy sang a song. He was sitting down with a buffalo-robe, hair- fiide out, drawn around him. When the runner came in with the shield, the boy put it on by putting his feet through the carrjing-strap and pulling it over his shoulders. Then he fell over into the hole he had dug, rolled in the dust he had scattered there, and grunted like the buffalo. Then he got up and shook himself. Immediately a great storm came. It blew the dust the boy shook from himself straight up into the air. It did not blow down the lodge in which the shield was; but every other lodge in the camp was blown over, notwithstanding the fact that they had been staked down very tight. In this way, the great medicine-power of this shield became known to th^ people.

Once, a long time after this, the enemy attacked the camp, and the Piegan were driven back among their lodges. The boy who owned the shield sat quietly in his lodge and let them fight. His people called him to come out, but he sat still. Finally he sent for a number of young men, and when they arrived he requested them to get a number of young cotton- wood-trees and put them against his lodge. WTiile the young men were bringing the trees, the boy had his horse brought in. The young men soon came back, and brought so many trees that they almost broke down the lodge, llien the boy put on his wristlets, his armlets, his necklace, took the shield, sang a song, rolled in the dust and shook himself, as before. This time, however, he shot straight up in the air and came out at the top of the lodge, breaking some of the cottonwood-trees, and came down astride his horse. The horse jumped four times, like a rabbit. All this time the enemy were shooting at him. As the horse jumped the fourth time, the enemy ran. The boy pursued them, striking them with the hook of elk-horn that hung upon the shield, and every man struck fell dead.

The shield takes its name from its owner, who always sat down; but the people speak of him, according to their way, as he who never-sits-down.

21. The Eagle-Head Charm.

One day a man came to a tall tree in the top of which was an eagle's nest. The nest was made of sticks, and was very broad. The man looked up at it. He saw a buffalo-calf standing up there. "These birds have some great power," he said. "I will sleep here [at the foot of the tree] to see if I get some power." So he put his robe over his head, lay down under the tree and slept. He awoke, hearing a puff of wind. He uncovered his head and found himself up in the nest. The buffalo-calf, frightened, was jumping about snorting. Looking up, the man saw two eagles circling

104 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

around the tree. They were very high and were sounding their whistles [screaming]. There was a wind. The eagles came down. The man was afraid. He took two young eagles up in his arms and cried. The female eagle said, " Let us do something for this man : he takes pity on our children." Then the male eagle struck the buffalo-calf, knocking him off the nest, and also knocking off a dead calf that was there. Then he became a person and stood before the man. The eagle-person sang songs. He had a straw in the bunch of hair at the top of his head. He told the man that this was to make him as hard to hit [in a fight] as a straw.

First Song.

"I don't want them [enemy] to kill me. These here [the straw, etc.] I shall fight with."

Second Song.

"This here, my head-top, wear. It is powerful. Guns for me are fun [easy to overcome]."

Third Song.

"That there I am looking for. Guns [are] my medicine."

While singing the third song, the eagle-person waved his arms as if flying around, and moved his head as if searching for the guns. At the end of it he blew his whistle four times and took the man down to the ground.

Fourth Song.

"Gun I want to eat [capture]."

Fifth Song.

"Now let me eat a gun."

While singing the fifth song, the eagle-person flapped his arms, and at the end blew his whistle. Then he said to the man, "I will give you some power." He took a feather from his tail and threw it through the body of the calf, saying, "So you can do to enemies." The man said to himself, "I do not want such power as this, to kill people." The female eagle said, "Do not give him such a power as that. Give him some other power." So the male eagle said, "Well, you will get long life and good luck."

Soon after, the man came to a place where some young men were shoot- ing at white-headed eagles. He watched them. They killed one. He asked for the head and a wing-bone. When they were given to him, he tied

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 105

the head on to his hair and made a whistle of the bone. The man soon went on a raid and got many horses. He went into many fights, but always got out safely. When a very old man, he transferred the charms and formula to a young man, its present owner, who attributes his long, life and safety to its power.

22. The Pigeons.

Opee an old man was in mourning for a son who had been killed on the war-path. He had gone out to the place where the body had been found. Then he went up on a high hill. This was a very lonesome place; but there were many pigeons there. The name of this man was Changes-His-Camp. The place was in the direction of the Crows. He himself was a Piegan. Now it was the fall of the year, and the old man was crying for his son. While he was doing this, he heard the turtle-doves innting each other. He went over and joined them. They said that they would give him a society. They said that he had mourned a long time and that now he was about to get revenge. That he would move camp a few times and three Crow Indians would be killed. Then they danced, and showed him the whole thing. When he came back, he started the Pigeons.^

23. The Mosquitoes.

Once a Piegan lived in the woods in the far north. This was a long time ago. One day he was out hunting in timber in which there were a great many insects; but the insects were all in their holes because it was raining. The man wore a buckskin shirt, leggings, and moccasins. After a while the day cleared off, and at once the insects began to fly. They swarmed around the man so thick that he could not push them away. At last they got under his clothing. They bit him all over until he was almost dead. At last he was exhausted, and fell down upon the ground. Now the insects settled on his face, and began to w ork their way into his eyes, nose, and ears. His whole head was covered with them. Before he became unconscious, he heard a voice calling out, ** Mosquitoes, mosquitoes, get together, get together! Your friend is nearly dead." Then the mosquitoes got together and came out in single file. The man saw that four of them were painted yellow with blue stripes across the eyes, nose, and cheeks. ITie others were

The Blackfoot maintained a series of related societies for men similar to the military socie- ties of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Hidatsa, etc. The names given them by Grinnell are Little- Birds, Pigeons, Mosquitoes, Braves, All -Crazy (?) Dogs, Raven- Bearers, Dogs, Tails, Horns Kit-Foxes, Catchers, and Bulls. Our collection of narratives contains origin myths for a num- ber of these. See Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, op. cit., pp. 104, 221.

106 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [WoX. II,

painted red. These four were called the "yellow mosquitoes/' and wore eagle-tail feathers in their hair. The others wore plumes and a long feather hanging down from the head. They had a leader who wore a feather on his head, and had his face painted yellow with red bands cross it. Also four of them carried a piece of rawhide with the hair on it, upon which they beat time. They wore moccasins and breech- cloths. All the members wore eagle-claws on their wristlets, the strings of which were wrapped with porcupine- quills. They all sat down in a circle while a song was sung. Then all danced around in the direction of the sun four times, and, springing up, they dashed upon the insects, quickly driving them away.

24. The Braves.

Once a boy was out hunting squirrels with bow and arrows. He chased a squirrel into a hole, and lay near by waiting for it to come out. He waited so long that he fell asleep with his head resting on the bow. After a while he heard shouting and then a war-whoop. This caused him to wake up. He could hear the shouting, but could see nothing. Finally he looked up into the sky, where he saw many men coming down. Behind the main body were two side by side, and in the rear one man. Their robes were turned hair-side out, and buffalo-hoofs hung from the comers. One of the men carried a stick with plumes fastened to it. The men in the front row had their faces painted black. One in the centre of the front rank wore a fine suit trimmed with weasel-tails and a feather in his head. All the others wore robes. Tl.is leader carried a rattle in his hand, half of which was painted yellow and half red, with a hawk-feather hanging from the end. His face was painted half red and half yellow. Then the men all fell into single file. In the rear were four men painted black, and wearing black robes. Each carried a lance wrapped in black cloth trimmed with four bunches of crow- feathers. Their faces were painted with white streaks across the nose. Some of them carried water- vessels made of buffalo- stomachs, on their backs. All of them carried whistles. The leader was painted red, wore a red robe, and carried a spear with feathers of many colors. Their faces were painted. There were four other men, all painted white with black circles on their faces and four marks below their eyes. They carried spears with four bunches of eagle-tail feathers on them. Sage- grass was tied around the spears. One man wore a buckskin suit trimmed with weasel-tails and his body was painted white. There were two men wearing robes with the hair-side out. They wore shirts and red moccasins cut full of small holes. Their bodies were painted red with black marks

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 107

•on the faces. Their robes were kept in place by bearskin belts, and they wore arm-bands of bearskin. Each carried a red bow and four arrows, two blunt and two pointed. There was a man in the rear called Brave- Willow. He wore a robe tanned on both sides. His face was painted red with a black mark across the nose. Buffalo-hoofs were tied to the corners •of his robe and a plume fastened at the back. He carried in his hand a willow painted red with plumes on each of the branches.

This is the way the Braves were first found out. The men with arrows were called Brave-Bears.

25. Dog-Chief.

Once there was a very nice girl the daughter of a head man, and many young men sought her for a wife. One of the men in the camp owned a very large dog. It was a brindle. One time this girl borrowed this dog, hitched him to a travois, and went out for wood. After this she borrowed him many times, and he became used to her. WTienever became about she always fed him and petted him, and whenever she went for water he went with her. One day as the girl was going along she said aloud, *I wish you were a young man, then I would marry you." Now the dog heard and understood. That night he turned himself into a man and went to the lodge where the girl was sleeping. She awoke and found some one kissing her. She put out her hand, felt the man, and noted that his hair was fine and that he had finely shaped limbs. When he went away she wondered who it could be. She never had anything to do with other men. She had two brothers, and for that reason she did not wish to say anything about it. She thought the person might have been one of her suitors. So she thought to herself, "If he comes, next time I will mark him." So that evening she took some white earth, mixed it with water in a cup, and stirred it with a stick-weed. That night the strange visitor came again, and, as he caressed the girl, she rubbed some of the white earth on his hair, on his robe, and on his back.

Now the next day there was a dance in the camp, and while it was going on, the girl went out and looked around. Though she could see every man in the camp, none of them wore the marks of her paint. Now she wondered who he could be. As she turned away, she saw a dog in the distance. It

1 For a note on the wide distribution of this myth see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 209. The punishment of a maiden regarded by herself or her parents as of too ereat worth to oe the wife of even the best young man in camp, is a favorite thenie among tlie Blacivfoot storj'-tellers. Her humiliation usually takes the same form, slie marries a man of extraordinary promise, who turns out to be a creature equally disgusting. For another example in this collection, see p. 151.

108 Anthropological Papers American Mtiseum of Natural History. [Vol.11;.

was her travois dog, and as he came up she saw stripes of white paint on him^ just as she had marked her strange visitor. Now she thought to herself, **It can't be the dog; but surely that is the paint. Now to-night he will come again, and I will try it once more." That night the man came again. This time she took his middle finger, and, putting it into her mouth, bit it very hard so as to cut it through with her teeth. Now she was the daughter of the chief of the tribe. The next day there was to be a dance, and she requested her father to order the young men to dance holding up their hands. Her father did this, and as they danced she looked closely, at all their hands, but saw no bruises on them. As she looked away, she saw the travois dog again. As he came up, she noticed that he was lame, and when she examined his foot, she found that one of his toes was nearly cut in two. Then she went to the man and asked him for the loan of the dog to go for water. She put him to the travois and went. When out of sight of the camp, she took the dog into the brush, turned to him and said, "Here, it is you that visits me at night.'' The paint was on him yet, and he was very lame.

Then the dog became a man, took off the travois and stood up. He was a fine young man. He said to the girl, "Well, it was your fault, you wished it." Then the dog-man took her into the brush. The girl said, '*Let us go far away from the camp. This is a disgrace to me." **WeIl,"^ said the man, **I will be a dog again, and you may drive me home with the water; but to-night, when all the people are asleep, we will leave the camp- and no one will ever know about this." So they took the water home, and the girl got all her things together, some food and some moccasins. When it was dark, she told her mother that she was going out for a while. When she was out of sight, the dog-man appeared and they went away together. The next morning the chief called out about the camp, asking if any one had seen the girl. Then the man who owned the dog called out about the camp, saying, "My large travois dog has gone. Has any one seen him ?"

The dog-man and the girl went far off. They were gone four years. They had two children, a boy and a baby-girl. The children were real' people, for the dog-man was now a person. They all returned to the camp: of the girl's people, and the dog-man called at the lodge of his former owner. ^Vhen he came to the door he said, "Can I stay here a while?" "Yes," said the owner. The dog-man had ten dogs with him. One day the man said to him. "To what tribe do you belong ?" "Well," said he, "I belong to a tribe living far away." "Then how is it," said the man, "that you speak our language?" The dog- man replied, "Because our people speak the same language as you." Now the dog-man always wore his moccasins, and whenever he had occasion to change them, he went outside, where no- one could see him. About this the people became suspicious. Whenever

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 109

his wife would cook a meal, he would say that he would eat outside; and 50ine of the people who watched him saw that he ate his meat raw. So one day his former owner said to his wife, "I beUeve he is not a person. Sup- pose we look at him when he has his moccasins off." So one time, when the dog-man was asleep, they saw his foot sticking out of the bed. He had feet like a dog. During this time the parents of the girl began to see a resemblance in the wife of the dog-man to their lost daughter. They began to have suspicions also. Now the dog-man thought to himself, "I guess they know all about it." So one day he said to his former owner, " Do you know that I am a dog?" "Yes," said the man. **Well," said the dog- man, **I am your old brindle." Now the girl went over to her parents and told them the stor}\ She explained eventhing as it had happened.

No^^ when the news was spread in the camp, all the men stood around and began to make remarks. They said, **Now, you see all the fine young men refused her: so she married a dog." The dog- man was very angry because of this abuse, so he requested his wife's people and the people of his former owner to move camp that night. So they moved. WTien they had camped again, not far away, the dog-man began to call out like a dog, and all the dogs in the camps joined him at once. Now the people were all afoot because they had no travois dogs. So they held a council, and sent four men over to the dog-man's camp to get the dogs back; but when they came there the dog-man barked, and all the dogs jumped upon the four men and killed them. Then the people begged of him to give up the dogs. At last he consented. So they got their dogs back.

Now this dog-man had a dog-skin for a medicine, which he gave to his wife's brother. This man called in a number of young men, and organized a society. This society was called "llie Dogs." After a time the son of the dog-man became a chief, and, like his father's ancestors, he was a great runner. He led the buffalo over the drive, and pursued enemies in battle. His sister became a good woman, a great worker, economical, etc. These children were real persons. There were no traces of dog in them.

26. Has-Scars-All-Over.

Once when the people were in camp the young men were out chasing buffalo. They were trying to drive them over, but did not succeed. The people of the camp were very hungry, as they had been out of meat for a long time. One day while the young men were out after buffalo again, two young women went out from the camp to gather wood. When they were out in the brush, they heard a noise over in the camp. Some one in a

110 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

loud voice was telling the people to be quiet and keep close to the camp, because the young men were now driving up the buffalo. The young women heard what was said. One of them said aloud, in the presence of her companion, "Leader of the buffalo, if you will lead the herd into the enclasure so that my people may have plenty of meat, I will take you for my husband."

When the young women had their bundles of wood ready to draw up on their backs with the pack-straps, they heard a great noise. The buffalo were going over. The companion of the girl who made the vow to marry the buffalo said, **Listen, the buffalo went over. Hurr}'!" Every time the other woman raised her bundle of wood to her back, the strap would break and the wood fall to the ground. WTien this had happened four times, her companion, who was very anxious to get to the camp, left her. When the young woman was alone, making up her bundle for the fifth time, she heard some one say, "I have come for you. I want you to go with me." The young woman looked up in surprise. She saw a hand- some young man finely dressed. She was frightened. She said, 'No, I do not have to go with you. You have nothing to do with me." To this the young man replied, '! have killed all my people on account of you. You said you would marry the leader of the buffalo if he led them over. I was the leader of that herd, and you know from what you have just heard that I have done my part." Then the young woman began to cry and said, "Yes, I did say that. I must keep my vow. I will go with you."

Now all the people of the camp were busy butchering, and no one noticed the absence of the young woman for a long time. At last her husband and her relatives began to ask about her. Finally they learned that she and the other woman had gone into the brush to gather wood just before the buffalo were driven over. WTien the companion of the missing girl was questioned, she told them of the promise made in her hearing, and that she left the woman in the brush because her wood kept falling down. Then she asked the people if any of the bulls had escaped from the enclosure. Then the watchers remembered that they saw the leader of the herd spring over the fence and run away. Now every one was sure that the missing woman had gone away as the wife of the leader of the buffalo.

The husband of the woman began to make many arrows. He gathered all the different kinds of rock he could find to make arro^^oints. He made many arrows. Then he started out to find his wife. He travelled many days. One day about noon he came to the place where the buffalo lived. While he was scouting, he saw a woman going down to the river for water. As he watched her he recognized his wife. He took off his clothing and painted himself with buffalo dung and urine.* Then he hurried

1 So that he miglu not be discovered by the scent of his body.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. Ill

to the river, where he met his wife. He said to her, "I have come to take you home." The woman had a buffalo-hom in which she carried water to her buffalo-lover. Her husband was thirsty, and said to her, "Give me the horn that I may take a drink." Before she could answer, he took the horn from her hands and drank with it. Then she said to him, "You must wait here until the middle of the afternoon. That is the time when my lover takes a nap. When he is sound asleep I will steal away, meet you here and go home with you." Then the woman filled the horn with water and carried it to the Bull. When he was about to drink, the horn made a peculiar loud noise. He stopped, looked sharply at the woman, and said, " Some one met you and talked with you." The woman said quietly, **Well, one of your young men came down to the river, took the horn from my hands and drank from it." "Oh! all right," said the Bull as he put the horn to his mouth and drank. ^ When he had fallen asleep the woman stole away, met her husband at the river, and they started home. They went as fast as they could. When the Bull awoke and missed the woman, he called together his herd, and ordered them to look for her. They soon» found the trail of the man and woman by the scent. Then the whole herd followed rapidly.

As the man and woman were running along, they looked back and saw the whole herd following them. The woman said that the leader of the herd was a very f>owerful medicine-man. He had been shot many times, but nothing seemed to kill him. He has so many scars on his body, that the buffalo named him Has- Scars- All-Over. WTien the herd came near them, the woman threw down her robe. The whole herd stopped to hook and trample it. In this way they gained a start. Just before the buffalo over- took them again, they reached a forest. The man and woman cUmbed into a very large tree. When they were safely seated in the branches, the woman reminded the man again that the leader of the herd was a powerful medicine-man. The man said to her, "Do you know what will kill him?" The woman replied, "I have heard him say that white flint rock is the only thing of which he is afraid." The man looked over his arrows and took out five that were tipped with this rock. While he was doing this, he heard the buffalo come to the tree. As they lost the trail, the whole herd passed by, except one old scabby bull. He was so old that he could not keep up with the others. \Mien he got to the tree, he stopped to rub his sides against it. While they were watching him from the top of the tree, the woman said, "I have a notion to spit on that bull." "No!" said the man. "None of them have seen us, and if you keep still they will not find us." The woman,

1 To this point the incidents are similiar to those in the Origin of the Bull Band, Grinnell^ op. cit., p. 104.

112 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11,

however, took no notice of what he said, but leaned over and spat upon the bull. At once he looked up, saw the people in the top of the tree and bellowed loudly. The whole herd came back at once. The bulls began to butt the tree. The man took his arrows and shot the buffalo down one after the other. He killed so many that they lay in heaps. Now the leader of the herd was a^ powerful medidne-man. He began to roll in the dust. After he had rolled over four times, he got up and shook himself. As he did so the dust shot straight up into the air. Then he charged upon the tree, and as his horns struck it, a large piece flew off. As he did this the man in the tree shot a common arrow at him; but it rebounded from his side without doing him any harm. The woman said, "About the fourth time he strikes the tree, it will fall." When the leader of the herd charged the second time, the man shot a white-pointed arrow at him. It entered his head, but did not stop him. When he struck the tree, one of his horns passed through the trunk and stuck fast. However, this split the tree, causing it to fall. The moment he struck the ground, the man shot another white-pointed arrow into him. He died instantly. When the buffalo saw their leader fall, they ran away as fast as they could.

The woman came up and stood looking at the dead bull. She began to shed tears. The man looked at her in great surprise. He said, '*Did you really love that buffalo?" **Yes," replied the woman.^ When she said this, the man took out his white-rock knife and killed her at once. He returned to his people, and founded the society known as the "Front Tails." They were known by this name because each member wore a buffalo-tail upon his belt, which was hung in such a way as to be seen from the front.

27. Scabby-Bull.

Once there was a married woman. This was in the olden times. One year the buffalo would not go over the drive. Every time they were brought up, they broke through the lines. Then, the old men consulted each other. One said, "It is curious how the buffalo act. Some one must be making power secretly." Now the husband of this woman was a head man. One day when he was talking about the strange acts of the buffalo, one suggested that they question the young men who formed the lines of the buffalo-drive as to what they observed. As they could tell nothing, they were directed next time to watch carefully, to note the leader, his age, and all his char-

» A similar tale has been found among the Crow Indians (Slmms, op. clt., p. 322) and among the Arapaho (Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 423).

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 1 13

acteristics. "Perhaps," said one, "you young men stick your heads up too quickly." After the next attempt to drive the buffalo, the young men reported that a young bull led the herd. Some said that he was middle- aged, and one young man said that he was an old bull.

Now this woman was a fine-looking person. At one time she was the belle of the camp. She was 'irtuous and industrious. About this time the leader of the herd spoke to her. He said, " If you will go off with me, I will lead the herd over. Then I will get out and join you in the brush." Now the woman thought it over and said to some one, "If I had no children, it would be with me like the woman who married a star." * (The bull had appeared to her in a dream.) After thinking it over, she decided to promise to marry him because of her people. They were very hungry, and it seemed her duty to make the sacrifice on their account. So after a while she said that she would marry the bull. She really just thought it, she did not speak it. She was thinking of her children as she went out after wood. Presently she saw the brush where she slept when dreaming of the bull. As she was starting home with the wood, she saw the buffalo go over the drive. She went back with her wood as quickly as she could.

After the buffalo were in, one bull got out. He was scabby and lame. He ran right through the camp, and as he passed the woman she noticed red on his head. Now the woman started out for more wood. As she went out of the lodge she saw two ravens sitting close by. "Now," she thought, "this is strange that they should be there." As she started down, the ravens began flving around her head, telling her that the buffalo-man was coming. Now this man always had many animals and birds around him, — swallows, small birds, canary-birds, etc.; and while the woman was making up her bundle of wood many birds were flying round her head. Then she heard the brush crack, and a man stepped out. "Hold on!" he said. "I am in a hurry," the woman replied, "I must get back to do my butchering." All this time the birds were flying swiftly around her head, and she lost her presence of mind, being unable to go on. **Well," said Scabby-Bull, "you promised to marry me in your mind. I killed all my relations on account of you." Then the woman consented, and they went off together.

All this time the people were butchering. The husband looked every- where for the woman, and after a few days began to mourn for her as lost. He cried, and called upon ail living things to help him to get back his wife, to tell him where she was, etc. As he was going about crying, he came to a bluebird's nest in a broken tree. He cried beside the tree, and took up

1 This refers to the narrative of a woman who went to the sky to become the husband of the Morning Star, pp. 38-61.

1 14 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

some of the young ones in his hand, still crying. Then the Bluebird said to him, *What are you doing this for?' Then the man told the Bluebird all that had happened. **We know who it is," said the Bluebinl. "It is Scabby-Bull. He is a powerful medicine-man. You cannot kill him. We can do nothing for you. None of your arrows will kill him. You must take a blunt arrow, paint it yellow, and shoot him on the crown of the head. That will make him crazy. Then you can shoot him again. That will kill him. Then you must cut him open. A canary-bird will fly out, and you must kill it also. Now go over to the other brush you see yonder. In a forked branch you will find a nest of young blackbirds. Take up one of the young ones, and begin to cry." The man found the nest as directed, and, holding one of the young ones in his hand, began to cry. After a while the male Blackbird said, "What are you doing that for?" "Well," said the man, "I have heard Scabby-Bull ran off with my wife. I have children at home like yours, and need help to get my wife back." "Well," said the Blackbird, "I can help you in one way. I can give you power to fool him. I have that power when around hawks, eagles, etc. Scabby-Bull is the leader of the buffalo herd and is protected by a number of birds. You go on to the next brush, where you will find an ant-hill. Upon it is a white stick on which an ant is sleeping. Give him food, and ask him for help." The man went on until he came to the Ant, when he did as directed. He explained all his troubles to the Ant, who promised to help him. The Ant said, "Go on to the next brush. You vaW find a couple [man and wife] down there. Take some of these willows for them to eat [use]. Call on them for help. These people have the power of arrows." Then the man went on. Presently he came up to an old couple, from whom he got some power. The old man said, "You take two blunt arrows. Scabby-Bull is afraid of them. You can kill him with such arrows." The old man gave him medicine, leggings, and a shirt worked in porcupine-quills. He said, "Your arrows will be as many as your quills, and will stick and hurt like quills. In the next brush you ^ill find a very quick person. Call on him for help." The man went on. When he came to the next brush, he found a Prairie-chicken with his wife and children. So the man took some grass- hoppers and fed the chicks. "What are you doing that for?" said the Prairie-chicken. Then the man ex-plained to him that he had lost his wife, etc. "I know all about Scabby-Bull," said the Prairie-chicken. "He is a very smart person, guarded by many birds and animals, and very hard to approach. I will help you all I can. I can scare anything that Uves. [This refers to the noise as a prairie-chicken suddenly takes wing.] I will scare Scabby-Bull. You will find him by a spring. I can take you there. Now go back to the old man and ask for your arrows." When the man

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 115

returned with his arrows, the Prairie-chicken said, **You must go back to the Ant and feed him again. He should give you more power. He may give you the power to turn into an ant This Ant is the same one as the flying-ant. The buffalo and birds pay no attention to flying-ants. Scabby- Bull is protected by all sorts of things, and a flpng-ant is about the only thing that can approach him." So he went back and got the power to turn into an ant. The Ant said to him, " Now Scabby-Bull is abusing your wife, because I have been there to see." \Mien the man got back, the Prairie- chickeh and he started out. After a time they saw Scabby-Bull in the dis^ tance. "Now shut your eyes," said the Prairie-chicken. At once the man became a prairie-chicken, and was flying along with the other. They saw all the birds fl\ing around the herd. Then they alighted and began to feed with the other birds. **Look," said the Prairie-chicken, **see that herd of buffalo! Scabby-Bull and your wife are there. Over yonder is the spring where they drink." Then the Prairie-chicken said again, **Shut your eyes I" At once the man became a winged-ant. **Now," said the Prairie-chicken, "you can fly around and not be noticed." As he flew around, he saw Scabby- Bull lying with his head on the woman^s lap. The woman was picking lice from his head while he was shaking his tail. Scabby-Bull was very jealous of this woman. After a while he said to her, "I shall go away, but you are to work some moccasins for me in quills. If you have not finished them by the time I return, the buffalo will dance upon you and kill you."

Then the woman set to work on the moccasins. She called upon the worms [probably ants] for help.^ They asked her to sing a song while they W'orked. In this way the work was soon done. They were very fine indeed. By this time the Ant and the Prairie-chicken were back at the spring. Scabby-Bull came back to the woman, took off his left horn and sent her to the spring for water. As she took the horn, Scabby-Bull told her that if any one spoke to her the horn would make a noise. \Mien the woman reached the spring, her former husband, who was now an ant, alighted on her ear and explained everything to her. He told her how the children at home were crying for her. That he needed her very much. Then the w^oman told him that she would go back to Scabby-Bull, and after he had gone to sleep she would nm off. Now when she got back with the horn of w^ater, and Scabby-Bull was about to drink, the horn made a noise. At once he accused the woman of having met some one; but she said cjuietly, "No, the birds were all telling me not to look." Then Scabby-Bull asked the birds. They said that they had done so.

Now, Scabby-Bull went to sleep and the woman met her husband as she had promised. Then he said, "Shut your eyes!" At once the woman

1 This seems to be a part of the R^l-Head narrative, pp. 129-132.

116 Anlhropologiccd Papers American Mtiseum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

became a winged-ant. Then they flew away. The buffalo herd was so large that they were flying over buffalo until sunset and even the next day. About sundown the next day was the time the Ant had stated that he would withdraw his power. Now, as they were flying about over the herd, the birds and animab guarding the buffalo noticed these ants fl}'ing along; but when the Ant withdrew his power, they became prairie-chickens, and so they flew along day after day. At last they were clear of the buffalo, and, becoming human beings, walked on foot. As they were going along, the bluebird was flying over their heads, calling out that the buffalo were gaining on them. Looking back, the man and woman saw them coming. Then the woman threw off one moccasin. WTien the buffalo came up to the place, they stopped to lick it. After a time they gained on them again, and the woman threw off her other moccasin, which delayed the buffalo as before. The next time she threw away one of her leggings, then the other legging, then one garter, and then the other garter. Then she threw off her robe, then her belt, and then her dress. Each time, the buffalo stopped, but gained on them again. Now they came to a tree and climbed into the top. The buffalo were following on their trail. All passed by but one. In the rear was a scabby, lame bull who stopped to rub his back on the tree. While he was doing this, the woman said, **I have a mind to spit on him." **Xo, you must not do that!'' said the man. **The buffalo have not se#n us yet." **Oh!" said the woman, **he is such an old bull that he will not notice it." So she spat on him. Then the bull looked up, saw them in the tree and began to call the herd. Then the man began to shoot them with his arrows. He had flint-points, white-rock points, etc. All this time the buffalo were knocking pieces off the tree, and by the time he l.ad killed all the buffalo, the tree began to tremble. Now the man had but ten arrows left, and Scabby Bull began to make medicine to charge upon the tree. When he charged, he knocked off a large piece. Then as he charged again, he said, **I shall get you this time!" All this time the man was shooting his arrows at him, but they made no wounds. At last he took up the medicine- arrow, shot Scabby-Bull in the forehead, which brought him to his knees, and with the fourth arrow he was killed. Then the man came down, scalped Scabby- Bull, and burned the scalp.

Now the woman began to cry. *'WhatI" said the man, "did you love that bull?" *' Yes," was the reply. Then the man upbraided her, remind- ing her of the dangers he had gone through to rescue her and the ill treatment she had received from the bull. Then he knocked her down, cut off her breasts and her genitals; then those of the bull, which he thrust down her throat.^ So she died.

1 That such outrages were in a way conventional is made probable by an incident noted by Henry, op. cit., p. 262.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 117

28. The Horns and the Matoki.

(a) Blood Version,

Once a young man went out and came to a buffalo-cow fast in the mire. He took advantage of her situation. After a time she gave birth to a boy. When he couJd run about, this boy would go into the Indian camps and join in the games of the children, but would always mysteriously disappear in the evening. One day this boy told his mother that he intended to search among the camps for his father. Not long after this he was playing with the children in the camps as usual, and went into the lodge of a head man in company with a boy of the family. He told this head man that his father lived somewhere in the camp, and that he was anxious to find him. The head man took pity on the boy, and sent out a messenger to call in to his lodge all the old men in the camp. When these were all assembled and standing around the lodge, the head man requested the boy to pick out his father. The boy looked them over, and then told the head man that his father was not among them. Then the head man sent out a messenger to call in all the men next in age; but, when these were assembled, the boy said that his father was not among them. Again the head man sent out the messenger to call in all the men of the next rank in age. When they were assembled, the boy looked them over as before, and announced that his father was not among them. So once again the head man sent out his messenger to call in all the young unmarried men of the camp. As they were coming into the head man*s lodge, the boy ran to one of them, and, embracing him, said, **Here is my father." After a time the boy told his father that he wished to take him to see his mother. The boy said, "When we come near her, she will run at you and hook four times, but you are to stand perfectly still." The next day the boy and his father started out on their journey. As they w^ere going along they saw a buffalo-cow, which immediately ran at them as the boy had predicted. The man stood perfectly still, and at the fourth time, as the cow was running forward to hook at him, she became a woman. Then she went home with her husband and child. One day shortly after their return, she warned her husband that whatever he might do he must never strike at her with fire. They lived together happily for many years. She was a remarkably good woman. One evening when the husband had invited some guests, and the woman expressed a dislike to prepare food for them, he became very angry, and, catching up a stick from the fire, struck at her. As he did so, the woman and her child vanished, and the people saw a buffalo cow and calf running from the camp. Now the husband was very sorry and mourned for his wife and child.

118 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natvral History. [Vol. II,

After a time he went out to search for them. In order that he might ap- proach the buffalo without bi»ing discovered, he rubbed himself with filth from a buffalo-wallow. In the course of time he came to a place where some buffalo were dancing. He could hear them from a distance. As he was approaching, he met his son, who was now, as before, a buffalo-calf. The father explained to the boy that he was mourning for him and his mother and that he had come to take them home. The calf-boy explained that this would be xery difficult, for his father would be required to pass through an ordeal. The calf- boy ex-plained to him that, when he arrived amon^ the buffalo and inquired for his wife and son, the chief of the buffalo would order that he select his child from among all the buffalo-calves in the herd. Now the calf-boy wished to assist his father, and told him that he would know his child by a sign, because, when the calves appeared before him, his own child would hold up its tail. Then the man proceeded until he came to the place where the buffalo were dancing. Immediately he was taken before the chief of the buffalo-herd. The chief required that he first prove his relationship to the child by picking him out from among all the other calves of the herd. The man agreed to this and the calves were brought up. He readily picked out his own child by the sign.

The chief of the buffalo, however, was not satisfied with this proof, and said that the father could not have the child until he identified him four times. ^ WTiile the preparations were being made for another test, the calf-boy came to his father and explained that he would be known this time by closing one eye. \Mien the time arrived, the calves were brought as before, and the chief of the buffalo directed the father to identify his child, which he did by the sign. Before the next trial the calf- boy explained to his father that the sign would be one ear hanging down. Accordingly, when the calves were brought up for the father to choose, he again identified his child. Now, More the last trial, the boy came again to his father and notified him that the sign by which he was to be known was dancing and holding up one leg. Now the calf- boy had a chum among the buffalo- calves, and when the calves were called up before the chief so that the father might select his child, the chum saw the calf-boy beginning to dance holding up one leg, and he thought to himself, "He is doing some fancy dancing." So he, also, danced in the same way. Now the father observed that there were two calves giving the sign, and realized that he must make a guess, lie did so, but the guess was wrong. Immediately the herd nished upon the man and tram])le<l him into the dust. Then they all ran away except the calf-bov, his mother, and an old bull.

Tales of ft ImfTalo-rhihl and similar tests occnr in other tribes. See Simms (Crow, op. cit., p 319) and J. O. Doisty (Ce^diia, op. cit., p. 140;.

1908.] Wissler and DutaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 119

These three mourned together for the fate of the unfortunate man. After a time the old bull requested that they examine the ground to see if they could find a piece of bone. After long and careful search they suc- ceeded in finding one small piece that had not been trampled by the buffalo. The bull took this piece, made a sweat-house, and finally restored the man to life. When the man was restored, the bull explained to him that he and his family would receive some power, some head-dresses, some songs, and some crooked sticks, such as he had seen the buffalo carry in the dance at the time when he attempted to pick out his son.

The calf-boy and his mother then became human beings, and returned with the man. It was this man who started the Bull and the Horn Societies, and it was his wife who started the Matoki.^

(6) North Piegan Version.

Many Indians were in camp where they had made a buffalo-drive, but they could find no buffalo. They sent out two boys to look for the buffalo, and these two boys traced them to the south. Now one of the boys had the power of a crow and went ahead to look for the buffalo. He discovered that a person named White-Crow had driven all the buffalo away. Then one of the boys became a black crow, and when they came back to camp and told the people that White-Crow had driven all the buffalo away, the chief said, "Black-Crow, go up and talk with White-Crow, and lead him off somewhere, and, while he is away, steal the buffalo.** So Black-Crow went out and began to talk with White-Crow to lead him off, but White- Crow was suspicious and wanted to go back. Then Black-Crow told him that he would go out himself to look for buffalo. WTien Black-Crow was out to where the men of the camp were, he advised them only to travel by night, and in the daytime to cover themselves up with grass. Then Black- Crow went back to lead White-Crow away.

Now the young men travelled along by night and finally they heard buffalo, but morning came before they reached them: so they hid again until night. Now one young man had the power of the buffalo and turned himself into a buffalo. As it was about travelling-time, Black-Crow re- turned and saw the buffalo in the distance bunching up, so the young man asked him to go out to see what they were doing. When Black-Oow came to the buffalo, he found that they were dancing. When he returned and

1 Several informants amon^ the Bloods claimed that manv of the functions formerly exercised by the Bulls have been incorporated with the ritual of the Horns. The origin mvth for the Bulls as recorded by Grinnell (op. cit.. p. 104) closes with the same incidents as noted above, but opens with the initial event in the Scabby-Bull narrative, p. 112.

120 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

told the young men what he saw, they told him to go back and let them know when they danced and they would go down to see them.

The buffalo were now scattered out all around their hiding-places. One of the young men became a buffalo and the other a crow. Then they went out to see the dance. There they saw White-Crow flying around the buffalo to herd them. Then the young man who had turned into a buffalo told the crow to go back, saying, "I will stay here and become a cow, have a calf, and try to lead the buffalo away."

Now in the buffalo-dance there are two bonnets of white swanskin, one having two horns on it, and the other one horn. Then the Cow told the Calf that when the dancers hung the one-hom bonnet on a stick he could grab it and run to her. Now the Calf expressed a desire to sit by the buU with the one-hom bonnet. The others tried to keep him from sitting there, but finally he was permitted. After a time the bull with the bonnet painted the Calfs face and said, **Next time they dance, you put it on." So the Calf took the bonnet, put it on, and led the dance. He danced around in a circle. Finally, when they were all through, they sat down. Then the Calf sat down. It was his intention to run away the next time they danced.

Now Black-Crow came back and said to the Calf, ** Go on with the dance; for I want to steal the dance-stick that is wrapped with swan's down." The calf wanted to steal the leader's bonnet so that all the buffalo would follow. There was still another stick, wrapped with otter-skin, and the Cow was to steal this. Now the Cow and Black-Crow succeeded in getting hold of the dancing-sticks in the same way that the Calf got hold of the bonnet. Now they all danced and the Calf led the dance, and, of course, the dancers all followed their leader. Then the Calf ran and all the herd ran after him ; but the two with the sticks became tired, and stuck the sticks in the ground. Then all the buffalo lay down to rest. When the sticks were pulled up again, all the buffalo followed. In this way they travelled four nights and four days. On the fourth night, the Calf, Black-Crow, and the Cow had dreams in which the buffalo gave them power with the sticks.

This is the way in which the Horn Society came to be. All dancers must have wives, for the buffalo had wives. In every medicine-dance there are three people, — the man, his wife, the young man. The young man is the crow [messenger].^

1 This narrative seems to be an adaptation of parts of the Twin-Brothers, pp. 50-52. For an account of a mother and son runninp away with ceremonial objects in a similar manner^ see Crow Myths. Simms, op. cit., pp. 289-294.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 121

29. The Kit-Fox.

Once two men were out on the war-path alone. They came to a prairie- dog town. They saw the dogs standing up, but, as they went near, the dogs went into their holes. Then they saw a woman sitting there, and one of them said, ** There is a woman." So they approached her. The woman's face was painted red, with a design made by scratching with the finger. She had no dress on, but just a robe around her. She wore a plume on her head, and held a prairie-turnip in her mouth. As the men came up she said, "You are in\ited." Now they did not know how to get down into the holes, so the woman said, "Shut your eyes." Then in a moment they heard some one say, "Oki!" When they opened their eyes, they found they were by the side of a lodge, and when they went in they saw the Kit- Fox Society sitting around. There were many men dressed like the woman. This was the Kit-Fox Society, and a Kit-Fox man was showing the others- how to perform the ceremony. He directed them through the whole ritual. This is how the men learned it.

30. The Catchers.

There was once a man called Chief-Speaking. It was his wife who found the buffalo-rock. One day she said to her husband, "You take the rock, for there will be another dream. You are to sleep on the buffalo-drive hill. It will be better for you to do this and have the dream, because you are a man and can handle medicine better than I." Now the man went out to- the place arid staid many nights, but he had no dream. So he thought to- himself, "I think my wife has deceived me." Yet after he had been there seven days, he heard some one singing a song, and, looking round, he saw a procession. There were two men leading, each carrying a pipe. The others carried clubs with hoof rattles on them. This procession was coming down from the sun.

After this, the man organized the Catchers Society, but his wife put some of the buffalo-rock songs into the ritual.

31. The Buffalo's Adopted Child.

A long time ago, we don't know how many years ago, the daughter of a Blackfoot Indian chief was a very handsome looking girl. She was a very true girl. Many young men who had asked her to marry them were refused. Now this girl had not been with any man at any time. All at once she

122 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

became in a family-way, and. when her time came to give birth to a child, she went out away from the camp, for she was very much ashamed. Then she gave birth to a baby-boy which she buried in the earth. Then she went back to camp. The next day, four buffalo-bulls came along where she had buried this child.^ They saw it. One of the bulls said to the others, "We will bring this child to Hfe again, and keep him for our own." The others all agreed to this. They had the power to restore life. One of the bulls began to paw and hook the dirt away from the child until it was uncovered. The second bull hooked the child around until it came to life and started to crawl away. The third hooked the child until it was a half- grown boy. The last did the same until the boy became a full-grown man. Now the Bulls said to the young man, " You can go and visit your people, and when you are through you may return to us."

So this young man went on his way to the camp. WTien he came to his people, they did not know him. He told them his story, and they gave him clothes, a horse, and a bow with arrows. '*Now," he said, **I must go and visit some of the other Indians." Then he got on his horse and rode out. After he had travelled a long way, he saw a hawk and a rabbit. The hawk was pursuing the rabbit. When the Rabbit saw this man, it ran up and stopped at the horse's feet, saying to the man, "Brother, help me! Don't let that hawk get me. The hawk wants to kill and eat me. Help me, brother, save me from that hawk! I will give you some of my power. You will be able to run as fast as I can whenever you wish to do so." While the Rabbit was talking to the man, the hawk was flving around overhead, waiting for a chance to get the Rabbit. Now the Hawk spoke to the man, saying, **I will give you my power. You will be able to run as fast as I can fly, if you will k»t me have that Rabbit." Now the man said to the Hawk, "I will not let you eat this Rabbit, but I will get something else for you to eat." So he took the Rabbit with him and turned it loose in the thick timber, where he knew it would be safe from the Hawk. Then he began to look for something to kill for the Hawk. He had not been looking ver}- long when he saw a squirrel, killed it with his bow and arrows, took it out to where the Hawk was sitting, and laid it down near the bird, saving, "You can have this squirrel to eat." The Hawk was very nuich pleased with this and told the man he could have the power which he had promised him before.

Now this man got power from both of them, the Hawk and the Rabbit. Then he went on his way again. He had not gone a great distance when he saw a buffalo-bull. As soon as the bull saw him, it took after him, and

» In a siiiiiliar lalf uiin)ii;,' ih»* Arapalio aii»l (;r()s Venne tlu'ie are seven bulls. Also in this collect ion, \v<' find m'v»mi hulls re-^tonn^ life to the woman who hrouglit the medicine .vhicUls, p. 100. The Crow rcndciiuir. liowcxtT. j,'ivcs the number ol hulls taking pari in the resto- ration of life as four (JSinims, op. cii. ). 319.)

1908.] Wissler and DuixiU, Blackfoot Mytholoffy. 123

as soon as he knew the bull was after him, he began to whip his horse away from the bull; but, as the bull was a much faster runner than the horse, it kept gaining on him until it was almost within reach of his horse. Then the man began to use his bow and arrows, but the arrows would not faze him. The bull was nearly within reach of his horse, when the man thought of the Rabbit and called on him for help. As soon as he called on the Rabbit, the horse ran much faster, and left the bull far behind. The bull followed, however, and after the man had gone some distance his horse began to get weaker, and the bull began to gain on him as before. Again he called on the Rabbit for power, and his horse could go so much faster that he left the bull far behind. He called on the Rabbit four times; then its power gave out. Then he called on the Hawk for power, and it helped him four times. Then the bull overtook him, and hooked his horse over. The man was thrown into a washout in a coulee. Then the bull began to hook at the man, but could not reach him on account of the narrow ditch-like place he was in. Now the bull kept hooking away the earth around the man and had almost reached him with his horns, when the man saw some hawks flying around. Then he called on the hawks, saying, ** Brothers, help me before this bull kills me." The hawks heard the man, flew down, and pecked out the bulFs eyes.

Then the bull was helpless and could not see the man any more. Then the Bull said to the man, "Brother, give me back my sight, and I will give you my power, which is greater than that of all the buffalo.*' Then the man said to the Bull, **If you will bring my horse back to life, and will not harm me any more, I will restore your sight." The Bull promised to do so. Then the man told the hawks to help the Bull. The hawks flew around the Bull's head, and when they left him he could see as well as before. Then the bull went around the dead horse pawing the earth up over his back until the horse came to life again. Then the man got on his horse and told the buffalo-bull that he was going home where his fathers were.

The young man travelled many days before he found the four buffalo- bulls that adopted him. They told him that they would take him to their home. They told him that the buffalo had a big cave near the mountains, and that this cave was another country where all the buffalo lived, had lodges, and became as human beings, just like his own people. They told him that when the buffalo came out of the cave they would be buffalo, but that when they went in they became as people. They also told him about their chief. They said, "Our chief is a strong medicine-man. All the buf- falo are afraid of him, and he is also very jealous of his wife. If a man even talk to her, he will kill him." Whvn they got through telling him about this, they all started for the buffalo cave. When they reached the place they met many buffalo. They all went in, and the young man was surprised

124 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

when he saw that his fathers were as men Uke himself, that there were so- many people, such nice big lodges, and such nice land. Then his fathers took him into their lodge. Now, after he had staid there some time, he was down by a spring where all the people went for water, when the chiefs wife passed by. He looked at her. She went to her lodge and told her husband that this young man was looking at her. When the chief heard this, he was very angry, w^nt over to the young man's lodge and was going to kill him. Then the fathers of this young man said to the chief of the people, "We will fight you first; and when you kill us, then you can kill our son." Now the chief was willing to do this, for he was not afraid of any of them. Then they all turned into buffalo-bulls and went out to fight. It was not long before the chief bull had killed the four. Then he went after the young man. The young man turned into a bull, fought the chief, and killed him. Then the people said to the young man, **Now, since you have killed him, you have become our chief and may tell us what to do.'^ The young man told them that he wanted all of them to go out of this place, never to return again, and that they would be buffalo from then on and never like people again. Then he drove them all out, and went to his own tribe. This is the reason the buffalo cannot talk any more.^

When the young man came to his own people, he went into an old couple's lodge, told them that as they were poor with no one to look after them, he would live with them and take care of them. The old man and woman were glad to have him. Now after he had been here a while, the Indians were very hungry for the buffalo were far away. One day the young man asked his grandmother what she would ike to eat. The old woman said she wished a buffalo-calf. Just then the young man pulled off one of his moccasins and threw it down by the old woman's side. As he threw it, it turned into a buffalo-calf. The old woman began to cut it up to cook. They all ate of it. The young man did this several times. The children of the camp would come around and the old woman would give them some meat to take home with them.

Now the people began to wonder how this old woman got her fresh meat when the rest of them had none.

The chief had two daughters who used to come to see the old woman. She always gave them some meat. Now the chief thought of having this young man for a son-in-law, for he knew that he was a medicine-man. So he asked his oldest daughter to go over to live with this man, but she refused. Then he asked the youngest daughter. She went and married the young man. After the young couple had lived together for a while, the young man said to his wife, "Go ask your father to tell the people to get ready and

For previous mention of a cave containing buffalo, see p. 62.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaUy Blackfoot Mythology. 125

go out to the lines, for I shall make a buffalo-drive." Now, as I said before, the buffalo were far away, but this young man had power to bring them back to the drive. So all the people went out to the lines and waited for liim. The young man was not gone very long when they saw a great herd •of buffalo falling over into the enclosure. After everybody got through butchering, they went home.

Now the next day the young man said to his wife, "Go tell your father that I shall give a buffalo-dance. This dance is called the * Bull's Dance,' and have him put up three or four lodges together so as to have a place to dance in, and to have the lodges close to the brush." The woman went over and told her father what her husband had said. The chief called out to the people, and the lodges were put up. Four lodges were joined to- gether forming a long wall, or wind-break, open on one side near the brush. After the people had assembled the young man went there with his wife. He told the men who were going to take part in the dance what to do and also the songs. Now the young man said to his wife, while the rest were listening, "I am going into the brush, and when I come out I will show up as a buffalo- bull. I shall prance about through the crowd as if about to hook some one. WTien I do this, you must try to catch me by the horns. I will pretend to hook you, but do not be afraid of me, for I will not hurt you. I shall run into the brush and come out four times; and if you don't catch me at any of these times, especially at the fourth time, I shall run away for good and be a real buffalo. While I am doing this, the singing and dancing must go on. At first, when I come out of the brush, I shall be a buffab-calf. The second time I shall be a two-year- old bull; the third, a three-year-old bull; the fourth time, a four-year-old bull." So the dance went on and the young man went into the brush. When he came •out he was a buffalo-calf prancing around as if tr\ing to hook some one. Then the woman tried to catch the calf, but it made a jump at her as if to hook, when she ran away. The calf went back into the brush and came out again. This time it was a two-year-old bull. He did the same thing, and the woman got out of his way. Then he went back and came out as a three-year-old bull, and as the woman did not catch him this time, he went back into the brush. Now the girKs father said to her, "This is your last chance. You must try to catch him, for he is not a real buffalo, he is your husband. If you don't catch him now, you will never see your husband again." So when the bull came out of the brush this time he was much larger; but the woman made for him and caught him by the horns, when he turned back into a man, and the dance stopped.

This was the starting of the Bull's Dance.^

' This narrative is sometimes called "The Iron Horns." It accoimts for the origin of the Bull Society ceremony. It was recorded by D. C. Duvall.

126 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II ,

IV. CULTURAL AND OTHER ORIGLXS.

1. The Whirlwixd-Boy.

Once there was a woman who had given birth to many children, but all of them died in infancy. At last the woman said, I will have no more children: if any more are bom to me, I will kill them at once. I cannot bear to see them die as the others; and, am^way, it is no use to let them live."^ Now long after this, one time when the woman went out after water, she saw a small whirlwind going along. She watched it. It came directly toward her, and in tlie center of the dust-whirl she saw a very small boy running along. The boy said to her, ** Mother, I know what you said about not having any more children; but it will be different with me. I shall be your next. When I am bom, you must cut off a piece of my navel-cord, put with it sweet-grass, wrap them up, and hang the packet around my neck. Then I shall not die.' When the boy finished speaking, the woman stooped over and picked him up. He was so small that she held him in the hollow of her hand, but in a moment he turned into a caterpillar.

Then the woman was with child. When the time came, she went out to be delivered. It was a boy. The woman who attended her cut off a section of the navel-cord and dried it. At first they wrapped it up with the baby, but aften^^ards they put it in a buckskin bag and tied it on the baby's back. This baby did not die. He grew up, and when a boy of ten or twelve years (the mother had no more children), a friend of the family had a child that was always cr}nng. There seemed no way to make it stop cr\nng. One day this boy told his mother to take one of the bones from the right front-foot of the buffalo. She did so. When they gave it to the child, it ceased crying. Now this same woman had another child. It was a boy. He cried also, even more than the other. One day the Whirlwind- Boy requested his mother to rub some yellow paint upon the baby's forehead, then to go out and paint one of the buffalo bones yellow. When they gave this to the child, he also stoj)ped crying. From that time on, a crying male child was always given a yellow-painted bone from the right front-foot of a buffalo, and had his forehead painted yellow. After a time the same woman had another child, this time a girl; and, like the others, it cried all the time. One day the Whirlwind-Boy requested his mother to take a bone from the left hind-leg of the buffalo and paint it red. Also to paint

• For a discussion of the i)eruliar association between the whirlwind and a moth see Journal of American Folk- Lore, Vol. XVIIl, pp. 258-261.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 127

the baby's forehead red. When this had been done, the baby ceased to cry.^ This is the way children are kept from crying, even to this day.

Now Whirlwind-Boy would sometimes take the right hind-leg of the buffalo and paint one side yellow. Then he would go out and wander about the prairie, repeating to himself, *This bone says all the buffalo will go down the drive and over the cliff.' Then he would throw the bone out in front of him. If it fell with the yellow side up, it would be as he said. At another time he would take a bone, lay a stick across it, and then drop a braid of sweet-grass. If the braid fell on the stick hanging, the buffalo would go over.^ These things people do even to this day. When Whirlwind-Boy was a man and his mother very old, he said to her one day, "Mother, I think I shall go away before you die. I do not care to be here when that happens." His mother asked him not to go, but he was not easily moved. At last, however, he agreed to take her with him. So he called the people of the camp together and requested all to watch. He took his mother over to the top of a high cliff; then he went back some distance and became a whirlwind. W^hen the whirlwind reached the place where the mother sat, she disappeared. No one ever saw them again.'

2. The Bladder Story.

Once there was a very poor boy who lived with his mother. His father was dead. One day his mother was ill and was about to die, but the boy said, **My mother will come to life again." She had been gored by a buffalo and was almost dead. She had been gored in the head. The little boy said, "Give me a bladder." WTien it was brought to him, he blew it full of air. His mother was lying with her head towards him. He put the bladder on her head and placed some charcoal on it. Then he said to his uncle, "You must be ready to shake the lodge four times." Then he painted his mother, — a black spot on her right hand, one on the back of each wrist, and one on her forehead. On himself he made a circle at each place where he had painted a dot on his mother. Now the woman was dead. The boy took a calf robe with the hair-side up, and beat time on it as he sang,

1 At this point the narrator explained that a favorite game among children was the taking by the boys of a bone from the left hind-foot of the buffalo, and going among the girls to induce them to laugh. A boy would shake the bone near the girl's face, and in as comical manner as possible say, "I know you are going to have a lover! I know it! I know it!" Now if the girl laughed, it was a sure sign that she would be a bad [unchaste] woman. If she did not lauph, she would become a great medicine-woman, true, virtuous, etc. In a similar manner, girls would test boj's, but with a bone from the left front-foot.

• The braid of grass hanging across the stick was explained as symbolizing meat hanging up to dry, in turn the symbol of plenty.

3 This story accounts for some of the practices in the care of children. The navel-cord amulet for boys is in the shape of a snake; for girls, in the shape of a lizard or a horned toad. It was explained that the reason why Whirlwind-Boy picked out these forms was that these ani- mals were never sick, and enjoyed long life.

128 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

^*If the bladder will not move, she will die for good." Then he said, ** Mother, get up!" His uncle shook the lodge four times, the bladder moved, the woman shook her head four times and then got up. She was well i^ain. "Now," said the boy, *'you see this bladder. Whatever it is placed upon and charcoal put on it, that object will move when the lodge is shaken."

One time there was a young man in the camp with warts all over his head, face, and body. So he went to the boy with the bladder and asked to be cured. **A11 right," said the boy. Then he took some charcoal, sang the same song as before, rubbed the charcoal over the man, and said, "In three nights all your warts will be gone." And it was as he said. Then the boy told all the people that warts should be cured this way, and so it is done to this day.

Now there was an old woman in the camp whose son-in-!aw had been gone a long time. So she was left without support. She asked the boy with the bladder to use his power to get her son-in-law back. The boy took a sinew from the leg of a cow [buffalo] with part of the muscle attached. He laid it on the ground and fastened the end of the sinew with a stick. ITien he put some yellow paint on the sinew, near the stick. Then he put a live coal on the painted spot, and began to sing, "Come here, come here!" etc. The fire caused the sinew to draw up, and this pulled the muscle towards the stick.* Now the son-in-law, in a distant camp, felt something within drawing him back to his wife*s people. So he determined to return. People are still brought back in this way.

3. The Water-Bull.

This is a story of the water-buffalo. There was a girl who lived in the water, and it was the time when the Blackfoot got the painted buffalo- lodge. This girl was rich, for her father was a chief. One time the girl went down to the river to bathe with the others, but when they returned they noticed that she was missing. The chief sent some one about the camp to look for her, but the last place at which she was seen was the bathing-place. Now the chief told all the people that when the time came for them to move camp, he would stay until the water was low so that he might find her body. So he staid.

One day the children who were playing near the stream saw the girl put her head out of the water. She called to them, "Tell my father that I shall

' For a similar use of sinew, see Wissler, Dakota Myths (Journal of American Folk-Lore» Vol. XX, p. 128;.

1908.] Wisaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 129

come ashore to-night." Now, when they told the chief, he did not beUeve them, but in the evening they heard a noise down by the river. There was a great roaring, and a voice called out asking them to make a smudge. So they made a smudge in the chiefs lodge. Then the giri came in. Tljey offered her food, but she refused, saying, ** I cannot eat that food now, as I am used to other food." She then told them that her husband Uved in the water. So her father gave her all her clothes and other property. ^*Now," said the girl, "my husband will give you food. The buffalo, he will drown them for you, but they will be of two colors, brown and white. Of these the white must be given back to him.^ I will visit you every time you camp here." Now they watched her as she went out and saw her go down into the water. That night while the buffalo were crossing the river a great many were drowned and thrown upon the shore. The people found them of two colors. So they butchered them and fixed up the robes.

Now the chief said to a boy, **Go to the camp of our people and in^ite them to come back." When they came in, he told them what had happened, and that they all must give something to his daughter. They must throw the gifts into the water. This they did. That night the girl came out of the water again and called all the people together. They gathered around and looked into the lodge where she sat. She invited one of her friends to go down into the water with her. This friend and another went down. She gave them a black rock to hold so that they would not float. When they were in the water, the girl said, "Now shut your eyes and do not look until you hear some one say, 'Oki'!" So they went down. Some one said, ^*Oki!" and upon looking round they found themselves in a lodge. They were not wet and did not seem to be in the water. It was a fine place. There was a man in the lodge who sang them a medicine-song, and explained to them that whenever crossing a stream they should throw something into the water as an offering to the water-people.

When the women returned, they told what had happened, and to this day our people still throw things into the water.

4. Red-Head.^

Once there was a man who lived alone with his mother, far from other people. It is not known that he had any other relations in the world. Around this lodge and in it were many Uve birds and animals. The man himself had a head [hair!] as red as blood.

1 To sacrifice skins of albino buffalo was the custom among many tribes a Translated by Mrs. Joseph Kipp.

130 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Once a young woman made a long journey alone. At last she came to a lodge. It was Red-Head's lodge. She raised the door-flap and saw that the lodge was well furnished with bedding and other objects made of buckskin. This young woman had just been created. She came out of the ground. She did not know how to eat, to drink, or in fact to do anything. When Red-Head came home he found her in the lodge. He told her to go out and leave him alone. The young woman was very much afraid of him. So she went to an ant-hill and began to talk to the Ants. Then she cried, and called upon the Ants for help. She begged for some kind of power to enable her to live with Red-Head and secure his good will. At last the Ants took pity on her; and one of them said, "You get us two strips of buck- skin from the lodge." The young woman returned to the lodge, and stood outside until Red-Head went out. Then she went in and cut the strips of buckskin from a hide she found hanging there. She hurried away to the ant-hill and laid the strips of buckskin on it. The Ants said to her, 'Now go away and do not come near us for one day. Leave us ! " The next day, about the same hour, the young woman went to the ant-hill. She was greatly surprised to find the strips of buckskin beautifully embroidered with porcupine-quills. This was the first time quill-work was ever seen by the people. The Ants were the first quill-workers.^ The Ants said to her, "Now, you go (o the lodge and bring us the robe of Red-Head's mother. Spread it out for us on the ground where you stand, then leave us for another day. Do not come near us. Take the strips of buckskin we have worked for you and hide them. No one must see them now." When the young woman returned on the following day, she found the robe worked in broad stripes of porcupine-embroidery. The Ants said to her, "Take the robe with you. Sew the strips of quill-work we gave you upon the leggings of Red-Head's mother. When you have done this, put the robe and the leg- gings at the place where, the old woman usually sits, so that she and Red- Head may see them. You are to do this when no one is in the lodge. As soon as you have put them down, go out into the brush. We shall help you again.'

Red-Head came into the lodge carrying some meat. He saw the robe and the leggings lying in his mother's place. When his mother came in, he said to lier, "Mother, you do very nice work." " What do you mean," she replied. Red-Head pointed to the robe and the leggirgs. His mother was greatly surprised to see them. She had never seen anything like them before. She declared she knew nothing about it. "That young woman must have done it," said Red-Head. "Find her and ask her to come in.

1 See Simms, Crow Myths, p. 309.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaUy Blackfoot Mythology, 131

I should like her to make some moccasins for me. Feed her and ask her to make some moccasins for me." The next day the old woman invited her into the lodge. When she entered, Red-Head asked her if she had made the robe and leggings that lay at his mother's place. The young woman told him that she had. Then Red-Head requested her to make him a pair of moccasins in the same way. The young woman told Red- Head that the making of quill-work was her medicine, and that no one might watch her while she did her work. If any one should look on, the power to do such work would be lost forever. The young woman took a pair of Red-Head's moccasins and left the lodge. As soon as she got into the brush, she hurried to the ant-hill. She laid the moccasins down and went away. When she returned the next day, she found them ready. She took them to the lodge. Red-Head was out hunting. She laid the moccasins on his bed. Red-Head's mother was curious to know how the work was done, but the young woman carefully guarded her secret.

When Red-Head came back in the evening, he saw the moccasins and was pleased with them. He requested his mother to tell the young woman to embroider his buckskin shirt. She called the young woman, who was out in the brush. The young woman came to the door of the lodge, but refused to enter. WTien she heard what Red-Head desired, she told them to hand out the shirt. This was in the evening. When the young woman took the shirt to the Ants, requesting them to work a disk on the front and back, and strips over the shoulders and on the sleeves, they said that they could not work in the dark, and that she must wait until the next day. The young woman went away as before, and, when she returned, found the work complete. The shirt was very beautiful. She took it to the old woman that she might carry it to Red-Head. WTien Red-Head received the shirt from his mother he was greatly pleased.

Now, the circles that had been worked upon the shirt represented the sun. This was due to the fact that this woman also had the power of the sun. A weasel gave the young woman the instructions as to the designs that wxre to be worked upon the shirt, robe, and moccasins. The stripes on the robe represented the trails of the weasel. The bands on the moccasins represented the place where the weasels tramped down the snow.

Red-Head was greatly pleased with the work of the young woman. He wished very much to make her his wife, but the Weasel told the young w^oman not to marry him. The Weasel told her to take a bone and to scrape one of the ends to a sharp point. Then to watch her chance, and kill Red-Head with it as he slept. She did as directed. Then she ran away to

132 Anthropological Papers American Mvseum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

the Piegan. She lived with them, and taught them how to make quillwork. This is the way the people learned how to do it.^

5. The Meeting in the Cave.

Once a Snake [Indian] and a Piegan went out into the same country to hunt buffalo. Their camps were far apart. In this country there was a kind of cave in which scouts and hunters often spent the night. The Snake and the Piegan were in the habit of sleeping there, but neither had met the other. One winter evening the Snake arrived at the cave and put up for the night. After a while the Piegan came along and began to grope his way into the cave, for it was now dark. The Snake was asleep. As the Piegan was groping around, he felt a person. He took the hand of the stranger and began to shake it. Then the Snake asked him to what tribe he belonged. The Piegan took the hand of the Snake in his own, and moved it around on his cheek in a small circle. [This is the sign for Piegan, or the people with small robes.] Then the Snake took the hand of the Piegan and made the sign for Snake. [The sign is to move the pointing finger as if drawing a waving trail in the dust.] Then the Piegan took the hand of the stranger again and told him by signs that to-morrow they would play the stick-game. To this the Snake replied, "Yes." When morning came, they played the stick-game, and the Piegan was the winner. First he won the weapons of the Snake, and then all his clothes. Then the Snake wagered his hair; and the Piegan won this also. "Now," said the Snake, "we will stop." So he tied a string around his head across the forehead. The Piegan said, "I shall cut the hair close." The Snake said, "No, you won in this game; you must scalp me." So the Piegan took his scalp. The Snake bled a great deal and became very weak. The Piegan left him and started home. As he approached his camp, he came over the hills singing.

» It appears from some versions tliat the weasel told the young woman how to make the various articles of clothing, and what designs to place upon them. However, she did not do the work herself, but delivered it over to the ants. In other accounts the weasel instructed her as to the making of a man's suit. Such suits are called weasel suits because the fringes of the leggings and the sleeves are made of weasel -skins. The weasel also gave her directions as to how war-bonnets should be made. In most of the accounts it is stated that the stripes on the robe were to represent the trails of the weasel. The moccasins were decorated with a single stripe extendiiig from the instep to the toe. This represented the track made by the weasel in tne snow. The circular design upon the front of the shirt represented the sun; the one upon the back represented the moon.

It seems, from all the accounts, that Red-Head was a kind of Blue Beard. He killed all of the women who came to his lodge, but also all of the men with whom he came in contact. In one version he was killed by a man who changed himself into a woman. The birds around Red- Head's lodge kept warning him by saying. "The woman has man eyes." Red-Head paid no attention to this, because lie wished to keep the young woman (as he supposed his guest to be), since she appeared to have great skill in"porcupine-quill work. The name of the woman is usually given as Woman-After-Wonian. Tliis name was given her because she was believed to have lived many lives. By this is meant that, whenever she was killed, she came to life again.

Some informants say that this woman was Scar-Face (See p. 61) in disguise, who was sent down by the Sun to kill Red-Head. To otTset the warning given by the birds around the lodge, he hit upon the expedient of quill-work made by the ants and designed by the weasel. This conforms generally to the above narrative, since the woman was regarded as mysteriously created and as having power from the Sun.

1908.] WUaler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 133

After a time, the Snake in the cave re\dved and went horae to his people. He explained to them what had happened, telling them that he had lost his scalp in a game. Ever since that time the people often speak of gambling as fighting.^

6. Why Dogs do not Talk.

Once a man owned a very large dog. One day when his wife went out to gather wood, the dog followed her into the brush. Now it seems that this woman had a lover who often met her when she went after wood. The dog saw what was going on. That night, when the woman's husband returned, the dog told him what he had seen. This made the dog's master so angry that he beat his wife, finally knocking her down with a piece of wood. Then he went away. After a while the woman got up and began to scold the dog. Then she beat him, and heaped all manner of abuse upon him. She took up human excrement and made him eat it. She was a medicine- woman, and used her power in such a way, that, after this, dogs could not talk. They still have the power to understand some words, but not many.

7. Why Women are able to stick the Poles into the Holes OF THE Ears of the Lodge after Dark.

Once, when a woman named Pi'nostsTssI was out from the camp picking berries, she saw a burial-place. The body had been placed in a tree, but the bones had fallen down. She carefully picked them up and put them vback in their places. As she did so, she said to herself, **I do not know who you are. I do not know your name. I do not know when you died. But I will put you back again. I will feed you berries. Yes, I will feed you," etc. She kept talking all the time she was at it. Now, the next time she went out for berrit^s, she took some pemmican with her and gave it to the body. Twice again she did this. Now the ghosts^ threw the woman into a faint, or put her to sleep, as ghosts do. Wliile she was in this condition, she saw a girl ' coming up to her. The woman was frightened, and called out to the girl, ** Sister, now I helped you. You should do something for me. You can do much for me." Then the girl said, "I will help you in your work." She meant by this the tanning of hides, gathering of wood and water, etc. Some time after this the woman was married, and every

» This tale is part of a lonp narrative of adventure recorded by Grinnell, op. cit., p. 63. In a brief account by Clarlv (Sij?n Language, p. 71) Old Man is the hero of this adventure. 2 The dead are usually spoken of as ghosts. ' This was the ghost belonging to the bones she had replaced.

134 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. ['ol. II,

time she had hides to tan she would call on the ghost-girl, and the work was soon done. One dark night the lodge-poles came out of the holes in the ears of the lodge, and the woman went out to put them in. As it was very dark, she poked the poles about without finding the holes. Then she called upon the ghost-woman for help, and found the hole at once. After this, every time she went out at night to put the poles in the ears of the lodge, she called on the ghost-woman, poked at a hole, and always hit it.

This is the way women do to-day when the poles ^sill not go into the holes in the ears of the lodge: they call on the ghost- woman to help them. They even call upon her for help when things are lost.

8. Contest betw^een the Thunder-Bird and the Raven.

Once the Thunder-Bird and the Raven tried their respective powers. The Thunder-Bird carried off the wife of the Raven and refused to release her upon the Raven's demand. Then the Raven made medicine. He caused winter with a great snowfall. It was so cold that the only way in which the Thunder-Bird could keep from freezing was by constantly flashing his lightning. Yet the power of the Raven was so great that the Thunder- Bird could barely keep a hole melted out large enough for his body to rest in. At last he was forced to give up Raven's wife. Now, when there is much snow or a cold wave, the people go out and call to the Raven to take pity on the people.*

9. The Raven Rescues People.

Once some people were stranded on an island. They were in great danger there. For want of food they were almost starved. They ate grass. Raven took pity on them. So he rescued them. He brought them to the mainland. Now the descendants of some of them are a tribe of Indians living far to the west, on the shores of the big water [the Pacific Ocean].'

10. Why Grasshoppers Spit.

Once a child saw one grasshopper hohling another in its embrace. He picked them up and looked at them curiously. Then he said, "It would be better if you bled at the nose; it would be better if you bled at the nose,'* etc. He kept sanng this over and over for a long time. So it came to pass that grasshoppers now spit, or bleed at the nose.

1 See Grinnell (op. cit., p. 114) for an allusion to the raven's power over the thunder.

2 This is a mere abstract of a story formerly known among the Piegan. However, it is «iven as told.

1908.] Wisder and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 135

11. How Medicine-Hat got its Xame.^

Once there was a man named Spider whose wife ran away with a man named Eagle-Bull. The woman's name was Badger- Woman. Eagle-Bull took the woman to a place on Elk River. They went down this river to a place where there was a bend in the channel, and on one side was a cut bank with a projecting point. Near by they made a shelter of logs. After a while the man told the woman that he was going to dig a pit for an eagle- trap: so he went up on the point. When he came back, he told her that he had finished the hole for the pit. Then he took some meat from the neck of an animal and went up to the trap. Then he fixed everjthing, put the meat on top, and went down into the trap. Now there were a great many eagles about, but every time one was about to alight on the trap, there was a sound as if some people were riding around, and at once the eagles would fly up. When the man came back home, he told the woman that he had had no luck, because some one made the eagles fly away when they were about to alight. The next day he tried again, but the same thing happened. Then he prayed to this mysterious presence, asking it to take pity on him and to permit him to catch some eagles, promising that he would give it some of the feathers. Then he went down to another place to make a trap; and when he was in this trap he heard some one singing in the old trap. Looking in that direction, he saw a medicine head-dress sticking up.^ He could just see it. The song that he heard was, "I have power to call eagles to this place," etc. Now, while this was going on, the man heard two eagles alight near his trap, but some one scared them up as before. He staid in the trap a long time, but, not having had any luck, he went to sleep. Now in his sleep he dreamed he heard some one say, " If you kill your wife and use her for bait, it will be better." W^hen he awoke he thought to himself, **Well, I suppose I may as well do it, for I want to catch eagles." So he went home to his camp; but the woman came out to meet him, and her manner changed his mind. He thought to himself, **Now I ran away with her, and I do not like to do this.^ " He had a little bob-tailed dog, so he de- termined to use it for bait. He killed it, and carried some of the meat to the trap again. Now, while he was waiting, the dream-person spoke to him again, telling him that he did not eat dog-meat, and asked again for his wife. Now, when the man went home, he made up his mind to get sight of

1 The name of a place in Alberta near the present site of Medicine-Hat, the name of the town having been derived from the aboriginal designation. A different narrative will be found in Skinner's Myths and legends beyond our Borders, (1899). In this account the name is taken from a war-tale of a Blackfoot chief who lost a medicine head-dress and with it his power in a fight with Cree Indians. It will be observed that our narrative accounts primarily for the origins of eagle-trapping.

» This was a feather war-bonnet of the Dakota type.

136 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

this mysterious person. So when he awoke in the morning he got up, went out at once and looked around. He saw many birds, some perched and others walking around. By watching them, he discovered that it was a raven that had spoken to him. This raven became a person. It was a woman, and she wore the head-dress he had seen sticking from the trap. Now this woman appeared before him and said, "I have been trying to help you. My man here wants a woman to eat."

Now Eagle Bull was very much discouraged. He did not know what to do about it. So he passed by the camp and down over the ridge, looking for buffalo. Once when he turned back, he saw an Assiniboine. He approached him, and finally they met. The Assiniboine was nearly starved. He had been looking for buffalo, but failed to find any. Eagle-Bull pre- tended to take pity on him, and invited him to his camp, saying, "I have plenty of meat. I can feed you." The Assiniboine said, "All right, but first I must get a drink." So they went to the water, and when the Assiniboine stooped down to drink, Eagle-Bull knocked him on the head with a stone and killed him. Then he butchered him. When he came home, he said to his wife, ** Now I have some bait for the trap." When he went out again to the trap, he put half of the bait on the old trap, saying, as he did so, "Here is human flesh for bait." Then he went into the other trap and placed bait upon it. The eagles flew down. Finally the pit was full of birds. So he called his wife over and told her to take them to camp, and all day she kept taking them over. Now all this time he could hear the dream-person in the other trap singing, as if he were greatly pleased. The words of the songs were, "I am eating a person. I give you all the eagle- trap power." Once the dream-person said to him, "You are to trap four days, and then quit. Put all the eagles around your camp; but the catch of the last two days you are to put around in the inside of the lodge."

Now the husband of the wife was looking for her. He knew what had happened. He followed their trail, found their camp, and watched from a distance. He had another wife, whom he told of his discovery, and prom- ised her that he would not kill the runaways, but steal up and catch them. The runaway woman had taken a young child. This was the reason he hunted for her. So he stole quietly up to the camp and saw that they were cooking meat. He came quietly to the door and stood there looking in. Then he spoke, saving, "You have many eagles." At this, Eagle-Bull and the woman sprang up badly frightened; but he called to them, "Do not run. I shall not do you any harm. You, my wife, can have this person for your husband; but I want the child." Then Eagle-Bull said to him, "My friend, if you want your wife back for a time, it is all right with me. Then she can come to me again." "No," he replied. "Well," said Eagle-

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 137

Bull, "you see there are a great many eagles inside and outside. Take your choice." The man chose those on the outside. "Now," said Eagle- Bull, " I will give you this power also." So he transferred it to him. He said, "You must kill a coyote and use it for bait; when so used, you must turn the head to the sun and the feet to the north. (Before this time, ante- lopes were used.) Before you go into the trap, you must sing my song, and, standing on the south side, call out, in\iting the wolf to eat and smoke; also the ravens, the crows, the magpie, the eagle, and other birds, to come and get something to eat.*" Now when Spider did all this he caught many eagles.'

Now, some time after this, Spider got power from a magpie.^ He fed the magpie's children, and they told him to go to that place to trap. So the next year he said to his wife, "We shall go back to the place and trap eagles and feed the magpie-children." So they started. The All-Comrades tried to stop him, but he told them that he was only going after some arrows and would soon come back. As soon as he was out of sight, he went over to the place, caught many eagles, and returned to camp. Tt^o days after he had done this, he was caught by a man who wished to sell a medicine- pipe.* The object of his selling was to find out where the man caught his eagles. Spider had many good horses; so he said, "There are my horses and some good travois-dogs, you can have them for the pipe." "Oh!" said the seller, "I do not want such things for the medicine-pipe. I do not want anything like that. I will just give it to you. But there are two things I want to know. I want to know where eagles are caught, and how to get them. I just want to know something about them. Don't give me all the power for eagle-catching; keep some of it for yourself. You may need it, I should like to know the place for three years." "Well," said Spider," you can use it four years." "All right," said the man.

So when autumn came Spider showed the medicine-pipe man the place, how to catch eagles, and fixed him up. They stole out of camp so that no one would follow them. "Now," said he, "you must feed the magpie- children. They are the ones that helped me. If they are gone, you must put food for them an}'\vay. In the winter you must put food in the brush to feed their children."

Now the ridge where this happened is called "Praying for Medicine" (si'kapfe'tani).

^ The names given lo the birds in this invitation call are descriptive of their feathers, and not the usual names of the birds. A similar mode of speaking is often employed in prayers to the spirits of former medicine-men and other distinguished men.

• Ea^le-Bull just saw the medicine head-dress. It was not given to hira because he did not kill his wife, as directed. He did offer some of the woman's skin after the dog was refused. I forgot to tell you that at the time. — Narrator's Note.

« This was given as an additional incident, and does not refer to the incident from which Medidnc-Hat in said to have received its name.

• This refers to a ceremonial procedure by which a man is forced to receive by transfer im- portant medicine-bundles.

138 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

V. MISCELLANEOUS TALES.

1. The Lost Children.

In the time when the Indians had no horses, and travelled on foot and with dog-travois, many boys and girls went out on the prairie near the camp to play. One small boy who was the son of a medicine-pipe man passed some shells. The children greedily grabbed them, lea'ing none for him. As they would give him none, he cried, and on reaching home compkined to his father. Now the father was an important man in the camp, and it made him &ngry to think that his child had been treated in this way. So he ordered all the people to move camp quickly while the bad children were out at play, thus learing them behind.

In the evening these children returned to the camp. Some of the larger girls were carrying babies on their backs. When they came in sight of the former camp, no lodges were to be seen. They looked about on the ground, each at the place where their parents* lodges had stood, picking up the tools and other small objects that had been left behind in the haste. The children said among themselves, **They have only gone a little way, lea'ing these things for us to carry." So they followed along the trail of the moving camp, shouting every now and then that their parents might know they were coming. After a while they heard an old woman calling to them. They went over to her lodge. She lived by herself. She in\ited the children to stay with her, telling them that their people must have deserted them. WTien night came, the old woman directed them to sleep with their heads toward the fire. She said they must do this, else the mice would come in during the night and eat their hair. Now this old woman was a cannibal. One of the girls had a little brother who had always shown some kind of power. She directed him to watch the old woman during the night, and if he saw any- thing suspicious to bite his sister^s ear. During the night the old woman arose, took a large knife, and began to cut off the heads of the children. Then the baby bit the ear of his sister, causing her to wake up. The sister took the baby in her arms, and begged the old woman to spare their lives. She promised to be a slave to her if she would spare them. The old woman finally agreed to this. After a while the old woman asked the girl to go for water. *'I will take my brother with me," said the girl. '*No, leave him with me," said the woman. **Xo," said the girl, **I must take him along with me, because he needs washing." **Well, all right," said the woman, **but be quick about it."

^^^len the girl came to the edge of the river, she saw^ an Elk's Head

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mytholoffy. 139

[skull] lying there. She said to the Elk's Head, ** You repeat over and over these words, I am cleaning my little brother." He was to do this so the old woman in the lodge would think that the girl was trnng to get through as soon as possible. Then the girl saw a Water-Bull moving along in the stream. She called to him, sa\ing, **Will you please take us to the other side?" "I will," replied the Water-Bull, *'if you will pick the lice from my head, and kill them with your teeth." "Well," said the girl, **I will do that, if you will take us across." Then the Water-Bull came to the shore and laid his head in the girFs lap. At once she began to louse him. She took some beads, put them into her mouth, and, each time she picked a louse from his head, she bit on a bead so that the noise made by crushing them might deceive the Water-Bull. In this way she succeeded in making him believe that she killed the lice with her teeth. WTien the lice had been picked from his head, the Water-Bull placed the children upon his back and swam toward the other shore. All this time they could hear the old woman in the lodge calling out, ** Hurry up, girl! I need that water." Each time the old woman said this, the Elk's Head would answer, "I am busy cleaning my little brother." When the W^ater-Bull reached the other side of the river, the children found themselves near the camp of their people.

Now the old woman got very angr' because the girl did not bring the water, but kept calling out that she was busy cleaning her little brother. So she ran down to the river to see what the trouble was. When she came there, she saw nothing but an Elk's Head hing on the ground, which kept saving over and over, "I am busy cleaning my little brother." "Oh, it's only you!" said the woman, "that makes all this noise." With that she took a stone hammer and smashed the skull to fragments. Then she looked out into the river, and, seeing the Water-Bull swimming along, called out to him, "Take me across the river ?" " I will, if you will pick the lice from my Tiead," said the Water-Bull, "and kill them with your teeth." "Yes, I will do that," said the woman, "if you will hurry, for I must catch those children." So the Water-Bull put his head in the old woman's lap, and she began to louse him, killing the lice with her teeth. "They have a bad taste," she said to him. "You are a dirty, miserable beast! This is a very disagreeable thing you made me do. Now hurry and get me across this river." The Water-Bull took her upon his back, but, by the time he reached the middle of the stream, he became very angry at the old woman because she had spoken of him as a dirty beast. So he dropped her into the stream and she was drowned.

Now, when the sister with her little brother saw the camps of her people, she was afraid to go among the lodges. So she waited until the middle . •of the night, then, with her baby-brother upon her back, searched for her

140 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

mother^s lodge. When she found it, she went to the side of the sleeping, woman, and, putting her hand on her face, said, "I have come." Now the mother of the children was afraid, because the medicine-pipe man had ordered all the people to have nothing to do with the bad children. So she pretended not to know her children. She called out as if she were frightened, saying, *Some strange children will not let me sleep. They are not my children. I never had any children." When the father of the children heard his wifes remarks, he also called to the chief of the camp, telling him that some strange children were disturbing the camp. The chief ordered the children tied to a tree, and the whole camp to move away at daylight, lea\ing them to die. Now there was a poor old woman in the camp, who- lived alone in a little ragged lodge. She had a dog with very long hair, and for this reason he was called Shaggy. When the old woman heard what had been done to the poor children, she was very much troubled. She called Shaggy to her side, and said to him, **My dog, when the camp is about ta move, hide yourself in the brush, and do not make a sound, or pay any attention to me when I call you. When the people are out of sight, untie the poor children bound to that tree." The next morning, while the people were busy breaking camp, the poor old woman was running about looking for her dog Shaggy. She called him, and looked everywhere. She asked everybody she met, if they had seen her dog Shaggy. At last everybody was ready, and the chief said to her, "Come on, grandmother! Do not trouble yourself about your dog. He will surely follow on our trail." So the old woman went on with the people, mourning all the time for her lost dog Shaggy. Now, Shaggy waited in the brush until the sound of the mo\ing^ camp could no longer be heard. Then he came out, went up to the children, gnawed away the thongs with which they w-ere tied, and hurried on to over- take the camp.

Now the sister knew that it would be useless to follow her people. Sa she remained at this place to care for her little brother. The little brother became the object of some kind of power, and in a single day grew up to be a young man. As they had nothing to eat, the young man said to his sister, **I will make a buffalo-drive. You must stay in your lodge and not look out. If you look out, I will leave you." So the young man went away. After a time the sister, sitting in her lodge, heard a great noise. The sounds reminded her of people driving buffalo. In her surprise, she looked out. She saw no one except her brother standing there. **Did I not tell you to- keep inside of the lodge?" he said. The sister took back her head, and did not look out again. She heard the same noise as before. After a while she heard her brother call, asking her to come out. WTien she looked around, she saw dead buffalo evervwhere. *'Now sister," said the young man,.

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** you must hurry with your meat. You must drj' as much as you can. Also take some of the meat and lay it around on the places where the people camped. Put some of it down where each lodge stood. Do not forget to put a large piece on the spot where the old woman's lodge stood.*' The young man started on a journey, lea'ing his sister busy with the meat. After a time he came to the camp of his own people. In the evening he walked through the camp-circle until he came to the lodge of the poor old woman. When he entered, he found Shaggy asleep and the old woman almost starved. He gave a piece of meat to each of them. The old woman told him that the people of the camp had had nothing to eat for a long time. The next morning the young man went out among the people and invited them over to his camp. He told them that he lived alone with his sister, but that he had enough meat for all of them. No one except the old woman and Shaggy knew who the young man was. The people were very glad to receive this invitation, and moved back to their old place at once. They found meat ever^-where. At the place in the camp-circle where each lodge was to be, they found meat enough for a whole family. But there was one place where no meat was to be found. This was the place for the lodge of the young man's father and mother. Every one had meat except them. The young man invited his parents into his lodge. When they came in, they saw many pieces of fat hanging over their heads. *'Now I shall cook some meat for you," he said, as he put a very tough hard piece into the pot. *'In the meantime you may lick the fat hanging over your heads." When the meat had cooked for a long time, and had become harder than ever, he took it out of the pot, and said, "Now you shall have some meat." Then he threw the meat at his parents, striking them, and killing both. After this the young man and his sister lived with their people.^

2. The Woman who got Meat from the Cliff.

Once there was an old woman who was very poor, and she slept out in the open for want of shelter. One night she slept by a cliff with a piece of dried meat and fat for a pillow. WTiile she was sleeping, the rats came down and ate all her meat. WTien the old woman awoke and wished to eat, she found her meat was gone. The meat had been wrapped in cloth, and she saw some of the wrapping at a hole in the rocks. So she sat down there to find out who took her food. She said, **I wonder who stole this dried meat. I needed it very much. The people in the camp will not give me an\thing.

^ For another version, see Grinnell. op. cit., p. 50. For a Gros Ventre renderinp, see Kroeber, op. cit., p. 102. Also an Arapalio tale, given with a note on its distribution, Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 293.

142 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

and now I must starve. I wonder who could be so mean as to take this/' etc. Then she began to cry, and finally went to sleep. Now the woman-rat down in this hole took pity on the old woman and began to scold the man- rat. She said, **Now it was you who took the old woman's meat, and you must feed her." "Well," said the man, **that is easy. We will fix it so that she will get food, and so that the people will be her friends, because some day they will need her." Now the rat's nest was made of shedded buffalo- hair, and the man-rat gave this to the woman, saying, **Take a small piece of this, put it under any flat rock, and when you turn it over you will find dried meat." So the old woman took the nest, put it into her bosom, and went to her own camp. She went to the fireplace and made a fire. Then she took a bit of buffalo hair, put it under a flat stone, turned it over, and found her dried meat. Then she began to cook it. Now some of the chil- dren saw her, and said, **Let us go over and see what that poor old woman is doing. Let us see if she is starving. Our mothers said we must not go over there, because she must be dead by this time." When the children came up to the old woman, they saw that she had a great deal of dried meat. There were four of the children, the oldest one a girl. The old woman said to them, **Sit down here and I will feed you." So she gave them a great deal of dried meat, with fine back-fat. The children could not eat it all. So the old woman said, **Take it home with you." When the children came home, their mother said, **What have you been doing? You must have been eating dried meat." Then they told her all about it.

A few days after this the children said among themselves, "Let us go over to that old woman again." As they came up they saw her cooking dried meat. The old woman asked them to sit down, and gave them more meat than before. When they came home with what they could not eat, their mother was much surprised, and said, "Why do you not invite that old woman to Uve with us?" The old woman came over and lived with this family. They always got food from her. She became very old, and one day they went away and left her again. Now she had a little bag of calfskin, which was always full of dried meat and fat. She fed the children all they could eat, for the bag never became empty. Now, when the people went away and left her, she was angry. She waited until the camps were seventeen days away. Then she made medicine so that the people could find no buffalo. In a short time they were star\ing. One night the old woman put the calfskin bag down in front of her, opened it and began to sing, " Children, come here, 1 will give you food. I will give you pemmican." That night all the children ran back to the old woman. They got there in a single night. They said, "We are hungr\ We heard your voice and we came back." They all sat around eating, but the calfskin-bag was never empty. The children said, "Now all the people will come after us."

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 145

The next day, when the people awoke in the camp, a man called out, "All the children have gone back. We must follow them. That old woman must have called them." So the people all went back. The woman gave each child a small bunch of buflfalo-hair, and told each one to go up to the cHff and put it under a rock, and then come back to her, as they must get meat ready for their parents. Then she sent the children back. When they turned over the rocks, they found large packs of meat. The children took their meat and put it around in the places where their parents' lodges always stood. Now some of the people were coming over the hill. The children met them, and told them that the old woman gave them some meat. After this, the people were afraid to go away and leave the old woman. She said, **If you leave me again, you will stane to death." So,, when they moved, they always took her with them, carrying her on a dog- travois, with a very strong dog. Finally the woman died, and left her meat- bag with a woman, and also her power. This woman was lucky with it. She was the girl who first in'ited the old woman over to live with her.

3. Bear-Moccasin, the Great Medicine-Man.

There was once a man named Bear-Moccasin, who had a chum called Chief-Old-Man. The reason why the former was called Bear-Moccasin was that he wore bearskins on his feet. He also wore a bear's ear on the head and a claw, but he gave them and some paint to Chief-Old-Man. Now Bear-Moccasin had powerful dreams. He said to Chief-Old-Man. "The reason I am going to do this is because you are a good friend of mine, I know you will help me. You will have a dream on account of having done this." "Well," said Chief-Old-Man, "whatever it is, I will do it." Then Bear-Moccasin told him what to do if anything should happen. Bear- Moccasin put his robe down on the ground, saying, "Let this robe be the same as myself." Then Bear-^Ioccasin took up some paint and began to- paint himself, saying as he did so, "If I am killed, paint me in this way, and put the robe over my body." Then Bear-Moccasin explained the use of the pipe and the bear-claw and taught Chief- 01d-!Man the songs. When all thb was done, Bear-Moccasin took a loaded gun, told Chief-Old-Man that an e\dl spirit gave him great power, and that it came from above. Then he shot himself. Now Chief-Old-Man did as directed. He painted the body, sang the songs, held the pipe to the corpse, and Bear-Moccasin came to life. Now Bear-Moccasin had a dagger, and, painting it, he planted it point up, in the ground. Then he began singing, and threw himself down upon the knife. Chief-Old-Man sprang upon his back and jumped up and dowTi until the knife came through. Now he was dead again ^

144 Anthropological Papers American Mtisevm of Natural History. ['ol. II,

Then Chief-Old-Man sang the songs, took the pipe, and did as before. Bear-Moccasin sprang up again all well. There was not even a scar. Now Bear-Moccasin took the knife and handed it to Chief- Old-Man. Then he painted his neck. Chief- Old-Man cut off his head and threw it down upon the ground. Then Chief-Old-Man took the head, fitted it to the body, covered it with the robe, sang the songs as before, took a gun, painted it and the bullet, and shot Bear-Moccasin in the head. Then he got up. In the next trial, Chief-Old Man shot seven arrows into Bear-Moccasin, and as he fell he broke some of them. Then the robe was placed over the corpse and the pipe placed in its mouth, Chief-Old-Man sa\ing as he went away, ** Well, this is your smoke." As Chief-Old-Man was going along, he looked back and saw Bear-Moccasin following him, smoking. As he came up, he showed Chief-Old-Man all the arrows, telling him that two had been broken. Now, in the next trial, Chief- Old-Man took a stone hammer and an elk- horn whip-handle, and with these he beat Bear-Moccasin to death. Then he covered up the body with the robe, sang the songs, and put the pipe to his mouth as before. This time Bear-Moccasin came to life, but the upper part of his body was Uke that of a bear. In the next trial, Chief-Old-Man took a new sharp axe and a new lance. With the lance he stuck Bear- Moccasin through and through, and cut him up with the axe. (Bear- Moccasin had told him before this to scratch his left foot with a bear-claw, but to get his horse ready and go quickly to the top of the hill, and not to come back again until he was called.) Now Chief-Old-Man held his bridle in one hand, scratched the left foot of the corpse, leaped on his horse and rode off. Bear-Moccasin sprang to his feet, made a noise like a bear, wrestled with the trees, etc. After he had been a bear for a while, he lay down and became a man, calling for Chief-Old-Man to come down again. The tests were now finished. Bear-Moccasin told Chief-Old-Man that if at any time he should be killed, and a piece of his body, however small, could be found, he could be brought to life again. So they went home.

After a time they went out with a party of their people to hunt buffalo. While they were chasing buffalo, some white men came along with a party of Snake Indians. They pursued the Piegan. Now Bear-Moccasin had a gun and arrows. The others were not well armed. So he told them to run. All this time he was butchering a buffalo, and said, "I will finish this before I run." lie was soon surrounded by the enemy, all of whom were shooting at him. But he kept on with his butchering and paid no attention to them. Then a white man came up with a sword and thrust it into Bear- Moccasin; but he rose up and killed the white man, and then went on with his butchering. Now there was a Piegan woman with the Snakes who explained to them who this man was. Then they realized that it was useless

1908.] Wisaler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology, 145

to attack such a man, and went their way. Now the party that was with Bear-Moccasin went home, because they thought he must have been killed. After a while they went back, and, while they could see nothing of their enemies, they could see Bear-Moccasin still at his butchering. When they went up to him, they saw that he had no woimds, and the Only thing he said was, "Here, I have killed this white man."

Now Bear-Moccasin had great power, and he could take a woman from any man. No one dared to talk against it, and every one was afraid of him. So he raped and seduced at will. One day he saw a very nice woman in camp, and decided to try her. Now his friend, Chief-Old-Man, said, "Do not bother with that woman, for she is the wife of our chief." Bear-Moccasin repUed, "I must have her." To this Chief-Old-Man said nothing, but he was not pleased. Now, when this woman went out for wood, Bear-Mocca- sin met her. There was an old woman with her. Bear-Moccasin took hold of the young woman and asked her to go with him. As he was pulling and coaxing her, the old woman said, "Now you ought not to do this. This is a terrible thing for you to do, because she is the wife of the chief. You are a very powerful man, but this you ought not to do. If you must do this, you can have me for the sake of letting her go." "No," said Bear-Moccasin. Then the young woman spoke up and said, "Well, I suppose he must have his way, but first let me tie this horse up." Then, with Bear-Moccasin standing by, she began as if to hobble her horse, talking to the other woman, telUng her to get some wood ready to take to camp, but not to mention to any one what had happened, because of the disgrace. Then she said to Bear-Moccasin, "You go on into the brush and I will follow." As soon as Bear-Moccasin started into the brush, the young woman sprang upon her horse and rode away. Now Bear-Moccasin was very quick. He caught hold of the travois; but the horse had a good start, and he was not able to hold on. The woman galloped to the camp, and told her husband, the chief, what had happened.

Now, after a while the men in the camp went out to hunt, and the chief saw Bear-Moccasin go with them. Then the chief went out also, and as he was coming home he saw Bear-Moccasin butchering. He rode up quietly, shot Bear-Moccasin full of arrows, then shot him with a gun, and finally cut him to pieces. Now no one in the camp was angry. In a short time, Bear-Moccasin walked into the chiefs lodge, saying, "Here, I bring you some of your arrows." Then the chief thought him a great medicine- man indeed.

Bear-Moccasin had another friend, whom he also adnsed what to do in case he was killed. However, this friend went to the chief and said, "If you ever kill Bear-Moccasin again, take out his canine-teeth and bum them."

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One day the same two women were out again for wood when they saw Bear-Moccasin coming. As he came up to them, he said to the young woman, "You got away once, but I shall Ue with you just the same." Now everything happened as before, and the young woman agreed to go with Bear-Moccasin. He took hold of her sleeve to lead her along; but she took out her knife, quickly cut the sleeve and ran away. As she ran, she called out that she would tell the chief. Bear-Moccasin said that he would wait there for him. So she told her husband, the chief. Now the chief was very angry. He began to make medicine for loading his gun, and when he got it ready he set out, the woman carrying an axe and a hatchet. Soon they came up to the place. Bear-Moccasin was lying down by the brush as if asleep. The chief shot him, then took out his canine-teeth, and cut his body into small pieces. Then he burned up the canine- teeth. Now the friend of Bear-Moccasin came to restore him to life, but, when he saw that the canine-teeth were gone, he said, ** I will not try to bring him to life again. He may do much harm. He has done much harm already, and the blame must rest with him.'' Now Bear-Moccasin was dead for good.

There is another story which seems to be a version of this, or the reverse. Once a young man had a dream that he came to life again after being dead. He explained the dream to his chum, and requested him to try it in case he should die. Then, to test his power, he tried to rape the wife of the chief in full view of the camp. The people called out, the chief ran out with his knife, and killed him. His body was cut up and burned. The people took care to bum up everything. So, when the fire was out, the chief ordered them to move camp, and everybody to march over the ashes, so that every trace of the young man might be wdped out. Now, after the camp had moved some distance, the chum of the dead man hid in the brush. The chief, however, watched the place to see if any one should come; but, as no one came all day, in the evening he went away. As soon as the chief was gone, the chum came out of the brush and hunted through the ashes. At last he found a very small piece of bone. He painted the bone, put the robe over it, and put a pipe there. Then taking four arrows, he shot an arrow up so that it would fall on the robe. Each time he did this, he shouted, **Look out! the arrow will hit you;" and each time the robe would move to one side. As he shot the last arrow, he ran away, but the dead man rose up and chased him. Then the young man who had been dead went on to the camp. It was now night. He went into the lodge of his mother. He sent her over to the lodge of the chief to get some food. She was to ask the chief for some of the food that was for him only. This puzzled the chief.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 147

for all the food he sent over was refused. At last he understood that it was the woman that was asked for. This he refused. Then the young man went over, killed the chief, cut up his body and burned it, and marched the people over the ashes. After that he took the chief's wives, and became the chief himself.

In still another version, the chief was forced to go around kissing all the dogs in camp, and, as it was very cold, he froze to death.

4. l^E Split Feather.

A long time ago, when the buffalo and deer were plenty, the Blackfoot Indians made their living by hunting. As the Indians usually camped at one place for many weeks, game would become scarce so that the hunters must ride for two or three days before they could find an}^hing to kill. This medicine-paan was very fond of hunting, and the greatest part of his time was spent in this way. He always left his wife at the camp. Now this man had the power of a feather, of which no one knew. He began to think that his wife had not been true to him, that she had been going with some other man. As he had the power of a feather and could use it in this case, he thought he would try it on his wife. So he got up early one morn- ing, and told his wife that he was going out for another hunt, and would not return for two or three days. His wife got up and went out to get some wood to cook his breakfast for him. While she was out, he took this feather, split it down to about its middle, and placed it under their bedding. His wife came in and made the fire. After he had eaten the meat which she had cooked for him, he started out, riding one horse, and leading another which he used for a pack-horse. When night came, his wife sent word to her lover, who was a young single man. This young man came over to her^ and she told him that her husband had gone away that day and would be gone for two or three days, so he could visit her that night as he had done before. The young man agreed to this. They occupied the bed under which the feather had been placed.

The next morning, before the sun was high, nearly everybody in the camp had gathered around this woman's lodge. Those unable to get inside were standing around the outside of the lodge. It was learned that the man and woman were fast together, and all night they had tried to separate. No one could assist them. The father of the young man was running about, calling on the big medicine-men of the tribe for help; but they could do nothing, as it was beyond the range of their powers. Some of the older men ad\dsed the father to bring out his best horses and weasel suits [buckskin

148 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

suits decorated with strips of white-weasel fur], and make ready for the return of the woman's husband, so that he might meet the wronged man, tell him what had happened, give him presents to pay for what his son had done, and beg for his life.

The old man went home and got four of his best horses and the best things he had. These he brought to the lodge. Nearly everybody staid at the lodge, waiting for the hunter to return. They wanted to see what he would do when he came back. It was late in the afternoon when the hunter came in sight of the camps. He knew right away what had happened, because he saw so many people around his lodge. Now they ad*ised the old man to go out and meet him, and tell him about it before he reached the camp. So he got his horses and things and started out. He told the wronged husband all about the trouble. \Mien he got through with his storj', the husband said he would take the horses and things, and that he would not kill the young man. Then they both went to the lodge. The husband got off his horse and w^ent inside. He saw his wife still lying in bed with the young man. He asked some of the men standing by to lift the couple off the bed. When this was done, he lifted the bedding, picked up the split feather, held it up so that all might see, then pulled it in two and threw the pieces into the fire. At once the young man and the woman were released, ^rhe young man went out with his robe over his head and face, for he was much ashamed.^

5. The Treacherous Wives.

Once a man had two wives of whom he was very jealous, so jealous that he pitched his lodge far out from any camp. He had a habit of sitting upon a buffalo- skull on the top of a high hill. Naturally his wives became very lonesome, and wished to get back to their people. So they decided to make way with him, and one day they dug a pit on the top of the hill where he usually sat, covered it with willows and turf, put the buffalo skull back in its place, and arranged ever\lhing as it was before. The next day the man went out to the top of the hill as usual, and sat down upon the buffalo-skull. As he did so, the cover of the pit gave way and he fell to the bottom, beneath the brush and earth. The women watched from the camp, and, when they saw him fall, took down their lodges and moved back to the camp. \Tien the people saw them coming in, they said, *' Where is your husband?" They replied, that, as he had been gone eight days, he must have been killed.

1 Recorded by D. C. Duvall. In some versions a piece of sinew tied in a knot was used instead of tlie feather. For an Arapaho rendering of this narrative, see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 458.

1908.] Wissler and Duvcdl, Blackfoot Mythology. 149

Now the man was at the bottom of the deep pit, and unable to get out. A gray wolf happened to pass by, and, hearing some one in the ground, spoke to him. The man explained to the wolf how he had been deceived by his wives, and begged to be released from the trap. The gray wolf promised to help him out if he could. So he set to work digging a tunnel toward the bottom of the pit; but, when he had almost reached the man, he went out and called together all the wolves and coyotes. WTien they were all as- sembled, the old gray wolf had a talk with them, explaining that a man was caught in a deep hole, and that he had taken pity on this man. He wished to have him dug out, and promised to give him as a son to the first one to reach him by tunnelling. The gray wolf himself promised that he would wait until all the other wolves and coyotes were in their holes to their tails before he began to dig. As soon as the wolves and coyotes began to dig, the old gray wolf went to the hole which he had already dug, and, as soon as the others were in to their tails, he rushed down into his own hole, soon reaching the man. Then he drew him out, set hiin down upon the ground, and called in a loud voice, **Ho-o-oI Hoo-o! Wolves and coyotes, you need not wear out your nails digging for the man, because I have him out already." This gray wolf had great power for he was the chief of the wolves, so the man became his son and went away with the pack.^

Now the people in the camp always set traps and snares around the buffalo-drive to catch wolves. They had done this always, but now they began to notice that all the traps and snares would be sprung and the bait taken, without catching a single wolf. The reason was, that the man (wha was now a wolf) would go around to all the traps and snares and spring them, after which the pack would eat the bait. The people knew nothing- of this. Sometimes when the people heard the wolves at night, they noticed a strange voice among them, and, as they listened from night to night, they thought it sounded more and more like a person. They began to talk about it, and said, "There must be a person with the wolves who throws our traps." When they came to this conclusion, they decided to keep watch during the night until they found out why the traps were thrown. One night the watchers saw a large wolf go to the traps and throw them, after which the pack came up and ate the bait. Then the people decided to capture this man-wolf. When he came the next night to throw the traps, a large number of men surrounded him and roped him. He fought and bit viciously, but they succeeded in dragging him into a lodge. When they made a light, they saw that he was a man with wolf hair and claws. Then they began to consider whether any of their people were missing, and at last they remem-

1 A similar incident occurs in an Arikara tale, Dorsey, op. cit.. p. 102.

150 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

bered the husband of the two women, and noticed that the wolf had eyes like this man. They called in his two wives, who recognized him at once. Now the people kept the man with them, and gradually got him back to human ways. At last he became to all appearances a man again. After a time he again took his wives out from the camp, where they lived alone; One day he went out to visit the chief of the wolves. Now the wolves and coyotes became as people and lived in a large camp. The chief of the wolves invited the man to move over and camp with them. There were a great many arrows lying on the ground around the camp of the wolf-people, and the chief of the wolves warned the man as follows, **^Iy son, you must not pick up any of the arrows you see on the ground around here, for they are mine." One day, a long time after, the man forgot the warning of the chief of the wolves, and picked up one of the arrows. Immediately it became coyote- dung; and all the camp, except the man and his wives, became wolves and coyotes again. Now the man was very sony, and went to the chief of the wolves to make amends. He finally offered his two wives to them. Then the wolves and coyotes set upon the two women and ate them. Thus they were punished for their e\i\ doings.*

6. The Woman who Married a Sxake.

Now, in the olden times the Indians were travelling near the Sand-hills. One man had two wives, one of them very beautiful. The whole camp was moving. The horse ridden by the handsome woman was dragging lodge poles. Some of the poles slipped out and were lost. As they rode out of some brush and small cotton-wood-trees near the hills, she noticed that some of her poles were missing. So she said to the others, "I have lost some of my poles. You go on while I go back to find them." So she rode back and soon found the poles. As she was picking them up she saw her people disappear through a gap in the hills. As she started on, a young man met her. He wore a buffalo-robe with the hair-side out and a yellow plume in his hair, and his face was painted yellow. He was nicely perfumed. As she tried to pass on, he headed her off, and, whichever way she turned, he stepped in front of her. **\Vhat are you doing this for?" she said. She did not know him, and thought he must belong to another tribe. "I want you for my wife. I am a widower," said the young man. Then the woman began to feel dizzy, and very soon became unconscious. WTien she came to her- self, she was in a lodge. It was a kind of underground hollow place. Chil-

For another version, see Grinnell. op. cit., p. 78. An Arapaho rendering occurs in Dorsey and Kroeber. op. cit., p. 447.

1908.] Wi88ler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 151

dren were crawling around ever)n'here. "These are my children," said the young man. Now she saw that they were all snakes. One little snake crawled up to the woman. She picked it up tenderly, and began talking baby-talk to it. So she staid there. After a time she had two children, — a boy and a girl. Now, when the Snake took her, her horse went on and at last overtook her people. When the people saw the horse come back, they knew something had gone wrong. They followed back on the trail, specu- lating as they went along as to what could have happened. At last they came to the place where she had tied up her poles. Then they found her trail, but soon lost it. They looked all around, but could find no trace of her. Then they found another trail, but could not follow it. The chief said, **We shall camp here five days in order to search for the woman. Let the young men look carefully out in the brush; let everybody look for her." So they began to hunt.

Now, on the morning of the second day, the snake-man told the woman she could go home. He gave her some medicine. He said to her, "You must not Ue with your husband. You must never pack meat, neither must you pack wood. Whenever you pass this place you must bring me some tripe, berries, and intestines." Then she started home. As she came up from below, the people of the camp saw her. To the first man she met she said, "I shall go out some distance from the camp. Tell my husband to make a sweat-house outside." When the sweat-house was ready, she w^ent in. When she came out of the sweat-house, they noticed that there was water in it. Then she told the people what had happened to her. She explained to them what the snake-man had forbidden her to do. After this she lived with her husband; but, whenever she passed that place, she spent a few days with the snake-man. Now, one time when her people had killed a great many buffalo, she forgot her promise and packed some meat on her back. As soon as she started to carry it, she remembered, threw it down and ran to her lodge. She became very ill at once, and soon died. They buried her; but her body disappeared. She went back to the snakes.^

7. The Woman who Married Filth.

Once there was a young woman veVy much sought by young men. She was quite a belle. One day as she went out for wood, she saw some human excrement. It was most extraordinary. "Bah!" she said, "That is a pile. I wonder who could have done it." This was in the fall. It was frozen hard.

A part of this tale appears in a conglomerate Sun and Moon Myth recorded by Grinnell <Journal of American Folk-I.ore, Vol. VI, p. 46). There is also a slight resemblance to an Arapaho narrative, Dorsej' and Kroeber, op. cit., p. 441.

152 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Next day when she went after wood, she smelled something sweet and pleasant, and as she was looking around she saw a handsome young man. He wore a white buffalo-robe. She fell in love with him at once and thought to herself, "I shall marry him." So she asked him to stop. "Why?" said he, but kept on going. Every time she said this, he repeated the question, without stopping. She ran after him, caught hold of him, and began to embrace and kiss him. All this time she was saying, "I will marry you. I like a handsome man." (At first sight of him she was nauseated.) "All right," said the man. She went home alone and told her father and mother to go out of the lodge, for, she said, "I am married to a man. I shall bring him here. He suits me : at last I have found one that will do."

The next day all the men of the camp went in to see her husband. They thought him very fine indeed. They congratulated her. She lived with him all winter and kissed him all the time. When spring came, he com- plained of not feeling well. Now she was frightened, and wished to call in a medicine-man, but he would npt consent. He said that it would be of no use, because he was going to die. While they were talking, a man in the camp saw a black cloud in the west, and called out, "Ho-o-o-o-I We shall have a big Chinook." When the husband heard this, he kissed his wife farewell, telling her that he must die. They had a child: it was a boy, and still in her womb. He said to her, "Let us go out to walk, away from the camp." As they went along he caressed her, telling her to take good care of the child he should never see. When they were out from the camp he said, "I shall go into the brush." The woman called after him. She said, "I want to see you again." He turned back to look. As she hurried up, she said, "I love you, I cannot let you go," etc. She tried to kiss him, but he smelled bad. Then he ran. He was thawing out. The woman pur- sued him. After a while, she saw him fall. Now it was thawing. There was water everywhere. When she got to the spot there was nothing but excrement. The child became a chief. His name was Excrement Chief.

8. The W^oman who Married a Horse.^

One time when the camp was mo\ing, one of the women walked behind with a travois. Some of her lodge-poles came loose and fell out on the ground. She stopped to fLx them as the main body of her people disappeared over a hill. While she was tying up the poles, a very handsome young man approached her. She started on, but he stopped her by getting in front of her. "Why do you stop me?" she said. "I have never had anything to

» The narrator claimed to have this from the Crows, but it was known among the Piegan as an old tale. For a Gros Ventre rendering of this tale see Kroeber, op. cit„ p. 114; see, aIso» Dorsey and Kroeber op. cit., p. 437.

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 15S

do with you." "Well," said the man, "I want you to go with me." So the woman had to go with him. When the people camped, they missed the woman, and, not being able to find her, concluded that she had been lost or captured. A long time after this, these people were camped again near the place where the woman was lost. Some of the people saw a large herd of wild horses near a small lake, and they noticed a person among the herd. When this was reported to the camp, all the men mounted horses and went out to investigate. They surrounded the herd, cut out the. horses, and roped the person. It was a woman. She had no clothing, and her body was covered with hair like that of a horse. She was very wild, and st niggled in the rope. As the herd of horses ran away, they heard a colt among them neighing as if for its dam. The men took the woman back to the camp, where some of her relatives recognized in her the woman that had been lost some time before. She was very wild, had lost the power of speech and the knowledge of all human things. They kept her in the camp a while, but finally her former husband gave up all hopes. ** It is of no use to keep her,"^ he said. "The only thing we can do is to send her back to the horses." That evening they turned her loose, and she was never seen again.

9. I'^E Woman with a Sharpened Leg.

There were two women married to the same man. One of them was very jealous of the other. She went into a near by lodge and staid there alone^ The lodge belonged to them. The family heard her pounding on something. All this time she was cutting down and sharpening her leg. At last she made it very sharp. While she was pounding, the children cried out, "What are you doing?" "Oh!" she said, **I am hacking a bone." After a while, the man said to the other woman, "That woman has been pounding quite a while. Go over and see what she is doing. There are no bones over there for her to pound on." So the woman peeped in and saw what she was doing. She came back and said to her husband, "She has sharp- ened her leg." Now this frightened them, and the whole family ran out of the lodge. The woman with the sharpened leg called out, "Hold on! let us have a kicking-game." But they ran as fast as they could, the woman following. At last they came to another camp, and, as they ran by, a mai> came out. The woman with the sharpened leg said to him, " Now we kick." So they played the game. When the woman kicked a hole in his stomach, the people all scattered and ran. The woman pursued them, killing many by kicking. At last a warrior came up and struck her down with a war- club. Then they burned the body.^

1 For an Arapaho parallel of a man with a sharpened leg, see Dorsey and Kroeber, op. cit.,. p. 258.

154 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

10. The Woman without a Body.

Once there was a woman whose husband had cut her head off, but the Head bounced along on the ground following him, sa\ing, **You are my husband. I will follow you wherever you go." So the Head went on with him, and when they stopped, it fixed up the lodges and the camp just as before. The head was a fast worker, but when dressing hides it did it under cover. Yet it was done very quickly. ITie Head told the man that no one must watch her while doing this. Now there was a boy in the camp who was very curious, and one day he looked in. The Head always kept her digging- stick with her and, when she saw the boy, she picked up the stick, saying *' You have done wrong." Then she chased him, overtook him, and beat him to death. WTien the people saw this they all ran. She pursued them. They fled across the river. The Head jumped in, and floated down with the current.^

11. The Man Cut in two below the Waist.

A long time ago, two war-parties started out, one many day's before the other. Then the other party went out, and after travelling for several days came to a river where they camped for the night. One of the young men went after some water. As this man was about to dip for the water, some one spoke to him. Looking all around, he saw a man without any legs. This crippled man said that he was one of those who started out first, and that all of his party were killed off except himself. He promised to pay the listener well if he would take him home. To this the young man agreed, picked up the crippled man, and packed him to camp. WTien the others learned of this, they all made up their minds to go back: so the next morning they all started for home. The young man carried his crippled friend on his back. The other men tried to keep the young man from taking the cripple home. They said that he would scare all the children in the camps if they saw him. Now when they would feed this crippled man, his food would drop through to the ground. At last they came to a big river which they had to swim, so they put the cripple on a raft, and all the rest swam. Soon they all got tired, and, dropping the ropes of the raft, swam to the shore. Then the crippled man and his raft floated down the river. The end.^

There Is in this the suggestion of an incident in a Sun and Moon myth recorded bv Grinnell (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VI. p. 47); further we are reminded of the Rollinsr Head foimd among various Indian tribes. See Dorsey and Kroeber (op. cit., p. 70), Also Wissler, Dakota Myths (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. XX, p. 196).

2 Recorded by D. C. Duvall.

1908.] Wissler and DvvaU, Blackfoot Mythology, 155

12. The Ghost-Woman.

One time a young man travelling alone was sitting by his camp-fire at night eating. When he had finished, he took oflF his old worn moccasins, and, thinking to himself how it would be if he were at home, he threw them to one side, saving, **01d woman, mend them for me." After a w^hile he looked around for his moccasins, but they were gone. Then after a while he saw them again, and noticed that they had been mended. "Now," he thought to himself, "this is strange. I will try it again." So he said, "Old woman, get a lot of wood. The fire is about to go out." After a time some wood was piled up in the lodge. After a while he said, "Old woman, I am going out. You get some bedding and fix up a bed while I am gone." When he came back, he saw a bed made up of sage-grass. He lay down as if to go to sleep, but determined to watch to see who this person was. Now, when the fire was out, he heard a person come in. This person said, "At which side shall I sleep?" He repUed, "At the side next to the lodge." This person was a woman and she seemed very nice. Now he had a wnfe. In the morning the woman said, "Now I shall get up and make a fire, but you must not look at me." After a while, when the fire was burning, the woman said, "Now you get up and cook." After a while the man was ready to get up, but he saw no one. Then he said, "Old woman, get some water." And, although he saw no one, the water was soon there.

Then the man started home, but when night came, he camped. He said, "Old woman, fix up a w ar- lodge. " ^ Then he lay down to wait. When this was done, he said, "Old Woman, make a fire and cook." After a while, when the fire was ready, some one said, "Now the fire is ready. You can cook." WTien the man had cooked, he offered some meat to the woman, but she said, "No, I shall not eat yet." Then the man asked the woman to get wood and make a bed. Ever%ihing happened as before. The next day they went on, and camped as usual. On the fourth night the man was to see her for the first time. She said, "In the morning I shall eat." Now, when morning came, the man looked around the lodge, and saw a very handsome woman sitting there. The woman said, "I shall live with you, but you must never strike at me with fire." ^ So he went back to his people, and all went well with them. He lived with the woman for a long time, but one day he became very angry at her, and, taking a stick from the fire, made as if to strike her. As he did so, the woman pulled her robe over her head. Then the man remembered what she had said, and quickly

1 A strong shelter of poles for security against a night attaclc.

2 A similar caution occurs in a tale recorded by Grinnell, op. cit., p. 131.

156 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

raised the robe. There was only a skeleton beneath it. Then he wra;pped up the bones and buried them. Now it has boiled over.

13. Fed by a Ghost.

Once a man was camping alone [with his family]. He had gone out to hunt by himself. In the night they heard a voice sa\ing, **My mother wants to use your pail." Then the man said to his wife, ** Woman, let them have it." After a time the pail was brought back into the lodge, and they heard a voice saying, "Yoii can eat what is in it. It is meat." Now when they looked into the pail they found a piece of an old lodge-cover that had been boiled. After a while the Ghost came again and said, "You did not eat it. I wdll give you something else." "No," said the man, "we do not need anything else. We ate it." He said this because they had hidden it. "Well," said the Ghost, "I want to borrow the pail again." So the man said, "Woman, let him have it." After awhile the Ghost brought the pail filled, and said, "Here are some ribs and tripe." Now, when they looked into the pail, they found some very old bones and sticks of wood, with no meat. The man said, "I am hungry, but I cannot eat that." "Well," said the Ghost, "I shall send out a young man to kill some game." Now the next morning, as the man was going out of the lodge he heard some one say, "Here is meat." On looking around he saw a buffalo-cow lying on the ground. Then he began to butcher. Now he was happy because he had something to eat. Now it has boiled over.

14. Fed by a Coyote.

Once a young man and his Uttle brother were travelling, and got lost on the prairie. They were out of food and were star'ing. One day they saw a Coyote eating. They approached him. Both of them were thin, nothing but skin and bone. The young man spoke to the Coyote and said, "Give my httle brother something to eat, and when I hunt I will always leave the entrails for you to eat." All right," said the Coyote, "you will be safe." Now the Coyote had very little left when the young man came up : so he said to them, "You stay here and eat until you are strong, then I will take you home." There was a ridge near by, and the Coyote said, "I will see that you get more food, but you must not watch me. Now shut your eyes." After a while they heard the Coyote singing, "I am looking to the west for something to eat." [This is sung in a low soft chant, Kke all songs in children's stories.] "Now come over here," said the Coyote. So they

1908.] Wissler and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 157

opened their eyes and went over. The Coyote had a buflfalo-calf . He cut it open, butchered it, and then they ate. So it went on from day to day. The Coyote travelled along the ridge toward their home. Whenever the Coyote looked toward the west and sang his song, meat would fall over the ridge toward them. Thus the Coyote took them home.

15. Riding the Buffalo.

Once there was a white man who was a rancher. He had a great many tame buffalo, some of which he rode as if they were horses. One day his unmarried daughter found a skeleton on the river-bank. It had been washed out during the high water. She took the skeleton home and requested her father to make a sweat-house and doctor the skeleton. She said, '*If the skeleton comes to life, and it is a man, I shall marry him. But if it is a woman, I shall have her for a chum." Her father finally agreed to try his power. The skeleton came to life as the result of his doctoring. It proved to be a Piegan Indian. So the girl married him. Now these white people lived upon frogs and turtles. As the Piegan could not eat such meat, they asked him what he would Uke. He told (hem that his people always ate buffalo. So his white father-in-law killed some of his tame buffalo for him to eat. Now, after a time, the Piegan began to long to see his people. So lie asked his father-in-law if he might go. His request was granted. So he set out with some of the tame buffalo. He rode one of them, and his wife another, while the other buffalo followed behind. As he came near the <;amp of his people, some one called out, "Buffalo are coming!" When they looked out, they said, "People are riding upon them." When they came near, some one said, "That looks like the man who went away and never came back." Now, the Indian staid with his people a while, and then decided to go back to his wife's father and mother. He took his old father 4ind mother with him, and the Piegan never saw them again. ^

16. The Kutenai Black-Tail Deer-Dance.

This story came from the Kutenai Indians.^ Long ago in their camp one of them died. The one that died was a man true and good. After he died, his spirit went away to the land of the dead to find out what was there.

• For a similar tale, see Grinnell, on. cit., pp. 25-28.

• For many years the Blackfoot ana Kutenai Indians have visited each other and exchanged 41 few ceremonies. The most important one acquired by the Blackfoot seems to have been the Black-Tail Deer- Dance, a ceremony to aid in hunting deer. The narrator was the chief director

«of this dance among the Piegan.

158 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11^

When he had been there a while, the spirit told him to return to his people and tell them what was there. He had been dead seven days, and his body was badly deeomposcd ; but the spirit of the dead took his spirit down to its body and he came to life. He came to life in the midst of his friends. Now it was this way: the watchers around the body heard a noise inside of the corpse, but all the while the spirit of the dead man was sitting near, sajnng that he was trying to sing. So they quickly unwrapped the body. Then the man opened his. eyes, and, looking at them, said, *I have come from the land of the dead. I have come to teach you more songs and prayers.'^ Then he rose and picked up a small bell. Now all the people were very hungr}', for they had nothing to eat for a long time. The man said, **Xow we will dance." So he led the dancers round in a circle, and, keeping time with the bell, sang the songs he had learned when in the land of the dead.. A\Tien the dance was over, the people rested while he prayed for them. Then they danced again. They all slept that night, and when they awoke, the man who had been dead said, "I know all about power. I saw it in my dream. You can believe that there is such a place." Then the men went out to hunt and brought home a great deal of meat, and after that the danc»e was called the ** Black-Tail Deer-Dance." Now every one takes part in this dance before he goes out to hunt. They dance in the evening and at night they can see in dreams where game is to be found.

Once again when a Kutenai Indian was out in the mountains, he was buried in the snow, but his dog got him out. The man, however, was dead. The dog went home and by his action induced the man's w4fe to follow. The man had been dead four days. The woman carried the body home. There were two children in the family and they had nothing to eat. The woman said to the children, **Now your father is dead. We shall starve. We cannot get away." Now that night the woman remembered the story of the man who went to the land of the dead, that he came to life again by singing songs, etc. Then she prayed that her husband might be brought to Hfe and food given them. While she was doing this, two young men came in suddenly and told her that the spirits would help her. They said, *'lM us have a dance that your husband may get back his life." So they began to dance, and danced all night. When daylight came, they stopped- One of the young men stood at the head of the corpse and the other at the foot. The one at his head covered the face of the corpse with a black cloth. The one at the foot touched the dead man on the breast. Then the one at the head took off the black cloth and the corpse opened his eyes. Then one of the young men walked on his chest until he became alive. One of the

1908.] Wissler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 159

young men gave him a cross and directed him to pray to it and never to part with it. Now in the Black-Tail Deer-Dance they sing the same songs they sang that night.

Again, in very ancient times there was a woman who had the skin of an otter with the skull fastened to it. She was a medicine- woman. One day she challenged the others as to whose medicine was the strongest. She said, **Let us see who can kill others by touching them." Then the woman took a small pail of water, put in some earth, and, taking a mouthful of the mixture, sprinkled it upon the head of the otter. Then she stood by the door where the people were dancing, and, holding out the otter-skin, spat water from her mouth towards the dancers, and whoever was struck fell down dead. When they were all dead, she took some branches of the pine-tree, placed them on coals of fire, and held the otter-skin in the smoke. Then she rubbed the otter-skin and the people all came to life again.

One time last winter [1902] I visited the Kutenai Indians. I was dancing the Black-Tail Deer-Dance with them. One of the dancers said to me, "Now look at my body." So I watched his body, and as he danced a large cross appeared on his breast and a similar one on his back. As soon as he stopped dancing, the cross disappeared. Then we began to dance again. This time he said to me, ''Now look above and below." When I looked down at his feet, I saw the cross on the ground : when I looked at his head, I saw the cross above, with rays like the sun.

17. The Horxed-To.\d and the Frog.

There were two lakes near each other. A Horned Toad was going from one of them to the other to see his girl. His girl was a Frog. At last he got to the lake and coaxed the Frog to go back with him. So they started off. The Frog went very fast and the Horned-Toad was panting behind calling out, **Wait! Wait!" All this time it was raining very hard. After a while the Frog said, "Let us go back. It is too far. We shall never get there." "No," said the Horned-Toad, "it is not far." When they were about halfway over to the lake, it stopped raining. Then the sun came out very hot. It was very, very hot. The Horned-Toad began to give out. He seemed about to have a sunstroke. So the Frog passed water over his back. This revived him for a little while, but soon he began to weaken;

160 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. 11,

and the Frog did as before. In this way they managed to get along until the Frog reached her limit. Now the Homed-Toad was nearly dead. The Frog was holding him up, and struggling along, crying. When they were nearly dead, it began to rain again. Then they started on much refreshed. At last they reached the lake. Then they were married. Now it has boiled over.

18. Turtle Goes to War.

Once there was a lake with many camps on its shores. This was a long time ago. One day a Turtle came to the shore. He went up to a lodge, crawled into it, and found a woman asleep. AMien the man came home, he saw his wife's head in the centre of the lodge. Her head had been cut off by the Turtle. He saw the Turtle trying to pull it toward the back- rest, but it was too heavy for him. As he pulled he sang, "Turtle has hair (head]." The Turtle held the head by the braids.

Now, the people laid hold of the Turtle. One of them said, "We will make a big fire and bum him in it." Then they began to make a big fire. All this time the Turtle was trying to get away from the people who were holding him, to get into the fire. Then the people said, "He must belong in there. The fire must be his place." Then some one said, "Let us smash him between two rocks." When the Turtle heard this, he ran and got upon a rock himself. When the people saw this, they said, "He must have come out of the rock. He is too willing. Let us hang him." So they brought a piece of sinew and made a loop; but the Turtle took it out of their hands and put it around his neck. Then the people said, "He is too willing. We cannot kill him that way." Then some one suggested throwing him into the deep water. As soon as the Turtle heard this, he began to cry and pull back. The people said, "Now we have it. We have found out what will kill him." So they threw him into the deep water. When the Turtle was in the centre, he came to the surface, floated on his back and then on his breast, singing, "Turtle has a scalp! turtle has a scalp!" '

19. The Warrior*s Dilemma.

One time when a war-party went out, they sent a young man ahead to scout. It was dark. As he was going along he saw a lodge all by itself. He went up quietly and looked in. There was no one in the lodge except a man, his wife, and a little child. The little child could just walk and was amusing itself by dipping soup from the kettle with a small horn-spoon.

» This is a common myth In the Mississippi bi\sin. See Ceeiha Myth, J. O. Dorsey, p. 271; Wissler, Dakota My I lis, (Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XX, p. 126).

1908.] Wisder and DuvaU, Blackfoot Mythology. 161

The man and his wife were busy talking and paid no attention to the child. Now the child happened to look up and saw the man peeping through the hole, and at once toddled over to the kettle, dipped up some soup in the spoon and held it to the man's Ups. He drank it and the child returned to the kettle for more. In this way the child fed him for many minutes. Then he went away. As he was going along down to his party, he thought to himself, "I do not like to do this, but I must tell my party about this lodge. When they know it, they will come and kill these people. Now this Uttle child fed me, even when I was spying upon them, and I do not like to have it killed. Well, perhaps I can save the child; but then it would be too bad for it to lose its parents. No, I do not see how I can save them, yet I cannot bear to have them killed," etc. So he sat down and thought it over. After a while he went back to the lodge, went in and sat down. While the man was getting the pipe ready, the child began to feed him again with the spoon. After he had smoked, he told the man all about it. He explained to him how he had come as a scout to spy upon them, and that he was about to bring up his war-party, but that they had been saved by the little child. Then he directed the man to go at once, leaving everjrthing behind him in the lodge.

Now, the man was very thankful, and offered to give him a medicine- bundle and a suit of clothes; but the young man refused, because he knew that his party would suspect him. Then the man suggested that he might place the bundle near the door, behind the bedding. When the war-party came up and dashed upon the lodge, he could be the first to capture it. (All the important property of the lodge is always kept at the back, opposite the door, and, when a war-party rushes in, the swiftest runs to this place.)

Now the young man went back to his party, told them he had found a lodge, but that he had not been up to it or seen any one. Then they started out at once, and, when they came near the lodge, they set up a whoop and rushed upon it. Now the man kept to the rear, and as his com- panions were counting coup on the various objects in the lodge, he stood at the door looking around. At last he picked out the bundle and counted coup on it. Now his companions were suspicious, and they said, **Oh! we know how you did this. You warned the people so that they went away, and then you hid these things by the door, that you might get them." They accused him and threatened him, but still he denied any knowledge of the people, or as to how the bundle came to be there. Yet the people were always suspicious of him, and he was always looked upon as the man who betrayed his war-party in order to make a capture.^

1 This narrative and the one that follows usually provoke a discussion, in which some condemn all or parts of the scout's acts, while others defend them. Such tales are looked upon as ethical puzzles to which no satisfactory answers can be given. So far nothing of this kind among other tribes has come to our notice.

162 Anihropological Papers American Museum of \aiurai History. f'oL II,

20. A Wakrior's Duty and his Love.

Onr-e a sc-out going out from his party saw a camp. There were just two lodges. He stole up, and in the smaller one he saw a woman alone. She was beautiful, and struck his fancy. He went back and waited. At midnight he crept into the lodge and spent the night iJ^-iih her. In the morning he went away.

He was the leader of the war-party, and on one pretext and another kept them under cover while he made nightly \vs\ls to the woman. He did this for four nights. ITien his feeUng for the woman began to assert itself. He thought of plans to save her. He might lead her away and kill the others; but they were doubtless her relations and she would mourn for them. Then, if he married her, they would be his relations. Yet he was the leader of a war-party, and had discovered an enemy. At last he brought the woman and her relations to the camp of the war-party, telling them that he had married the woman. Then they went home, and though she was of hostile tribe, they lived together.

21. The Wolverene- Woman.

These Indians have a belief that there are animab with jK>wer to change into human beings. Of these the wolverene is one. It often happens that when a man is out hunting, or sitting alone by his campfire, a very hand- some woman will come up. Now if he offers her some of the entrails from his butcherin^j, she will take them daintily between the thimab and the forefinger and then throw them away. This is the sign by which she may be known. Should the man take up his gun, the woman will run away as a wolverene. On the other hand, should he allow her to come into camp and engage in familiarities, evil mil follow. As soon as he gets home and smells the fire of the lodges, he will fall do^Ti dead. Sometimes he ^-ill only faint when he smells the fire of the lodges; but even then he will never be the same person again. WTien men go out to hunt, they are often reminded to keep a lookout for the Wolverene- Woman, ^^^len a woman is out alone, the Wolverene- Woman will appear as a fine young man. If the woman permits herself to be seduced, it will Ik* bad for her. As a rule, her people will never hear of her again; but, should she start back to camp and smell the fire of the lodges, she will surely die.*

' For another example of the effect of camp-smoke, ser» Grinnell. op. cit., p. 133. This is not a formal narrative. While the wolverene is a well-known mythical character, there are no si>ecific myths in which it appears. The Deer-Woman of the Dakota, and the Wolf-W^oman of th** Pawnee, described by Bush Otter, seem to embody the same conception a.*» is expressed in the above (Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 480, 481).

1908.] Wiasler and Duvall, Blackfoot Mythology. 163

22. Seven-Heads.

These Indians have a myth of a seven-headed person who made a busi- ness of devouring young women. One time a man came along where some animals were disputing over a piece of meat. The man settled the quarrel, and in return they gave him some power. With this power he went and killed Seven-Heads, after which he married a princess. Then the thunder stole her, but he rescued her by killing a lion, then an eagle which flew out of the lion, then a rabbit which came out of the eagle, then a dove which came out of the rabbit, etc. This story is believed by the Indians to have been brought in by the French.^

23. The Sand Hills.

Once a man was hunting buffalo near the Sand Hills. That is where the dead go. He killed a buffalo, and when he went up to butcher it, he saw a man come towards him, whom he knew to be a dead man. He was very much afraid so he said to the dead man, "Now I will divide up this buffalo with you, but first I must go back here and bring up my pack-horses. You can go on with the butchering." The man lied, for as soon as he reached his horse he mounted and galloped away. A long time after this, (he man was back in the same part of the country, and thought to himself, " I will go to get the arrow-points I left at the place where I killed the buffalo." When he came to the place, he found the skeleton of the buffalo and also his arrow- points. As he looked up, he saw the same man he had seen before. The man spoke to him, and said, *'My friend, where have you been? I have been waiting for you all this time." This frightened the man so much that he sprang upon his horse and galloped away at great speed. Shortly after he returned to his camp, he took sick and died.^

» The above abstract was recorded by D. C. Duvall. For note on the distribution of this narrative, see Kroeber, Gros Ventre Myths, p. 57. It is interesting to note that our Blackfoot informant expresses the same opinion as to the origin of this myth as attributed to Mrs. La Fl^che, an Omaha, J. O. Dorsey, op. cit., p. 126.

2 See Grinnell, op. cit., pp. 125, 132.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS

OF THE

American Museum of Natural History

Vol. II, Part II.

THE NORTHERN SHOSHONE.

By Robert H. Lowie.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Introduction 169

I. Ethnology '171

History and Geography 171

Material Culture 173

Stone, Bone and Shell Implements 173

Preparation of Hides . " 175

Pottery ,. . 177

Embroidery and Weaving 177

Clothing and Personal Decoration 179

Dwellings 182

Economic Life 184

Hunting 185

Fishing 185

Food 187

Transportation and Trade 189

Warfare 191

Games 195

Art 199

Decorative Art 200

Music 206

Social Organization 206

Terms of Relationship 209

Marriage 210

Various Customs 211

Names 211

Salutiition 211

Smoking 212

Menstrual Lodge 214

Burial 214

Dances 216-

165

166 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural HieUyry, [Vol. II,

Page

Religion ; .• . 223

The Soul 226

Ghosts 227

Medicine 227

Charms 229

Conceptions of the Universe 230

Miscellaneous 232

II. Mythology 233

1. The Creation of the Shoshone 236

2. Wolf and Coyote 239

3. The Theft of Fire 244

4. The Theft of Pine-nuts 246

5. The Flood 247

6. Coyote and his Dau^ters 248

7. Iron-Man 251

8. The Sun 252

9. The Bear and the Deer 253

10. The Weasels and the Giants 254

11. Dzoavits and the Weasels 257

12. Dzoavits and Mosquito 259

13. The Weasel Brothers 260

14. Dzoavits and the old Woman 261

15. Dzoavits 262

16. Coyote and the Rock 262

17. The Bungling Host 265

18. Porcupine and Coyote 267

19. Skunk 268

20. Skunk and Coyote 270

21. Skunk and the Mountain-Lion 271

22. The Bull-frog and the Elk 271

23. Coyote Tales 272

24. Lodge-Boy and Thrown-Away 280

25. The Boy's Travels and the Water- Youths 283

26. The Boy who visited his Grandfathers 285

27. The Disobedient Brother 287

28. The Sheep-Woman 288

29. Thunder 290

30. The Bad Medicine-Man 290

31. Cannibal Stories 291

32. The Buffalo who Stole an Indian Girl 293

33. The Stolen Wife 293

34. The Horse- Woman 294

35. The White Man and the Monster-Bu-d 294

36. The Poor Boy and his Horse 295

37. The Bear's Son 298

38. Ghost Stories 299

39. Enga-g^'acu's Experiences in the Underworld .... 301

BiBUOGRAPHY 303

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 167

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plates.

I. Moccasins. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 50-6403 B), length 25 cm.; Fig. 2 (50-1141 A),

length 14 cm.; Fig. 3 (50-6402 B), length 25 cm.; Fig. 4 (50-6409 A), length 25 cm.

Text Fiqures.

Page

1. Steatite Cup 174

2. Hide tied to a Frame for Tanning . . 175

3. Arrangement for Smoking a Tanned Hide 176

4. Loom for Bead-weaving 177

5. Outlines of Shoshone Basket-forms 178

6. Pattern of a Shoshone Moccasin 180

7. Bead Necklace 182

8. Sahnon-gig 186

9. Lemhi Hearth and Drill. Wind River Drill 189

10. Cradle-board 190

II. Set of Dice 197

12. Buckskin Ball 198

13. "Spreading Design" on Moccasins 201

14. Beaded Strip on Dance-legging 202

15. Beaded Strip on Dance-legging 202

16. Parfleche Decoration 203

17. Parfleche Decoration . 204

18. Parfleche Decoration 205

19. Designs on a Wind River Drum 207

20. Musical Instrument 219

INTRODUCTION.

In the spring of 1906, the writer left New York on a Museum expedition to the Shoshone of Lemhi Agency, Idaho. As there were rumors that the Lemhi people had already been removed to Fort Hall in the southeastern part of the state, it was necessary to stop ofif on that reservation in order to obtain authentic information on this point. After a few days* delay at Inkom, Pocatello and Ross Fork, I proceeded to Lemhi and remained there for the remainder of the summer, the removal of the Indians having been postponed until the following spring. While at Lemhi, I enjoyed the kind hospitaUty of Mr. Eugene Duclos, the superintendent of the reservation. To Dr. Murphy, the government physician, to Mr. J. P. Sherman of Owyhee, Nevada, and to Mr. Faukner, a half-breed Shoshone from Fort Hall, whom I met in New York, I am indebted for a few details. Some facts of com- parative interest were revealed in a conversation with Mr. H. H. St. Clair, who had visited the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming, and I have also drawn on the notes obtained by Mr. St. Clair in connection with specimens collected for the Museum. Professor Franz Boas kindly offered me the use of the Shoshone texts recorded by Mr. St. Clair; it merely proved practica- ble, however, to call attention to some points of comparative interest re- vealed by this additional material. As much of the material culture of the Shoshone has disappeared, it seemed advisable to utilize the information buried in older Uterature and to weld it, together with my field-notes, into a somewhat systematic, though necessarily brief, account of the Northern Shoshone. Mr. Herbert J. Spinden's paper on The Nez Perci Indians (Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, Volume II, Part 3, pp. 165-274) appeared too late to be adequately used for comparative pur- poses.

The majority of the myths were told by old informants and taken down from the translation of my interpreters. Several stories were told in the Shoshone-English jargon of a middle-aged Indian sufficiently conversant with English to make himself understood. The tales of Iron-Man, the Bear and the Deer, and some of the Dzo'avits and minor Coyote stories were recorded as texts. The footnotes to the myths are not exhaustive, calUng attention only to striking similarities and to homologies of compara-

169

170 AfUkropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol, II,

tive interest. In order to facilitate both comparative studies and a survey of the incidents of each story, every paragraph has been furnished with head-lines in marginal indentations. Though the representation of tales by such skeletal outlines as suggested by Mr. Joseph Jacobs at the Inter- national Folk-Lore Congress of 1891 did not prove practicable in the present stage of the catchword movement, the superiority of even the headlines here presented over the conventional abstracts appended to collections of North American tales will, I think, be conceded.

As the time at my disposal permitted but a very superficial consideration of linguistic questions, no attempt is made in the following paper to render with more than approximate accuracy the intricacies of Shoshone phonetics. A constant error, which, however, it was not deemed advisable to remedy by wholesale correction, is the substitution of surds for sonants pronounced with surd force. Thus, p in pi'a does not represent the English sound, but a medial, and the same applies to t and k.

a, e, i, o, u have their continental sounds.

a, 6, ii, are approximately the modified German vowels.

E an obscure vowel.

^ whispered final vowel.

V Spanish b.

r ''Shoshone r,'' related to d.

dz intermediate between English dz and j in judge.

X Grerman ch in ach.

c English sh.

Robert H. Lowie. New York, December, 1908.

1909.] Lotvie, The Northern Shoshone, 171

I. ETHNOLOGY.

HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.

The Shoshone, or Snakes, constitute the northernmast division of the Shoshonean family. They occupied western Wyoming and Montana, central and southern Idaho, northern Utah and Nevada, and all but the western- most part of Oregon. Offshoots of the tribe fished on the Des Chutes every spring,^ and were even found on the upper Willamette (Multnomah);' so that the boundaries customarily assigned to Shoshone territory must be extended rather considerably towards the west. In Utah, most of the settlements were north of Great Salt Lake in Weber, Bear and Cache Valleys and in the neighborhood of Goose Creek Mountains. In Nevada, several bands roamed from Humboldt River to a hundred miles south, the chief of one of them living near Honey Lake, California.' In Wyoming, the special territory of the Shoshone was on Green and Sweetwater Rivers; and they are said to have extended eastward as far as the North Platte.*

The earliest notice of a meeting with the tribe is due to Lewis and Clark, who sighted the first Shoshone in southwestern Montana, and, after crossing the divide, visited the village on Lemhi River in August, 1805. From ex- plicit statements on the part of natives as well as from their riding-gear, they gathered that there had already been intercourse with Spanish traders.* From early accounts it is clear that the only constant allies of the Snakes were the Datcl'ba (Tushepaws), a subdivision of the Flathead, who joined their fishing-parties and accompanied them on their hunting excursions into the Plains.* The Bannock, though never hostile, do not seem to have afforded their congeners any protection against their eastern foes in the early days. Largely on account of their comparative lack of firearms, perhaps partly on account of their natural timidity, the Shoshone were warred upon and despoiled of their possessions by the majority of Plains tribes. Thus, in the summer of 1805, the Atsina had deprived them of their skin-lodges and stolen many of their horses.^ On their westward trip Lewis and Clark met a number of tribes which were in the habit of harassing the Snakes. The Mandans were preparing an expedition against them.

1 Lewis and Clark, III, 147; IV. 366.

2 Ibid., IV, 280.

« Burton, 474; Schoolcraft, V, 201.

• Schoolcraft. V, 199.

« Lewis and Clark, IV, 74, 77.

Ibid., Ill, 27; Irving, (b) I. 274.

7 Lewis and Clark, II, 383; III. 38.

172 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

the Hidatsa had captured Shoshone women, the Arikara professed to have learned the bead-making industry from Shoshone prisoners,* the Blackfoot and Crows were dreaded enemies,^ though the former were occasionally repelled by both Bannock and Shoshone.* The Wyoming Shoshone had to suffer from the depredations of the Cheyenne and Arapaho.* In the south the Shoshone had to contend against the Ute until a treaty of peace was concluded under the influence of Brigham Young.^ Practically all the Columbian tribes, such as the Nez Perc6, Cayuse and Walla Walla, were hostile;' but against some of these the Shoshone seem to have held their own.^ Some of the western bands were at war with the Klamath.^ Of course, practically none of these statements as to tribal relations applies rigorously to all the local Shoshone groups, or to any one group at all periods. In some cases friendship and hostiUty alternated irregularly. Thus, the Crow in 1806 were temporarily at peace with the Snakes,* ousted them from the upper Missouri region in 1822,® were allies in 1842 against the Gros Ventres, Ogallala and Cheyenne," and in still later times formed a confedera- tion with Snakes, Bannock and Nez Perc6 against the Blackfoot, Sioux, Cheyenne and Arapaho." Similarly, the Ute, who in 1834 were reported as at war with the Shoshone,* were found at other times at peaceable rendez- vous on Green River with Shoshone, Nez Perc6, and Flathead Indians."

While the Bannock have occasionally given the government cause for forcible intervention, the relations of the Shoshone to the whites, with the exception of local disturbances,** have been almost uniformly amicable. The friendship of the Lemhi was tested in 1877, when they remained neutral, refusing to join the Nez Perc6 under Chief Joseph. The Shoshone are now confined to three reservations. Fort Hall, Idaho; Wind River Reservation, Wyoming; and Western Shoshone Reserv^ation, Nevada. The Lemhi were moved to Fort Hall in 1907. The total population is probably about 3300, corresponding to an estimated total of 4000 in 1847 for Shoshone and

1 Lewis and Clark, I, 210, 220, 249. 272, 283.

a Ibid.. II, 252; V. 270. Wyeth, 206-7. Irving, (b) II, 159.

3 Ross. I, 226. Townsend, 242.

• Fremont, 127.

• Remy, I, 291.

« Lewis and Clark, IV, 280, 331. 362; V. 6. 24. 106. Ross. I. 223, et passim.

7 Lewis and Clark, III, 145, 149. 168. • 8 Gatschet. 28.

» Lewis and Clark. V. 273. »o Schoolcraft. V. 198. " Fremont. 41. 59, 146. « Clark, 14. 18 Ibid., 338. " Parker, 80, 83. ifi Bancroft, 247, 259-60, 433. 515-16.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 173

Bannock combined.^ Lewis and Clark's estimate of over 13,000* and Ross's of 36,000 ' are of course purely conjectural.

While by community of habitat and frequent intermarriage the Shoshone are most closely affiliated with the Bannock, they belong linguistically to the same subdivision as the Comanche, who are commonly regarded as a rather recent offshoot from the Wyoming Shoshones.*

The theory has been put forward that the Shoshone formerly occupied the Plains country and were driven westward by the attacks of Prairie tribes. According to Brinton,* all the Shoshoneans once inhabited the area between the Great Lakes and Rocky Mountains. In a recent paper, Professor Kroeber finds this view "highly improbable on account of the general* distribution of dialectic groups" and "without support on Unguistic grounds."* This conclusion is corroborated by the complete absence of migration legends among the Lemhi and Nevada Shoshoneans, and by a num- ber of cultural traits. The old type of Shoshone dwelUng, the development of fishing, the chase for small game, the weaving of sage-brush bark and of rabbit-skin blankets, the extreme simpUcity of their social organization, the virtual absence of buffalo tales and the mythological importance of the coyote and the wolf, all bear out the supposition of a long occupancy of the Plateau region. The historically recorded westward movements of Sho- shone bands driven by Plains tribes thus shrink into purely local migrations not affecting the tribe as a whole. The influence of Prairie culture is, of course, undeniable, but its operation belongs to a relatively late period.

MATERIAL CULTURE.

Objects of Stone, Bone and Shell. The Shoshone made knives by break- ing pieces of obsidian,^ which was common in their country, and selecting suitable, sharp-edged fragments, often of irregular shape. A piece an inch or two long was not rejected so long as it would cut. The edge was renewed by means of an elk or deer horn. Sometimes a wooden or horn handle was attached, but this was frequently lacking.' In fashioning arrow points, similar pieces of obsidian were broken off, laid upon a hard stone,

Schoolcraft. VI. 697. » Ibid.. VI, 118-119. « Ross, I, 251; II, 150.

• Mooney, (a) 1043. Kroeber. (d) 111. « Brinton. 121.

• Kroeber, (d) 165.

^ Obsidian (du'pi) is still favorably compared with iron, because it is nfi'rOyunt (powerful, strong), which iron is not.

• Lewis and Clark, III, 19; Wyeth. 213.

174 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

and struck with another stone or finished with a deer or elk horn. The points were about three-quarters of an inch long, half an inch wide and rather thin. According to Wyeth, those intended for hunting were widened, so that the head might be withdrawn with the shaft, while arrows for war lacked this feature.^ The Shoshone had no axes; smaller branches were seized and broken with the hands, for larger trunks they had to depend on windfalb. Wood was split by means of a sharpened antler.'

Lewis noted pots of white soft stone which became black and very hard by burning.* According to information obtained by the writer, the stone formerly employed* by the Shoshone was called to'sa-tak (white + ?) or ba'mu-tak (tobacco + ?). As it is known that the Shoshone made steatite pipe-bowls,* there can be little doubt that the vesseb seen by Lewis were

Fig. 1 (50-1166). Steatite Cup. Diameter, 12 cm.

of the same material. Wyeth pictures a "stone cooking pot and mortar" of pure lava, truncate, but curved at the bottom, widening towards the open- ing and recuned at the top. In his text, he states that these pots, which had a capacity of about two quarts, were very rare, and that he never saw them used either as mortars or pots, though he believes they could have stood fire as a boiling- vessel.* The Museum contains a (probably unfin- ished) flat-bottomed steatite cup with handle from Wind River; the out- side bears the marks of a picking instrument (Fig. 1). Stone mortars and pestles were seen by Culin among the Washakie Shoshone and Fort Hall

1 Wyeth. 212; Lewis and Clark, III, 12. 19.

2 Lewis and Clark, III. 9, 19. » Ibid., Ill, 19.

• Wyeth. 214. « Ibid., 211.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 175

Bannock.^ Stone scrapers consisting of thin segments of quartzite, made by striking the rock a smart blow, were found by Leidy both in actual use and in an old grave.^ They were circular or oval, sharp-edged, convex on one side and flat on the other.

Awls, salmon-gigs, and sometimes the caches in the hand-game, were of bone. Besides antlers, sharpened ribs were used as scrapers in the preparation of hides. Drinking cups and spoons ^ were made of mountain- sheep or buffalo horn. In the manufacture of bows, the horns of mountain- sheep and elk were used, after being molded by heating and wetting; they were worked smooth by scraping with sharp stones and drawing between two rough stones.* Shells were used for personal decoration only. Abalone ornaments were obtained in trade from the coast Indians.'

Preparation of Hides. Buffalo, elk, and, in recent times, cowskins.

Fig. 2. Hide tied to a Frame for Tanning.

were stretched out on the ground and pegged down; whereas deerskins were hung up (Fig. 2). The hair is removed either by means of the elk- horn scraper having an iron blade secured by a buckskin thong, or with a horse's rib. The flesh is removed with the typical serrate Prairie fleshing tool. The brains of a deer were formerly dried for a length of time varying from a few days to several weeks, then boiled with deer-bones, and the mix- ture was rubbed in to soften the hide. The hide is put in cold water, wrung

1 Culin, 13. 89. « Leidj% 653.

• Spoons were sometimes made of wood (Townsend, 260).

• Wyeth, 212.

» Lewis and Clark, II, 372, 378.

176 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History [Vol. II,

out, suspended from a cross-beam and scraped. The scraper is either the elk-hom adze of the Plains, or a small elliptical sharp-edged stone. The scraping is continued until one side is perfectly white and smooth. The skin is repeatedly immersed in water, wrung and scraped in this fashion. In wringing, the left hand seizes one part of the hide from below, and the right twists the portion directly beneath, while the worker sits on the ground. The wringing operation is continued ad infinitum, the main worker being relieved from time to time by other women of the family or by visitors. In- stead of sitting on the ground, the worker will sometimes tie the hide to a frame; standing before it, she twists and untwists every section of the hide

in succession about a wringing stick. In smoothing the skin, it is often placed across a sinew cord stretched between two supports, and vigorously moved back and forth. This method is said to have been used regularly with buffalo hides. Once I saw the cord stretched vertically instead of transversely, one end being attached to a tree near the ground and the other several feet above. The fibres are carefully removed on one side and remain on the other. Now- adays, as a rule, but one side is smoked, especially in mak- ing gauntlets for trade; for- merly both sides were usually smoked.

Two smoking - frames

Fig. 3. Arrangement for Smoking a Tanned HideT ^^'^ observed by the writer.

One consisted of a cross beam connecting the stump of a branch with the fork of two poles tied together so as to rest on the ground as the sides of an isosceles triangle. On one side quite near the tree, a hole was made, perhaps 45 cm. deep, and a fire built. On the one occasion when the process of smoking itself was witnessed, the deerskin was sewed together so that the side to be smoked formed the inner surface of a hollow cylinder. The lower end of the hide was staked down with wooden pegs to the perimeter of the firehole, the upper part was tied to the crotch of a tripod frame (Fig. 3). The woman built a fire of wooden shavings in a one-foot excavation. The smoke played on the inner half of the skin for from ten to fifteen minutes, turning it yellow.

1909.] Louie, The Northern Shoshone. 177

According to Mason,^ the Shoshone employed three kinds of buckskin, — white, yellow and brown. The hair was often removed by rolling up the hide in ashes wet with warm water for a few days. **The hair was then removed by means of a wooden knife, a rib, or in later times with an old case-knife or bit of hoop-iron. The yellow and the brown skins received their tint by drying them over a smoldering fire of dry willow for the former and green willow for the latter color. The skins were vigorously pulled and stretched in every direction while the drying and smoking were going on." Mason's account is probably derived from descriptions of the method of Paiute and Ute tanners, whose implements are reproduced in his paper (Plates XC and XCII).

Pottery, "Co'go-wi'towE," earthen pots, were referred to by several of my informants, and an old woman professed to have seen some in her youth. The existence of pottery is affirmed by Lewis,^ who speaks of "pots in the form of a jar made either of earth, or of a white soft stone." Still

Fig. 4 (50-6404.) Loom for Bead-weaving. Length, 55 era.

more explicit is a statement by Ross, who pronounces the Shoshone the best of western potters. **The clays to be found all over their native soil are of excellent quality, and have not been overlooked by them." Reference is made to cylindrical kettles and water-jars with stoppers, which were also used for holding fish, oil and grease.^

Embroidery and Weaving. The designs produced with quills and in beadwork will be considered later. Nowadays, in beading, the women frequently employ a bow-shaped loom notched at both ends for the recep- tion of the single strings (Fig. 4). The use of looms in modem beadwork is rather common on Indian reservations, especially in the schools. The frame is, however, generally rectangular,* instead of being arched as among the Shoshone. The process of embroidering resembles the second variety of Menomini beadwork as illustrated by Hoffman.* Where beads are sewed directly on cloth or buckskin, the Shoshone, as a rule, have no definite system

1 Mason (a) 572.

2 I^wis and Clark. III. 19.

3 Ross. I. 273-4.

• Hoffman. 269. fig. 45. « Ibid.. 271. fig. 47.

178 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

of stitching. In this respect, however, two Museum specimens form an exception. A number of beads are strung together and sewed on, the stitch passing down to the next row, where an equal number is strung in the oppo- site direction. 'Vertical bands result, producing the ridged effect character- istic of Dakota beadwork, while on the other side of the fabric the stitches run in straight parallel lines marking the borders of the bands.

Sage-brush bark (wa'dzipi) was used for weaving baskets, bags (wa'-

Fig. 5: a (50-2333), height, 27 cm.; b (50-6418), height, 33 cm.; c (50-6429), diameter 50 cm.; d, from Schoolcraft. Outlines of Shoshone Basket-forms.

dzi-mo'gots) and blankets. For the latter purpose, the skins of cottontail and jack-rabbits, ground-hogs and other small animals were also employed. Mats were manufactured from rushes. The forms of Shoshone baskets, so far as known to the writer, are illustrated in Fig. 5. The technique of the basketry was either coiled or twined. Basket hats, roasting trays (Fig. 5, c), gathering baskets (Fig. 5, b), and fans were twined; water-bottles (Fig.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 179

5, a), gambling trays, berrying baskets, and cooking vessek (Fig. 5, d) were coiled. The latter were made of long tough roots wound in plies around a center. The plies were held together by a small root passed through a space made by forcing an awl between the two last pUes, and winding the root under the last and over the one to be added in the progress of formation.^ This vessel was abo used for a drinking cup, and was worn as a hat by women on the march. Dice trays were of a three or four-rod vertical foundation. Water bottles were rendered tight by pitching. Sev- eral Museum specimens are round-bottomed and suppUed with inwoven horsehair braids for handles. Some have a two-rod foundation, changing to one-rod near the rim. The gathering baskets are of twilled openwork twine. Professor Mason notes the peculiar twisting of the warp elements, which, instead of rising vertically, make about one-fourth of a turn from the per- pendicular. Both these baskets and the other weavings in diagonal twined work are furnished with a coiled border.^ The manufacture of cordage will be discussed later in connection with fishing.

Clothing and Personal Decoration, Lewis and Clark found the Sho- shone rather well dressed, in the typical Plains fashion.^ The blanket robe was the same for both sexes, except that the women's was smaller. It con- sisted of buffalo, or more commonly of antelope, deer or bighorn skin, dressed with the hair. It was thrown loosely over the shoulders, and drawn together by the hands, or confined with a girdle in cold weather. Some robes were of beaver, wolf and ground-hog skin, and there is testimony for the former use of woven rabbit skins. In the summer, elk skins dressed without the hair were commonly employed.

The moccasins were of deer, elk, or buffalo skin dressed without the hair; but, in winter, moccasins of buffalo skin had the hair inside. There was one seam on the outer edge of the foot. According to my informants, moccasins were stuffed with sage-brush bark in the cold season.* Some young men ornamented the tops of their moccasins with polecat skins, trail- ing the tail at their heels. Nowadays practically none of the women's moccasins are beaded, and many of the men's are likewise undecorated. The Shoshone and Bannock made their moccasins in one piece.* In manu- facturing the footgear for her family, the housewife cuts off a number of

1 Wyeth, 211.

2 Cf. Mason, (b) 489-496.

8 Lewis and Clark, II, 372. 377-9; III, 4-6.

• Cf. Dixon, (a) 156. » Clark, 258.

180

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

pieces of tanned buckskin, about ten inches wide for adults. One edge of these strips is incised, so as to leave two adjoining semi-circular pro- jections from the uncut portion; the point of intersection of these projec- tions marks the beginning of the seam in the finished product (Fig. 6). One of the two symmetrical halves is then folded over the other, and sewed to it with awl and sinew. Before the folding over, the part designed for the upper receives a short horizontal incision and a much longer one perpen- dicular to it, marking the place for the insertion of the tongue and for the turning up at the back; holes are pierced for the sinew lace. This method agrees with that anciently employed by the Blackfoot, but varies from that in recent use among Plains tribes wearing hard-soled moccasins. I noted a single instance of a moccasin of Algonquin style with a seam in the middle of the upper. There were usually several triangular or rectangular trailers.

At home, men and women were often barefoot.

The women's leggings were of antelope skin, reaching to the knee and secured by a garter below. They are often united with the moccasin. The men's leggings were of the same mate- rial ; but very long and full, each legging being formed of almost an entire skin. 'The tail was worn upwards, while the deeply fringed neck trailed behind. The upper part was left open, so as to permit the legs of the skin to be drawn beneath a girdle both before and behind; while the wide part of the skin covered the buttocks and extended in front so as to render a breechcloth unnecessary. Townsend, however, notes square clouts fastened with a thong, which were worn by both men and women.^ The leggings had deeply fringed flaps at the sides, which were sometimes ornamented with bunches of hair taken from a slain enemy. Long beaded strips commonly decorated the sides.

The men's shirt was of deer, antelope, bighorn, or, more rarely, elk skin, dressed without the hair; it reached nearly half way down the thigh. The sides were sewed, fringed and ornamented from the bottom upwards to within six or eight inches of the sleeve. The sleeves were fringed below and

Fig. 6. Pattern of a Shoshone Moccasin.

Townsend, 246. 252-4, 261.

1909.] Lowicy The Northern Shoshone, 181

on the sides above the elbow, being plain from elbow to wrist and fitting the arm tightly. There were wide, richly quilled or beaded shoulder straps, lacking in the women's chemise. The chemises were closed at the sides; except for women nursing children, in which case there was an opening as low as the waist. The breast was generally ornamented with porcupine quill embroidery. The women wore a girdle of dressed leather. In dis- engaging their arm from a sleeve, men and women drew it out by means of the opening underneath the arm and threw the sleeve behind the body. Women sometimes attached an awl-case to the front of their shirts.

The tippet of the Shoshone is described by Lewis as the most elegant Indian garment ever seen by him, its collar being a strip of otter fur about four or five inches wide, cut out of the back of the skin, the eyes and nose forming one extremity and the tail the other. Beginning a little behind the ear at one edge of the collar and proceeding towards the tail, the Indians attached from one hundred to two hundred and fifty little rolls of ermine skin. The ermine skin was first dressed with the fur and a narrow strip cut out of the back from the nose to the tail. This was sewed around a small cord of silk-grass (Yucca filamerUosa), twisted and tapering so as to give a just proportion to the tail which is to form the lower extremity of the strand. Thus arranged, the skins are confined in bundles of two or three, which are attached to the collar. To conceal the connection, a broad ermine skin fringe was attached to the collar, and little bundles of fine fringe were fastened to th^ taib in order to show off their black extremities. The center of the otter-skin collar was ornamented with abalone (?) shells. The collar was confined around the neck, and little rolls of ermine skin covered the shoulders and body nearly to the waist, thus giving the appear- ance of a short cloak. The men often wore headbands of fox or otter skin. Remy mentions a cap of rabbit skins, to which were attached several rabbit- taib.^

In Lewis and Clark's time, only children wore beads about their necks. To-day necklaces of long, cyUndrical beads (Fig. 7) are very popular among men and women. These were preceded by ornaments of strung salmon- vertebrae, separated at a later period by intervening beads, or of small sea-shells obtained from neighboring tribes. Braided sweet-grass and em- broidered collars of leather or silk-grass were used for the same purpose. Elk-tooth necklaces were worn by women and children; while bear-claw necklaces were the prerogative of men who had killed a grizzly, thus serving as a badge of distinction.^ Fans are still made of long eagle feathers wrapped with red cloth at the bottom and sometimes provided with an attachment of little bells.

» Remy, I, 146.

2 Lewis and Clark, III, 6. Townsend, 253-4.

182 Antkropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [''ol. II,

The nose was never pierced for the insertion of ornaments. Beads were worn suspended from the ear in little bunches, sometimes being intermixed with triangular pieces of shell. Nowadays, men and women have one or two perforations in either ear, and wear earplugs or rings. Frequently the plug is perforated to admit a brass ring. The ears are pierced at a very early age; sometimes as many as five holes are made.

The explorers found both sexes wearing their hair *in a loose lank flow over the shoulders and face'; only a few men had two equal cues hanging over each ear and drawn in front of the body. The men tied on eagle feath- ers and sometimes attached beads to the front of the crown. At present the men usually have two cues in front, with an occasional third in the rear; the cues are decorated with strips of weasel or otter skin and feathers. The women part their hair in the middle and, with a little piece of wood, put red paint on the dividing line; braids are very rare with them. The old-style brush (nfi'tuye) consisted of a bunch of dried pi'a co'nip (spear ?-grass).

Fig. 7 (50-6412). Bead Necklace. Length, 32 cm.

The hair of the beard is pulled out with iron, formerly brass, tweezers. I saw only two men with moustaches; one was a medicine-man who derived his name Tumodzo, Black-Moustache, from this pecuUarity. The fingei> nails were filed with a small, rough, flat stone.

Tattooing was not practised, except that women sometimes punctured a small circle on their forehead, nose or cheeks, and introduced soot or grease, or some other black substance which left an indelible stain. ^ The men paint their face with a mixture of grease and bi'cap, red paint. The women also employ bi'cap, which is kept in small buckskin pouches tied at the top with a buckskin thong. Young girls sometimes painted with white clay. Black and &'k-hwi (bluish ?) paint were abo in use. The ways of painting for a dance wdll be described later. In washing, the mouth is filled with water, which is squirted in a stream at the hands, which then wet the hair and face.

Dwellings, The majority of the Lemhi lived in log-cabins at the time

» Lewis and Clark, II, 373.

1909.] Lotvie, The Northern Shoshone. 183

of my visit. These face the entrance to the summer-shades, hfi'gii-gan* (shade-lodge), where the greater part of the day is spent during the warm season. The hfi'gii-gan* has a rectangular ground-plan, about twelve feet by ten, bounded by four forked posts rarely more than six feet high, which, with beams passing from crotch to crotch, support the flat roof of brush and twigs. The walls are also formed of brush; sometimes there is a partial covering of canvas. As food is prepared in this shelter, a fireplace may be maintained in the center. Smaller shades for temporary use were made by arranging a few willows or cottonwoods in the arc of a circle. For feasts and some dances, a circular enclosure is similarly constructed. At a dis- tance of about twenty feet from the main habitation, there is often a rude conical structure of unexcoriated branches or trunks, much lower than a tipi and walled with brush or canvas. This serves as the menstrual hut (hu'na-gan*). Sometimes the menstrual hut is dome-shaped, after the fashion of the sweat-lodges (na'bacoko-gan*) ; but still lower and smaller, just large enough for a single person to crawl in.

I saw very few (canvas-covered) tipis, one of which was used exclusively for the storage of dance-regalia. Skin-lodges were, however, the common dwellings of all bands in contact with the Prairie tribes during the last century.^ The Lemhi visited by Lewis possessed a single ''leather" lodge; but this was due to the recent loss of their tipis in a fight with the Atsina,^ which obliged them to construct small conical lodges of willow branches an,d brush .^ The crudity of this style of dwelling led to the designation of the Snakes as Bad Lodges in the sign-language of the Plains.* According to the Lemhi themselves, supported by the testimony of their myths, the habitation preceding the skin tipi was small and of conical shape, resembling the modem menstrual hut. In summer it was simply walled with brush; but in the winter there was a thatching of sage-brush, or more commonly of dry pi'a co'nip, (spear-grass) whence the name coni-gan^ grass-lodges. The Kiowa still remember the Shoshone as formerly dwelling in lodges of interwoven rushes or grass, and have named them accordingly.^ Bonne- ville described huts shaped like a hay-stack and constructed of willow branches covered with long grass; these were sometimes surrounded^by a small enclosure of wormwood, about three feet high.' Semi-circular straw- thatched dwellings were found by Fremont.^ The Western Shoshone of

J Townsend, 257.

a L€\Nis and Clark, II, 343.

8 Ibid., II, 300. 343, 352.

4 Clark. 337.

8 Mooney. (b) 160.

« Irving, (a) 255.

^ Fremont, 170.

184 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Nevada have kept wikiups of straw or tule reeds until quite recent times.^ In this respect they resemble their congeners, the Paiute, whose ordinary habitation is described as a "small rounded hut of tul6 rushes over a frame- work of poles, with the ground for a floor and the fire in the center and al- most entirely open at the top."^ There is absolutely no evidence that the Shoshone ever constructed semi-subterranean earth-lodges. On the other hand, they and kindred tribes are sometimes mentioned by early travellers as cave-dwellers.'

The flooring was of pi'a c5'nip, foliage and brush. Antelope and other skins served for seats and beds. Mats made from large (tule ?) rushes were also used to sleep on. They were about four feet wide and, when carried, were rolled up like a scroll.* For storage, parfleches and other raw- hide bags were employed; berries were kept in bags of silk- grass bark.* Within recent times, Nez Perc6 bags (cai'mogots) of various sizes have become very popular, sometimes as many as h^lf a dozen being used in a single dwelling; they are all obtained by trading.

When on the warpath, the Shoshone erected a shelter by simply insert- ing half a dozen willow branches in the earth, making a semi-cylindrical framework, over which blankets were spread.*

ECONOMIC LIFE.

The economic life of the Northern Shoshone differed fundamentally in the summer and winter. From the middle of May to September, they dwelt on the tributaries of the Columbia, subsisting mainly on salmon. \Vhen the fish perished, or returned, the Lemhi Shoshone united with other Snake bands and, joining the Flathead, descended east of the Rocky Moun- tains in quest of buffalo. The people met by Lewis and Clark in August, 1805, were on the point of beginning their hunting expedition; they were already seriously suffering from want and were only able to entertain their visitors with an odd salmon and dried choke- cherries. Lewis states that they greatly dreaded their eastern neighbors and, accordingly, returned speedily to the salmon country as soon as they had obtained a sufficient stock of dried meat.^ Other bands of Shoshone are described as typical Plains peoples, permanently engaged in the pursuit of the buffalo. This is explic-

J Report 1890, 385. Of. Wyeth, 214.

2 Mooney. (a) 1050.

« Domenech. II. 256-7. Remy, I, 129.

• Wyeth, 214.

» Lewis and Clark, III, 12.

« Bourke, 340.

» Lewis and Clark, II, 373-4, 385; III. 23 Domenech. II. 61.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 185

itly stated of the Shiny-dikas (Ca'ro-rika = Dog-eaters) by Ross * and of the Green River Snakes by Wyeth.^

Hunting, Buffalo were hunted on horseback in typical Prairie fashion. The Blackfoot method of driving a herd down a ledge is said to have been unknown. Antelopes were also hunted on horseback. As it was found impossible to overtake them with a single horse, the Shoshone would sepa- rate to the distance of five or six miles around a herd, generally selecting an eminence for a stand. One or two men pursued the herd at full speed and, after several miles, were relieved by other hunters on fresh horses. This relay chase was continued until the exhausted animals could be dispatched with arrows. It would sometimes take forty or fifty hunters half a day to kill two or three antelopes by this method. During Lewis's visit, twenty men set out after a herd of ten head and were unable to capture a single animal in a two hours' run.' Irving records that the surrounded antelopes were killed by men, women and boys with clubs.* Another method, called oro'ongEn, was to stalk the game dressed in an antelope skin and with a headgear of antelope horns, and to shoot the approaching animals.* This method was sometimes used to lure mountain sheep. The customary way was to pursue them with several dogs until they were driven to a high rock where they could be easily shot. The arrow-points were sometimes tipped with a mixture of blood and a poisonous root called i'zai.

Elk and deer are said to have been relatively rare in the countr}'^ of the Lemhi people.' According to one of my informants, deer were sometimes killed in winter by planting poisoned spears in the ground. Smaller game, such as groundhogs, jack-rabbits, cottontails and prairie-dogs were hunted by the boys with the aid of their dogs.^ Sage-hens were driven into an en- closure, or trapped with nooses. Wolves and foxes were snared.* Owing to the scarcity of food, the customary distribution of the game among all the members of a band seems to have been suspended at times, each hunter preserving his booty for himself and his immediate family.®

Fishing. Salmon constituted the principal means of subsistence dur- ing the fishing season, but sturgeon and trout were also caught. They were speared, caught in nets, or trapped by means of weirs. The spears consisted of a long pole with a bone gig about two and a half inches long,^®

1 Ross. I. 249-51.

2 Wyeth. 219. 227.

3 Lewis and Clark. II. 346.

• Irving, (a) 401-2.

6 Remy, I. 128.

« Lewis and Clark. II. 346.

7 Irving, (a) 259.

8 Lewis and Clark, II, 373. » Ibid.. Ill, 18.

'" Lewis and Clark give the length as from four to six inches; III, 9.

186

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

to which a small strong line was attached near the middle, connecting it with the shaft about two feet from the point. Towards the forward end of this head there was a small hole, which entered it ranging acutely toward the point of the head; it was quite shallow. In this hole, the front end of the shaft was placed. The shaft was about ten feet long. When a salmon or sturgeon was struck, the head became detached from the shaft and turned crosswise to its direction while entering. If the fish was strong, the staff was relinquished and acted as a buoy until the exhausted fish could be secured. A modem salmon- gig, consisting of an iron nail and a piece of bone is illustrated in Fig. 8.

The Shoshone were in the habit of constructmg barriers of stones or brush on small streams to force the fish into certain places, where they watched for them, often at night, with a torch.^ These barriers sometimes consisted of nets of closely-woven willows, stretched vertically and extending several feet above the surface. They were generally constructed in slues and creeks rather than in wdde and deep parts of the river. **A number of Indians enter the water about a hundred yards above the net, and, walking closely, drive the fish in a body against the wickerwork. Here they frequently become entangled and are always checked; the spear is then used dexterously, and they are thrown out, one by one, upon the shore."^

Ross describes a Wararika fishing scene, where from fifty to a hundred men were busily engaged, some wading into the water to their waists and spearing the fish with fourteen-foot shafts ; while many erected scaf- folds, and others stood on projecting rocks with scoop- nets or stretched their netting in the narrow channels. The youngsters carried the fish home for the women to clean and prepare .^ Bourke saw the Shoshone construct a dam of rocks and a wattle-work of willows, which allowed the water to pass, but retained solids, 'the spot was guarded by two or three watch- men. The rest of the party mounted their ponies, started down-stream to a favorable place, entered, and began to ascend the current, lashing the surface of the water in front with long poles, while joining in a medicine song. **The frightened trout, having no other mode of escape, would dart

Fig. 8 (50-6426) Salmon-gig. Length, XI cm.

1 Wyeth, 213. « Townsend, 265. 3 Ross. 269.

1909.] Lotme, The Northern Shoshone. 187

up-stream only to be held in the dam, from which the Indians would calmly proceed to take them in gunnysacks."*

Wyeth speaks of scoop-nets and seines, both resembling those used by whites; the knots used in netting also seemed to be of exactly the same character. The leaded line was formed by attaching oblong rounded stones which had a sunken groove near the middle in which to wind the attaching ligature. Reeds were used for floats. The nets were made with the outer bark of a weed, which made a stronger line than any of Wyeth's own. "The twine b formed by laying the fibre doubled across the knee, the bight towards the left, and held between the thumb and finger of that hand, with the two parts which are to form the twine toward the right and a little separated; rolling these two parts between the knee and right hand outwardly from the operator, and twisting the bight between the thumb and finger of the left hand fonns the thread. More fibre is added as that first commenced on diminishes in size, so as to make a continuous and equal line. In this way excellent twine is made much more rapidly than could be expected."^

The method of trapping fish by the aid of weirs and baskets combined, is best described and illustrated by Lewis and Clark. The weir, observed by them, extended across four channels, three of which were narrow and stopped by tree trunks. These supported the willow-stakes which were driven down closely enough to prevent the passage of the salmon. About the center of each, a basket eighteen or twenty feet long, cylindrical at the top and tapering towards the bottom, was opposed to a small aperture in the weir with its mouth up-stream. The basket was so narrow at its lower extremity that the fish, when once inside, could not turn about; they were taken out by unt}ing the small ends of the longitudinal willows. The weir in the main channel was somewhat diflPerently contrived, inasmuch as there were two distinct weirs, each furnished with two baskets. The one was designed to take the salmon in ascending, the other in descending.'

Food. To a considerable extent, the Shoshone depended on vegetable food, and to this fact is due the name of "Diggers" occasionally applied to portions of the tribe. The seeds of Pinus Ttumophyllus were gathered and stored for the winter.* Sunflower seeds were knocked into gathering-baskets with woven trays. By pounding and friction between smooth stones, they were reduced to flour. A mixture of sunflower seeds, lambs-quarter and service-berries was pounded and made into a kind of bread.^ Often the

» Bourke. 341.

2 Wyeth. 213-4.

3 Lewis and Clark, III, 6-7; figure, page 7. « Remy. I, 135.

» Lewis and Clark, III, 42. Gass, 118, 121.

188 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

pounded mass of seeds was roasted in a long, flat willow-tray. Choke-cher- ries were mashed with stones and dried in the sun. Service-berries were prepared in the same way, sometimes on scaflFolds, made into cakes, and stored in bags.^

In gathering roots, the women observed by Wyeth employed crooked sticks with curved ends sharpened by firing and rubbing against a rough stone. Sometimes the implement consisted of an elk or deer horn attached to a stick. ^ I saw three digging-sticks, varying from two to three feet in length. All were of iron and pointed at the bottom. Two had an iron knob at the top; the third was provided with a horizontal piece of wood for a handle, which was clasped with the left hand palm-up, and in reverse fashion by the right. Yampa {Anethum graveolens) was a favorite article of food. It was sometimes eaten green, or dried, without any preparation or pounded to a mealy substance which thickened with boiling water.' Valeriana edulis was baked in the ground for two days to deprive it of its strong poisonous qualities.* Camass roots were placed in pits underground, into which hot stones had been placed. Here they were kept for several days until "of a dark-brown color and sweet as molasses." Often they were made into cakes by washing, pressing and baking sUghtly in the sun.* At present, camass is boiled to a gelatinous consistency in modern kettles. Lewis and Clark mention a kind of artichoke (prairie-turnip) which was hardened by dr}dng and boiled, and an unidentified white root which was always boiled .•

A basket served for a boiling-pot. Stones were heated and deposited in the basket with the food, "producing a mesg mixed with soot, ashes and dirt." ^ Domenech states that the baskets were covered with buffalo skins and placed in an excavation when used for cooking.' Both fish and game, as well as pulverized bones,* were boiled. Fish were dried with berries, often on scaffolds. The red salmon-eggs were also eaten ; dried and pounded they made a good soup.^° Serpents, lizards, grasshoppers, mice, crickets, and pismires were thrown into a large tray with burning cinders and tossed to and fro until roasted. Roasted ants were kept in bags for future use.

In making fire the Shoshone twirled a blunt drill in the cavity of a soft

» Lewis and Clark, III, 12, 15; II. 342. Townsend. 268.

3 Wyeth, 213.

3 Fremont, 124. Lewis and Clark, III, 13.

• Fremont, 136.

» Townsend, 247.

« Lewis and Clark, III, 13.

1 Wyeth, 211.

8 Domenech, II, 244.

• Wyeth, 217. »o Gass. 121.

1909.] Lovde, The Northern Shoshone. 189

spongy hearth (Fig. 9, a), so that the particles of wood separated by the fric- tion were heaped up in a little pile. In rolling the drill between the palms, it was pressed downwards; and when the hands had descended to the bot- tom, they were rapidly brought back to the top and repeated the work until the dust ignited. Dry grass and rotten wood were employed as tinder. Lewis was surprised to find that fire could thus be obtained in less than a minute.^ Wyeth describes the hearth as dry and hard, the shaft as about two feet in length and three-eighths of an inch in diameter. According to Wyeth, when the hands of the manipulator had approached the lower end, they were relieved by those of a second operator.' The drill of all Sho- shonean tribes is unique in being spliced, — a characteristic shared only by the firestick of the Klamath.* A specimen from Wind River (Fig. 9, c) has a sage-wood head; thinned towards the upper end so as to fit into the split.

*^^^^^'°»=g

doiiiS

Fig. 9 (a, 50-6408-A; b, 5D-6408-B). Lemhi Hearth and Drill. Lengths, 20 cm., 37 cm. (c, 60-2329 B). Wind River Drill. Length, 75 era.

which is wrapped with buckskin; each head can be easily removed and re-inserted. The shaft is of service- berry wood. In a Lemhi model (Fig. 9, b), the head cannot be extricated, being securely lashed with sinew both at its tapering extremity and at the lower end of the shaft. Long ropes were twisted from the bark of wormwood and carried about lighted as a slow- match, which would be used to ignite suitable dry wood.* Sage-brush was also used for torches. I saw a willow fire-drill split at the lower end to receive the blunt point.

Transportation and Trade, As has often been pointed out, the intro- duction of the horse effected momentous changes in Indian modes of life. The Lemhi Shoshone have no historical tradition as to the way horses were first obtained by them. Clark states that their first ponies were secured

1 Lewis and Clark. III. 21. Gass, 121.

2 Wyeth, 214.

3 Hough, 536. 538-540.

• Irving, (a) 259.

190 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

from the Comanche.^ At the time of Lewis and Clark's visit, they had just suflPered defeat at the hands of the Atsina; nevertheless the number of horses in the tribe was at first estimated at 400, and later at 700. Each warrior kept one or more horses tied to a stake near his lodge, both day and night. The horses bore Spanish brands, and there were some mules said to have been derived from the same source. Bridle-bits and stirrups were also obtained from the Spaniards. The Shoshone ranked as expert equestrians.^

Streams were sometimes crossed in rafts, which were about eight feet long. Small bundles of reeds, with the butt-ends lashed together, were placed with their small ends outwards. Several bundles were united so as to form a cavity on top. There was no attempt to render the craft tight; the navigator depended largely on the buoyancy of the material. The raft was propelled by punting.^

There are two types of cradle- boards. One form consists of a board

Fig. 10 (60-2365). Cradle-board. Length. 104 cm.

about one meter long, curved convexly above and concavely below, and tapering towards the bottom. There is a covering of white buckskin, fringed in the back, and provided with a hooded pocket in front, for the insertion of the infant, which is tightly laced with strings. From a bent stick, which may be raised and lowered, there is suspended an awning that serves as a sunshade. The child's back rested against the board, and the cradle wa5 carried like a knapsack by means of a shoulder-strap.* This type is char- acteristic of the Sahaptin.^ The form illustrated in Fig. 10 does not differ in general shape ; but the frame consists of a hoop and a series of transverse willow-sticks lashed down to the rim on both sides, from a distance of twenty- five centimeters from the top to within eight centimeters from the lower

» Clark. 338.

2 Lewis and Clark. II, 348, 372; III. 19, 31-2.

3 Wyeth, 214. Fremont. 168. Ross, I, 274. Irving, (b) II. 21.

• Cf. Remy. I. 127.

6 Mason, (c) 186-7.

1909.] Lovde, The Northern Shoshone. 191

end of the cradle. The gradually shortened willow-sticks are closely united by three strings passing through perforations made near the extremities and centre of each. In the middle, the sticks are braced by a perpendicular rod nailed to the uppermost transverse bar and the lower extremity of the hoop.

Trade was carried on especially with the Flathead, Nez Perc6 and Cayuse. The Nez Perc6 would pay a horse for four bags of salmon. Ten sheep, or two bearskins, were considered the equal of a horse. Buffalo meat and various kinds of peltry were traded to and fro. Lewis and Clark found metal arrow-points, which had been secured from the Crow on the Yellowstone in exchange for ponies.* Lewis purchased horses of the Snakes, giving an axe, a knife, a handkerchief, and paint for each. Mules had to be bought at approximately twice the amount of property; and some mules were considered worth three or four horses.' The cessation of hostiUties with other tribes naturally promoted trading, so that articles of foreign make, Blackfoot tobacco pouches, and especially Nez Perc6 bags, are at present extremely common. In 1834, the normal price of a dried salmon was a straight awl and a small fish-hook, valued at one cent; ten fish were given for a common butcher knife worth eight cents. Individual tribesmen preferred to get beads and paint. A beaver skin, then valued at from eight to ten dollars in Boston, was sold for twelve and a half cents' worth of goods.^ Of course, the supply regulated the price; in time of dearth, excessive prices were asked for salmon, or even exorbitant offers might be rejected.* In Fremont's day, clothing was eagerly sought, and a few gar- ments were gladly purchased with a disproportionate amount of food.*

WARFARE.

The military equipment of the Shoshone consisted of bows and arrows, poggamoggans, shields and skin armor. IVo types of bows occurred. The characteristically Shoshonean bow, shared by the Canadian Atha- bascans, Apache, Navajo, and Pueblo tribes, is described by Mason as nar- row, ovate in section, and sinew-lined. The occurrence of sinew lining on bows from the Plains is attributed by Mason to contact with the Great Basin tribes.* Lewis and Clark found bows of cedar and pine with their backs

» Lewis and Clark, III. 19.

2 Ibid.. Ill, 28; II. 374.

« Townsend, 261. Of. Ross. I. 257-8; II, 98.

• Ibid, 252. 263

• Fremont, 169.

« Mason, (d) 643, explanation to Plate LXII.

192 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

covered with sinew and glue.^ Elk-hom bows of similar construction, made of a single piece and sinew-backed, occurred; they were often ornamented with porcupine quills wrapped for sonle distance at both extremities. Of a different type were the compound bighorn bows, con- sisting of two parts spliced in the center with sturgeon-glue and with deer-sinews wound around the splice. At the center, two deer-sinews were strongly glued before winding the splice and secured by their butt-ends, the small ends bending outward at the ends of the bow. Sometimes the sin- ews covered the whole width of the back. For ornament, the skin of a snake was glued to the bow. The string was of twisted sinew and used loose; the archer made use of a wrist-guard.^ The arrow-shaft was about two and a half feet long and generally made of a shrub called "grease- bush"; it was steamed,, wetted, and immersed in hot sand and ashes. For smoothing, it was drawn between two rough slightiy-grooved stones, coarse sand being used to increase the friction. The arrow was unnotched, and was feathered for about five inches near its rear end, leaving just enough space for the marksman to pull it in drawing the bow.^

Several writers refer to the use of poison. To Wyeth, the arrows seemed to have been dipped in some dark-colored fluid, which had dried on them.* Clark was told that the arrows were dipped into a compound made of pul- verized ants and the spleen of an animal. The mixture was placed in the sun and allowed to decay. **The result was such a deadly poison that if the arrow broke the skin in touching a person, it was sure to produce death." * Another source mentions the use of rattlesnake poison both for the chase and in war.'

The quiver, whiqh contained the fire-drill as well as the arrows, was formed of various skins, preferably of otter skin. It was narrow, sufficientiy long to protect its contents from the weather, and was worn on the back by means of a strap passing over the left shoulder and under the right arm.^ The poggamoggan consisted of a wooden handle about two feet long, cov- ered with dressed skin, and a round stone weighing two pounds, also covered with leather and strongly united to the handle-cover by a thong; a wrist- loop was attached to the handle.^

The armor consisted of many folds of dressed antelope skin, united with

1 I^wis and Clark, III, 19.

a Ibid., 20. Wyeth, '1\2, plate 76.

3 Wyeth, 212-3.

-• Ibid., 212.

fi Clark, 47.

• Report 1890, 386.

7 I^wis and Clark, III, 21.

8 I.e\vis and Clark, III. 21.

1909.] Lomie, The Northern Shoshone, 193

glue and sand. This served to protect the bodies of both men and horses.^ The shield, made from the skin of a buflPalo bull's neck, was cut a little larger than the desired size to allow for shrinkage, pegged down tight on the ground, and covered with a thin layer of clay. Upon this were heaped burning coals, which hardened the skin so that it could turn the point of a lance or a round bullet.' Lewis gives an account of the ceremony of shield- making, to which the protective power of the shield was largely attributed. The entire skin of a buffalo bull two years old was fiiist provided; then a feast was prepared in which all the warriors, old men, and medicine-men took part. A hole of the same diameter as the shield was sunk in the ground to the depth of eighteen inches. Several stones were heated red and thrown in, then water was poured on them. The green skin, which must not have been dried before, was spread over the steaming stones. The flesh side is laid next to the ground, and the workmen seize its edges and extend it in every direction. As the skin becomes heated, the hair separates and is taken off with the fingers, and the skin contracts until the whole is of the required diameter. It is then taken off, laid on a rawhide, and trampled on with unmoccasined feet. This trampling continues for several days, when the shield is handed to its owner and declared arrow-proof by the per- formers. There was an implicit belief in the efficacy of such a shield in protecting from arrows and bullets.' The cloth cover of a modem Shoshone shield, in the Museum, is decorated with a crescent-shaped representation of the moon, around which nine circular patches denoting stars are ranged in a circle. The circumference of the shield is decorated with hawk and eagle feathers.

The Shoshone practised the war-customs of the Prairie tribes, though the time of their adoption is uncertain. Signal-fires were lit on the moun- tains to indicate the position of a hostile body.* Lewis and Clark, as well as Ross, noted the occurrence of scalping; killing an enemy without scalping him was not considered meritorious. To touch the corpse first, and to lead a successful war-party constituted equal claims to distinction.* Bourke mentions coup-sticks made of willow branches, twelve feet long, and each having some distinctive mark, such as feathers, paint, or furs. The owner of a coup-stick claimed the horse first struck with it.' The face was painted before going to war. In a skirmish, the chief appeared naked to the waist, wearing a gorgeous bonnet of eagle feathers trailing along the ground behind

» Ibid.

2 Bourke, 335.

3 Lewis and Clark, III, 20.

• Remy, I, 97.

« Lewis and Clark, III. 29.

• Bourke. 305-6.

194 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

the pony's tail.^ In a drill-ride, a standard of eagle feathers attached to a twelve-foot lance was borae alongside of the chief .^

The scalp-dance was celebrated in the customary way. The scalp was borne to the village, and elevated on a pole in the center. The dance fol- lowed; then the scalp was given to the women and boys, who paraded it up and down, occasionally insulting it with taunts.^ In 1876, the Shoshone contingent left the United States troops for their reservation to celebrate the scalp-dance.* My informants gave two names for the scalp-dance-, na'- rupinoa and wQ'tabEn, or ta-wu'tabEn. It is not quite clear whether these terms are strictly sjnonymous. Only the women were said to have taken part in the dance, which was performed in a circle around the cen- tral pole or tree from which the scalps were suspended. The men sang and beat a small hand-drum in accompaniment. The women wore head- bands ornamented with eagle feathers and profusely beaded capes. Ac- cording to another account, the men were seated and three or four women alternately approached and receded from them. It is perhaps worth noting that the scalp-dance plays a prominent part in one of the important myths, where Coyote, disguised as an old woman, enters the enemy's camp to recover his brother's scalp (page 242). While the men were alwa)^ killed and scalped, women were sometimes taken captive. At times they are said to have been maltreated and butchered by the Shoshone women.*

Bourke mentions the mutilation of enemies' corpses in revenge of a young warrior's death.® , So far as I know, the Ute custom ^ of eating the heart of a brave enemy for acquiring courage, or of eating any part of a slain warrior, has not been established among the Shoshone proper.

Just before one of the social evening dances of the Shoshone, I obser'ed what was explained as the imitation of an old custom called wupa'rEk. A number of men, perhaps as many as fifteen, held the edge of a blanket and vigorously beat it with wooden sticks. At the same time, they sang a song without changing their positions; there was no drum. I was told that formerly, when a man had decided on undertaking the leadership of a war- party or horse-raid, he and his companions started out with a buffalo-hide, stopped before every lodge in the camp, held up the blanket as described, and began their song. Any one who held and beat the hide was obliged to join the expedition. This custom was shared by the Nez Perc^.*

Ibid., 316.

Ibid., 337.

Irving, (a) 249.

Bourke, 318.

De Smet. 220.

Bourke. 317.

Burton, 580.

Spinden, The Nez Perc€ Indians, p. 265.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 195

In 1840, De Smet witnessed preparations for an expedition against the Blackfoot. After the chief's announcement, the young men prepared their arms, moccasins and rations. The evening before their departure, the chief, at the head of his followers, performed a farewell dance at every lodge, re- ceiving everywhere a piece of tobacco or some other present.^ In 1876, a somewhat similar custom was noted by Bourke. In the night one of the Shoshone, mounted on a pony and stripped almost naked, passed from lodge to lodge, stopping in front of each, and praying for the capture of plenty of Sioux scalps and ponies. **The inmates would respond with, if possible, increased vehemence."^

The ratification of a treaty of peace was generally marked by ceremonial smoking.' Horses were sometimes demanded of the enemy as an indemnity for the loss of slain tribesmen.* Tobacco, blankets, cloth and knives could also be offered to the bereaved family at the conclusion of a love-feast; but the recipients would distribute the gifts among their companions. Accord- ing to De Smet, the surrender of scalps taken by the foe and the assurance that the scalp-dance had not been performed also preceded the formal reconciliation, which was followed by the exchange of presents and reciprocal adoption of children.'

GAMES.

The most popular games of the Shoshone were dice-throwing (do'pedi) and the hand-game (na'yahwina). The latter is mentioned by Lewis and Clark.' It is played both by men and women; but, as far as my experi- ence goes, all the players are of the same sex. There are one or two players on each side, who kneel opposite to each other at a distance of several feet. Two small bones, or sticks (tindzo'mo), about three and a half inches long and tapering towards both extremities are used; one of them (pi'gap no'toma) has sinew or a string wound about its thickened section, the other (do'cabit) is plain. The player places the two tindzo'mo under his blanket, hiding one in each hand. Then, exposing his hands, he begins to sing and move his arms in front of his body and on a level with his shoulder, occasionally stopping to re-adjust the caches behind his back or under the blanket. His opponent carefully watches the singer's hands, sometimes beating his breast with one hand, and points out the hand supposed to hide the plain button.

» De Smet, 220.

2 Bourke. 304.

8 Ross, II, 93-96.

• Rept. Comm. Ind. Affairs, 1852, 437-8.

» De Smet, 679.

8 Lewis and Clark, IV, 37-8. Remy, I, 130.

196 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

If he guesses correctly, it is then his chance to play; if he has mistaken the hand, he must surrender one of the ten tally-sticks (dCl mo) with which each side starts at the beginning. A spectator may be seated next to one of the performers, hitting a piece of tin with a stick as an accompaniment to the chant. When there are two opposing pairs, each side plays with two sets. Both plain tindzo'mo must then be guessed before the guessers get their inning. When neither is guessed, two counters are relinquished. If both are guessed, the players continue mo^^ng their arms until they have finished their song, when they finally give up two tally-sticks. If but one do'cabit is correctly indicated, only one set of tindzo'mo is given up and the players receive one counter. The game is concluded as soon as one side has lost all its counters. In playing, the women swing both arms in the same direction, keeping the closed hands, as far as possible, at a uniform distance. The men move the hands from in front of the shoulders towards and past each other, then back again to the initial point. Spectators sitting in a row with the players sometimes join swinging their arms and singing. Formerly, beaver testicles and excrements are said to have been used as charms to ensure success at the game.

The dice of the Lemhi people are of two kinds, both called do'pedi. In one form of the game four long, thin willow-sticks, convex on one side and flattened on the other, with a groove in the center, are thrown on a flat stone. Two of the sticks have a burnt mark on either side of the groove, midway between the top and bottom. These dice count a tally-stick each, when they turn up on the marked side. The other two sticks have four marks on either side of the groove, one pair near each extremity, and count four points each. The convex side does not count in any case. The second type of dice is similar in general appearance; but the groove is painted red, and the marks are different (Fig. 11). Two sticks have, one a short, the other a longer, central burn on the convex side. The former is also marked on both sides of the groove. The sticks are thrown on a flat stone and the throws counted by means of tally-sticks. In betting, a player wagers so many counters that he will equal a certain number of points. If successful, he receives a number of tally-sticks corresponding to his throw. Then the opponent throws. Unless he equals or surpasses the former throw, he must pay the number of sticks wagered; but receives the staked amount if he outdoes the first gambler. The following list indicates the manner of counting the various throws:

All convex sides up, 10

Three convex sides and the groove with marks, 10

(The maximum throw, made either way, is called do'ca, white.)

1909.]

Lowie, The Northern Shoshone

197

The convex side with the elongated mark, the other sticks

on the grooved side, 9

(This throw is called tQ'tai, which is not the usual word for nine.)

The convex side with the short mark, other sticks flat, 5

All sticks on grooved side, 5

Long mark, other sticks on the flat side, 4

In other cases, any convex side, 1

E. g. Short mark -h long mark -f flat -f flat, 2

-H " '* -f " + convex, 3 ,

One stick with plain convex side, others flat, 1

(Scoring only one point is called dzCl'na.)

From the specimens of dice collected by St. Clair and Culin,^ it appears that the marking of the four sticks is slightly different at Ft. Hall and Wind

mmmmsma^^^^^m

^

^

^

Fig. 11 (50-6417). Set of Dice. Length. 25 cm.

River; the mode of counting also differs. These observers also report the use of a tray with bone dice, which has never been seen at Lemhi by old white residents.

Do'pedi and na'yahwina are the gambling-games par excellence. At present the sums wagered sometimes amount to ten or fifteen dollars.

Athletic games were common. Foot-races (dana'ronon, c6'go-na'- ronon) between two contestants and horse-races persist to the present day. In the latter the riders often returned to the starting-point after going around a stick marking the half-goal. Nacft'gwuthun (kicking) was a game in which betting was wholly absent. The players were mostly boys and young men, sometimes ten on each side, who tried to kick their opponents' legs and bodies. Occasionally players were knocked down, but never seriously injured. NacS'gwuthun was simply a form of physical

» Culin, (b) 159. 168-9.

198

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

exercise, for there was no goal and neither side "won." Wrestling and putting the shot were also favorite pastimes; in the latter, bets were made on the result.

Three games are still played by the boys in the beginning of spring: football (dknacoto'En) ; arrow-shooting; and the hoop-game (wu'raka). Dknacoto'En is really a football race. There are two balls, one for each side. All the contestants, sometimes as many as forty on a side, run in the same direction, each party kicking its own ball towards a previously determined goal without interfering with its opponent. The players do not all take an active part simultaneously. As the goal was formerly several miles from the starting-point, many would get tired and drop out before the completion of the game. It was proper for a player to rest when exhausted and to have a partner take his place. If the ball happens to fall into the brush whence it cannot be easily extricated by kicking, the players are under no conditions allowed to use their hands, though the use of a stick is permissi- ble. Of course, the side that first reaches the goal wins. In an arrow-game called ho'bak-wu- kun' at Lemhi, two competitors shot two feathered arrows each at a target in the shape of a stick, betting blankets on the result. This game has, according to St. Clair, a more complicated ana- logue at Wind River, called doroVokftna. Wu'- raka was played with a willow hoop and dart (no'notsak-bag) ; it is also found at Fort Hall and in Wyoming.^ As elsewhere, the women played shinny. A considerable number of players faced each other and attempted to carry the ball to their antagonists' goal. At Wind River, women also played with a dumb-bell shaped buckskin ball (Fig. 12). The ball was picked up with forked sticks and carried or thrown to the opposing goal.

Horse-parades (na'mana'ki) formed a favorite mode of entertainment. The men would retire some distance from the camp, don breechclouts and war-bonnets, mount, gallop towards the camp, and ride around it. Such drill-rides were witnessed by Bourke ^ and De Smet.^ According to De Smet,

Fig. 12 (50 -2362 -A). Buckskin Ball. Length, 37 cm.

» Culin, (b) 495, 499. 2 Bourke, 337-40. « DeSmet, 217.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 199

the equestrians ostentatiously displayed their sears, and waved scalps of slain enemies at the ends of poles, uttering exclamations of joy. Sham battles on horseback were fought at Lemhi within recent times.

Dr. Dorsey discovered a game at Wind River called nawa'tapi.^ Several women approach a goal, juggling from two to four balls of mud or gypsum. The one who arrives first without dropping any, wins. This game is found also among the Bannock, Ute and Paiute. The occurrence of the cup and ball game, tops and stilts is also vouched for by Culin and Dorsey.' Cat's- cradle is known to Lemhi boys and girls, and names are given to the figures. The most popular were called *boy," ** woman," "tipi," "rabbit-snare," "fish-trap," and "antelope." In the last of the figures, the string is alter- nately loosened and tightened to represent the animal in motion. The native name of the game is dii'mabana-nai^duit wonder-making; but it seems to have no ceremonial significance. The individual figures receive analogous names, e. g. gwa'are-naidui, antelope-making; du'a-naidui, boy-making.

The children have the usual games: the girls play with buckskin dolls and model cradle-boards, and construct small lodges; while the boys shoot arrows, and race in imitation of their elders. The Lemhi boys of to-day are fond of playing with slingshots (u'gwuti), using a crotched stick spanned by a rubber-band.

ART.

Of the realistic art of the Shoshone very little is known. Petroglyphs of largely realistic character have been reported from Idaho, Utah and the Wind River country and reproduced by Mallery.^ A pictographic drawing published by the same writer* is in the Plains style, and Irving mentions "fantastically painted" lodges,* probably referring to semi-realistic motives of similar character. The Museum contains a pair of moccasins from Wind River, which are rather unique in being decorated with realistic representa- tions rather than with the customary geometrical patterns. One moccasin is painted with the roughly sketched figure of a woman, the sun above her, a flower at her right, and a rainbow at her left. Its mate bears the figure of a horse (in red) on the corresponding portion of the upper; while on the sides there are representations of a tipi, a snake (green) and a bear (blue). A large drum is decorated on one side with the painting of a bird (Fig. 19, a).

» Dorsey, (a) 24-25. Culin, (b) 712-4.

2 Culin, ibid.. 554, 732.

3 MaUery, 228-29; (b) 128-29, 680-681.

• Mallery, (a) 215.

« Irving, (b) I, 283.

200 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Decorative Art. So far as the general features of their decorative art are concerned, the Shoshone are a typical Plains people, painting parfleches, rawhide envelopes and scabbards, and embroidering with quill and bead- work such objects as leggings, moccasins, soft bags, and pouches. On the Wind River Reservation, Mr. St. Clair succeeded in getting interpretations for some of the decorative designs. These were usually designated as representing geographical features, such as hills, creeks, or roads. A few examples, also indicating the occurrence of color symbolism, may be quoted from his notes. On a parfleche ^ the obtuse triangles in the central rectangle and the smaller triangles in the longitudinal border-strips represent moun- tains, the red line in the center stands for a river, and the right-angled tri- angles are tipis. On a second parfleche, ' the green rectangle in the center represents trees, its red frame the ground, the blue halves of the diamond a lake, the yellow transverse line in the diamond an inlet. The smaller obtuse triangles at the sides represent mountains, the larger ones (dark blue) timber on the mountains. Above and below the central field, there are mountains. The yellow isosceles triangle approaching the frame b the sun shining on the mountains; the green obtuse triangle denotes grass, and the two red triangu- lar spaces represent the ground. In the comer squares the triangles are lodges, the external yellow strip is sunlight, the green strip represents grass. While largely geographical, the interpretations obtained by Mr. St. Clair are not exclusively so; prongs are designated as rays of the sun, two mutually I)erpendicular stripes on a moccasin represent the horned-toad, and a cross is said to convey the idea of exchange. Other symbolical ideas connected with decorative patterns have been described by Professor Boas.'

At Lemhi, all efforts to secure interpretations proved futile. A single parfleche design was, after persistent inquiry, called mando'towa; but this term proved to mean simply ''corners." It is therefore necessary to treat Shoshone art from a strictly objective point of view. As a thorough dis- cussion of Plains art, including that of the Shoshone, has been undertaken by Professor Kroeber,* it is best not only to follow his treatment in the matter of nomenclature, but also to refrain from a detailed re-consideration, except so far as to add some supplementary notes.

In considering embroidered work, Kroeber finds it desirable to give separate treatment to the types of moccasin decoration. He distinguishes three principal types: the stripe-border type; the type with a single geo- metric pattern covering the entire front of the moccasin ; and the form with a

^ Kroeber, (g). Plate X, figure 1

2 Ibid., Plate X. figure 2.

3 Boas, (a) 489 et seq.

• Kroeber, (g), 151-179.

1909.]

LotnCf The Northern Shoshone.

201

figure on the front of the moccasin in the middle of the decorative field, the figure neither filling the entire space nor bearing an exact relation to its outline.^ The third class comprises various central figures, such as the crossing angle, circle, U-figure, and transverse zigzag. While the Ute show a high development of the stripe-border pattern, the Shoshone, according to Kroeber, rarely employ this type; their characteristic forms are the round- head and angle-across. The second type is used less frequently, and of the U-figure there are but a few scattering examples. This would ally the moccasin-decoration of the Shoshone most closely with that of the Gros Ventres (Atsina).

So far as the Lemhi people are concerned, this statement of the case requires modification. With them three styles of decoration are especially popular. One is characterized by the circu- lar design (Plate i. Fig. 4), which Kroeber recognizes as typically Shoshone. The Blackfoot U-pattem (Plate i, Fig. 3) consti- tutes the second type. It was generally joined with a transverse bar at the instep and small isosceles triangles, which, in a single Museum specimen, are superseded by the feather-design. The third style is marked by a simple longitudinal stripe perpendicular to a horizontal bar (Plate i, Fig. 2). From the extremities of the bar and of the toe-end of the stripe, there often extend isosceles triangles. In some cases, the stripe slightly tapers towards the instep. A single triangle in the center of the toe-end of the stripe may replace two such triangles at the extremities. These facts are of some

importance, because they lead to a revision of Kroeber's scheme of tribal relationships in the matter of moccasin decoration. If the Shoshone angle and circle designs are shared by the Gros Ventres, the frequency of U-pat- tems indicates an equally close relation with Blackfoot art; while the presence of stripe-patterns no longer warrants a sharp separation from the decorative type of the Ute.

In discussing the distribution of embroidered designs generally, Kroeber finds considerable similarity between Ute and Shoshone art.* Both, espe- cially the former, employ the ''spreading design" (Fig. 13), as well as the

Fig. 13 (5(>-2382-A). Spreading Design on Moccasin. Length, 23 cm.

1 Kroeber, (g) 157, figure 2.

2 Kroeber, (g) 156.

202 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

^*

!

forked, pronged, diamond, triangle, and slanting bar design.^ The Sho- shone, according to Kroeber, occasionally use the diagonal checker^row; but otherwise lack the characteristic Blackfoot patterns, i, e. the checker or step triangle, and the stripe, as well as the rectangular cross, feather- design and box-square of the Sioux.

Again an inspection of Lemhi beadwork tends to establish a closer relationship with the Black- foot. The Blackfoot mountain-design, a check- ered or plain step triangle, occurs rather frequently. It is found on dance-leggings (Fig. 14), moccasins (Plate I, Fig. 1), belts, and hat-bands. Sometimes the union of two such triangles results in the stepped iw^ ^L rhombus; in other cases, the approaching bases

BIf; '^ are separated, and the line joining them may be

interrupted in the middle by a rectangular or narrow hexagonal figure. The rectangular cross, though not so frequent, is not wholly absent. It is found on a small amulet, an armlet, dance leg- gings (Fig. 15), hatbands, and appears very clearly as the central design within a stepped rhombus (Plate i, Fig. 3). It is also worth men- tioning the occurrence of the angular horseshoe design (Fig. 15) common among the Blackfoot and Crow. A further point of similarity with the A A A irTi i Blackfoot is noticeable in the general color effects

™** * ■ ' of Shoshone, and more particularly Lemhi, head-

work. While the majority of the Plains tribes show a predilection for white backgrounds, the Blackfoot and Shoshone use white less frequently and are inclined to employ greenish and bluish colors.

Gauntlets made for trade, and sometimes moccasins as well, are frequently decorated with floral designs. A number of native informants agree in considering this style quite recent. Somewhat similar designs occur on Nez Perc^ pouches.

In Shoshone parfleche painting, Kroeber recognizes a distinct style constituting the second of his three types of rawhide decoration in the

^

in

i

Fig. 14 (60-2302). Strip on Dance Length, 73 cm.

Fig. 15 (60-6419). Strip on Dance Length, 69 cm.

Beaded legging.

Beaded legging.

1 In the illustrations, colors are represented as follows: light blue, by diagonal shading; dark blue, by heavier diagonal shading; green, by horizontal shading; red, by vertical shading: yellow, by dotting. The drawings were made by R. Weber.

1909.]

Lowie, The Northern Shoshone.

203

Plains. Its characteristic feature is the partial substitution of combinations of square and triangular elements for the exclusively triangular designs of other tribes. While there are many triangular figures, the square-and- triangular type is so characteristic, according to Kroeber, that very. few

c. d.

Fig. 16 (a. 50-1163: b, 50-1126; c, 50-I166;Id, 50-1138). Parfleche Decoration.

Shoshone parfleches are wholly without rectangular motives; i. e. without either a central rectangle, corner squares in combination with triangles, or a heavy square-containing border-stripe. A briefer reference to these features was also made by Professor Boas some years ago.^

Boas, (a) 487-8.

204 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Fig. 17 (60-643(>-B). Parfleche Decoration. Length, 69 cm.

It does not seem to me that Shoshone parfleches are adequately defined in this characterization. It is true, as Kroeber points out, that there is a strong tendency to develop longitudinal border-stripes, often consisting of comer squares connected by obtuse triangles. Such borders, occasionally filled with purely triangular designs, occur in sixteen out of twenty-two parfleches examined. Of these, five represent the characteristic sub-type wdth a central rectangle touched above and below by the apex of an isosceles

triangle and enclosing a lozenge (Fig. 16, c). Four have the section between the border- stripes bisected by a blank or varicolored stripe separating two symmetrical patterns in each of which an obtuse triangle is flanked by two right-angled ones (Fig. 17). One specimen produces a similar effect, though the bisecting stripe disappears. The re- maining bordered parfleches present individ- ual features in the center field. There may be a lozenge, split (Fig. 16, d) or unsplit; a pair of s}Tnmetrical isosceles triangles with nearly touching apices separated by a narrow oblong (Fig. 16, b), or two homogeneous triangles, with their apices directed downward, the point of one resting on the base of the other (Fig. 18, c); or a longitudinal central strip bisecting two diamonds of which the split components contain smaller triangles (Fig. 18, d). The parfleches without square-triangular borders are sometimes decorated in Arapaho fashion, — long, narrow patterns being disposed in longitudinal stripes (Fig. 16, a). In a Lemhi specimen of this sort, the center of the decorative field is occupied by an elongated hourglass with its halves containing smaller parallel triangles, and by large diamonds on either side enclosing a series of successively smaller diamonds. Irrespective of the presence of border-stripes, a rather different aesthetic effect from those previously mentioned results, I think, from the division* of the decorative field into three portions by two transverse lines. In one specimen (Fig. 18, b), the upper and lower sections produced in this way are occupied by triangles; while the middle portion has a diamond in the center, with two hourglass figures at the sides, and obtuse triangles at the edges of the flap.

From the foregoing enumeration of decorative motives, it appears that border-stripes are very common among the Shoshone. The development of certain *'square-and-triangular" patterns, coupled with their rarity among other tribes, merits emphasis, and the diagnostic value of such de- signs in determining the provenience of a given parfleche is considerable.

1909.]

LowiCf The Northern Shoshone.

205

On the other hand, it cannot be maintained that the bulk of Shoshone par- fleche decoration conforms to the square-triangular, or any other single type. There is undoubtedly a relatively large number of parfleches of purely triangular type; and the question may be raised whether the several "square- triangular" motives themselves are not diverse in their aesthetic effects

c. d.

Fig. 18 (a, 50-6430-A; b, 50-2295; c, 50-1127; d, 50-1189). Parfleche Decoration.

and should not be grouped in several distinct classes. A classification, moreover, which would wholly separate a parfleche such as is pictured in Fig. 17, from that in Fig. 18, a, however useful it may be in bringing out tribal peculiarities, no longer holds when the art of a tribe is considered per se.

206 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Music. Two kinds of drums (wi'towE) are in common use among the Shoshone of to-day. The small hand-drum of the Plains is about thirty- five centimetres in diameter, covered on one side with horse or cowhide, and on the other side is provided with intersecting or netted thongs. The large drum (Fig. 19) is hollowed out of a section of a cottonwood tree and covered with strips of elk-hide above and below. These are perforated along the circumference of the drum, and united by a thong passing in an alternately vertical and diagonal direction from the hole in one drum-skin to the corresponding hole in the other. Both covers are decorated, one side bearing the realistic representation of a bird. Usually there are four loops, allowing the suspension of the drum from pegs driven into the ground. Willow drumsticks have their ends wrapped with buckskin or cloth. The flute was formerly used, but has disappeared among the Lemhi. As else- where, it was employed in courtship. It was made of the wood of a berry- bearing shrub, had from four to six holes, and was about sixty centimetres in length. The Museum contains two whistles. One, used in the sun-dance is of eagle wing-bone, to which an eagle plume is attached. The other is of wood, about thirty-five centimetres long, and ornamented with ribbons, a feather and plumes. A notched board used as a musical instrument will be described in connection with dances.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.

The social organization of the Shoshone was marked by extreme sim- plicity. No trace of a totemic or other clan division has ever been found among them. As stated by Kroeber,^ all the Shoshone proper were desig- nated as n^'mo, people; while practically all the local groups had names consisting of the word "eater," to which the kind of food was prefixed. I obtained the following list of bands at Ross Fork, Idaho: A'gai-dika (Sal- mon-eaters) at Lemhi; Tuku-rika (Sheep-eaters) in the Lemhi district, now practically extinct; KG'embe-rika (Squirrel-eaters) in southern Idaho; Wa'ra-rika (Eaters of an unidentified species of seeds); Ya'han-dika (Groundhog-eaters) ; To'sa-wi'h* (White-Knives) in Nevada.^ To these a Lemhi informant added the Tfl'ba-dika (Pine-nut eaters) of Nevada. The Bannock are distinguished as Ba'naite. The Wind River people as a whole are called Ko'gohue (Guts), and those of Fort Hall Po'hogwe (Sage-brush people). Clark gives the Wah-ra-ree-ca as a subdivision of the Bannock.*

1 Kroeber, (d) 102.

2 Simpson, 47, places tlieni along the Humboldt River. « Clark, 60.

1909.]

Lowie, The Northern Shoshone.

207

Fig. 19 (50-2446). Designs on a Wind River Drum. Diameter, 56 cm.

208 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Ross recognizes three divisions: the Shirry-dikas (Ca'ro-ri^ka = dog- eaters), War-are-ree-kas (wrongly translated fish-eaters), and Ban-at-tees, "robbers," whose name is remarkably like the Shoshone **Ba'naite" for the Bannock.^ He describes the Shirry-dika as superior to the other two groups, predominating in a common council and subsisting to a considerable extent on the buffalo. In camping together, each division remained distinct, the Shirry-dikas occup}ang the central space and being flanked on either side by the War-are-ree-kas or Ban-at-tees. It is rather curious to note in this connection that the Shoshone are reported as abstaining from dog-flesh and that Ca'ro-ri' ka is undoubtedly the Shoshone name for the Arapaho.'

The Shoshone sometimes gathered in villages; but isolated families, or small bands of families, were frequently encountered by the early explor- ers. The camp was pitched and broken according to exigency; the village visited by Lewis in August, 1805, had removed two miles higher up the river when sighted by Clark a few days later.^ It consisted of about twenty-five lodges; the population was estimated at about one hundred warriors and three hundred women and children.^ Larger villages of about one hundred and fifty lodges were found in the thirties among the Green River and Bear River people.^ The formation of a camp-circle was remembered by some of my informants. As in the- Plains, it was used for councils and dances, in times of war, and while engaged in a tribal chase; the horses were kept inside. It opened towards the east, as did the individual lodges. It is uncertain when the Shoshone adopted the camp-circle and to which of the local groups it was known.

From the accounts of early travelers, it is quite clear that the powers of the chiefs were advisory rather than dictatorial.® "Little" chiefs attained their dignity by the performance of warlike deeds, and there were sometimes as many as ten in a single community. The head-chief was general director of the camp, presided at councils, received visitors from o.ther tribes, and conducted hunting and fishing^ excursions; but beyond this his power rested simply on his personal influence. To the authority of such men as Tendoy of Lemhi, and Washakie of the Wind River country, governmental recognition doubtless lent additional weight. The chief seems to have enjoyed no privileges of any kind. At a dance or hunt, he was assisted by di'rakone, policemen, armed wuth quirts. At Fort Hall, at least, a camp

Ross, I, 249-51 253.

2 Domenech, II, 61. Mooney, (a) 954.

3 Lewis and Clark, II, 379. < Ibid., II, 370.

5 Wyeth, 219. Schoolcraft, V, 198.

6 Lewis and Clark, 370. Remy, I, 128.

7 Wyeth, 207.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 209

crier announced important occurrences. The head-chieftaincy was not hereditary. Sometimes a chief was succeeded by his son; but this was not by any means necessary, nor was it necessarily the oldest son that fell heir to the position. In 1906, Tu'pambe was generally recognized as Tendoy's heir-apparent, though there were several older sons. It was noticeable that at councils he played a very insignificant part, hardly ever speaking. This was probably due to his comparative youth. However, it should be re- marked that there was obviously a limit to the deference paid to old age. Tendoy was certainly losing in prestige during the last years of his life, and the opposing faction contended he was getting too old. Similariy, a sick Indian declared he could no longer have confidence in the efficiency of the older medicine-man of the reservation, because he was getting too weak. Ability as an orator seems to have counted for something in the estimation of a chief; nowadays, in the absence of war-raids, probably more so than formerly.

Neither the chief nor any other member of the tribe exercised judicial functions. Murderers were regarded as irresponsible (ke'-cuant), and were dealt with by the individual family and friends of the victim. In cases of adultery, the husband sometimes shot one of the offender's horses. This mode of punishment does not, however, seem to have been popular at Lemhi within recent times. Several years ago, Mo'bi, the physically most powerful man on the reservation, suspected his wife of infidelity, and shot one of her lover's horses. The people were indignant, but were afraid to oppose Mo'bi. At last, several of the strongest united, attacked and bound him while gam- bling, and had him sentenced to prison by the Indian judges appointed by the government.

Terms of Relationship. The following terms of relationship were ob- tained :

A'p5, Father, father's brother.

Bi'a a'p5, Father's older brother (big father).

Na'gahai a'p6, Father's younger brother.

Bl'a, Mother.

G5'nu, Paternal grandfather, (also used for reciprocal relationship).

Do'go, Maternal '' ( " '' " " " )

Hu'tsi, Paternal grandmother ( " " " " '' )

Ga'gu, Maternal " ( " " " " " )

Dz6, Grea1>grandparent.

A'rabe, Maternal uncle, sister's son

A'ra,

Ba'ha, Aunt.

Ba'vi, Older brother, cousin.

Da'me, Younger " "

Ba'dzi, Older sister, "

210 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vo. II,

Na'mi, Younger sister, cousin.

Du'a, Son.

Ba'di, Daughter.

Gwu'ahd, Wife. Never used in direct address.

GwQ'apd, Husband. " " " "

N6 m5nd6'gotsi, My father-in-law.

N6 mdgfi'gutsi, My motter-in-law.

N5 hu'tsdmbia, My son's wife.

N6 mil'nap6, My daughter's husband.

N5 dedz, My brother-in-law.

Marriage. — No information could be obtained as to any restrictions of marriage. It was expressly denied by several informants that first cousins were barred from matrimony. Childhood betrothals were common a hun- dred years ago, and still occur. The father of the girl received horses or mules in payment at the time of the contract. The girl remained with her parents until puberty, when she was surrendered to her fianc^ with gifts equalling, at times, those originally paid for her.^ That gifts to the parents were essential was, however, strongly denied by some of my informants. Sometimes a young man proposed by wrapping a blanket about the girl; acceptance of the garment indicated consent. In case of a rebuff, the pro- posal was sometimes repeated several times. Formerly girls were married at a very early age, and some Shoshone express misgivings as to the post- ponement of matrimony caused by modem conditions. A case where a girl was wedded at twelve was, however, brought to my notice. Under modem conditions it has been customary for a young man to live with his wife's relatives and work for her family if he had no land of his own. Polygamy was fairly common, but the wives were not usually sisters. Tendoy once had five wives at a time; in 1906 he had three, but lived with only one, the other two staying with their adult sons. The practice of the levirate is reported from the Wind River Reservation.^ Though a man could freely dispose of his wife, irregular intercourse without his consent was resented. The offended husband could demand a horse as indemnity or, in case of refusal, shoot one of the lover's horses.^ Divorce was easily consummated, and involved no restrictions as to future unions. "Grover Cleveland" divorced his wife in order to marry another woman; his wife also re- married. After the death of his younger brother's wife, Kobitsak gave him his own (according to a white informant, in exchange for two horses), and wedded another woman. They continued to be next-door neighbors, and the women visited each other practically every day. Elopements also

» Lewis and Clark, II, 370-1.

a Report 1890, 632.

3 Report 1890, 631. But cf. page 209 of this paper.

1909.] Lotoie, The Northern Shoshone, 211

occurred. Some years ago a man fled to Wyoming with another man's wife, and returned after several years' absence, when the husband's anger had passed away.

Husband and wife do not address each other by the specific relationship terms employed in the third person, because "they are afraid to do so." Instead, they use the generic terms for man (do'napo) and woman (wai*pe). The mother-in-law taboo is strictly observed. Only crazy (ke'cuant) men would venture to speak to their mothers-in-law.

VARIOUS CUSTOMS.

Names. — Clark gives some notes on the naming of Bannock children, which presumably apply to the Shoshone as well. Children were named by their parents about the age of ten or twelve, but sometimes an old man would bestow his name on a young one. Many girls were called after different species of frogs. Children were not named after a dog, wolf, coyote, or fox.^ Individual peculiarities were often referred to, and a new name was assumed after some notable achievement.' T^ndoy (Climber) was so called, because in his childhood his mother had once refused to grant him a request, whereupon he flew into a passion and began to climb a tree. The chief visited by Lewis and Clark had two names. Black Gun and He- does-not-walk (Ke mi'awE). In token of his friendship for the whites, he bestowed his second name on Clark, who was thereafter called Ke mi'awE.' The Lemhi people still show great reluctance in divulging their native names; a middle-aged man who had lived with the whites for many years obstinately denied having a Shoshone name, though it was subsequently discovered by chance.

The following men's names were noted: To'sa-wu'ra, White-Bear, O'ho-wu'ra, Yellow-Bear; Tu'modzo, Black-Moustache; Tu'dzomon- do'mi, Master-of-Black-Beads; K^'bi-tsak, Little Jack; YE-hu', Poor- Man; Ka'nu-kwac, Grouse-Tail; Ti'carimip, Charger; Gwl'na-mo'bi, Eagle-Nose; Wi'hitEmbo'gona, Iron-Ball; Ku'bui, Squinting-Eye; Gwi'd- am-ba'bi, Ani Frater; E'nga-gwacu, Red-Shirt; Tu'pambe, Black-Hair; Wu'ra-yo'go, Cum-ursis-copulat. The following are women's names: Toma', Cloudy; Da'bEntcotc, Little-Sun; Tsi'dzi, Baby; Ya'mpatsi, Wild- Carrot; Na'soai, Not- Ashamed; To'kaidzo, Black-Forehead.

Salutation. In recent times, the handshake has become the symbol of

Ctark, 61, 267.

2 Lewis and Clark, III, 29.

3 Ibid.. II, 367: III. 29.

212 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

a friendly welcome, both in receiving white and Indian visitors. A hundred years ago an embrace was customary. The left arm was put over the guest's right shoulder, clasping the back, while the left cheek touched his. At the same time, the host repeatedly shouted *Ah-hi'-e," which Lewis inteq^rets as an expression of great joy.

Smoking, — The most common type of pipe nowadays employed by the Lemhi Shoshone consists of a narrow stem of currant or rose-brier (dzl'ampi wood), about twenty-five centimeters in length, with a small red-stone bowl. One pipe had a willow stem, only fifteen or eighteen centimeters long, inserted in the middle of the red-stone bowl, which was not cylindrical, but globular, with a very marked flattening at both sides. The manufacture of these pipes seemed to be the monopoly of a few men. Large catlinite pipes, such as are commonly found on the Plains, were rare. The pouches containing the few specimens seen were said to have been obtained from the Blackfeet. I saw a single tomahawk pipe. The old straight-pipe (tu'na rowe) of the Shoshone as described by Lewis in 1805 ^ consisted of a dense, semi-transparent green stone about seven centimeters long, of an oval figure, and very highly polished, the bowl and stem being in the same direction. A small piece of burnt clay was placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem; it is of an irregularly rounded figure, fitting the tube imperfectly in order that the smoke might pass. From Lewis's drawing, it appears that the stem was about three times as long as the bowl. This does not tally with my informant, who, in a crude sketch, made the bowl slightly longer than the stem, somewhat like the Califomian specimen pictured by McGuire.^ Ross describes the bowls as of stone with large heavy stems of ash-wood almost a meter long,* Clark speaks of a soft greenish stone forming the small bowl ; ^ while, ac- cording to Wyeth, the stems were about sixty centimeters long and the bowl was made of fuller's earth or steatite.*

The Shoshone never cultivated tobacco. Lewis found that the Lemhi used the same tobacco as the Miiinitarees, Mandans and Arikaras; and states that they obtained it from their eastern neighbors and from Shoshone bands living to the south. ^ Ross describes their tobacco as a low, brownish plant, thriving particularly in sandy or barren soil, having the same aromatic flavor and narcotic effect as ours, though weaker. It was dried, rubbed

» I^wis and Clark, II, 340.

2 I^wis and Clark, II. 341-2.

3 McGuire, 390.

• Ross. II, 109.

« Clark. 303. 353.

Wyeth, 214.

7 Lewis and Clark, II. 342.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 213

between the hands, or pounded with stone, until it was quite fine. It left a gummy taste in the mouth.^ According to my informants, the Shoshone employed kinikkinik (ti'mayiha) obtained by drying the leaves of the dzi'ampi (wild-rose bush ?) ; they knew that their Cree friends use the bark of e'ngabit ho'pi (lit. red-tree). The Shoshone, however, also use red- willow bark. Remy relates that the kinikkinik of the Utah Snakes was derived either from the dried inner bark of a species of Comus, or from the dried leaves of Vaccinium and another (unidentified) shrub.'

In smoking, the fumes are expelled from the nostrils;^ sometimes they were swallowed on ceremonial occasions.* Though nowadays the pipe is sometimes passed from left to right, the proper method, observed at councils or meetings with visitors, is for the chief, or host, to take a few whiffs, pass it to the left, until the last visitor has smoked, and then to have the pipe handed back unsmoked to the chief, who cleans the bowl with a tamper and sends it on the second round. I never saw the pipe offered to the six directions in a ceremonial way, and the chief expressly stated that this was a Sioux custom not practised by his tribe. Lewis's account, however, is conclusive on this point. At his reception, Ke-ml'awE had a fire kindled in a two-foot circle cleared of grass in the center of the lodge, lit his pipe, rose from his seat, and after a brief address pointed the stem towards the four cardinal points beginning with the east and ending with the north. Next he presented the pipe to Lewis, but drew it back three times; then offered it to the sky and the fire-place, smoked three whiffs, held it for Lewis and his companions to smoke, and finally passed it to his own men.*

. A similar account is given for the Green River Snakes by De Smet ® who adds that each smoker had a different way of taking the pipe, one turning it around, another describing a semicircle before accepting it, the next holding the bowl in the air, and so forth. De Smet connects these peculiarities with the specific directions of each man's manitou. Ross saw the pipe held first east, then west, south and north; but it was not offered to the sky. A forked stick taken from a medicine bag was employed to place in the bowl the bit of burning horse-dung used for lighting the pipe.'

Lewis notes the queer custom that the Shoshone, before smoking, re- moved their moccasins, and, on one occasion, requested their white visitors to do likewise. This act, he states, involves a sacred obligation of sincerity

» Ross. I, 272.

a Remy, I, 130.

3 Ibid.. 131.

• Ross, II, 93-6.

« Lewis and Clark, II, 342.

« De Smet, 217-8.

7 Ross. II, 93-6.

214 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

of friendship, and the wish that if the smoker is disloyal, he may always go bare-foot.^ Of this custom I found absolutely no recollection, except that one old man stated that the medicine-men were formerly wont to remove their moccasins when smoking during the treatment of their patients. Though Clark regards the Shoshone as less addicted to smoking than the Plains tribes,^ Lewis and Clark, as well as Ross, found them excessively fond of tobacco.^ According to Ross, they even claimed to have been the first smokers in the beginning of the world, and to have instructed all the other Indians in the art.*

Menstrual Lodge. — During the menses, the women retire to a special lodge (hu'na-g^n*), where they stay by themselves, abstaining from meat and fish. This custom is rigorously obsen^ed at the present day. Formerly, the woman's sole sustenance during this period consisted of seeds and roots, nowadays bread is also allowed her. It is believed that if a woman were to eat meat, the flow of blood would continue indefinitely. No one is supposed to go into the lodge of a menstruating woman. Long ago, a squaw infringed this law; she began to vomit, and died. Men approaching catamenial blood would also vomit and die. During the latter part of pregnancy, a woman retires to the same lodge. No man comes near her, but her women friends may sit at some distance outside and talk to her. For several days before the expected birth of the child, both husband and wife abstain from meat and fish.^ The institution of the hu'na-g^n*, like the origin of menstruation itself, is attributed to Coyote.

Burial. — In the old days, when a Lemhi died, his body was wrapped in blankets, tied up, and deposited in the clefts in the rocks. The tribal grave- yard was formerly in the gullies several miles beyond the reservation on the Lemhi River, a site of rather difficult access strewn with the bones of horses. Nowadays the corpses are buried in the ground. Tree-burial is known as a practice of other tribes, but was never resorted to by these Indians. Cre- mation has been cited as an occasional custom of the Nevada Snakes; but among them also concealment among rocks was the usual method.® Some- times the corpse was simply abandoned, and rubbish, or the remains of the wikiup, thrown on top. In Nevada, Hoffmann once discovered the body of a young boy, which had been disposed of in this fashion.'

The relatives and friends present gifts to the deceased, and a woman

» Lewis and Clark, II, 340, 363, 365.

2 aark, 303, 353.

3 Lewis, II. 351; Ross, I, 257.

• Ross, I, 272.

» Remy, I, 126-7. Yarrow, 143. 7 Ibid.. 153-4.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 215

kneeling beside the corpse shouts into its ears the names of the donors and the character of their offerings. A missionary at Ross Fork is said to have ingratiated herself with the Fort Hall people by regularly appearing at funerals with a gaudy handkerchief, or some similar gift, for the departed. According to two informants, the following words are addressed to the dead:^ —

*'0'n6 mi'aiy". Dza'Ent co'gopE pi'dehunk. You are going. A good land reach.

O'yogE n^'mo ma-bu'i, dza'Ent n^'mo, dza-na^buin.

All Indians see, good Indians, good-looking (ones).

Ke ko'oi. Ik ke dza'Ent co'gopE; dzu'guputsi.

Don't return. This not good land (is) ; it is old.

Dza'Ent o mi'agwain."

It is good for you to go.

After the death of a Lemhi medicine-man in 1906, Dr. Murphy informs me, the Indians lamented his loss for four or five days. Three horses were covered with ribbons, mirrors, feathers and tawdry blankets, and Tcept on exhibition. When the corpse had been deposited in the ground, the finery was also buried, and the horses were killed. De Smet gives the following account.^ After the hair of the dead man's relatives is cut and the manes and tails of all his horses have been docked, all his possessions are piled up in the middle of the lodge, the tent-poles are cut into little pieces, and the property is burnt. Then the corpse is tied upon the man's favorite horse, which is led to the edge of a neighboring river. There the warriors chase the animal, surround him, and with yells force him to leap into the current with his master's body. Then, yelling louder, they tell him to transport his master without delay to the land of souls. Remy saw a chief's best-looking wife killed with the horses. "After two horses had been sacrificed, the unfor- tunate young woman stepped without flinching on the tomb of her husband, whose brother forthwith cut off her hair, and then shot her through the heart. — Earth was heaped over the two bodies, the horses were buried beside them, and, after hiding the victim's hair at some distance, all was over." The mother of the deceased prostrated herself every evening at the grave, singing a mourning song.^

The mourning women gashed their legs above and below the knee and had their hair cropped. Sometimes the arms and ears were also scarified. The men, as a rule, only clipped the hair in the back of the neck; but Lewis and Clark's host had cut all his hair quite short .^ The personal property

1 De Smet, 219.

2 Remy, I, 131-2. « Ibid.. II, 372.

216 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

of the deceased was either distributed among the friends of the natural heirs, or burnt. It is reported from Nevada that during mourning the survivors follow the paths traveled by the lost relative when alive, — a custom called ** hunting the dead." * The lodge of the deceased is abandoned. At Inkom, Idaho, my interpreter had just deserted a comfortable log-cabin to live in a tent on account of his uncle's death. In order to avoid this necessity, a hopelessly sick person was sometimes removed to a solitary xidkiup at some distance from the general camping-ground.'

|2

DANCES.

The ceremonial organization of the Shoshone, so far as they were not directly influenced by their neighbors, was extremely simple. I could find no trace of age-societies; and, while Mr. St. Clair discovered a wolf-dance at Wind River, I gather from his oral description, as well as that furnished by Culin,^ that it had nothing to do with a grouping on the basis of supernatural experiences, but corresponds to the Lemhi ta'cayuge, with apparently much greater development of body-painting. The sun-dance (da'gu-wo no) is performed at Wind River and Fort Hall; it was, of course, known to the Lemhi by hearsay, and had been witnessed by some on other reservations. However, the older men agreed that it had never been celebrated among them. As the chief remarked, they "were afraid" of the ceremony because of the several days' abstention from food and drink. The lack of the sun- dance among the Lemhi, taken with an informant's statement that the Fort Hall people derived the ceremony from their kinsmen in Wyoming, indicates a relatively recent introduction of the dance among the Shoshone groups practising it. That the Wind River Shoshone have adopted cere- monial features from the Arapaho appears from a description of a *' Sho- shone buflPalo-dance." * The dancers congregate in a tipi. A middle-aged and a very young woman are brought to the center of the circle, where an old attendant removes their clothing, replacing it with a sage-brush apron. The girl is covered with white clay and decorated with black spots. She is handed a staff, stretches out her arm, and plants the stick firmly in the ground. All the dancers pass a given number of times under her arm, then rush at her with a yell, raise her on their shoulders and carry her around, the by-standers touching her with their hands and coup-sticks for good medicine. V She is returned to her place in the circle. Then a number of

» Report 1890. 386-7.

2 Yarrow. 153-4. Report 1890, 387. Cf. Enga-gwacu's personal narrative, p. 301.

3 Culin. (a) 14.

• Report 1890. 634.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 217

women impersonating buffaloes run off into the bush, pursued by the men, who capture and bring them back. Some of the features, at least, of this ceremony may have been adopted from the women's dance of the Arapaho.* It is probable that other cultural elements were similarly borrowed, and this conjecture would account for the somewhat greater complexity encoun- tered among the Wyoming Shoshone, as compared with those here espe- cially dealt with.

Of the dances formerly in vogue at Lemhi, the nu'akin or ta-nu'in, seems to have been the most important. Some informants identified it \ath the na'dzangai, or na'dzangEn; but others denied any connection between the two, and insisted that the latter was a squaw-dance recently derived from the Nez Perc6, though some similarity in the step was admitted. The nu'akin was celebrated for several days, either towards the end of winter or in the beginning of spring. Its object was to ensure a plentiful supply of food, especially of salmon and berries. A camp-circle was formed, but no special lodge was erected. The main circle of dancers consisted of men and women, the normal arrangement being that each participant stood between members of the opposite sex. A woman might, however, refuse to stand between two men if she disliked them. Neighbors joined hands, interlocking fingers, a custom called ma'wekw^gin. Boys and girls formed concentric circles, the former dancing in front of, the latter behind the main ring. The women wore elk-tooth dresses or their modem equivalents, put red paint on their face, and dyed their hair yellow. Ac- cording to some, the women rarely daubed their hair, the face was painted yellow, and red paint was spread in oblique lines from the eyes downwards. The men used bi'cap on their face, white clay on their forehead and hair. An eagle, or at times a magpie feather, was inserted in the hair. No drum was used during the performance. The dancers themselves sang, gliding with clockwise movements similar to those of the Cree dance, but much more slowly. As soon as the singing ceased, the women stepped out of the circle, resuming places when a new song was begun. So far as could be learned, there was no difference between the several (according to some two, according to others five) days' performance, which was concluded with a feast. Mr. Faukner, a young half-breed from Ft. Hall, remembers a dance, called grass-dance, which seems to correspond to the nu'akin, though he has forgotten the native designation. An immense circle was formed by men and women, neighbors interlocking fingers. The dance continued for several days and nights; the object of the dance was to make the grass grow.

1 Kroeber, (.b) 210 it seq.

218 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

The following very imperfectly translated nu'akin song was secured: Ma'zambia un-du'a, Mountain-sheep her son,

wa'sipi un-du'a-tsi,

mountain-sheep's son,

dii'mbi ma-to'owEn.

on the rock goes out.

E'nga-m-bo pa gfl'nait A red ball cloud wu'kum-bai yo'ina,

wind has (?) padA'nobina. go outside. (At this point of the song several of the singers knelt down on the ground.) Bl'a-gwina umbi'oi un-du'atsi pa'wucorotogin.

Eagle white ( ?) her son ?

Ta'ham bl'agwina bi'oi du'atsi. Our white- eagle's son.

A very vague, general resemblance might be noticed between the style of this song and that of some recorded ghost-dance songs. Together with the informant's statement that some Shoshone called the nu'akin dzo'a- no gakin, ghost-dance, the slow movement, the characteristic position of the women, and the clasping of hands,^ it might be taken as evidence of a recent development of the dance. But Moone/s statement, that the Shoshone ghost-dance was merely a re\dval of an older dance practised fifty years ago, is supported by the testimony of Lemhi informants, re-enforced both by the mention of the nu'akin in mythology and the explanation of its object. There can thus be little doubt as to its antiquity.

While the nu'akin was celebrated to insure the coming of the fish, the first catch of salmon (ta'ma-a'gai) was also attended by some celebration. All the members of the band painted with bi'cap, and a feast took place, the first catch being divided among all the tribesmen. This custom is re- ferred to by Remy in his description of Brenchley's journey along the Snake River in 1850. "At the commencement of their fishing season the Indians perform a sort of superstitious ceremony, which consists in making certain prayers or signs over one of the fish before they vehture to eat any. They believe that a violation of this law will bring ill-luck to the fishers, and any one of them disobeying it would run the risk of losing his life, even if he were famishing." ^

1 Mooney. (a) 809, 920.

2 Remy, II, 508.

1909.] Lotme, The Northern Shoshone. 219

The a'po-no'kakin (Father's dance) was danced like the nu'akin, but with different songs, which were usually without words, but partly in the nature of a prayer. No information was given beyond the statement that it was usually performed by old men and had originally belonged to the Bannock. Another old dance was the dii'mu-no'kakin, in which men and women participated, moving contra-clockwise in a circle and bending down low at regular intervals.

Somewhat fuller information is available as to the wo'ho-nokakin, of which the name is derived from a musical instrument called wo'honog (Fig. 20). This consists of a notched wooden board, held up in a slanting direction and resting on a parfleche or piece of tin, and a second stick, or bundle of twigs, which was rapidly drawn down the scale of notches. A somewhat similar instrument was found by Alexander Henry among the Assiniboine, and is used by the Hoof-Rattle society of the Cheyenne; * it is also found among the Hopi, Tonkaway, and Mexican tribes.^ There were

Fig. 20 (50-6410). Musical Instrument. Length, 53 cm.

four musicians. The men and women were ranged on diflPerent sides of the dance-ground. Both were allowed to invite members of the other sex to become their partners. If a man refused a woman's invitation, the belief was that he would be killed by a bear the next time he went out hunting. There were usually from four to six couples dancing at a time. All the spectators sang a song without words. Partners faced each other. The man's right hand grasped the woman's right arm, or he might simply place his hand on her waist or shoulder. He ran rapidly backwards with his partner, then both ran to their initial position. Usually the dance took place on spring evenings. At Lemhi the wo'honokakin has not been practised for twenty years; but Mr. J. P. Sherman of Owyhee, Nevada, who kindly obtained some additional notes, reports that on the Duck River Reservation the last performance dates back as late as 1905. The mis- fortune incurred by refusal to dance with a woman was not restricted by

Henry. 296. G. A. Dorsey. (d) 18. 2 Hawley, 344.

220 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

his informant to injuries from wild beasts; the guilty individual might be drowned, killed by a windfall, etc. Within recent times an open box was substituted for the rasping-stick. Mr. Sherman's authority regards the dance as old, but as having been originally introduced by the Ute. The Museum contains a specimen of a Ute notched instrument, collected by Kroeber, and Culin found it in use at a Uinta bear-dance performed in the spring.* The bear-dances of the Ute, however, are described as purely social entertainments by Clark,^ while the homologue of the wo'hono^kakin was an annual religious ceremony performed in February or March. The dance-ground was bounded by a large circular enclosure, and near one end the musicians sat down with their rasps. *'The men and the squaws arrange themselves into two lines, so that the sexes stand opposite and facing each other. When the music commences two squaws clasp hands, advance to the male line, and choose their partners; then two more in the same manner make their selection, and so on until all are supplied. Now the males and the females from their respective lines advance towards each other with a trot and a swaying motion of their bodies, until the couples are almost face to face, and then with similar backward movements return to the places from which they started. This alternate advance and retreat is all there is to the dance, but the participants apparently enjoy the exercise immensely, and often continue the dance until they are completely ex- hausted."

The scalp-dance has already been referred to in connection with war customs.

The dances heretofore mentioned were not witnessed by the writer. When visited, the Lemhi Shoshone only practised two dances, the ta'cayuge, or war-dance, and the a'nonokakin, or Cree dance (a'na = horn, a'angant = Cree), also called kwapakin, or hugging-dance. Usually both were performed during the same night, the songs and correlated dances alternat- ing according to the wishes of the performers. The decision to hold a dance was made early during the day, and the news was rapidly carried all over the reservation. About sunset the drummers gathered on the dance- ground, suspended a large drum from four willow-sticks fixed in the ground, and began their music. It generally took about two hours, or longer, before all the people had arrived. During this waiting period, the drum- sticks were plied with short intermissions of rest, and appropriate songs were sung. On one occasion the wupa'rEk was revived before the com- mencement of the drumming. There was often great reluctance about starting the dance, and in such a case some of the drummers, or some of the older people present, exhorted the men and women to begin.

Culin, (a) 95. '■ Clark. 389.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 221

The customary site of the dance was a large, unroofed bam, in the center of which a fire was maintained. At other times, the dancing took place in the open air around a pile of dry wood. For a public feast, followed by a dance in the evening, a circular enclosure of willow-trees opening towards the east was erected. A similar structure with a forked cottonwood in the center was put up for an afternoon dance, ostensibly in honor of the chief, who had recently returned from a visit, and of some Cree. It was only on the last occasion that the older war-dance seemed to predominate over the recently acquired Cree dance.

The Cree dance (a'no), which is practically identical with the owl-dance of the Crow, was introduced both at Lemhi and Fort Hall by the Cree some eight years ago, and rapidly became very popular. After the Cree song has been sung several times, a woman rises, approaches one of the men who are seated on the other side, or possibly one of the drummers, and tries to pull him up. The man summoned is frequently reluctant, yielding only after repeated pulls. At last, he steps forward, stands next to his partner, places his right arm around her waist, or his hand on her shoulder, and both begin to glide around the central fire-place in a clockwise direction. In position, the feet may form an angle, but are as frequently parallel. They are hardly raised from the ground, and the legs are bent but slightly, if at all. Other couples follo.w, and with young boys dancing by themselves the circle is soon closed. At intervals some of the dancers give vent to brief exclamations. As soon as the singing ceases, the circle is broken, the men release their companions, and receive in payment a small coin varying from five cents to a quarter. At the very next dance, however, it is the man's duty to invite his former associate and ultimately return to her twice the original amount, the established sums being a dime for a nickel, two-bits for a dime, and half-a-dollar for a quarter. On exceptional occasions, such as visits from friendly tribes, more valuable gifts are exchanged, such as beaded necklaces and even horses. A number of times the same man was simultaneously approached by two women. He would embrace each w'ith one arm, and received a twofold fee, repaid in the customary fashion.

There was no special dress for the Cree dance. Men and women took part in their everyday costume, except in so far as the former were prepared for the ta'cayuge. The dancing continued through the night, those tired out lying down on the margin of the dance-ground and resuming places when rested. As a rule, the i)urely social nature of the performance was emphasized by the well-nigh total absence of the older men. The chief expressed detestation for night-dances, asserting that in former times dances always took place before dark. This, however, is disproved by the testi- mony of early travelers.^

Lewis and Clark. II. 343. 347.

222 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

The ta'cayuge was said to be an old dance. In fonner days the per- formers remained rooted to the same spot, merely dancing up and down. One man carried a bow and arrow in his hand. There was no costume beyond a breechclout. Scars from wounds received in war were painted conspicuously. The dancers seen, almost exclusively young men, would rise from their seats at the beginning of the song, mark time in their places, then leap forward into the center, several at a time, and advance alternately one foot before the other with violent movements of the legs and body. Sometimes two dancers would gradually approach each other face to face, sometimes they danced abreast, keeping sfep. The ta'cayuge thus re- sembles both the Omaha dance of the Prairie Tribes,' the hot-dance of the Crow, the prairie-chicken dance of the Stoney Assiniboine, and the Black- foot ka'espai pa'skan. The actual dance is very brief, probably owing to the physical exertion involved.

There were no definite rules as to the costumes to be used. The per- formers freely borrowed what paraphernalia they could, and consequently there was considerable variety in their appearance. Some wore wigs, others porcupine head-dresses. At times eagle-feather fans with little bells attached were borne in the hand. On one occasion a rattle and an eagle- bone whistle derived from the sun-dance regalia of a Fort Hall Shoshone were suspended from a war-dancer's belt, with no idea of their originally ceremonial significance. The costume of one well-dressed dancer consisted of beaded moccasins; leggings with unf ringed flaps and adorned with long strips of beadwork; a cloth breechclout decorated with a zigzag design, and partly covered by a linen shirt; an open vest with embroidered floral designs on the back, of which the sun-flower could be easily identified; and a porcupine head-dress from which rose two tall eagle-feathers. Leg-bands with bells were attached below the knees. The chiefs favorite son wore the typical Prairie bonnet without a tail, a buckskin cap with tall feathers tipped with reddish-yellow horsehair from six to eight inches long. On the sides of the headgear, there were small mirrors; in the back, there were numerous little bells; the front was beaded. Below the red cloth wrappings of the quills were little strips of weaselskin, gaily colored ribbons were sus- pended in the back. Besides a black shirt and a cloth breechclout, there were beaded armlets, leg-bands below the knee, and anklets with bells. Another dancer wore richly beaded moccasins and otter skin anklets, a loincloth confined by a beaded girdle, a red shirt with sleeve-holders and a porcupine head-dress. To the belt were attached an eagle-bone wrapped with strips of otter skin and a wooden staff wrapped with blue cloth and

1 Mooney, (a) plate CXIX.

1909.] Lotuie, The Northern Shoshone. 223

crudely carved at one extremity into a bird's head, similar to a Musemn specimen from Wind River; while the other terminated in a buckskin ball filled with little pebbles and occasionally employed as a rattle. Some dancers had necklaces composed of little bone discs strung on parallel thongs.

Similar irregularity was observed in the application of paint. The chiefs son first painted his face yellow (6'hapit), then daubed his forehead with red paint; finally the portion of his face below the mouth was given a dark-brown paint, leaving only the space between the eyes and upper lip stained with the original o'hapit. This space was further restricted by a pair of blue stripes extending from the extreme point of each eye outwards to the ears, but passing below them. Between each pair of these sym- metrically disposed blue stripes, red paint was applied. Both sides of the hair were daubed yellow, and the frontal braids, as well as the hair in the back, were irregularly painted in the same fashion. The thighs were at first completely covered with yellow paint, later some blue dots were added. From the knee downward the legs were stained dark-blue. Other dancers used white clay (a'bi) on the forehead and upper part of the face. One performer painted his face red, with three slanting rows of yellow patches on one side and three symmetrically disposed yellow lines on the other. The legs were yellow, the thighs had in addition three rows of blue circles. Another dancer painted his legs red, and added several rows of circular yellow patches. All informants positively stated that the selection of both paint and costume was a matter of purely individual choice. Jack Tendoy used white clay in four or five patches under the eyes on either cheek.

As already stated, Mr. St. Clair discovered considerably greater com- plexity in the body-painting of the Wind River Shoshone. Some wolf- dancers had realistic representations of a bear or snake below their breasts, standing for bear or snake-medicine; a sun-dancer had a similar painting of a buffalo. Right angles, or angular horseshoes, represent horse tracks; wavy lines extending along the entire length of the arms and legs s}Tnbolize the rainbow; short lines, horizontal, curved, oblique or vertical, indicate people killed; and painted hands record hand-to-hand encounters with the enemy.

RELIGION.

As in the Plains, the basis of religious feeling seems to be the desire to secure power by the aid of dreams, visions and tutelary helpers. A man in quest of supernatural power would sometimes go up into the mountains at night. Suddenly he sees a light, which represents the expected medicine.

224 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. IT,

He goes to sleep. The next morning he rises, and begins to look for roots. After having found them, he addresses the Sun, saying, "Look, I take this for my medicine." Then he brings them home, ties them up in a buckskin bag, and carries them about his body. In the night, his medicine speaks to him and counsels him. It may tell him how he ought to paint. The next day he will act in accordance with its directions. Sometimes, if a man wishes to kill an enemy, he will speak to his medicine, attach it to a little stone, and throw it at the victim with disastrous results. Long ago a man married a woman, whom he came to dislike. He spoke to his medicine, and threw it at her. She died the next spring. An individual helper of this kind is called bu'ha, while medicinal herbs, charms, etc., are distin- guished as na'dcu. However, the weaselskins and eagle feathers worn in the hair were referred to as bu'ha, perhaps on account of the manner in which they were secured; some Shoshone regarded them as a protection from missiles. Some men obtained bu'ha for war only,^ while the medi- cine-man (bu'ha-gant = bu'ha-possessor) received help from his bu'ha as to the nature and cure of his patient's sickness. The Wind River people seem to look upon many birds as possessors and bestowers of bu'ha. The tail-feathers of the flicker, worn as a headgear, ward oflp sickness and tend to restore health; and a certain male of a species of sage-hen is explicitly stated to impart the gifts of a healer, seer and exorcist. This bird was offended some time ago because a Shoshone shot at it; hence the relative weakness of the bu'ha of modem, as compared with ancient, medicine-men.^ If a man disobeyed the orders of his bu'ha, it would leave him forever. Some twenty years ago, Enga-gwacu Jim, who had a war-bu'ha, disregarded his helper's instructions as to the eating of salmon. He fell sick, his bu'ha no longer aided him, and he died. Though afterwards restored to life, he never recovered his bu'ha.' There are individual relations of a similar character which are not explicitly connected with a bu'ha. Thus, K6'bitsak is not afraid of rattlesnakes, because he has dreamt that he put rattlesnakes all over his body without being injured by them. He, accordingly, regards them as his friends. He knew an old Indian who would even venture, for the same reason, to put a rattlesnake into his mouth. Some medicine-men could never be hurt by obsidian arrow-points. The arrow would just graze them and pass off harmlessly; ''perhaps it knew them." In con- cluding the tale of a woman who had illicit intercourse with a stallion, the

• Bonneville's Bannock chief, who had a channed life and could not be hit by a bullet, probably belonged to this category. He was ultimately killed by the Blackfoot; but his people declared it was not a bullet, but a piece of horn shot into him that caused his death. Irving, (a) 147.

2 CuHn, (a) 20.

» Cf. p. 301.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 225

narrator stated that she had dreamt horses were her friends and that she herself was like a horse.

Dreams also give knowledge of past and future events, and bestow ability of a special character. A medicine-man once dreamt that an agent had killed an Indian school-child, and the Shoshone are firmly convinced that this is true. A Fort Hall Indian dreamt that he would be able to restore performers of the Sun-Dance, when falling down in exhaustion from thirst, by squirting water from his throat at their bodies. He tried the experiment, and succeeded. After Enga-gwacu had offended his bu'ha, the Sun appeared to him, ostensibly in a dream, and told him to build a wikiup all by himself, that he was going to di^, but that he would be allowed to return to life, if he so desired. This was just what actually took place afterwards.

From what information could be secured, it seems that to speak of Shoshone shamanism would be misleading. Though additional evidence may refute the statement, it does not appear that Shoshone medicine-men are distinguished from ordinary men by the common possession of a special type of supernatural relationship. As a chief acquires his war-medicine, so the medicine-man obtains the power to treat, say rattlesnake bites, which is specifically different from, but derived in fundamentally the same way as, another medicine-man's ability to cure barrenness, or as Kfi'bitsak's im- munity from snake-bites.^ The following particulars are given by Culin on the authority of a mbsionary. A medicine-man, in seeking supernatural aid, went to the mountains to fast and pray. At the end of some days an eagle, a bear, and a badger appeared to him. The eagle took off one of his talons and gave it to him, telling him that by means of it he would be able to command all the powers of the air. The bear similarly took off one of his claws and promised him aid from all the powers of the earth. Finally, the badger gave him a claw and told him by means of it he could command all that was under the earth. The medicine-man, by way of testimony, produced the three claws, strung on a cord to be worn about his neck.

In Shoshone mythology there is mention of miracle (dii'mabana)- workers (page 256). The term "du'mabana,'' though undoubtedly correctly trans- lated in the context of the myth referred to, has a somewhat uncertain significance. It is used for the tightrope walking of an itinerant vaudeville performer seen in Salmon City; but also for a beaded charm with which Coyote overcomes the rolling rock, and the game of cat's-cradle is called du'mabana-working. The Shoshone nowadays are skeptical as to the

' This statement is in agreement witii observations made by Dr. Dixon in a recent paper on "Some Aspects of the American Shaman" (Journal of American Folk- Lore, 1908, Volume XXI, page 12).

226 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

existence of Indian miracle-workers. Until recently some Bannocks claimed wonder-working powers; but the defeat of their people in the last uprising has destroyed confidence in their ability. In what way the power to per- form miracles was supposed to be derived, and whether it was understood to differ from that of a bu'ha-gant in the wider sense of the term, could not be determined.

The SouL The principle of life which departs at death is called mu'gua. During life its seat is in the head. According to one (unconfirmed) state- ment, the mu'gua of persons dying by violence travels in a different direc- tion from that traveled by the souls of people who have died a natural death. The latter go to the land of Wolf and Coyote. The common belief seems to be that the mu'gua of a dead Indian rises immediately until it reaches Wolfs house. There it is washed and revived by Wolf. The spirits of Indians are darker than those of white men and very small. While rising, they look like clouds. At first they are visible only to medicine-men; but, after being washed, any one can see them. Half-way up they are met by a spirit descending on horseback, who then escorts them to their proper place. The mu'gua then becomes a dzo'ap, ghost. White men probably go to a different country. Individual experiences, of course, may lead to heter- odox views. When Enga-gwacu Jim died, his mu'gua came out of his thigh, made one step forward, then halted and looked back at the body, which was still breathing. After three steps had been taken, the mu'gua looked back again, and found the body cold and stiff. The mu'gua was about ten inches in height. Suddenly something descended, passing clean through it. Then the soul did not ascend, but went underground until it got to a place, where one of A'po's (the Father's) helpers was making the dead men over again. Enga-gwacu thought of A'po, but could not see him. At length he heard him saying, "You don't look very sick." There was a kind of thin wire there, which A'po hit three times. Thus, Jim came to see the Father's hand, which is small and as clean as a baby's. A'po had a buckskin bag, out of the contents of which he could fashion whatever he pleased. At last, A'po became visible for a short time; he looked like a handsome Indian. Suddenly everything opened up, so that Jim could see the earth plainly, with his own body lying dead on the ground. How he ever got back, he does not know; suddenly he had returned to the earth and was alive. On another occasion, he went up to the clouds. There he found another world, filled with sage-brush. The Indians there were all skeletons; he was able to recognize some of his former friends among them. Jim has questioned Shoshone medicine-men concerning a hereafter; but mistrusts both their statements and those of the missionaries, because they fail to tally with his personal experiences.

1909.] Loine, The Northern Shoshone. 227

Some Shoshone are said to believe that one of Tendo/s sons changed into a silver-fox after his death; consequently they abstain from hunting these foxes, though their furs are very valuable.

Ghosts, Ghosts are greatly dreaded. School-children can be thrown into hysterics by the cry of "Dzo'ap!" and adults avoid passing their old cemetery on the Lemhi River at night. Meetings with ghosts are relatively frequent. They are sometimes heard making a noise outside of the lodge. Jack Grouse once heard singing, and managed to catch sight of some female ghosts. His nephew once went out hunting. He suddenly saw a skeleton figure. Speechless with fright, he ran home. The next spring, his father died. All the Indians believed that it was his father's wraith that he had seen. Another Shoshone once met a ghost, which tried to push him over from behind. The man resisted, tried to grasp the skeleton, and got his fingers between the bare ribs. After this adventure, he became very strong, so that he could lift a horse — *' Perhaps some of the ghost got into him." Enga-gwacu, who has had a number of peculiar experiences of this sort, was once traveling at night, when he saw an Indian approaching him. The outlines of the body and head were plain, but the face was invisible; the stranger seemed to wear a striped vest. As he got nearer, Jim saw that he had mistaken the ribs of a skeleton for stripes. He ran away, but was headed off. At last he said to the apparition, ** You are only a ghost, let me alone." (O'no-n dzo'ap, no-vii'ak.) The figure turned about, and disappeared into the ground. On a similar occasion, Jim used the same formula with like success against an uncanny snake.

Medicine. For ordinary cases of sickness, there are a number of medici- nal roots and herbs. A decoction of sagebrush leaves is prepared against colds and minor distempers. This forms, according to some white settlers, a very satisfactory remedy. A sweet-smelling plant, called ba'gwina, is similarly employed. In almost every dwelling visited, I found a spray of a species of spruce, called dza'-wongobi (good-pine). Other species were declared to possess no medicinal virtue. The needles were ignited and the smoke was inhaled ; or, they were boiled, and the tea was drunk. Spruce- bark was treated in the same way for colds and headaches. Large braids of sweet-grass were commonly suspended from the wall; they are said to be similarly boiled and drunk for a colic. Some Shoshone keep old buffalo horns, which are employed as bu'i-na'dcu, eye-medicine. Small particles are broken off, boiled with spruce-needles, and the cooled mixture is rubbed over the sore eye. Bourke states that the Shoshone knew how to splint a fracture with willow twigs.^ At Fort Hall, poultices madwfrom pulverized

1 Bourke, 319. /

228 Antkropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

roots or leaves of diflPerent weeds or herbs are sometimes applied to wounds or swellings.^ According to Fremont, the Convollaria stellata furnished '*the best remedial plant" in the treatment of wounds.^

When the ordinary remedies fail to act, the sick person decides on calling a medicine-man. This resolution usually follows a dream to that effect. The theory of disease, at all events in most cases, is that a dzo'ap, ghost, has entered the patient's body. The Ute had a superstition that whistling at night results in the entrance of a pygmy spirit, called un"'pits, into the whistler's body, causing illness.' The treatment of the medicine-man is therefore designed to extract the intruder and render him innocuous. At the time of my stay there were three practitioners, two men and one woman. The latter was not a specialist for female ailments, but was said by white informants to practise hypnotism. Some years ago, I was told, the black- smith of the Reservation had derided her power, and on a challenge, she had almost succeeded in putting him to sleep. The testimony on this subject proved contradictory; some Shoshone confirmed, others strongly denied, the statement that their physicians could perform movements inducing sleep. Of the other two doctors, one was said to cure rattlesnake bites; the other, Tu'mo-dzo, a hunchback, was a specialist for sexual troubles. It was said that the latter carried his medicine about in his hump. He had a reputation for obscenity, and, in conversation, gave a ribald turn to innocent questions. Among other things, he cured barrenness. His nephew was married for ten years without having any children. At last he summoned his uncle to examine his wife, who has since borne two children. This result was, of course, attributed to the medicine-man's skill. Tu'modzo's treatment of gonorrhea (du'mbehaip), according to various Indians, consisted of insert- ing the diseased member in his mouth and sucking it; he would then expecto- rate. Women were similarly treated by him. Dr. Murphy, by way of corroboration, told me that when he was first appointed as agency physician the Indians visited him, and inquired as to his method of dealing with vene- real disease. In reply to his explanations, they said they had no faith in his treatment, as he seemed to be afraid to employ suction like their own practitioner. Tu'modzo was about seventy-five years of age, and had be- come nearly blind. He claimed to have been exceptionally strong in his youth, and to have overcome a bear in wrestling with him. Within recent years, confidence in his power seems to have been waning.

As to the method usually employed by medicine-men, very little definite information could be got. Of course, incantations and 'sweat-lodges were

1 Report 1890, 236.

2 Fremont, 273. 8 Powell, (a) 29.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 229

in common use. To extract the dzo'ap, the doctor forms a tube of his hands, applies it to the patient's mouth, and begins to suck until the sick individual retches, and finally belches forth the evil spirit. This is seized by the physician, shown to the spectators, sometimes in the shape of blood or of some small object, rubbed between his palms, and thus killed. By the Ute doctor, the evil spirit is driven away by stretching the patient out on the ground and scarifying him with an eagle claw from head to heel, while a group of men sing an incantation in chorus.^ The compensa- tion varied; Jack Grouse paid a doctor a dollar for curing his child; in other instances, a horse was presented to the practitioner. As indicated above, there is no distinction of rank among doctors, but merely a diffei> entiation of function. Medicine-men, besides aiding the sick, could some- times charm arrows for hunting, and, as shown by Lewis and Clark, could impart supernatural virtues to shields. None of them are said ever to have engaged in causing the sickness or death of a fellow tribesman. Some- times the sons or nephews of physicians followed the same profession.

There are cases in which the medicine-man is powerless. Ko'bitsak's little girl died of cholera infantum. His explanation, according to Dr. Murphy, was that the child had been caught in a whirlwind, which whirled out her brains. After my departure from Lemhi, Tu'-dzomo-n-d5'mi, the younger of the two medicine-men, was taken sick. He declined Dr. Mur- phy's services, saying that he knew he must die in three days, but if he took any white man's medicine he would die before that. He looked rather strong, but actually died on the third day. What the native theory of this case may have been, I do not know. In general, two reasons were given for failure to restore the sick. A dzo'ap may have entered the patient's body, snatched away his mind, and flown away with it; under these cir- cumstances, madness usually ensues: or, the part of the ghost may be played by Coyote himself, who descends from above, carries off a man's mu'gua, and either makes him insane, or kills him outright. Jack Grouse knows of a farmer living in the vicinity, who used to abuse the Indians; he thinks that this malefactor was dispatched by Coyote about a year ago. In this r6le. Coyote disguises himself as an Indian, and can be recognized only by his eyes.

Charms. Amulets of various kinds are in use. Spruce-needles are pow- dered, and crammed into a buckskin bag somewhat resembling an awl- case. The bag is hung around a baby's neck as a safeguard against illness. Adults use white weaselskins, or the foot of a white weasel, buffalo horns and manes for similar purposes. A very old woman keeps two small.

» Powell, (a) 29.

230 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

irregular pieces of obsidian in a bag as a preventive of eye-disease; occa- sionally she scratches her arm with the stones. Some men have a charm enclosed in a little piece of cloth and tied to the middle of either the front or back of a beaded necklace. One man carried some spear-grass about in this way. A sacred stone, apparently a tribal medicine, by which good or evil could be wrought, is mentioned by Culin.^ An evil charm was prepared by placing rattlesnake heads on hot coals in a hole in the ground and covering them with the fresh liver and gall of wild animals. During the process of steaming, the liver absorbs the poison from the heads. It was carefully preserved in a little buckskin bag worn on the owner's body. By looking intently at the victim and murmuring evil incantations, it was possible to eflPect his death.'

Love-charms are extremely popular. Gwi'damba^bi wears a weasel foot on his hat as wai'-pe-na'dcu (woman-medicine); he expects that it will help him in "catching a squaw." Woman-medicine, in the shape of shavings of wood or bark, is rubbed on the neck, tied up in a bag or piece of cloth, and attached to the belt. Ko'bitsak was seen to take spruce- needles into his mouth, chew them thoroughly, spit the moistened substance on his hands, and rub it on his head for wai'-pe-na'dcu. He also knows a small inedible root, which is dug up for the same object. The root is glued to a little stone, the lover creeps up behind the woman desired, and throws the charm at her. Perhaps three or four nights later, she comes to see him. She looks into his eyes, and laughs. Jack has repeatedly used this charm with success. Some time ago, a Ross Fork Shoshone visited him and paid Ko-bitsak a dollar-and-a-half for these roots. The following spring. Jack saw him married to a woman. Though in lack of positive information on the point, he regards the wife as the woman originally sought, and ascribes the consummation of the marriage to his medicine. Lame- Jack, while confirming Jack's statements, speaks of another root also called wai'i-pe-na'dcu, but causing disastrous consequences. If dropped in a woman's path, it will kill her in about ten days.

CONCEPTIONS OF THE UNIVERSE.

The ideas of the Shoshone concerning celestial phenomena are rather simple and meagre. According to Powell, the domed firmament was be- lieved to be of ice, against which was coiled the back of a huge serpent, identified with the rainbow. In winter, the monster's friction with the ice

» Culin, (a) 17.

2 Report 1890, 386.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 231

caused snow to fall on the earth; while, in the summer, the snow melted and turned into rain.^ Thunder is explained either as the howling of Coyote, or, more commonly, as the noise made by a small mouse (pu'nai) rushing through the clouds. Its children play about recklessly, and thus produce lightning. Powell makes lightning the arrow of Ta-vwots, the Hare.^ While there is mention of a gigantic bird, Nii'neyunc, it does not seem to be connected with thunder. The Ute regard falling stars as the excrements of dirty little star-gods.^ A Lemhi told me of a spot near Red Rock, Mon- tana, where a shooting-star had gone down into the ground, making a large hole. Its splinters, looking like glass, used to lie around the hole, which is now closing up. The portion that disappeared did not descend very far, but might possibly be dug up. The Pleiades are the members of Coyote's family, who have deserted him on account of his insatiable lust.

The sun was at one time very close to the earth, scorching the Indians, who dispatched the Hare to kiU it. From the corpse a new sun was fash- ioned and raised to its present height. A very much more elaborate account is given by Powell, who apparently derived it both from Ute and Shoshone sources. The Sun used to roam about irregularly, now scorching people when too close, then again hiding in a cave until the earth was chilled. One day he singed the Hare's back. The Hare pursued him, and, by means of a magical weapon, shattered him into a thousand fragments, which produced a world-fire. All the Hare's body was consumed except the head, which bowled away. At last his eyes burst, and a flood of tears issuing forth quenched the conflagration. The conquered Sun was siunmoned before a "council of gods," which regulated the change of seasons and the alterna- tion of day and night.*

A Lemhi version derived the moon from the gall of the sun; it was subsequently raised to the sky like the resuscitated sun. The man in the moon is recognized as a giant cannibal (Dzo'avits), holding a blanket with one hand. The Ute believe that Whippoorwill transformed a frog into the new moon by means of incantations.** As to eclipses, the only (ill-translated) statement apparently relating to them was that of an old doctor, who had seen the sun die twice in his life, while the Indians were shooting at it.

1 Powell, (a) 27.

2 Powell, (b) 7.

3 Powell, (a) 27.

• Powell, (a) 24, 52-6. » Powell, (a), 24-5.

232 Antkropological Papers American Museum of Natural Histary. [Vol. II,

MISCELLANEOUS.

There is a belief that, if Coyote myths are told, the weather will become rainy or cold; there is also a prejudice against telling stories in the day- time.^

There is a proverbial expression connecting warts ^^iih the number of a man's wives. I had two small warts on my fingers, and every Shoshone who noticed them made the following comment: "You have two wives and no younger sister; this, perchance, is the older sister (pointing to one wart), and that the younger.'* (Wa'hat on-gwu'aho, na'na na'mino; noha'gani i'cE umba'dzi, i'cE u-na'mi.)

The Shoshone never ate dogs.^ They abstain from the meat of white mountain-sheep, skunks, or badgers. They do not eat magpies, crows and eagles, because they regard them as friends to whom they are indebted for the feathers of their head-dress.

When the Shoshone desire rain, they kill a frog with a stone and lay it on its back. When they wish to prevent the rain from falling, they some- times address the clouds, asking them to depart.

The wildcat used to lie down on a hot rock, that is why its back looks as though it had been burnt.

When the smallpox was raging in Lemhi, a Cree advised Jack Grouse to hang up a skunkskin and also to drink a mixture of skunk-filth and water.

The Indians are frightened if a man whistles through a grass blade, and call him crazy.

Mosquitoes once were very large and ate up Indians until Coyote changed them to their present size.

Howls of the coyote at the time of the full-moon presage good luck; when a child rejoices at the first thunder in the spring, it is an omen that it will live to an old age and enjoy distinction.'

A Snake chief, treated to horse flesh, by Wyeth's party, expressed great horror at the idea of eating a pony, and vomited the meat. Whether this was a tribal, or only an individual taboo, is not clear.*

1 Cf. Dixon, (a) 266. a De Smet. II, 680. » Report 1890, 632.

• Townsend, 252-3.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 233

II. MYTHOLOGY.

Shoshone mythology is, on the whole, characterized by the absence of a systematic cosmogony and of a migration legend. The Washakie Snakes are said to have had a tradition that they came originally from the south.* The Lemhi, like Powell's Shoshone,^ declare that they originated in the locality now occupied by them. The r6le of the creator is sometimes as- signed to a character referred to as A'po, the Father, or Nft'mono A'po, the Indians' Father.' He is contrasted with Wi'hindaibo, Iron-Man, the creator of the Whites, whom he conquers in a trial of strength. Some informants identify him with either Wolf or Coyote, the principal figures of Shoshone mythology. Clark states that, among the Bannock, the Gray Wolf was considered the creator of the Bannock, and Coyote creator of the Shoshone; while the Shoshone looked upon Wolf as their own father. The heroes' lair and their tracks in the rock, leading from a spring to the den, are still pointed out.* Among the Lemhi, the creation of sun, moon, and animals for the benefit of man is occasionally (in conversation) credited to Wolf. Wolf is universally regarded as the older, benevolent brother. Nevertheless, the younger Coyote, who thwarts his designs, introducing strife, labor, and death into the world, is ob\4ously the more important character; though the word for Coyote is commonly used for a liar or cheater, and a dyed-in-the-wool deceiver is called "very much of a Coyote." With the Ute * the elder of the Cin-au'-ao is the marplot, and the younger figures as the benefactor of mankind, who is ultimately obliged to flee to hb father, the Hare. Among the Lemhi, the Hare does not appear as the heroes' father, and plays only a subordinate part. Coyote is the culture- hero par excellence; he figures as the leader in the theft of fire, and such inventions as the flaking of obsidian are attributed to him. At the sight of an obsidian arrow-point, which I showed to a number of Indians, each one immediately excltymed, "I'dzapo an-du'p*" (Coyote's obsidian). There is a long m}^h of the procreation of all the Indians by Coyote; the Shoshone become his special proteges because they alone were washed by him as newborn babes. The majority of the Lemhi are still said never to kill a

1 Ciilin. (a) 21.

a Powell, (c) 86.

« This character is mentioned by the Wind River people, as Mr. St. Clair has informed me.

• Clark, 60, 337.

• Powell, (a) 44-5. Powell does not state that this is a Ute myth. Cin-au'-fto, however, is the Ute word for wolf; vid. Kroeber, (d) 81, 96. The Shoshone terms for wolf and coyote are Ic and I'zdapO. Clark's Shinnob (explicitly Ute) is obviously the same as Powell's Cin- au'-&o; Clark. 388.

234 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

coyote, though one man was pointed out as having done so. Clark was skeptical as to the strict observance of the taboo at his time, but at Fort Hall it seems to persist.^ There is a strong belief in Coyote's immortality; no sooner is he killed than he rises again. Whether this belief is generally extended to embrace all members of the species, is doubtful; but one Sho- shone, in conversation with me, scoffed at the idea that a white man could ever permanently deprive a coyote of life. In the less important tales, partly shared with neighboring tribes. Coyote presents all the features of the typical trickster. As a greedy, unscrupulous erotomaniac, he usually attains his ends; but occasionally suffers defeat or humiliation at the hands of a superior antagonist.

Besides the important elements of the Coyote cycle, there seems to be another group of autochthonous stories; those dealing with the Dzo'avits. These constitqte a race of gigantic ogres dwelling in stone houses. When a Dzo'avits slept, a Shoshone would sometimes creep up and shoot an arrow at his arms; but the arrow, instead of disturbing him, would break in two. Individual members of this people are overcome by the Weasel brothers, or, less frequently, by other Indians. The destruction of the whole tribe is ascribed to the conflagration caused by a number of birds, or to the magic of Weasel-woman's uncle. With Powell, Dzo'avits is a witch ultimately transformed into the echo.^ Pa'-n-dzo'avits is a giant with enormous hands and feet, who lives in the water. He sleeps on rocks in the water, holding his hands before his face. When Indians approach, he imme- diately dives below the surface, as he greatly fears them. In a myth, however, he is represented as rising from the water to climb up a tree after the twin heroes, until the benevolent Pabi'hiano (Water-youths) throw him back again.

' Other supernatural water-beings are the water-buffalo (Pa'-gutc), which swallows one of the twins, but is shot by the other; and the Pa'ona, or water-baby, which Indians never catch sight of, but hear crying in the night. Besides the Dzo'avits cycle, there are stories of apparently anthropo- morphic cannibals (no'mori'ka = people-eaters), and, according to some Indians, their existence is still believed in. Nu'-numbi is the name of a little boy, about two feet in height, who runs about the mountains, shooting game with his bow and arrows; though small, he is stout and very strong. Among the Wind River people of Wyoming, this character seems to be of considerable importance. Culin, basing his statements on information given by the Rev. John Roberts, gives the following details. Nii'numbi (Nin-nim-be) is a very short, old man, living in the mountains. He can

» Culin, (a) 91. a Powell, (a) 45.

1909.] Lovrie, The Northern Shoshone. 235

appear and disappear at will. To meet him presages death. A trifling accident when starting on a journey will cause a Shoshone to turn back in dread of Nii'numbi. His shooting is the cause of a horse's or cow's illness, and old stone darts picked up by the Indians are exhibited as his arrow- points. Every sudden death is attributed to his agency, and the average Shoshone is afraid of uttering his own name lest Nu'numbi should overhear it and sh6ot him with his invisible arrows. Nu'numbi was regarded by Mr. Roberts' informant as the descendant of the no'morika, who are described as dwarfish mountaineers, who often fell a prey to eagles.^ The Lemhi people did not seem to connect Nu'numbi with the no'morika, nor were these cannibals conceived as dwarfs by them. The Wind River Shoshone believe that the Widjege, a species of titmouse, discovered the world. Its tongue is said to be divided into six parts; one tongue is dropped every month, and at the end of the sixth the tongues are renewed. It is considered "bad medicine" to kill this bird.^

The material available for comparison permits some conclusions as to the direction from which Shoshone mythology has been most strongly influenced. Some of the tales found among the Shoshone, such as that of the bungling host, of the rolling rock, the magic flight.^ or the eye-juggler,' are shared by too many other tribes to allow a definite inference. On the other hand, the colorless account of the deluge, which lacks the familiar diving incident, recalls some Califomian versions. In Mr. St. Clair's ver- sion, the chickadee is dispatched by A'po to bring land, but nothing b explicitly stated about diving for it. The occurrence of the tale of the theft of fire also allies Shoshone mythology with that of tribes west of the Rocky Mountains, though the Lemhi version is not exactly paralleled by any other form kngwn to the writer. The Bear and Deer myth is very closely related to that of northern California, while some striking details are shared with the Klamath variant. The importance of Coyote indicates a general relationship with Plateau and Califomian mythologies; while the antagonism of Wolf to Coyote, and the institution of labor, suffering and death by the latter, establish a closer connection with the Maidu. The liberation of salmon by the culture-hero, the counseling excrements, the contests of a party of travelers with the inhabitants of successively visited villages, the appearance of Coyote as a baby on a raft, are all additional features allying Shoshone folklore with that of the Columbia River and the Califomian area. The very characteristic detail of a gigantic bird carrying off twin heroes, — who slay him, are counseled by his mother, and later

1 CuJin, (a) 17, 20 et seg.

a Ibid., 20.

3 Not secured at Lemhi, but recorded by Mr. St. Clair at Wind River.

236 Anlkropological Papers American Museum of Xaiwal History. [Vol. II,

encounter a mouthless people, for whom they cut mouths, — are, so far as I know, common only to the Shoshone and Yokuts; though the last of these incidents b found also among the Zuni and Tillamook.

The most important Prairie tale in the collection is that of Lodge-Boy and Thrown-Away. From a recent discussion,^ it appears that the Sho- shone form of the story tallies in important particulars with that of the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Arapaho and Hidatsa. N^lecting minor stories, the tales of buffalo stealing an Indian girl and of the poor boy shooting the fox in a competitive hunt are almost the only other distinctively Prairie stories in the collection. A version of the star-husband myth, somewhat similar to the Blackfoot variant, was obtained by Mr. St. Qair. There is a version of Coyote and his Daughter among the Gros Ventre and Arapaho; but also among the Ute, Maidu, and Navaho.^ Coyote and Porcupine occurs in Wichita and Osage mythologj'; but is shared by the Jicarilla Apache, Zuni, Chilcotin, Ute and Maidu. Shoshone mythology lacks important buffalo tales, according to an old medicine-man, because "the buffalo was never an Indian." Both star-myths and stories of boy heroes are relatively insignificant. It is thus fairly clear that the mythology of the Shoshone indicates a closer connection with the people of California and the Great Basin, than with their eastern neighbors of the Plains.

1. The Creation of the Shoshone.

(a)

Coyote was living there. He went do\Ti to the big sea. No Indians were living at that time. Coyote thought he might find some. He lay down, covered himself with a blanket of jack-rabbit skins, and commenced to sing and move his legs. While singing, he felt something touching his

Coyote feelf '^^^* ^^ looked up and saw nothing. He covered him- clri dancing on self up again and continued singing. Again he felt some-

• *** thing dancing on the lower part of his body. He looked

around and saw nothing. Coyote made a peep-hole in his blanket; then he saw a pretty girl dancing on his legs. He did not know what to do; when he threw off his blanket, she disappeared.

The next time when he felt the touch of the girl, he jumped up and pursued her. Near the shore of the sea, he caught up to her. He asked

^ Lowie, 141.

2 This tale was also told to the writer by a half-breed Cree at Edmonton, Alberta. Natur- ally the Cree trickster, Wisfiketcak, takes the part of Coyote.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 237

her what she was doing. She said her mother had sent her. "Where do you live?" he asked. She pointed out an island far ^ ^ ^ away in the sea, and offered to take him to her home, carried on her Coyote agreed to go with her. She took him on her back, *»»«^» dropped in and began to walk across the sea. In media via, Canis amore inflammatus muliere frui conatus est. She dropped him into the sea and walked on, thinking he was drowned; but Coyote crawled up, like a spider, and swam towards the island.^

Coyote got to the island first, and saw two wikiups with the smoke rising, and between them sat an old woman. Coyote spoke to her. She asked him to come inside and sit down. He went in. After Beachei island, a while the girl came in and talked to the old woman, entertained by who was her mother. She said, "I dropped Coyote in ^®°^'** the water." Her mother said, "Keep still; he is in there now." When the girl peeped in, she saw Coyote sitting there. She cooked duck eggs for him and set them just in front of him, touching his feet. As soon as she touched his feet, he immediately drew them back. He ate only a few eggs. He was eager for the night to come.

Coyote looked around and noticed quivers hanging all over the lodge. This frightened him; he went outside, eased himself, and asked his anus for advice. He asked why those quivers were hanging j^^^ wami there. He had also noticed that the women, while pre- asainit toothed tending to swallow the food, let it slide down to the ^«"^' abdominal region, where he heard the eggs crack. His anus said, "You fool; whenever the girl and her mother get hold of a man, they kill and eat him. Earum vagina dentibus insita. Quod edimt dentibus vaginalibus mordent.^ Coire simula, sed aliquid aliud intrude. Take your elk horn scraper and break their teeth."

In the evening, the old woman told the girl to lie down near Coyote. Before retiring, all three went outside. Minxerunt. When they came in, the old woman fastened the door ^ ^JSIkeZ''"* with a rope so Coyote should not escape. Coyote was afraid. When he lay down, he wished the rats would come and gnaw up the rope. After a while, he heard the rats come and gnaw up the rope. Then he knew that he could run out if necessary, and raised the girl's blanket. Penem insertum esse simulavit, vere nihil inseruit. Rima clausa est, non eum vulneravit. Fugiens ad portam cucurrit. Vetula secuta; cuius quoque dentes non Canem, sed solam togam momorderunt. Canis effugiens dentium crepitum audiebat.

1 Cf. the beginning of this myth with Kroeber, (f ) 97.

2 The distribution of this motive is discussed by Lowie, 110.

238 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Coyote escaped. He jumped into the sea and swam across, splashing in the water. He had a hard time of it; but got out in the place where he Seturni with ^^^ ^^* '^^ down to rest. He had left his tools there, tools, lerred by He went to sleep again. When he woke up he put on women. paint, went to the shore, and killed a duck. Coyote re-

turned to where the old woman was sitting, and threw the duck with some eggs over to her. The girl was not there; because she was on the water every day, looking for people to take home and kill. In the evening, she returned with some ducks. Coyote had entered the wikiup; but the old woman was still sitting outside. The girl told her mother she had not found Coyote anywhere. "Keep still," the old woman said, "he is in there." The girl looked in and saw Coyote, who looked handsome with his face painted. She fed him as before, setting duck eggs before him. When she touched his feet. Coyote quickly pulled them in. He only ate a few eggs, pushing the rest aside. The women ate in their usual way. Coyote could hear the egg-shells cracking in the vulva.

In the evening, the old woman told her daughter to lie down beside Coyote. The girl lay down. Coyote went outside to get women with his tools, which he had not taken into the wikiup. He lay scraper; is sent down and embraced the girl. Tunc inrimam claudentem comu (elk horn scraper) inseruit. Omnes-dentes comu perrupit sustulitque. The girl cried out, "Something is wrong with my teeth." The old woman misunderstood what she said, and said to her, "Keep it there." Coyote now went over to the mother, and in the same way broke off all her teeth. Ad puellam rediit et cum ea assidue copulavit. Tunc demum cum matre coiit. Postridie mulieres se gravidas esse sen- serunt. They told Coyote to go outside and fetch water; but to get it from far away where they were in the habit of getting it. Coyote was afraid to go there, and fetched water from near-by instead. When he returned the old woman told him that he had not brought good water, and- sent him out again. He went for it once more.

As soon as Coyote was gone, the babies fell in great numbers out of the

women's wombs. The women took the water brought in by Coyote and

washed the babies. They made all the tribes of Indians Birth of Indl- "^

ans; Shoshone in this way except the Shoshone, whom they left lying on

separated from Q^e side. When Coyote came in, they said, "We have left these for you to wash." Coyote washed the Sho- shone babies and said to them; "You are my children. I am going to stay with you." If he had washed all the babies, there would have been nothing but Shoshone in the world; but the women washed the others. That is why the other tribes were always fighting the Shoshone. Coyote told his children to be brave and not be afraid of the other Indians.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 239

(b)

Coyote once came to an old woman and her daughter. He saw bows and arrows hanging in their lodge. The old woman warned him against the girl. She said her daughter was in the habit of killing and eating people who came there. Coyote considered what to do. In the evening the girl came in with ducks and their eggs, gj^^^** ^' *^^ Coyote went off. He found a kind of blue stone. Ex la- pide membrum virile finxit. He also plucked some thorns from a rose bush. Cum domum veniret vaginalium dentium crepitum audivit. He waited for the night to come. In the night Coyote lay down by the girl. Inserto membro quod fictum erat omnes dentes pemipit. Tum spinis vulvam vulneravit. Coyote married the girl and their children were the ancestors of the Shoshone.

2. Wolf and Coyote.

(a)

In the beginning, Wolf wanted to make everything easy and pleasant for the Indians, Coyote tried to make them work hard as they must do to-day. Wolf had all the game shut up so that people could easily take what they wanted; Coyote released the game so that people had to go hunting. Wolf said, **The Indians shall not die." "Why should they not die?" asked Coyote, "they must die." An Indian was lying sick in his tent. The medicine-man was treating him, but he died. Coyote taught the Indians to cry and to cut their hair when any one died, and told them that the dead go to another world.

Wolf said to Coyote, "Let there be no menstruation." Coyote thought it was proper that women should menstruate; so he took some blood and threw it at his daughter. She began g^nwiSon**' "****" to menstruate and went to a menstrual lodge. Lupus, "Homines oportet ex digito nasci sine coitu," inquit. Coyote disagreed. "Bonus est coitus, ex utero nasci oportet. Melli est coitus." To-day things are as Coyote wished them.^

ib) Wolf and his younger brother Coyote were living together. Every day

1 Powell, (a), 44.

240 Antkropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Wolf went to his aunt Bear for dinner. She prepared every kind of food Coyote aitauits ^^^ ^^"^' when he came home, he used to tell Coyote Bear, is wounded of the good things he had eaten. Coyote said he would ^^ ^^' also visit his aunt in order to get something good to eat;

but Wolf advised him not to go, because he was afraid Coyote would play some trick on their aunt. Coyote promised to behave well, but Wolf still kept on warning him. **When she sits down to cook,'' he said, "she always spreads her legs wide apart. Conspectis pudendis muliebribus tu certe coitum concupisces." Nevertheless Coyote went to the Bear's wikiup. When Bear began to cook, she spread out her legs. Conspectis pudendis Canis libidine accensus se continere non potuit. Prostrata muliere cum ea concumbere conatus est. Bear closed her arms about him and tore his loins. Coyote howled with pain. Bear got up and ran away.

W^olf was waiting for Coyote to come home. When Coyote did not return, his brother went to look for him at Bear's wikiup. When he found out what had happened, he said, **Did n't I tell you to stay home?" He

treated Coyote's wound, and cured him. Then he got venM kUls^ar ^^^ ^ passion, because Bear had hurt his brother. He

went away and found his aunt gathering wild carrots. He killed her, went back and ordered Coyote to bring her home, but to leave all the inside of the Bear's body intact. Coyote skinned and butch- ered the Bear; but disobeyed his brother, cutting out the he'gwi (an uniden- tified part of the body). When he got home, Wolf noticed that something was missing and said, **You have cut out the most important part. Now Indians will often attack us. They will surround us while we sleep. You must look out for the hostile Indians."

After some time had elapsed, Coyote beheld many Indians coming to

surround their home. Coyote went out directly in front tacked by In- of them. They shot at him again and again, but could dians; Wolf only graze his skin and shoot off his hair. They failed to

hurt him, though he was fighting all alone. In the mean- time, Wolf stayed indoors, dressing up and painting himself. When Coyote was exhausted, he went inside, and Wolf came out to fight. Coyote became jealous of his brother, because he was so handsomely dressed. He wished the enemy would kill Wolf. Immediately Wolf was shot and killed by the Indians. They scalped him and took away his dress. Coyote fled and the Indians went off.

Coyote made many arrows; he tracked the enemy. When he came to

his brother's body and saw the scalped head, he cried, the enemy^^" Then he buried the body, and went in pursuit of the

Indians. He came to the site of a camp-fire, where they* had celebrated the scalp-dance. There he looked at the scalp-pole, and

1909.] Loune, The Northern Shoshone. 241

left a quiver on a tree. He wandered on until he reached another camp- ing-ground with a scalp-pole. Here he also left a quiver with arrows. From time to time, he wept as he journeyed along. He came to another camp-site, which had been abandoned only a short time ago, and again left a quiver there. Then he asked his anus, "When did they leave this place?" The anus replied, "Two days ago." At last Coyote got to a camp which had been broken only one day ago.

As he walked on, he saw an old Indian woman hobbling along.^ Coyote quickly walked around so as to meet her from a different direction. In order to make himself irrecognizable, he put paint on both his cheeks. When the old woman saw him approaching her, she stopped to sit down. Coyote sat down beside her. The BouncU old

old woman asked him where he had come from. He re- and doni im skin, plied, "Don't you see my paint? I came from a distant land in the East. I don't know at all what is going on here. Tell me what the people are doing." She replied, "The Indians have kiUed Coy- ote's older brother. They have taken away his scalp, and perform the scalp-dance every night." Coyote said, "Go on, tell me some more news." The old woman told him that she always walked in the rear on account of her age. As she approached the new camp, some girls were in the habit of running towards her and supporting her the rest of the way. She always took care of the children, putting them to sleep every evening. Whenever the people gave her food, she would eat a portion and stow the remainder away under her knee. When the time for dancing arrived, all the girls were put to bed together. Coyote said, "Continue, tell me some more." "They take Wolfs skin and hang it on a pole." Coyote said, "Tell me some more, tell me everything about these Indians." She told him that in the night she herself went to the dance-ground. Then the other dancers handed her the wolf-skin, she put it about her neck and danced with it. "That is all I have to do," said the woman. "Well," said Coyote, "walk on; you will reach your people some time. I am going back to my home."

Coyote pretended to depart, while the old. woman slowly rose from her seat. Coyote, however, walked around her, picked up a stone and knocked her down with a blow on the back of her head. He kicked her about until her skin peeled off. Having shaken out her entrails, he put on the woman's skin. When he looked at his shadow, he saw that he exactly resembled the old woman in appearance. He imitated her walk, hobbling and supporting himself on a staff. He came to flaw^*** the summit of a hill, whence he beheld a wikiup. He was now walking just like the old woman and, like her, sat down for a

1 Cf. the following incidents with Cuahing, 461-463; 8pinden, 21; Sclioolcraft, (b) 40-41; Curtin. 318, 359; Boas, (c) 138.

242 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

rest at short intervak. He used both hands to grasp his stick. As he approached the camp, the girls ran up to him. He sat down to tell them of the strange Indian from the East who had met him and had returned to . his people. The girls took Coyote home, supporting him on both sides. He saw his brother's skin hanging on a pole, and began to cry; but they could not see hb tears because they were rolling down beneath the old woman's skin. When they gave him food, he acted as the old woman had told him, eating some and putting the rest under his knee. At sunset, the Indians were going to dance. The girls looked into his eyes and noticed their strange appearance. They said, "How queer her eyes look I They look like Coyote's." Coyote said, "You must not speak like that, girls. Don't mention Coyote." All the people went to the dance, leaving the children with Coyote. While the dance commenced outside. Coyote put the girls to bed. Cum earum pudendis quasi copulare vellet ludere incipie- bat. The girls said, "She is acting just like Coyote." Coyote said, "Don't speak like that girls. Don't mention Coyote."

Towards evening, the people came to ask the old woman to dance. Coyote began to dance very stiffly. Unseen he shed tears Seoiiref Wolf's under the woman's skin. Towards morning his brother's escapes. ' skin was tossed to him. He put it around his neck and

began to dance up and down. Suddenly he jumped up, dropped the woman's skin and ran away. The Indians gave chase, and shot at him repeatedly, but could not hurt him. They shot his hair off. As he came to their former camp-sites, he took down the quivers and shot his arrows back at them. He used up all his arrows. When they had nearly overtaken him, he suddenly disappeared in a cavity in the ground. They looked everywhere. "He came this way, he must be somewhere." They could detect nothing but a heap of old Coyote excrements. They talked to each other about the dung-heap, and finally said, "That must be he." When they began shooting again. Coyote rose and ran away. He got very tired. When he came to another cavity, he again transformed himself into old Coyote excrements. When they came up to the place, they looked around and saw nothing. Again they had a council and decided he must be in the excrements. As soon as they began shooting, he got up and ran away. Finally he got to a body of water and wished he would change into a water-spider. He immediately turned into one, and swam across. The pursuers got to the edge of the water, but could not see anything. They were obliged to give up the chase and return home.

Coyote walked on eastward, carrying his brother's scalp. He put it on

a rock facing the east. Then he went to where Wolf's

body lay buried, and went to sleep crying. Suddenly Wolf

returned to Ufe. Coyote heard him howling on the other side of the hills.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone. 243

"Why did you wake me up? I was dreaming." Coyote went to the rock, brought |^aok Wolfs skin and covered his brother's body with it. He put him together again. Wolf was restored by Coyote.

(c)

Coyote and Wolf were going to war. The hostile Indians (Andavits) were surrounding them. Wolf cautioned his brother not to peep out of their grass-lodge. "If you hear any noise outside, it will mean that I am fighting the enemy." Coyote covered mju^ng. * ^ his face. The enemy were jumping about, touching the lodge. He heard his brother fighting. Wolf had just shot off all his arrows, and was defending himself with his bow. The enemy were jumping against the lodge again. Then Coyote looked outside. The very moment he peeped out, Wolf was slain.

Coyote fell down, crying, ''The enemy have slain my older brother." Then he fled, crying as he ran along. After a while, he returned to track the enemy. He stopped wherever they had left a camp- fire. Blowing on the ashes, he secured fire for himself. -^oU's^scaip!**^' The next day he caught up with an old squaw. He asked her what she was doing there. She told him she was walking behind her people on account of her old age. She showed him how she walked along. Then Coyote killed her with a rock, skinned her and put the skin on his own body. He imitated her gait and walked on until he arrived at the enemy's camp. They were ha\ing a scalp-dance around a pole with Wolfs scalp. Coyote played the part of the old woman. When he got close to the dancers, the Indians tossed the scalp at him. He seized it and began to dance like the other old women. When he received it the second time, he ran away with it as fast as he could. Then they recognized him. They pursued Coyote, but soon saw that they could not catch him.

Coyote walked home crying. When he arrived at the lodge, he placed the scalp where his brother generally lay down to rest. He fell asleep. At

first, he built a fire every morning; later he became so lazy 11 1 M 11 TT . 11 1 Wolf revives,

that he never built one at all. lie was contmually lament- ing his brother's death. One morning his brother Wolf shouted at him, "Get up, Coyote! Make a fire." Coyote jumped up immediately, and built a fire. He blew on the flames and looked at his brother stealthily. Wolf was alive again.

244 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

3. The Theft of Fire.

One winter evening, Coyote went outside to defecate. He looked down

as he was squattini? there, and noticed a fire below. He Co]rot6 dlfoov- ....

ers Are, anuf thought he saw it right in his anus and jumped up. Then

oounieif fteai- jj^ g^w that it was way down the mountain. He asked his Ing It. *^

anus, *WTiat's that fire for?' It answered, '*You are

crazy. Some other Indians own it. Crane is their chief. Go and get their fire for yourself.'* Coyote did not tell any one that night, but went to sleep.

In the morning Coyote painted all his body. Then he talked to the Indians. He said, "I saw something last night. I saw fire from the moun- tain. Shall we go and get the fire?" All the Indians debated whether they should go or not. The Mice, the Rats and all the Crane^f trii)e * other men went along. The women stayed at home. Coy- ote defecated. His excrements told him to have a feast with the Crane people. "Eat with them and enjoy yourselves." They went over the mountains. As they walked along, they saw the fire. This was the first time they had ever seen fire. The other Indians talked aboui Coyote, while he was not listening. "Let hhn go by himself, when we get there," they said. "Don't go with him, or they'll give us excrements to eat." So when they got to the Crane's people, all went to different tents; while Coyote went to an old woman's tent.

When all had arrived. Crane addressed his people. He told them to receive their visitors hospitably. All began to cook. The old woman stirred excrements with the food she was preparing for of^rttors*"***"** Coyote. Coyote ate and said, "This tastes sweet; this tastes well." At night all got ready for a feast. The Sho- shone were playing the hand-game. They said they would leave the offals of their feast for Coyote. As they were gambling, Coyote approached. He looked at the offals. "Well, uncle," they said, "we have eaten. Go ahead; eat what we have left for you." He ate, saying, "It tastes well. I like it." In the night. Coyote went out at short inter'als, saying, "lam looking for girls." A pud puellas ambulabat, earumque pudenda scruta- batur. Comas non invenit. Ad castra rediit. Cantavit "Absunt comae." The people told him to go around again. This time he stayed away a long time. Multas comas invenit. Rediit, canta\dt "Multae sunt comae."

The Shoshone were still gambling. Crane's people were performing

the nu'akin dance. Crane told the Shoshone they could

inc^tt(»if 1^^" S^ ^^ ^i^joyiJ^g themselves at gambling; later they might

come and see the dance. Coyote joined in the nu'akin,

wearing a head-dress that reached the ground. The old squaws said to

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 246

him, "You are not watching your head-dress; you are dragging it along the ground and singeing its edge at the fire." But Coyote only did this when the women were watching him. When they did not see him, he pulled ofiE the fire. Towards dawn he summoned a council of his people. "As soon as we can get their fire and their food," he said, "we shall all run away." Crane's people kept all their food in a large bag high up on a tree. Crane kept the fire in his own lodge. There was another dance that night. While it was going on. Coyote went about, and his head-dress caught fire. He took the fire, hid it under his blanket, and sneaked out.

The Indians told Jack-rabbit to play his flute outside of all the enemies* wikiups, so their hosts would fall asleep. Jack-rabbit went crane's pine-

around and played. Everybody listened, and fell asleep. nuti captured; While they were all sleeping, the Shoshone attempted to ^«^*' steal the food. Again and again Coyote tried to jump up the tree, but could not reacfi the bag. All his followers tried in vain. At last they asked the woodpeckers to put their bills together. Thus they reached up. The bills pierced the bag, and the food fell out through the hole. It was pine- nut food. The Indians ate; then they ran away with the pine-nuts and the fire.

In the morning, Crane's people got up. They tried to start a fire. They could not get it to bum. They looked for the food-sack, and there was nothing in it. "Where are those Indian th«(f^*pm?uit. visitors ? " they asked. " They are all gone." Crane looked around. "Let us pursue those Indians," he said, "and get back our food and our fire." They started out in pursuit of the Shoshone. They kept going till they saw the fugitives.

Coyote was in his war-dress now. The enemy shot at him, but missed every time. He was the last in Une, keeping directly in front of the enemy. They continued shooting at him; j^j^J^** ^***' ** they shot all his hair off, but could not hurt him. He ran to and fro. At last he got tired, he was exhausted. He did not know what to do. When he came to an old track, he hid in it. They looked for him, but could not see him. "Where did he go to?" they asked. At last they saw the track. "That must be he." They threw a rock at him, and he ran away. They continued shooting at him. He began to fall behind. He got to where there was a pile of old excrements, and hid there. The enemy came up and did not see him. At last they said, "That must be he," and aimed at him. He ran once more. When Coyote was completely ex- hausted, he gave the food and the fire to the men in front of him. The enemy then overtook Coyote, and killed him. They skinned him. They looked all over his body. They could not find the stolen property, so they went on.

246 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Crane's people killed the Indians one by one. The Indians passed the indlant killed ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ along the line. Jack-rabbit jumped aside H'^'f loc escapes from the road and hid in a hole. There were then only ^* "" ' two Indians left, Hai (a black bird), and Rock-squirrel.

Hai was carrying the food, and Rock-squirrel the fire. The enemy nearly caught Hai. The bird wished his leg would rot. His leg rotted, and he put the food into it. Then he fell down, exhausted. Crane said, "You are a great chief," and kicked him. Hai screeched, and his leg flew ofif; but Crane and his followers did not notice it. The leg ran away by itself. Crane searched Hai and cut him up, but could not find the food or the fire on his body. At last, they looked down and noticed that one of his legs was gone. They looked for the missing leg. Someone had seen it fly away. They discovered its track and followed it. Hai wished it would rain and snow behind him. The rain and snow fell, and effaced his track. At last they saw his footsteps again going up a mountain. They had a council. "There is no use pursuing him," they said, "he is too far. Let us go after Rock-squirrel, who has the fire." Hal's leg went westward, scattering all the pine-nuts on the way; that is why the people living there have pine-nuts now.

The next day Crane pursued Rock-squirrel. Rock-squirrel hid the fire

by his breast; that is why he has a spot there, as if he Bock-squlrrel . .

escapes with Are. had been burnt. They got close to him, nearly catching

Pursuit aban- ^ini several times. He got on a steep cUff and jumped

down, throwing the fires ticks all over the mountains. He

said to the fire, "Everybody is going to use you. Go and bum every^'here."

This is how all the Indians got fire. Crane came to the cliff. He was

fatigued. He saw the fire burning everywhere. So he said, " I '11 give up

the chase and go to the river." His son, Chickadee, said, "I shall go too."

Crane turned into the bird he is now, and went to the river, where he

belonged.

Now Jack-rabbit came out of the hole he had hidden in, and hit Coyote

Indians re- ^"^^^ ^^^ whistle. Coyote woke up. "Why did you wake

stored by Jack- me up?" he asked. "I was dreaming." Jack-rabbit hit

'* ** every one of the Indians with his whistle. All thus came

back to life.

4. The Theft of Pine-nuts.

A long time ago the other Indians were gathering to play the hand-game.

Indians steal They played two nights in succession. They had their

nuts and flee. pine-nut food suspended from the top of a pole. The

Rats tried to climb up to get it, but fell down. At last the Woodpecker and

1909.] Lowiej The Northern Shoshone. 247

his brother made an efifort. Woodpecker's brother stretched his bill and made a hole in the bag containing the food. The pine-nuts fell down and the Rats ate some of them. They liked them better than any other kind of food, so they fled with the stolen nuts.

The gamblers ceased playing. An old woman was about to cook some nuts. They had disappeared. The other Indians saw Discovery of

that some one had stolen their food. When their chief, ***•**• councu. Crane, found out about the theft, he marked his legs as they are now. Then he summoned a council and started in pursuit of the thieves.

On the way. Coyote stopped fleeing ut cum rana muliebri coiret. Ilium

in muUerem incumbentem Grus calcibus interfecit. Crane's people also

killed Magpie and all the rest of Coyote's people, except Hai. For a long

time, they could not catch him. Then he got tired and

, , Unsuooetstul

could not run any further. He wished his leg would rot. pursuit. bJH

It rotted and he put the nuts into it. The Crane's people •^^^ »"*• 'or caught up and kicked him. They kicked his rotten leg, so that it flew away. They killed Hai. Then Crane sat down. "Search his body for the nuts," he said. His followers looked all over Hal's body, but found no trace of the food. Then Crane said he had seen one leg fly away somewhere. They looked for the leg, but it was gone. It got to Coyote's Indians in the west, so all of them have pine-nuts now. The nuts used to grow here, but now they are among the Dttbadi^ka (Eaters of pine- nuts).

Hai got up again and went to an island with treeless mountains, where Crow joined him.

5. The Flood.^

Coyote saw some wild-geese flying and begged them for some feathers. They flew down and gave him some. Then he was able to join them. When they got to the summit of a high mountain, they saw that the water below was moving a little. ITiey had a council there, debating whether they should wash the whole world. They decided to do so, and raised the water until it filled all the low parts of the earth. diuinrflood*^ Everyone except Coyote and his companions was drowned. Someone shut off the water; no one knows who. When everything was dry- ing up again, the survivors took sticks and placed them on the slopes of the mountains. That is why we have trees on the mountains now. They made little creeks and lakes. Then they also created the fish and all the other animals for the Indians.

1 Cf. Kroeber, (f) 96.

248 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

6. Coyote and his Daughters.^

Coyote was living with his family. The women were celebrating a Coyote prepares scalp-dance, and his daughters were taking part in it. for war. LUe- Coyote was watching them. He blew the air towards *^^"' them. Ita fecit ut vestibus ablatis pudenda muUebra

vidisset. Formosis pudendis amore inflammatus coitum concupivit. Coy- ote began to make arrows. When he had finished them, he hung them up in his lodge. He told his wife he intended to go on a war expedition as soon as he was ready. "If anything happens to me," he said, '*I will make a fire and you will be able to see the smoke."

Coyote started out. When he was at some distance from the dwelling,

he shot an arrow into the air, which hit him in the side. He built a big

Woundi him- fire. His family saw the smoke and knew that something

■elf, ftgnali for ^^g wrong. The old woman sent the older daughter to aid, assaults ®

daughter, is see what was the matter; but Coyote's son went there

dropped by her. £rst. When the boy came up to him, Coyote was crawling

on the ground, pretending to be very sick. The boy noticed the arrow

and attempted to pull it out; but Coyote told him to let it go, because it

hurt him badly. He asked his son to call his sisters. The boy returned

and requested the older girl to go to her father. When she came up, Coyote

told her that someone had shot him. He dropped to the ground, and

groaned as if he were dying. He said it was impossible for him to walk,

and asked the girl to carry him home. She took her father on her back.

He asked her to pull up her dress to prevent the blood from trickling down

and soiling the robe. Tunc demum membrum in vaginam iaseruit. The

girl threw him off, and ran away. Coyote told her to go home and bid his

younger daughter come to him.

The girl got home, and told her sister. The second daughter came. Iterum vestibus altius cinctis cum filia coire conatus est. She dropped Assaults second ^^^ ^^^ went home. He ordered her to send his wife to daughter; carried him. At last the old woman came. She took him on her home by wife. back. Coire incepit cum uxore. His wife did not mind him; but went along until they reached home, where she put him down.

Coyote pretended he was getting sicker and sicker. He told his family he did not expect to live much longer. **Put a stick under me," he said. " WTien I die, the stick will break in two. Do not bury me in the ground, but cover me up and burn my remains. Don't look back going home, or a

1 Cf. Dixon, (c) 270. Dorsey and Kroeber, 82. Kroeber, (a) 269; (e) 73. Matthews, 271.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 249

ghost will pursue you. If you are in need of food, go to the rocks and look

for rock-squirrels. After my death a visitor will come to

. . Feigns (toatli,

you. He will bring you some presents, but don't treat giyat dyinc in-

him well. Let him depart. Then another \isitor from •toucttons. u

, burled.

the south will arrive, bringing a great many rock-squirrels.

Talk to him, and treat him well. Let him marry our two daughters. I

shall die within two days." Coyote tried the stick on each day; on the

third day he broke it and dropped dead. His wife and children began to

cry; but as Coyote had asked them not to mourn too long, they wrapped up

the corpse, removed it from the lodge and started a fire. Then they went

homewards. The boy put his arm akimbo and looked back through the

opening between his arm and his body. He saw his father g^t up and run

away with the funeral gifts. He informed his mother; but she rebuked

him, asking him not to look back again, or a ghost might pursue them.

The next day they looked for squirrels among the rocks. In the evening the first visitor announced by Coyote came with a dog and Eetumi in dli- several baskets. The old woman told him about Coyote's cune, marrtot orders and did not treat him well. She refused to let him ^^^^^' marry the girls. He stayed overnight, but left in the morning. Then the man from the South arrived, bringing a great many rock-squirrels, which he threw on the ground before the old woman. She cleaned them and threw them on the fire to bum off the hair. Coyote laughed, "Yo ho," quite differently from his usual way of laughing. **The taik look burnt," said he. In the evening, the woman ordered her daughters to he beside the stranger. **This is the man your father spoke about." Thus Coyote married the two girls. Noctu cum eis assidue coibat. Mane filiarum vestes semine humidae lavandae erant. The women dried them outside.

Coyote offered to show the boy where he had hunted those rock-squirrek. As they were going along, the boy said he could not find his former hunting ground any more. For a moment ^^j^ ton^"**^* Coyote forgot himself and said, '*I know where it is;" but he quickly added, **No, I don't know where it is." Omnibus noctibus Coyote assidue coibat cum mulieribus. One night the old woman heard a strange noise which sounded like a drum. She sent her son to find out what was the matter. Puer Canem conspexit membro inserto, dum cauda terram violentor percutiebat.

One. day Coyote and his supposed brother-in-law were hunting for

rock- squirrels. Coyote bade the boy go on the other side

.. , 1 1 1 1 • • 1 • 1 T 1 Eecocniaed by

of the rock and poke his stick into the crevices. In the ton, unmasked

meantime, Coyote on his side was opening his mouth wide ^^ daughters;

for the rock squirrels to jump in. The boy was peeping

at him, however, and noticed four holes in his teeth, by which he recognized

250 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

his father. The boy was badly frightened, dropped his stick, and ran home crying. Coyote tried to lure him back. He hit the ground, shouting, **I have caught the thing that scared you away." The boy, however, did not listen to him; but ran home crying. He scolded his sisters, who were just drying their skirts, for having married Coyote. The old woman asked him why he was chiding them. He answered, "Their husband is our father." Then the mother told her daughters to look for a wart on their husband's head. If they found one there, it was surely Coyote. In the evening, Coyote came home. Both his hands were filled with rock-squirrels. When he sat down, the two women began playing with his head and pulled off his false hair. Coyote dropped all his disguise, and fled.

After some time, a young man named Duck visited the Coyote family and married the two girls. They all bt^gan to wander about. One of the

Olrlt married women gave birth to a girl. After a long time, Coyote to Duck. Coyote came hobbling along on crutches. Seeing the Uttle girl, sranddauchter he asked, *'Is that my granddaughter? Let me kiss *^' her." He played with the little girl, making her dance up

and down. Ceteris inscientibus membrum virile in puellae vaginam in- seruit. Quo facto, rupta mentula, dimidium in vagina remanebit. The baby began to cry; she continued crying. Nobody knew why. Duck, who had been out hunting since early in the morning, returned. "What is ailing the girl?" he asked. No one could tell him. "From the time Coyote has played with her, she has been crying continually." She kept on crying during the night.

Duck went to Hummingbird, who was a medicine-man, and begged him to cure the child. Hummingbird ordered the fire to be put out and all

OhUd cured. the holes in the wikiup to be covered up. This was the

Coyote stunned custom of medicine-men. When everythinx? was closed

by doctor. Fun- ®

lly transferred to up, those present could hear Hummingbird moving about

■^- and making a noise. He was saying, "It must have

been one of Coyote's tricks." Coyote said, "The medicine-men always blame me for ever^lhing." He rushed towards the ashes, and rekindled the fire. Hummingbird immediately flew away. The Duck family ex- tinguished the fire; then Hummingbird came in again. He flew towards the baby and began to suck. Canis membrum extraxit. He struck Coyote with it, knocking him down and stunning him. It fell into the fire and was burnt up. Then Duck, the two young women, Coyote's wife and son, and the baby all flew up to the sky, where they form a const(*llation now.

The next morning. Coyote woke up. He did not see any one around.

Coyote wakes, " Some one has left something in the fire to burn," he said.

unable to leap up. n^ got a stick and began to rake the ashes. He found a

half-cooked deer's head, and ate it up. He was all alone. After a while,

1909.] Lotvie, The Northern Shoshone. 251

he looked up and saw all his relatives in the heavens. He tried to jump up there too, but could not reach them. He tried again and again, but failed every time.

7. Iron-Man (Wi'mN-DAiBo).

(a)

Iron-Man, the father of the white people, lived on the water; Wolf, the father of the Indians, Uved underground. Wolf asked his son to visit his friend Wi'hindaf bo. The young man trav- lenMWoU ^ eled across the water until he reached Iron-Man's house. Iron-Man shook hands with the youth and invited his father to visit him. "We shall see which one of us can beat the other in making guns." Wolfs son told his father of Iron-Man's invitation. Wolf got ready to go. Iron- Man locked up his house and sat down inside.

The next morning Wolf started out. Wi'hindai^bo's house was in the middle of the sea. When Wolf came nearer, the house began to shake. Wolf entered it with a breath of air. gnioWM^contei? Iron-Man saw him. "You have arrived at your friend's dwelling," he said. Wi'hindai^bo was trailing his long pipe along the floor. He cut his tobacco, filled his pipe and began to smoke. He handed the pipe to Wolf, who smoked up all of the tobacco. Then the Father of the Indians took his little pipe from a quiver. Clouds of smoke rose. He handed the pipe to Wi'hindai^bo. Wi'hindai^bo could not smoke it all up. He filled the house with smoke until he was completely stupefied by it.^ Wolf's son told his father that Iron-Man was nearly dead. Then Wolf dispelled the smoke and made Iron-Man well again.

They sat down for a while. Then Wi'hindai^bo brought a large iron ball, of which he gave half to his friend. "We are now Defeated in

going to make guns," he said. Both made guns as quickly gun-makinc

as possible, putting them up as soon as they were com- °^* ^ '

pleted. Wolf made more guns in the same time than Wi'hindai^bo. The Father of the Indians won.

» In another version, Iron-Man vomits and dies from smoking too much.

252 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Coyote went to visit Wi'hindai^bo who lived in the middle of the big sea.

He was sent there by his brother. When Coyote ap- Coyote defeats .... . .

host In imokinc proached his dweUing, Wi'hindai^bo locked himself in and

match, leti him gat down. Coyote, nevertheless, was able to enter. Iron- freeae. . . .

Man had a large iron pipe, which he filled with tobacco.

He smoked, then he handed the pipe to Coyote. Coyote just puffed once, and all the tobacco was consumed. Then Iron-Man filled the pipe a sec- ond time for his \isitor. With one whiff, Coyote smoked up all the tobacco. Then Coyote took out his own Uttle pipe^ and filled it with kinikkdnik. He handed it to Wi'hindai^bo, who fainted from smoking it. Coyote wished that the doors, which Wi'hindai^bo had shut, be blown away by the wind. The wind blew so hard that Wi'hindai^bo's house was beginning to totter. Wi'hindai^bo was trembhng with fear. He was freezing. Coyote left him and lay down in the sunshine. Coyote asked Nii'neyunc for one of its wings and flew home.

While Coyote was in Iron-Man's house, his host asked him whether

Tranipoiet the he could take down the sun. To show his power, Coyote

■^"*' took it down. Then Wi'hindai^bo could not see at all and

got hurt stumbling against the objects in his dwelling. Coyote put the

.<?un back in its place.

8. The Sun.

(a)

Long ago the Sun was so near to the earth that it burnt people to death.

Sun shot by AH the Indians said to Cottontail (rabbit): "The sun is OottontaU. ^qq hot. Get into a hole and shoot it from there." In

the evening, Cottontail hid in a hole, and stayed there until sunrise. When the Sun came up in the morning, Cottontail shot his arrows at it; but they were all burnt up. Some one told him to use his fire-drill instead of an arrow. He took the drill and shot it at the Sun. He knocked the Sun down into his hole. This is how Cottontail's neck and legs were burnt ^-ellow. The Sun was dead. The people cut open its chest and took out its

Baited to pres- ^^'^" ^^^^^ ^^^7 debated who should make the Sun go up. ent height by ** Perhaps the IIorned-Toad (?) can make it go up vdih his Horned-toad. ^^^^ horns," they said. The Horned-Toad took the Sun

and raised it on his horns to where it is now.

1 According to another version, a "small straight-pipe."

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shothone. 253

(b)

The Sun was burning people to death. One day Jack-rabbit shot at the Sun. He shot off all his arrows in vain; at last he got gun shot bj

his fire-drill and hit the Sun with it. It fell down and J»ck-r»bblt. scorched him yellow where he is spotted to-day. He made the Sun over again out of its gall, and also made the Moon. Then he told the Sun; **Be this way hereafter and don't bum people." He told the Moon to shine only a Uttle. Then both went up to where they are now.^

9. The Bear and the Deer.^

The Bears and the Deer were neighbors. One day the old Bear and the old Deer went to dig roots, while their children re-

killed by Bear.

mained at home. The women sat down to louse each ®" "*

other. "Let me louse you in the back of your neck," said Bear. She began lousing and wrung Deer's neck. Then she returned home, bringing the Deer's flesh with her. "Our mother is returning," said one of the cubs, she is bringing us meat and fat." "Keep still," said the older one, "don't show it to the Deer." They ate up the Deer's flesh; then they said to the fawns, "This is your mother's fat." When the young Deer saw what had happened, they cried. The old Bear went to them and said, "Don't cry; your mother has found many roots. She has gone to sleep and will come back again. I am going to her now." She went away to get some more meat.

The fawns wished to avenge their mother's death. They asked the cubs to play with them. "Let two of us go into the sweat-lodge and get smoked," they said. The cubs agreed. cui^T^' ***^* Then the deer went in first. When there was too much smoke, they cried, "Let us get out," and the bears allowed them to go out. "Now you two go inside." WTien the cubs were inside, the deer fanned the smoke in. After a while, the bears asked to be let out; but, instead the fawns stopped up every little hole as quickly as possible. The cubs suffo- cated. The Deer painted the cubs' faces red, and placed the corpses at the entrance to Bear's wikiup. When the Bear came home, she saw her chil- dren peeping out at her and noticed their appearance. "You are wasting my red paint," she said. When she saw what had happened, she ran around in a passion of grief. "Who has killed them? Who has killed my children?"

^ Cf. Powell, (a) 52 et acq.

Gatschet, 118. Dixon, (b) 79. Kroeber, (c) 203. My version was obtained at Inkora, Idaho.

254 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

The fawns said to each other, "How could we kill the cubs?" They

ran awav. After a while, the youmrer one got tired.

Pursued by * . » j *& &

bear, crofs itreazn When he was quite exhausted, they took refuge in a pine- over grandlath- trunk, sleeping in the hollow of the tree. The old Bear had tracked them and came up to their resting-place. The older fawn saw her coming, and woke up his brother. "Here is the one who wishes to eat us up. She has overtaken us. Come, wake up, younger brother." The Bear did not wish to eat them in the dark. "At daybreak," she said to herself, "I shall make a good feast of them." She was tired and went to sleep. She slept soundly. The two young ones got out of the tree, jumped over her and ran away. They arrived at the bank of the Salmon River. Their maternal grandfather was sitting there with his legs stretched out. "Hoi Take us across, Blue-Bald-Head" (a bird^). He allowed them to pass over his legs to the other side of the stream. They ran to their grandfather's lodge; then they ran around the mountains. The old man transformed them into deer.

The Bear was going to have a feast, she thought. She tracked the

Bear foUowt children. She came to the river and asked Blue-Bald- it thrown Into Head to let her cross. He stretched out his legs and the ^* • old woman went across. When she got to his knee, she

bent down to drink. She hit his knee with her cup. He pulled up his legs and the Bear fell into the water. She did not pursue the deer any more. She floated for a month; then she came out where her cubs had been killed. She looked at her body; all the hair had come off.

10. The Weasels and the Giants.

Weasel and his brother were li'ing together. They used to go out hunt- ing in the morning and return in the evening. Once a Dzo'avits caught Weasel moumi Weasel's brother and devoured him. Weasel mourned brother's death; his death. He was crying all night. His wife said, " Keep inttructi wife. ^^jjj^ ^,^^^ brother will come back." Weasel went out to look for his brother. He went to Dzo'avits' house; he saw his brother's body hanging cut up in the tent. He went home and told his wife. Then he said to her, "I am going to hunt now. Don't let our boy cry too much; feed him when he cries. If Dzo'avits comes to see you, don't tell him an}i:hing. Don't take any food from him. Si cenare 'ult, camem cum excrenu^ntis misce; cum a({ua oportet urinam miscere." He also left his obsidian knife at home. "You must send Dzo'avits out for some wood. In the meantime I will get on top of the house.' ^

» Crane (?).

1909.] Lotme, The Northern Shoshone, 255

Weasel left. After a while Dzo'avits approached the Weasel's lodge. He dropped his bag, which was made of sagebrush bark, outside. It contained the dead Weasel's fle^h. The giant ^f^^' '^•**" entered the lodge, sat down and fell asleep. Weasel's child began to cry. Dzo'avits woke up and asked, **\Miat is my grandchild cry- ing for ? Let me have your cup, I will give him some food." The Weasel woman answered, "No, there is nothing the matter with him, he always cries like that."

It began to rain when Weasel returned. He spoke to the giant as if he were a friend. The woman said to her boy, "Move out of the way; I must take off your father's moccasins." Then she addressed the giant. " Grandfather, go out and g<^i some fire- wood for us. ^o'dT"* '^' ^*"" We '11 cook some jack-rabbits for you ." Dzo'avits went out to look for fire-wood. When he got to the wood, all the sage-brushes cried out together, "Get me, /'U make a good fire." The giant ran to and fro, not knowing which to take.^ He stayed out a very long time. In the mean- time. Weasel sat down on the top of the wikiup. He was waiting for the giant to come back. At last Dzo'avits returned with some wood. He told the woman how each of the sage-brush trees had asked him to take it. The woman said "These brushes always act in this way."

Weasel's wife set a jack-rabbit before the giant. Caro verum cum excrementis mixta, aqua cum urina. Dzo'avits cut up the jack-rabbit and said, " That must be a different kind of game." The young boy began crying. "Let me give my grandson something dinner, to eat," said Dz5'avits. "No," said the mother, "he is not hungry; he always cries this way." While the Dzo'avits was sitting there. Weasel, who was seated on the roof, seized his hair, and began to pull him up. The giant asked the woman what was the matter. She told him such things always happened in her lodge. She went outside and carried in the wood fetched by Dzo'avits. Then she built a big fire. When the fire was built. Weasel lifted the giant directly above it, ita ut testes combusti essent. Weasel told his wife to get the obsidian knife. Caput testesque excisi et ejecti.

Testium ejectorum crepitus a gigantis fratribus auditus. The giant had told his brothers that, if he caught some game, he would signal to them by making a noise. When they heard the sound, they said to each other, "Our brother has killed some game." The Weasels cut FUght and

up Dzo'avits' body into small pieces, which they hung on leparatlon of a tree. They buried his head in the ground. Then Weasel couple. Weasel said to his wife, "You may go to your family or wherever else you

1 Cf. Dorspy, (b) 32.

256 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

wish to go. I am going to run around the mountains and turn into a weasel."

He left. His wife had a ma^cal cane by means of which she was able to

vault very far. She made two steps and arrived at her uncle's lodge.

The giants resolved to visit their brother and join him in feasting on his

game. Two of them were miracle-workers, who always

Dioavltt ; Won- managed to get ahead of the rest . They were called Wa'han

der-workers out- Da'dapekono.^ In order to prevent this pair from getting

•trip ooinpuiloxis. jr ^ c? o

to the game before the rest, their brethren hid one of each

of the Da'dapekono's moccasins. The miracle- workers looked for their moccasins, but failed to find them. They hopped along on one moccasin behind their brethren. At length they caught up to one of the giants, who was trying to lure a ground-hog out of a hole. **You two are miracle- workers," he said, "I wish you would get that ground-hog out for me." The Da'dapekono knew exactly where the ground-hog was, but they feigned they did not. They just dug up dirt. The giant said, " You two are miracle- workers. You'll be able to get it out somehow." After he had left, the two wizards got the ground-hog out, killed it, ate its flesh and made moc- casins of its skin. Then they ran after the other giants and soon outdis- tanced them.

The Da'dapekono arrived at the tree on which Dzo'avits' flesh was

hanging. Testes conspectos assidue devoraverunt. Hi

Dsoavitt' ftoth, semper omnium animalium testes edebant, quare Xo'yo-

dlMover brother's djka Testium Editores, appellati sunt. When they were defttht mourn. i

through eating, they began a wresding-match. In the mean- time, the other giants came up. They noticed their brother's flesh and said, "Our brother has killed a great deal of game; perhaps he is looking for some more now." All of them began to feast, except the two No'yodika, who continued wrestling. "Why don't you stop wrestling and eat?" the other giants asked them. Suddenly the wrestlers ceased. They had kicked up the earth covering the dead Dzo'avits' head, and decided to hurl it at the feasting giants. These noticed the surprise of the miracle- workers, and shouted at them; *What is the matter? Quidnam videtis? Matris vagi- nam ?" Then they threw Dzo'avits head among the crowd. The ^ants recognized it immediately, and stopped eating. They saw that they had eaten their own brother's flesh and vomited what they had swallowed. ** Someone has killed our brother," they said to one another. "W^e have been eating his flesh." Now the Da'dapekono shouted at them: **AVhat is the matter with you? Quidnam videtis? Matris vaginam?" The giants tried to mourn Dzo'avits' death by crying, but they did not know how. The No'yodika taught them. ''You must cry this way — *ai, ai, ai.'" This is the way people cry to-day.

1 In another version, this pair is identified with ilie water-youths (Pa-bi'hianO).

1909.] Lotvie, The Northern Shoshone, 257

The other giants said to the wizards, "You must find the murderer, you are miracle- workers." The Da'dapekono separated; Pursuit of Wea- and quickly ran around the mountains in opposite direc- ■•■ ^*' tions. They noticed the two places where Weasel's wife had landed in her jumps with the vaulting-pole. They came back, separated, and ran around the mountains once more. Again they saw the Weasel- woman's footsteps. Then they returned and told their people. The giants started in pursuit of the murderer.

The Weasel- woman, with her son, was living at her uncle's lodge. Her uncle was also a miracle-worker. He had the hearts of unole instructs many kinds of animals hanging up in his wikiup. There Weasel-woman. were many empty lodges around his own. He gave orders to his niece. "You must take these hearts and cook them, but be careful not to taste of any." She cooked the hearts, but tasted of one. When she brought them to her uncle, he took a Uttle of each heart and placed it in an empty lodge. The next morning there were Indians in every wikiup but one. The wizard asked his niece whether she had tasted of any of the hearts. She confessed that she had tasted of one. Then he said, "That was your mother's heart. Look outside now. The Dzo'avits people are coming."

The No'yodika had told the giants' wives that their husbands had killed a great many animals. They always fooled people in this Destroys the

way. When the Weasel-woman looked outside of the dants. lodge, she saw many giants approaching. The two miracle workers and the other Dz5'avits surrounded the Indian wikiups. The Weasel-woman's uncle went outside his wikiup. Minxit. The water turned into ice and rolled down towards the enemy. The ice caught the Dzo'avits so that they stuck fast. The two No'yodika were the only ones that could walk about freely. They were shouting continually, "Dzantjnl Dzantin! DzantinI" Then they went home. The other Giants were all frozen to death. The Weasel's uncle took a knife and cut off their heads. He removed their hearts, and hung them up in his lodge. When the No'yodika came home, the women asked them what had happened to the other giants. They replied, "All of them have been killed." Then the women cried and cut their hair.^

11. Dzo'avits and the Weasels.

Weasel was li\ing in his lodge. In the evening, he began to long for his brother. He was getting sleepy and his wife told him to weasel mourns go to bed; but he was still thinking of his older brother, ^ro^li©'' "Dzo'avits is eating my older brother," he said. He cried, and continued

• Vid. Powell, (a) 45, for an essentially different Dzo'avits story.

258 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

to cry all night. His wife asked him to keep still, but he did not cease wailing. "My brother is being eaten up by the Dzo'avits." At last he fell asleep; but when he woke up in the morning, he cried anew. His wife said, **Keep quiet I Perhaps your brother will be back soon."

Weasel, however, went away crying. He knew where the Giant's tent

was situated. He got to it and looked in. He had his viSModje?"'' obsidian knife with him. A woman was sitting there,

wea\dng a willow cup. Weasel entered and sat down. He saw a large knife covered with blood hanging in the lodge. '*Let me have that cup," said Weasel to the woman. She gave him the cup she had been making, after cleaning its bottom. Weasel hung the cup around his neck; it was very greasy. He sat down, and remained seated for a long time. At last he heard Dzo'avits coming home. The giant dropped his bundle outside and entered the lodge.

"Coire volo" mulieri inquit. Uxor supina cunnum exposuit. Mustela in ejus rimam terram injecit. Dzo'avits in vaginam membrum inseruit, futuere coepit. Mentulam siUcem tangere sensit. "Hoc quid est?" Juvenis silicem injecerat. Conspecto juvene "Tu" Dzo'avits inquit, "ter- ram jecisti in uxoris rimam." Longe et assidue coibat. Sole oriente coitus completus.

Dzo'avits got up. "Bring us something to eat," he said to his wife,

"I have brought some Indians home." The woman timt Mclpe. ^^' arose, took the large, bloody knife and went outside,

where her husband had left his Indian captives. His wife

could not find any in his bag. "There are none here," she said, "you must

have lost them. 'WTiere are they?" "There are not many of them," the

giant answered; "there are only a few. They may be in the bottom of the

bag." The woman brought in his bag. He looked in, but the Indians

were gone. He began to cry. At last he stopped crying and sat down.

He looked at Weasel and noticed that he was very fat, so the giant thought

he would be ffood to eat. He proposed that they should try Dioavltf klUed , , , i Txr , , , t> . •

by Weasel In to cut each other s throats. Weasel agreed and Dzo'avits

throat-cutting took his big knife. "I'll try to cut yours first," said

the boy. Dzo'avits put his head in position and Weasel

tried to cut his neck. The giant laughed. He said to his wife, "You must

not look at us two." The woman lay down and covered herself up. The

giant again told her she must not watch them. Weasel began to cut once

more. Then he drew out his obsidian knife. As he was going to use it,

the woman noticed it. "What kind of a stone has that boy got? What is

the boy doing there?" she asked. Dzo'avits got his neck free. "Where

is that knife ?" " Nowhere," said Weasel. " I spat it out, I threw it away.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 259

I have n't it any more." Then he began to cut the giant's neck. Dzo'avits again warned his wife not to watch them, so she lay down and covered her face. Weasel placed his knife against Dzo'avits' throat. Dzo'avits fell asleep. Then Weasel took out his obsidian and cut off the giant's head. He carried it outside and threw it away. The woman arose. The boy . struck her with the knife and killed her. Thus he killed them both.

Weasel sat down and began to cry. He wept for a long time, then he stopped. He picked up the head of an Indian, looked at it and threw it away again. He could not find his older brother's hair, brother's gray hair. He searched for it everywhere, bui rettorei him to could not find it. He picked up one Indian head after another, examining all; but could not find his brother's gray hair. He sat down, and cried for a long time. At last he picked up Dzo'avits' head. He examined the giant's body. Viri anum non invenit multis comis. Eius excrementa scrutinatus. At last he pulled off the giant's teeth and looked between his jaws. Between the giant's big teeth, he found his brother's gray hair, and took it out. In the night, he brought it home, crying. At home he tied it to his fire-drill, and stuck it in the ground until morning. His wife was there. In the morning, his brother revived and called Weasel; "(Jet up, younger brother." Weasel said, *'My older brother is talking, listen to him." The older brother said, "(Jet up and eat." He laughed. Weasel looked at his brother, threw his arms about him and kissed him. "Let me alone and eat," said the older brother. At last, he let him alone. Both of them laughed. The older brother was well again, but he could not he down comfortably.

12. Dzo'avits and Mosquito.

Dzo'avits was living in his tent. He used to go out to look for Indians.

Once, while he was gone. Mosquito came to his lodge and sat down by the

giant's wife. After a while Dzo'avits returned, carrying some Indians

in his bag. He came in. Cum uxore coire concupivit. MuUer recubuit.

Cruribus distentis Culex in vaginam siUcem injecit, quo

, . , , ,., , , . Mofqulto klUg

facto exut. He went to the giant s bag, liberated the im- Dioavitf in

prisoned Indians and bade them go home. Coitu com- throat-cuttlnj pleto Dzo'avits ortus est. " (Jo outside," he said to his wife, "and bring in some food." She looked for the Indians, but could not find them. Dzo'avits was very angry. He thought he would eat Mos- quito and proposed a throat-cutting match to him. He sharpened his white knife. "You cut my neck first," said he to the boy. Mosquito took out his obsidian and killed the giant.

260 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

13. The Weasel Brothers.

Dzb'avits was walking, pulling along some wood. Weasel tracked him until he caught sight of him. Illius testes pendebant, penden tes juvenis Younc Weasel O^^^asel) tutudit. "What is this?" asked the giant, wreitief with and "Hie juvenis meos testes tundit." They built a fire, and t loa t. ^j^^ giant proposed a wrestling-match. ** Whoever loses, shall be thrown into the fire." Weasel won and, throwing his opponent into the fire, killed him with a fire-stick.

"Take care," said Weasel's older brother, "another powerful Dzo'avits will kill you; don't go over there." Weasel was not afraid, and did not believe what his brother told him. As he was going along, he saw another giant looking down from a mountain-rock. Illius quoque testes pendebant. Throw! another ^^ barked like a dog. Juvenis pendentes testes acu pu- clant over a preo- pugit. "What is that? That weasel has stuck me. ^^' Come, younger brother," said Dzo'avits, "look down at

these girls." When Weasel approached him, the giant tried to hurl him down; but the boy evaded him, and stole up behind him. Dzo'avits peeped down. "Have I killed him?" he asked. Weasel, who was then standing behind, pushed him over and killed him.

Weasel was going along again. "Take care," said his brother, "a strong bear will kill you. Don't go in that direction. There is a tw^m^c wJe^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^'^ cubs, who kills strangers in a swinging-game. They will kill you immediately." "My older brother," said Weasel, "I am going to look for them." He arrived at their home. They put him in the swing and the old bear moved the rope. She tried to throw him down ; but he jumped in time, and was not hurt. Then he told the bears to get into the swing. He threw them all down and killed them. He scraped off the old bear's flesh, and put on her skin. In the meantime, the old Weasel had tracked him, thinking he might have been killed by the bear. At sunrise, he caught up to him and saw the bear's tracks. He peeped through the willows, took aim at the supposed bear and shot at it. He missed it by a trifle. Weasel lea})t up and laughed at his brother; then the older, Weasel also laughed. "What is the matter with you? You frightened me." "Oh, it was only a joke."

The older Weasel wanted to hunt water-elk. They went to the bank

Dlioheyi broth- ^^ ^^^^ stream, and the older brother took off his clothes.

er, dlei of thint, "I am going into the water," he said, "I am going to

restored. j^^^^^ water-elk. You must not get frightened; if you run

away you will die of thirst." He went in further and the water came up to

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 261

his eyes. At last he was entirely beneath the water. The water-elk were standing up and jumping around. The younger Weasel suddenly became frightened and ran away, shooting off his arrows. He famished with thirst. The old Weasel had killed an elk and was skinning it. ''Perhaps my younger brother ran away," he thought, "and died of thirst." He left the elk entrails in the water and tracked his brother. At last he found him and gave him water to drink. Thus he made his younger brother wake up again.

14. Dzo'avits and the Old Woman.

An old woman was walking along with her grandson. Magna illae pudenda. It began to rain and they got wet. They looked for Dzo'avits' dwelling and arrived there in the evening. The boy laughed. "We have arrived at Dzo'avits' house this to^atS** '^**' evening." In the night, Dzo'avits came running home, making a noise. The woman had put an iron rope ^ into the house. The giant asked "What is that in my house? What thick object is growing there?" He attempted to pull it out. Then he ran around his visitors. He seemed to be freezing. He could not pull out the iron rope. "I am freezing to death," he said. He went out and tried to make a fire by rub- bing his fire-drill. He was shivering. "What's the matter? I can't get a spark." He froze to death and dropped to the ground.

At sunrise the woman and her grandson arose. They looked at Dzo'avits "Dzo'avits is lying dead over there." They saw that Dzo'avits wore a great many beads. The woman ordered her grandson to Bobbed by

take off the beads. "Don't be afraid," she said to her woman and

grandson, "take the best beads." The boy stole the grandton.

. beads, and they left.

Dzo'avits was frozen stiff; but when the sun shone the heat revived him and he got up. He looked everywhere for his beads. They were gone. His good beads had disappeared. "Who has stolen my Eevtves cap- beads?" he asked. His sight was not very good. He turei thlevei. began to track the ivoman and boy. After a while, he ^^*^ eicape. saw their footsteps. After some time, he caught up to them. "Have you two stolen my beads?" he asked. "No, not we. We have come from the other side; we have never seen you before." "Give me my beads," said he. "No, we have not seen them." "Give me my beads, or I'll put you into my bag." He picked them up and threw them into his bag. Carry- ing them on his back, he ran along. He came to a pine-wood and ran under

1 Tliis passage is obscure.

262 Antkropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

the trees. His prisoners took hold of the branches and climbed up the trees. Thus he lost his captives. When he arrived at his home, he looked into the bag. He found it empty and began to cry. The woman and her grandson ran home.

15. Dzo'avits.

A giant (Dzo'avits) was standing on a mountain and looked down a deep canon. As he was looking down, he barked like a dog. When Weasel WeaMi throws ^'^^^ ^^^ noise, he stole up behind the giant with a stick, slant over preci- Dzo'avitsi testes pendebant; juvenis eos baculo tutudit. ^ ^* The blow hurt the giant; looking around he saw that it

was his nephew, Weasel, who had played the trick on him. He wbhed to get even with the young man and said, "Look down where I was looking. There is a mountain-goat down there." When Weasel stooped, the giant tried to push him over, but Weasel did not fall in. He rushed behind the giant and killed him.

Once a number of Indians were riding around Dzo'avits' dwelling. The giant looked up and turned his head in all directions. The horses shied.

A great many Dzo'avits used to live in the mountains. They dwelt in stone houses and each one had two wives. Only a few

aU^StS!*'''' ""' ^f ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^"^ ^y ^^^ Weasels. The others were killed by five birds who built a big fire on the moun- tains. The Dzo'avits tried to run away; but it got very hot and they were burnt to death. Their houses were also consumed by the fire. All of them perished.

16. Coyote and the Rock.^

(a)

Coyote was walking along a river. He came to a large white rock of which every one was afraid. In rupem minxit et cacavit.

rock.^''** ^'^* ^^^^ ^^ scratched the rock like a dog. He went away. After a while he looked back. The rock seemed to move;

it was rolling after Coyote.

» Kroeber, (a) 260-4. Louisa McDermott, 245-6. Grinnell, 166.

1909.] Loime, The Northern Shoshone. 263

Coyote thought, "That rock will never be able to catch me." He ran along, making fun of the rock. At first he ran along the slope of a hill. The rock followed him. He went down-hill again, and npuwued ben this time he was nearly caught. Mingebat, cacabatque for aid, hii pro- currens Canis. He ran through a narrow gorge. The *****^'* cruihed. rock shattered the rocks in its way and continued the chase. Coyote crossed a stream. The rock plunged in and followed. Coyote went through a wood. The rock made a path for itself by knocking down all the trees. Coyote did not know what to do. The rock was just behind him, treading on his tail and heels. He saw a Bear digging for wild-carrots. "Aunt," he cried, "this rock is going to kill me. Get behind me." Bear stepped be- tween them, standing up on her hind-legs. Rock knocked her to pieces. Coyote fled until he came to an elk. "This rock is killing me," he cried, "get behind me." The Elk got behind him, and raised his antlers against the rock; but the rock crushed him and went after Coyote.

Coyote came to To'sa-ki'yacatsi (White + ?) "Brother,'' he cried, "the rock is killing me." To'sa-ki'yacatsi apparently paid no ii reicued, iiaTi attention to him. He was building a fire. When the rock savtor to tteal approached, he just pushed out his elbow and hit it. The ^ *"**" rock was shattered into small pieces. To'sa-ki'yacatsi had large beads on his elbow, which formed his medicine, and it was this charm that killed the rock. Coyote fell to the ground, completely exhausted. After some time he arose, walked around the hill and killed To'sa-ki'yacatsi by striking him with a stone. He then stole the charm and put it on his arm.

Coyote now walked up-hill and got ready for a rock that might tumble down. A rock began to roll down. As it approached Coyote, he put out his elbow and it was split asunder. "This is nothing," ^p^^ charm on said Coyote. He went up higher and waited for a bigger other rocks, u rock to tumble towards him. The rock came down; but ^""^•^* before Coyote had time to stretch out his elbow, it crushed and killed him. Only his tail stuck out from beneath it.

ib)

Coyote met Fox and asked him where he got all his beads from. Fox said he obtained them from a rock which murmured, 'Kedzo't. "You can go there and take some beads; but you must pay the coyote warned rock something. If you do not, it will catch you in a against robbing trap." Coyote went to the rock, took some beads and ^^ ' returned without paying. "You must pay the next time," said Fox, "or it will catch you." Coyote went again and again took beads without paying

264 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

for them. When he came the third time, he thought, "I will never pay," and tried to seize some more beads; but the rock caught him in the trap. He howled for help. Fox came up and asked, "Friend, what have you been doing?" **I have been caught in a trap here." *'Did n't I tell you, you should pay for the beads ? I do not care to stay here for I might be caught myself." Fox went home and told the people what had happened.

After a time, Coyote got his toes out and ran home. When he looked back, he saw that the rock was coming after him. He puwiwd.^*' came to a river and crossed it; but the rock also went

across the stream. He thought, ''I am going to climb up a hill"; but the rock also climbed the hill. Coyote ran down-hill saying, "You can't come down to level ground; you can't jump into the river." Coyote jumped in deep; «till the rock followed in pursuit.

At last Coyote saw a Snipe, who was digging roots. Coyote asked her Beioued by ^^^ help. She asked Coyote what was the matter and told

Snipe. Origin him he had done wrong; nevertheless she consented to of rocks. ^y j^jjjj ''\jei the rock run over me," she said. The

rock struck the Snipe; but she shouted, "Bo!" The Rock immediately broke up into many little rocks, which were scattered everywhere and are now seen in the Rocky Mountains.

(c)

Coyote was walking along a trail. He met his uncle Fox. "Uncle, Coyote wimed ^'h^'*^ did you get those beads, that gun-sack, and those Mrainst oiashing fine ear-rings?" asked Coyote. "From a large rock rock. which continually opens and closes, saying 'Kidzo'tal'

You must not go there; he will catch you. Keep on walking on your trail." Coyote walked straight towards the rock. Fox was watching him. "My nephew does not believe what I said. He is going there."

Coyote approached the rock and heard the noise it was making. "I'll

go and see it," he thought. He saw the beads, and took

retel^d'byFo^^ some. The rock closed and caught him. "Unde,

come quickly! The rock has caught me," screamed

Coyote. Fox returned. Coyote cacabat. Fox said, "Rock, open."

The rock obeyed and Coyote was liberated. He was tired.

"Nephew, said Fox, "there is another large round bowlder with plenty

of beads. You can take everything there, only you must

ro^^*** "^^^^^^ behave decently." Coyote went towards the mountains.

"Where is that big rock my uncle spoke of ? " He followed

a trail and found the rock. He seized the beads, dressed up handsomely

and began to dance. "I wish to dance," he said. He took a gun-sack

1909.] Lotuie, The Northern Shoshone. 265

and danced with it. Finally he ceased dancing. In rupem minxit, cacavit- que. Excrementa canis more in rupem miguibus impressit. He walked away saying, "That rock can never track men; it must stand still forever." After a while. Coyote looked back and saw the rock moving. He began to trot. The rock came up very fast. Coyote thought, *'A rock cannot run along a slope." So he ran along the hillside, but the rock nearly caught up to him. "How can a rock run in a brush ?" he asked; but the rock still pursued him. Coyote was exhausted. "How can a rock ascend a moun- tain-stream?" he asked, but the rock was still following puwued ret- his footsteps. Coyote was completely worn out. He cued by Night- saw a Ka'wi (a bird). "Uncle," he shouted, "stand ^^^ behind me." The bird did as he was biddea; but the rock ran over and killed it. Coyote saw a Crane. "Uncle," he yelled, "get behind me." The Crane tried to shield him; but was run over and killed. Coyote caca- bat. A rattlesnake was lying in his path. "Uncle, help me," shouted Coyote. The rattlesnake got between him and the rock, and hissed at it; but was crushed to pieces. The rock was now very close. Coyote saw the Night-hawk (Whippoorwill ?) "Uncle Night-hawk, get behind me I" When the rock came up, the Night-hawk screamed, "Bo!" and the rock broke up. Coyote was lying panting on the ground. Nighthawk said, " Rocks are not powerful. As soon as you say "Bo, " they burst up." Coyote then walked up a hill; but before he had time to say "Bo," a rock tumbled down and crushed him.

17. The Bungling Host.*

Coyote was living there. "I am going to eat at my brother-in-law Owl's lodge to-morrow," he said. The next morning he went to the Owl. Owl took his awl and stuck it in his ^^ towate c^. eyes so that the grease trickled down into a willow basket. He gave the grease and some of his own flesh to Coyote. Coyote ate and went home. "To-morrow," said the Owl, "I shall eat with my brother- in-law Coyote." Owl went to Coyote. Coyote took his awl, stuck it in his eyes, and allowed the grease to drip into a willow basket. He also cut some flesh from his breast and gave it to Owl. Owl did not like it. "I have had plenty to eat already," he said, "I don't care to eat now."

"To-morrow," said Coyote, "I shall eat with my brother-in-law, Wido'tc (a bird)." He came to Wido'tc's wikiup. Wido'tc took coyote and

his arrows and stood outside. He told the birds to come Widotc.

nearer. He killed many of them, cooked them and gave the food to Coyote.

» Cf. Teit. 40-2. Matthews, (b) 87-8. Schoolcraft, (b) 43-7. Kroeber, (a) 264r-8.

266 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Coyote ate; when he was through eating, he went away. Wido'tc said, "To-morrow, I am going to eat with my brother-in-law Coyote." He arrived at Coyote's lodge. Coyote took his arrows; he went outside near the willows. He tried to lure the birds, saying, **Wid<itI WidtitI Widut!" Only a few perched on the willows. He killed them and cooked them. He gave the food to Wido'tc. Wido'tc ate it.^

"To-morrow, I am going to my brother-in-law Jack-rabbit," said Coyote.

He got there. Jack-rabbit went out. He gathered plenty Jack^abm^ ^^ dead wood. For a long time, he sat down. He made a

fire, cooked a brown rabbit, and gave it to Coyote. Coyote ate, and went home. Jack-rabbit said, "To-morrow, I am going to my brother-in-law Coyote's to eat." Coyote went out and brought in dead wood; but put nothing in the fire to cook for his guest.

"To-morrow, I am going to eat with my brother-in-law Beaver," said

Coyote. He got there. Beaver took a stick and killed Bea^. "* ^^^ sons. He cooked them and gave them to Coyote.

When Coyote was through eating, he went home. At nightfall, he threw the bones of Beaver's sons into the water. "To-morrow," said Beaver, "I shall eat with my brother-in-law Coyote." He got there and sat down. Coyote took a stick, killed his sons, cooked them and gave them to Beaver. Beaver did not like the food. "I have had plenty to eat this morning," he said, "I will not eat anything now."

Coyote said, "I am going to eat with my brother-in-law. Otter." He got there. Otter dived deep into the water, and got out some fresh salmon

which he boiled and gave to Coyote. Coyote went home. Otter^^ "* "To-morrow I shall go to my brother-in-law Coyote,"

said Otter. He got there. Coyote gave him some stale salmon. Otter did not eat them.

"To-morrow, I am going to eat with my brother-in-law Deer," said Coyote. He went there. Deer took his arrows. He shot one up into the

air so as to hit himself. Then he took out his own fat ^^^yo an ^^j flesh, cooked it, and gave it to Coyote. Deer said,

"To-morrow I am going to eat .with my brother-in-law Coyote." He arrived there. Coyote took his arrows, shot himself, cooked his flesh and offered it to Deer. Deer did not like it. "I have eaten plenty this morning," he said, "I don't wish to eat now."

Coyote wished to eat all of Deer's flesh. He wanted to kill him. There

was a dance going on. Unseen, Coyote stuck an arrow jj^^^ * into Deer and killed him. Then he advised Deer's rela-

tives to throw the corpse into the water. Coyote and his son watched for the floating body. They seized it and ate it up.

This is manifestly inconsistent with the rest of the story.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 267

18. Porcupine and Coyote.^

Porcupine was walking along. He was trying to track buffalo. He saw some fresh excrements and followed the trail until he arrived at the bank of a stream. The buffalo were seated on the other Porcupine side. Porcupine shouted across, "Carry me over the crawls into Buf- water." One of the buffaloes inquired whether Porcu- ® * paunch, pine meant him. '*No, I mean another one." Again he shouted, ''Carry me across the water." "I?" asked another buffalo. ''No," replied Por- cupine, "I am looking for another one." (This dialogue is repeated several times.) At last a very fat buffalo asked whether Porcupine meant him, and Porcupine quickly answered, "Yes, yes, yes." The buffalo crossed the stream. "(Jet on my back," he said. "No, I am afraid, you might shake me off." "Well, sit on my horns." "No, you might throw me into the water." "Get into my nostrils." "No, you might sneeze, and I would fall into the river." "Well, crawl into my rectum." "That is well," said Porcupine, "when you come to some good grass you may defecate and drop me there." He crawled into the buffalo's rectum.

The buffalo started across the stream. When he got to the other side, he looked about for some good grass. Then he defecated mjjg D^amo

and dropped the Porcupine to the ground. For a short leeks knife to time he stood still, then jumped up and fell dead. Porcu- *^ pine had killed him while he was inside. "With what," asked Porcupine, "shall I skin my buffalo?" Coyote heard what he was saying, and ap- proached him. "What is it you want, Uncle?" "Oh, I was just saying, What am I going to cut my willows with?" "No," said Coyote, "you were saying something else. I heard it. You said, 'What shall I cut my buffalo with ? ' " "Well, I have killed this buffalo right here."

Coyote offered to help him skin it. Then he said, "Uncle, whoever outjumps the other, will skin him." Porcupine agreed. Then Coyote jumped first; but he only landed on the middle of the j^^^g buffalo buffalo skin. Porcupine leapt clear across, and claimed in jumping con- the victory. "No," said Coyote, "the one who wins in ~ ^*^ ^''^''**- the second trial, shall be the winner." This time Coyote jumped far across, while Porcupine only reached the middle. So Coyote won and skinned the animal. As he was cutting out the guts, he called Porcu- ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ pine and said, "Uncle, go, wash the breasts, but don't eat i» killed by Coy- anything." Porcupine went to the stream with the flesh. ® " There he washed it, began singing and ate it up. When he was through,

1 Of. Kroeber, (a) 270-2. Dixon, (b) 83. George A. Dorsey, (b) 271. Gushing, 243. Spinden, 21, and footnote.

268 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

he returned to Coyote. "What is the matter, Uncle? You have eaten it up." "No," replied Porcupine, "while I was standing there, a water- bug asked me to let him have some and I gave it to him." "Well, I'll go and ask him," said Coyote. He walked to the stream and asked the water-bug. The water-bug said, "No, I asked him for some; but Porcu- pine did not give me any." Coyote was furious. When he came back, he seized a stick, struck Porcupine with it and killed him. Then he dug a hole in the ground, put all his buffalo meat inside and covered it up. He threw the Porcupine's body aside et in eins corpus cacavit. Coyote walked

homewards. As soon as he had left. Porcupine arose. tr2with V^S?.^ Coyote saw him and struck him with his stick. Then he

walked homewards again. WTien he had turned his back. Porcupine arose; but Coyote's excrements shouted after Coyote, telling him to return. Coyote came back and again killed Porcupine with his stick. Iterum in eius corpus cacavit. Nevertheless, when Coyote had left, Porcupine again got up. The excrements summoned Coyote; but he had gone too far and could not hear them. Porcupine dug up all of Coyote's meat. He went to a pine-tree. "Pine-tree, grow!" The pine-tree grew up higher. Then Porcupine leapt on the tree with his meat.

The next morning. Coyote returned to fetch his meat. He did not find anything in the hole. His children, one boy and two girls, came running Dropi buffalo ^lo^^g- Suddenly Coyote looked up the pine-tree and ktlUng Coyote detected Porcupine far up. "Give me my meat," he "* * • shouted. Porcupine threw half the buffalo down; but in

such a way as to kill all the Coyotes except the little boy. Then he climbed down and took the boy with him. He boiled his buffalo-meat and gave some to the boy. The boy ate it very quickly. When he was through eating, he asked Porcupine, "Where can I ease myself?" "Right there," said Porcupine. While he was easing himself. Porcupine shook him. The boy burst up. Thus Porcupine killed the Coyote family.

19. Skunk.

Eagle was Skunk's younger brother. Eagle was hunting all day. He killed some elk and deer. While he was away, ten Frog-women came to

Eagle'i women ^^^ lodge to marry Skunk; there also came five Rabbit- interoepted by women who wanted Eagle for a husband. Skunk kept

" * the Rabbits for himself and put the Frogs under Eagle's

bed. At night Eagle returned, bringing some deer. He asked Skunk to cook the meat. After preparing the food, Skunk gave all of it to the Rabbits.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 269

Eagle asked, *'What have you done with all the food?" "I have eaten it all because I was very hungry." When it got dark, they went to bed. Sud- denly Skunk laughed. Eagle asked, *What are you laughing at?' He said, "Nothing, a mouse was running over my face," The Frogs woke up the Eagle. They said, ** Those Rabbit-women are yours; they came to marry you. We are his wives." The Eagle gave them some food and the Frogs left.

The next morning, Eagle bade Skunk prepare some food. Then Eagle proposed that they should get some game he had killed. Skunk did not believe he had killed any; but at last he agreed to go. They found some elk. Eagle said, "I forgot my gun; I'll go home to get Eagle flndi

it." Skunk wanted to get it for him ; but Eagle said, them and fleet ''No, you can't run as fast as I." Then Eagle returned "^^^ ''°'' and found his wives under Skunk's bed. He went away with the five women and sat down on the top of a high rock.

Skunk ran home. He did not find his wives there. He decided to kill Eagle. He looked for him everpv^here and got very tired. He lay down in the shade. He was thirsty and ,^^. ^^^^ ^^^ walked to a brook. As he looked into the water, he thought he saw the Eagle and the women there; so he squirted his filth at them, blowing away the water. But it was only the reflection of the fugitives in the water. At last, he beheld them on the rock. He asked Eagle to give him the youngest woman. Eagle answered, "No, she is my best wife." Skunk said, "Well, brother, give me any one of them." Eagle refused. Then Skunk asked, "How did you climb up there? Is there any way to climb to that rock?" Eagle replied, "I climbed up with my head down and my feet up." As the Skunk began to climb. Eagle thought he might knock off his anus. He hit it with a red-hot rock. Skunk fell into the water and his anus floated away.

Skunk got out alive, but he could not find his anus. He looked for it do^Ti the river. He asked a woman who lived there, "Have you seen my anus?" He went down and asked coveriit^^*' "^ all the people who lived on the banks of the river. One woman said, "Some Indians are keeping your anus over by the mountain." He walked in that direction and met a meadow-lark. Skunk asked him, "Where is my anus?" The bird answered, "An orphan-boy is playing with it continually. When he does not play vdih it, he always cries; as soon as he gets it, he is satisfied." Skunk went on until he saw the child playing with his anus. The boy was throwing it in the air and it looked like a fire in the night. Skunk watched very closely, seized the anus, and fled. The child cried and the Indians searched for the anus, but failed to find it.

270 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 11,

Skunk now turned back. He met many Indians, and killed them all with his filth. Then he robbed them of their heads and their other orna- ments. He walked on and met other Indians^ whom he killed and robbed

in the same way. When he came to the next village, a it iiain by w^^ ^^^^ recognized him. Five wolves watched him when he

got there. He sat down. They saw the beads that he had stolen from the dead Indians and decided to punish him. They walked up behind him and stepped on his tail. Skunk said, "Let me alone, breth- ren." One Wolf said, "Let us kill him." They seized his tail and toes. He cried, "Let me loose and let us fight. This is a woman's way of acting; a man would not kill another like this." But they paid no attention to what he said and killed him.

20. Skunk and Coyote.

Long ago Skunk's odor was very powerful and could kill a passer-by.

Skunk had killed all the Indians and was going to Coyote. Coyote was

standing on a hill, making arrows. Skimk and Coyote

by^coyote.^^* *old stories to each other; then Coyote said he would

run home first and Skunk should follow later. Then

everything would be prepared for his reception.

When Coyote got home, he poured melted pitch on his blanket and Coyote kms turned the hairy side up to deceive his visitor. When suett, outi off Skunk had entered and was about to sit down, Coyote "^ turned the pitched side up so that Skunk stuck fast to the

blanket. Coyote pushed him about xmtil his anus was completely filled with pitch. Skunk said he would go out to ease himself. He tried to squirt out his excrements, but did not succeed. He tried very hard. Then Coyote came out with a club and killed him. He cut off the Skunk's anus and gave it to the Indians.

All the Indians made spears. They began to play with Skunk's anus, Indians ipear throwing it into a creek and spearing it. They riddled it anut. Skunk ro- with holes. Skunk woke up again. He started after covert It. ^j^^ Indians. When he had traveled many days, he arrived

at the bank where the Indians were playing. He joined them and com- menced to spear his o\ti anus. He dug two holes in the ground, one straight down, the other in a crooked line. The Indians could only see the hole that went straight down. Skunk descended through the other hole and re-cap- tured his anus. The Indians tried to catch him by poking down the straight opening; but failed to touch him. Skunk shouted up that he was very

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 271

far away. Then they said, "He is too far down, we can't get him," and let

him go.

After some time had elapsed, Skmik came up begging for an awl and

sinew to sew his anus together. He mended it in the

Anut mended, sunshine. When some birds perched on a tree above him,

he tried his power on them by squirting up his excrement. It did not work

well. He was only able to kill a single one. This is how Skunk came to

lose the power he used to have.

21. Skunk and the Mountain-Lion.

Skunk found a dead mountain-lion. "What is the matter?" he asked. " Is he really dead ? He cannot be dead very long." Skunk stood up straight. *'I am not afraid," he said. "Not even a great number of enemies can hurt me. Fire cannot kill me and water cannot kill me. The only thing I am afraid of is whistling." Skunk took Mountain-Lion on hb back, w^here he also carried his arrows in a quiver. Suddenly Moxmtain-Lion began to whistle. Skunk was badly frightened, threw him off and ran away. Moun- tain-Lion went to lie down on a rock; Skunk fled to the Mountaln-Lion brush and began to sing. After a while, he came out. piayi trick on "That scoundrel, Mountain-Lion, has broken my quiver." he said. He was furious and went to track his enemy. Mountain-Lion saw him coming from the top of his rock. Skunk shot at him again and again, but missed him every time. Then Mountain-Lion proposed that they should tell stories to each other. They got good wood and built a fire. In the morning, Mountain-Lion told Skunk to get up so they could tell stories to each other. Mountain-Lion caught up the firewood, put it in a bag and went away. Skunk woke up, seized his arrows and shot at Mountain-Lion, but failed to hit him.

22. The Bull-Frog and the Elk.

A Bull-Frog once carried away Elk-woman's son. She brought him up for a year as her own son. In the spring, when the grass was getting green, she made arrows for her foster-child. "My boy, take these arrows, and go out hunting." The Elk-boy went away and noticed a hi'to (a bird). He aimed at it and shot repeatedly, but elk?^ eUt escaj«i* missed every time. Hl'to approached him and said, "That Frog-woman has only stolen you. Your real mother lives in the

272 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

mountains. Go to her." The Bull-Frog was looking for the little Elk. "Come here, my boy. Suckle my breasts." Hi'to said, "Don't listen to her. Go to the mountains. Your mother lives in the moxmtains." The boy ran away with the bird. Frog-woman gave chase, but soon got tired and returned home.

Hi' to stopped on the way and told the little Elk to proceed. "You will see some fine spring-water on your way, but dotiH drink it. Go straight EUc drlnki of ^P *^^ mountains and find your mother." The Elk went forbidden spring, on alone. He came to the spring. "I'll take a good loiet teeth. ^^.j^j^ ,, j^^ thought. When he had drunk, all his teeth

fell out with the exception of the two big teeth which may be seen to-day.

23. Coyote Tales.

(a)

Coyote met Fox, who was eating yampas. * * Uncle, what are you doing ? " asked Coyote. "I am pulling up yampas wdth my tail. When I want to pull up a great many, I put my tail deep in the ground." "Well, I'll try Coyote pulled this," thought Coyote. He went to a place where the underground by yampas were growing. He put his tail in, pulled out ^^''^ " yampas and ate them. He w^ent along. He wanted to

eat yampas again and put in his tail very deep. This time he could not pull it out. "Wai, wai, wai," he shouted, "Uncle!" Coyote went down until he was completely underground. The yampas pulled him in.

(b)

Fox was eating roots. *'How do you get roots from the ground?" Coyote asked him. "I stick my tail in." "Show me how you do it." Fox showed him and said, "You must not put it in too deep, or you will never get it out again." Coyote put in his tail; but it was too deep in the ground, and he could not get it out. He cried, "Wai, wai, wai." Fox asked what was the matter. He let Coyote dig away for several years; finally he helped him out. Then Fox went westward. When he w^as gone. Coyote got his tail into the ground again and was killed.

ic)

Coyote was li\4ng in a grass-lodge with two young women. One day one of them asked him why he did not go out to hunt buffalo. He agreed to go

1909.J Lorvie, The Northern Shoshone. 273

and asked them to hand him his bow and arrows. The girls promised to tan the hides. Coyote pursued a buffalo herd, but was only able to kill one miserable buffalo. The women went away to skin it. coyote bUnd of ''Well, Coyote," they said, "you have killed a fine one I" on© eye, aban- "I could not kill any more," said he, "because my feet ^^^ ^^ ^^' were sore." When they got back to the camp. Coyote asked his wives to make buckskin shirts for him. One of the women noticed that Coyote used only one eye. When he slept in the day-time, he covered one eye with a weaselskin. The girl removed the skin and saw maggots coming out of the eye. Both the women ran away. When Coyote woke up and saw that his wives were gone, he went in pursuit of them. He found them standing on a cliff; but as he was climbing up, they shook their bells. Coyote fell down and was killed. After a while, they looked down. "What are you domg down there?" "I am just eating the marrow of a mountain-lion. Join me." But the women said, "You blind old beast, we have had enough of you."

(d)

Wolf asked Coyote whether he was still in the habit of winning every

game he played. Coyote answered that he was. Wolf then asked him to

play ball against some Indians. "How much shall I bet on your winning ?"

"Stake everything you have; we two shall surely win." . Coyote was soon

tired out and lost. "What is the matter? why can't you run?" Wolf

asked him. "I am tired," said Coyote. They lost the

. LoMt cunet

game. Wolf said, "Let us have an arrow-shooting game. throuch bUnd-

You must play as well as possible, for I am betting all I '^■•» ®**'^ ^^

have." Again Coyote lost. When Wolf asked what

made him lose, he said he had worked too much and was worn out. Then

Wolf made him play the game of arrow-throwing, but Coyote was beaten

again. "The trouble must be that he can't see," thought Wolf. When

Coyote was asleep, Wolf took off the weaselskin covering his eyes, and saw

the maggots crawling in there. "That's why he can't see," he said. Wolf

made little arrows and killed all the maggots. Then he went off and killed

a mountain-sheep. When he came back, he inserted the mountain-sheep's

eyes in place of Coyote's sore eye. Now, they played the games over again

and wagered all their property. They won every time, because Coyote had

good eyes now.

(e)

Coyote was walking along the hills. In the evening, he met two women who were gathering seeds. Coyote assumed the appearance of a woman.

274 Anihropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

In the night, they all slept together. Nocte Canis assidue copulavit. At Ditffuiied M a ^^^'^ Coyote left. When the sun rose, the women got up. woman, iiaept "Where is Coyote gone?" they asked each other. 'They women. washed their faces and ate some food, then they continued

their jouraey. As they were walking along, they did not know what made them feel so queer. Gravidae erant. Coyote had made them conceive. On that day each gave birth to a child.

(/)

In the fall, Coyote and Wolf were chiefs. Wolf asked all the Indians to meet in a council. They were to decide how many spring months there should be. Coyote declared that spring should last ten months. A little bird (To'tsegwe) said, "Let there be three spring months." All the Indians shouted, "Yes, three months will be long enough." To'tsegwe went outside. Coyote was furious, because the Indians decided against him. He seized Duration of ^ ^*^^^ *^^ attempted to kill the bird, but missed him. spring ftoter^ As he pursued To'tsegwe, Rattlesnake, who was To'tse-

gwe's friend, came out from a hole and began to hiss. Coyote was badly frightened and fled back to Wolfs camp.

(9)

The ground-hogs were running down the mountains. Fox watched them

as he was lying down. They ran towards him, and he killed two of them.

While he was cooking the ground-hogs. Coyote came up and proposed a

race. "Let us run a race around the mountains, with stones tied to our

feet. The one who arrives first shall eat all of the food." Coyote outrun. _ 11.11 1 . • 11

1^ ox agreed, they tied the stones to their feet and began to

run. Fox arrived first and won. He ate up all his food and did not give

any to Coyote.^

(h)

An old woman was living with her grandson. They used to catch buffalo

in a hole. All that time Eade was chief of the Indians. Poor Boy wlni ,, , , , , 1 . 1 . ,

Chief'i daughter, He had two daughters and promised to give one of them

robbed by Coyote, in marriage to any one who would kill a fox.* The old

woman's grandson killed the fox and all the people were

saying, "The poor boy has killed it." Eagle took him to his house, where

1 Cf. Wi&sler and Duvall, 28.

2 Dorsey and Kroeber, 348, 372.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 275

he slept with the chiefs older daughter. Nocte in lectum minxit et uxor eum expulit. He cried and went far away. He found a blanket and put it on. Then he found red paint and painted his face with it. He found beads. At thl same time, he was growing continually bigger and bigger. He found an otter-skin and put it on like a sash. Then he returned to the camp and married Eagle's younger daughter. Crow now married the other girl; his beak hung down her shoulder in the night. The boy always carried a bird on his head. Once his grandmother sent him to the buffalo-hole. He met Coyote there and made friends with him. Coyote let him down into the hole. He asked the boy for his blanket and the boy gave it to him. Then Coyote asked him for all his clothes and weapons, one by one, and the boy gave him everything. Coyote went to Eagle's family and married the boy's wife. Coyote was now carrying the boy's bird on his head; but the bird was always crying. The boy's grandmother went to the hole and helped him out. The boy went to his wife's lodge and sat down outside the entrance. When his bird saw him, it cried out and, leaving Coyote's head, flew to the poor boy's. Coyote was obliged to give back everything he had taken away from the boy.

(i)

Coyote was passing along the bank of a river. He noticed a dam pre- venting the salmon from going through the stream. "How can I remove the dam?" he thought to himself, guiwed as baby.

He made a boat and wished he would become a baby.^ adopted by wom-

6x1; fridt salmon. Straightway he changed into a baby, lying in a boat near

the dam. Coyote began to cry. Five women heard the noise. "Some

Indians must have been drowned," they said, "there is a baby floating on

the water." They swam over to Coyote. They agreed that the one who

got there first was to keep the baby and bring him up. The oldest one beat

the others 'and henceforth nursed Coyote when he cried. Whenever the

women went out to dig roots, they left Coyote home. One day, while they

were gone, he made five pointed sticks and tried to dig out the dam. Four

of the sticks broke, but with the fifth ^ he succeeded. When the women

returned and saw what he had done, they whipped him. In the night the

boy went away. When he arrived at the river bank, he was very hungry.

He said to the salmon, "I took the dam out for you; come over to me."

One of the salmon swam towards him and Coyote killed it. Then he made

a fire and cooked it. As he sat by the fire, he fell asleep.

1 Spinden, 15. Goddard. 125. Also found by Mr. Sapir among the Wishram.

• The occurrence of five as the mystic number is noteworthy. Vid. Spinden, 13.

276 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

While Coyote was sleeping, five wolves appeared, ate up his salmon, NoM puUed by changed his nose to its present shape and went away. Wolveg; retmu- When Coyote awoke, he found that his salmon were gone. He was thirsty and went to the water. He saw his re- flection and was so terrified by the appearance of his nose that he could npt drink at all. He defecated and asked his excrements what had hapn pened. The excrements answered. "The Wolves are to blame for it. They changed your nose and ate up your food." Coyote tracked the Wolves, whom he found sleeping with ducks' eggs before them. Then he raised their noses, changed them to their present form and walked off laughing. He watched them from a hill-top. When the Wolves woke up, they looked at each other and laughed. Coyote also laughed at them and went away.

Coyote came to a tent. He looked inside and saw a giri, who was the chief's daughter. She was very sick because she had stepped on an elk- Cupei and mir- ^^^n. Coyote went in and spoke to her. She told him rtoi obief' I daush- how the Indians had left her alone when they broke camp. Coyote made medicine and cured her. When she was well, they married. After a while, they caught up with the giri's tribe and journeyed with them. One evening Coyote proposed a dance. In the night, they began to dance. While Coyote was dancing another Indian stole his wife. Coyote did not find out until morning, when some of the people told him. He said, "This is what we shall do hereafter; we will steal one another's wives." This is why the Indians steal one another's wives now.

(i)

Coyote was walking along and met an old buffalo. He made fun of him and urinated on him, then he walked over the hills. When he turned back, he saw the buffalo pursuing him. Coyote laughed, ab^'bufl^." "You can never catch me," he cried. The buffalo con- tinued running after him and after a while Coyote was tired out, so that he was nearly caught. Coyote ran around a large rock, took out his pipe and said, "Let me alone, let us smoke." He Ut his pipe and put it in Buffalo's mouth. In this way, they became friends, lliey sat down and smoked. Buffalo said, "Some one stole my wives. That is why you found me sitting there. Then you came and urinated on me. The others have scratched me all over my body." Coyote said, "I shall give you horns," and he made horns for him as well as he could. Then they tracked Buffalo's enemies. Wlien they got close to them, Coyote sat down on a hill, while Buffalo went to the Indians. He fought them and tore open

1909.] Loivie, The Northern Shoshone. 277

their stomachs. He killed them all and recovered his wives. Then Buffalo said to Coyote, "What am I going to give you for these horns ? I will give you one of my wives." Coyote went away with the woman, but when he got hungry he killed and ate her. He walked along and met a bear. The Bear pursued Coyote. Coyote ran crying, '*You can never catch me." After a while, Coyote was tired and the Bear nearly caught up. Coyote ran behind a big rock, where he saw buffalo horns. He put them on his head and now he pursued the Bear.^^

^ ' : ' ■ (k) .

Coyote said, "Let us go against our enemies." His party started out and arrived at an Indian village, of which Eagle was chief. Coyote proposed a water-game and the chief agreed. Beaver was to dive for Coyote and Duck for Eagle. The one who could remain under water ooyote'i coin- longer than the other was to win. In the middle of the panioni defeat water, there was a boat which had sprung a leak. Coyote ******" ** f»ni6i. put his nose in the hole. All the people watched the divers. After a long time Duck's stomach burst and Beaver won. Then they had a wrestling match. Eagle's side was represented by Mole-woman, Weasel was to wrestle for Coyote. Weasel threw Mole-woman and her stomach burst. Coyote's party won. Eagle proposed another game. The people made bread and cooked all kinds of food. Coyote said, "Let Rat play for us." Eagle had Floating-ice to play for him. Both commenced to eat. Ice's stomach burst and Rat won. Next they were going to have a race. Diibii'- simuk (a little bird) was to run against Coyote himself. They ran to the other side of the mountains and back again. Coyote got back first and won. He had won every game. He went home.^

Some time after this, Coyote went away again with Fox. When they arrived at another village, they built a fire. The people coyote and Fox asked them what they came for. They answered, "Let loie race, are us run a race. Whoever loses, shall lose his head." The people agreed to run the next day. Magpie raced against Coyote. They ran to the other side of the mountains. Magpie was far ahead. When Coyote arrived at the goal, the Indians said, "Now we shall cut your head off." Coyote said, " No, wait till we have swum." They did not listen to him. They had already cut off Fox's head. Now they seized Coyote and killed him in the same way. Thus they killed both.

1 Cf. Boas, (b) 6. The last incident occurs as a separate tale in Cree and Assinibolne mythology. Cf. Wlssler and Duvall, 32.

• Farrand, 102. Also found by Mr. Sapir among the Wishram.

278 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [VoL II,

(0

Below Teton Basin, an old woman was sitting with a willow basket, which was filled with water and salmon. One night Coyote came to her. He took some sage-brush and made the Andavits (Indians hostile to the

Shoshone) out of it. Then he told them that he wanted M^on!^ ^^''*** to stay with the old woman that night; the next morning

they might come after him. Coyote slept there. In the morning the Andavits arrived. Coyote got up, upset the old woman's willow basket with his foot and thus liberated the salmon. The water flowed down with the fish to fill the bed of the salmon-stream. Below Ross Fork, Coyote put up two large rocks, so that the fish could not descend any further. He was tired from running after them and sat down. Then he told them that they must come up the stream every spring.

(m)

An old woman was sitting with a willow basket filled with salmon. Coyote came to her tent. She boiled one fish for Coyote. Coyote ate it and liked its taste very much.. When he had finished eating, he stepped on the edge of the basket so that the salmon fell out and began to float down to Ross Fork Creek. Coyote ran along the bank till he got to a waterfall. There he made a dam to stop the fish, but the water broke the dam. Coyote ran down further and made another. Then he said to the salmon, "Every spring you must go up the mountains and spawn." That is why the salmon come up here every spring.

(n)

Coyote was walking along. A white trickster was riding about on horse- back and rode over Coyote, who transformed himself into an Indian. The White man told him he was looking for Coyote, the Indian trickster; he had heard that Coyote was near-by. Coyote said he had seen him (i. e, himself)

on the other side of the hill. Let me have your horse tricSi^.^^ and I will bring him to you immediately." The White

man agreed. Coyote rode away, but returned after a short while. He said the horse had refused to go on, because it did not see the shadow of the White man's gun. The White man gave Coyote his gun and Coyote departed. After a while, he came back, saying the horse had turned around, because it was used to seeing the White man's hat. The White man gave Coyote his hat and Coyote rode away. He came back once more, because the horse was used to feeling the weight of the WTiite

1909.] Lovjie, The Northern Shoshone, 279

man's coat. Then the White man gave Coyote all he had; he was stark naked now. Coyote kicked up the horse and said, "You wanted to fool me, but I have fooled you, the White trickster." The White trickster began to cry.

(0)

Coyote had a brown race-horse, which he had made out of a jack-rabbit. He rode off to another tribe. Here he saw the Whites g^jj^j j^^^^ beating the Indians in a horse-race. Coyote joined and which turnt into defeated the best of the white horsemen. Then he ex- '* changed horses with the White man, who tied Coyote's horse to one of his own. During the night, the White man lay awake, thinking of his new horse. Before sunrise he got up to look at it. He saw only one horse where he had left two. When he got closer, he saw that his old horse was tied to a jack-rabbit.

Coyote killed the horse obtained by trading with the White man, ate it and continued to walk along. He was carrying a bundle on his back. The White trickster met him and asked whether he had any moccasins to sell. Coyote answered he had, but they were only intended for the use of persons with whom he had intercourse. tnokiter.

Ablatis vestimentis, corpore flexo, Canis in eius anum subulam inseruit. The blood began to flow and the White man was killed. Such is the way of Coyote.

(p)

Long ago, when all the Indians lived together, they frequently had horse- races and always defeated the other side. Coyote once transformed a red- willow stick into a pinto horse, on which he rode to one of the race-grounds. He approached the losing side. At last one of them said, "Why don't we try our friend Coyote's horse?" Coyote consented. g^^ j^^^^ They wagered blankets on the success of the horse. Coy- which turni into ote exhorted the rider to whip it only with his left hand. '^^<^-«**<^^* The pinto horse won the race. Then one of Coyote's opponents bought the horse and rode home. There he picketed it outside his wikiup. At first he heard the horse pawing the ground. Later, towards morning, he heard no noise at all. He went outside, the horse was gone. He merely saw a willow stick with a rope tied around it.

(?)

Coyote and his brother-in-law. Porcupine, went out hunting. Porcu- pine said, "Let us go against the enemy." The enemy caught him, bound

280 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

him and played roughly with Porcupine all day and all night. In the morn- ing Porcupine said, "I have to go outside." So they allowed him to go outside. Porcupine then used his quills as arrows and

Cr06l to WAT

With Poroupina, shot the enemies with them. He scalped them, tied their tteali Porouplna'i heads to a long pine-branch and marched home. People could see the scalps from the other side of the moimtains. Coyote noticed them, stole the scalps on the stick and took them to his own home. There his boys and girls began to dance around the pole. (There follows the story of "Coyote and his Daughters".)

24. Lodge-Boy and Thrown-Away.* (Ka'taxantandza'uwuhe and Pa'garutandza'uwuhe.)

(a)

Long ago a man and his wife were living in a grass-lodge. The man

always went hunting with his bow and arrows. One morning the Sun

informed him in a dream that a visitor would come to

BtTftllgCT

throws away them, and told him how to treat his guest. The man told

twins from dead tig ^fg ^^o was pregnant at the time. ''Whenever he mother's body. ', \ ^, ,.,,-.

comes, do not touch the ground with the food you give

him. Place it on his chest, when he lies down on his back." While the

man was out hunting, the visitor arrived. The woman prepared food for

him and set it on the ground. He did not touch it. Then she put it on

his legs; still he would not taste it. Finally, she put it on his chest and he

ate it all up. When he was through eating, the woman fell down dead.

The visitor rubbed her body and took out two boys from her womb. He

threw one of them into the water (Pa'garutandza'uwuhe = the one who

has been thrown into the water), the other one he threw into the entrance of

the wikiup (Ka'taxantandza'uwuhe = the one who was thrown into the

entrance of a wikiup). Then he went away.

The Indian did not know what had happened when he came home and

found his wife dead and her womb emptied. He prepared some food.

Suddenly some one cried, '* Give me some food, father." He looked around,

but could not see any one. Three times the baby bobbed Water-hoy ... .

scratches hroth- up, crying in this way; but the hunter could not see it,

er's face, Is cap- because it disappeared below the grass. The fourth time ttired by father. , • i. , , i t , i

he saw its face and body. It went down once more and,

when it re-appeared, was already a young man. His father asked, "Why

1 Lowie, 141.

1909J Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 281

don't you get up and eat?" The boy ate. The next morning the man made a willow hoop and gave it to his son to play with. "Don't roll it southwards," he warned him. When he returned in the evening, he found the boy's face badly scratched. "Who did that?" asked the hunter. The boy told him it was his brother, Pa'garutandza'uwuhe, that had scratched his face. The next day the hunter told his son to play in the same place as before. "If your brother comes up to scratch you, hold him till I come." The man hid near-by to watch. When Pa'garutandza'uwuhe came out of the water, he tried to scratch Ka'taxantandza'uwuhe's face. His own face was yellow. His father seized him, bound his hands and feet, and took him to the grass-lodge. There he told the boys they were brothers and should never fight. They were the first twins ever bom.

The twins began to like each other. One day, while their father was out hunting, the boys were cooking some food in an earthen pot. Their mother was still lying on the ground unburied. "Get up, mother, tend to the meat," said the twins. "You wake her up," said Lodge-Boy to his brother; "you are clever." He saw his mother's fingers twitching Twins retuiol- and tried to rouse her, but failed. Then Thrown-Away ***• mother, took a stick, put it in his mother's hand, grasped her wrist and made her stir the meat in the earthen pot. Suddenly she woke up, sat up straight and continued stirring the food. She began to eat and walk about, looking very handsome. Her husband came home and noticed how pretty she looked.

The hunter made a new hoop for the twins. He told them not to throw it southward. When the boys were playing, they forgot about his warning and rolled the hoop towards the south. The hoop rolled on without stop- ping. The boys ran after it, throwing their sticks; still boU hoop in

it went on rolling. At last it got to the shore of the big forbidden dlrec-

, , tlon* iwallowed

sea. Lodge-Boy asked his brother to let it go, but Thrown- by water-buflalo.

Away followed. The hoop fell into the water where it ""c^"**

turned into a water-buffalo. Thrown-Away ran into the monster's anus.

Lodge-Boy dug a hole near the shore and waited for the animal to come out.

The next morning at sunrise, the water-buffalo went ashore. Lodge-Boy

took his bow and shot the buffalo. It ran back to the sea and fell dead at

the shore. The boy skinned it and cut it open. Thrown-Away came out

with his hoop, smiling. They cut the animal into small pieces and cooked

its flesh. Then they started homewards.

Tliey came to a strange tribe of Indians, who locked travelers up in a

dark rock, where they could not get out and were finally killed. The boys

were imprisoned in the usual way. "Thrown-Away, Locked in cave*

get us out, you know something," said his brother, bunt it open by

Pa'garutandza'uwuhe began to think how they could be ■**®^"^''

saved; he was a medicine-man. He wished that water would come. Im-

282 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

mediately it began to rain very hard. The rain cracked the rock, the boys escaped and again turned towards their home.

Next they came to a giant. He said to them, " If you go to those willows

and get sticks from them, I shall make arrows for you." thS-^path^*" *** '^^^ giant kept a great many bear-dogs (wu'ra ca'ro) under

the trees and hoped they would devour the two boys. When they saw the bear-dogs under the willows, Pa'garutandza'uwuhe asked his brother to take the lead. Ka'taxantandza'uwuhe said, "No, you are the clever one; you ought to go first." So Thrown- Away started out and, when he got to the bears, he kicked them aside right and left, mak- ing a path for himself and his brother. At first Ka^taxantandza^uwuhe was afraid and held back, then he followed in his brother's footsteps. They took the sticks from the willows and brought them to the giant, who now made arrows for them. Then they se{ out once more for their home.

They came to a large white rock, which they cut into little pieces. They put the white fragments on the mountain-tops. This is why there is snow

on the mountains to-day. At last they reached home, turn home!^ '^ Their father was now an old man and their mother also

was very old. The mother died a short time after. Two days after her death her husband also died of old age. This is why people die of old age now.

(6)

One evening two boys were rolling a willow hoop towards the west, throwing willow sticks at it. It rolled down to the water of the big sea. The boys ran after their wheel and one of them fell into the wi^-buflalo^"* water, where a water-buffalo swallowed him. His brother, Ka'taxantandza'uwuhe, stood on the shore and began to wail. "The water-buffalo has swallowed my brother." Then he asked the monster to show him his brother. A wave came and he asked it also to show him his brother. After a while he met a man, who hunted water- buffalo and who promised to shoot the monster. The hunter shot and killed the buffalo. He skinned it and told the boy to look out for his brother. They cut out the entrails and the flesh about the breasts. Then the hunter said, "Here is your younger brother." The boy could not see him and asked, "Where?" "Here he is; this is your younger brother." When he saw him, he cried, "Younger brother, I have been pining for you." The hunter told Pa'garutandza'uwuhe to get out quickly, then the two brothers embraced each other.

Suddenly it became cloudy and rain began to fall. Then a huge bird called Nii'neyunc ^ came flying and carried the boys to a distant island.

» Kroeber, (c) 208.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 283

Nii'neyunc's mother always sent him out to hunt. The Father* used to tell him, " Hasten, bring more people to this island." The carried away by bird was going to kill the boys; but Water-Boy thought of ^^ wT**^^^*^ his obsidian knife and threw it at Nti'neyunc's throat, mother aidt Nii'neyunc immediately flew up so high that the boys ^»«« could no longer see him. Then he circled around and around, finally falling down on the island. All the island was quaking. Then Water- Boy knew the monster was dead. They did not know what to do next. Water-Boy saw smoke rising and they went towards it. They found that it came from the tent of Nii'neyimc's mother, an old woman, who kept a great number of ducks. There were a great many duck's eggs lying there. The old woman allowed them to eat and told them it was time for them to go home. She gave them her son's wings to fly away on and said the Water- youths would take care of them.

After they had left, the Water-youths told the boys they would have to be put on a tree because otherwise Pa-n-dzo'avits (the water giant) would kill them. The Water-youths placed the boys high up, and left. After a

while Pa'-n-dzo'avits came out of the water, and said, _

ii-r 11 1 . 1 )) Tx 1* 1 1 1 Water-youth!

I smell somethmg good to eat. He clunbed up the protect twlni

tree to catch the boys, but the Water-youths returned and M:»in«t water- pushed him down again. '*Now," they said to the boys, "you will go home to your mother. You must travel westward. You will get to the Owl tribe, who are very strong; but don't be afraid of them. They do not eat anything."

They set out and came to the Owls, who could not eat, because they had no mouths. Water-Boy said, I will make a mouth Twlni cut open for you, then you will be able to eat." So he cut an mouthleu peo- opening with hb obsidian and then they could swallow p^» ^<» '•^*" food. The boys went on. They passed a cliff by the water. Then at last they arrived at their mother's lodge.

25. The Boy's Travels and the Water-Youths (Pa-bi'hiano).

Two boys were camping at night. At the foot of a pine-tree they built a fire and were going to fall asleep. One of them ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ took out an arrow. "Perhaps the bird Nii'neyunc is sit- hoy. ii iiain hy ting on a tree near-by." The other boy was badly fright- ®®"i>"^®'' ened and begged his friend to keep still. In the night Nii'neyunc was sitting on a tree near-by. The boys woke up, saw him, and shot off their arrows

Shoshone: A'pO = father. My interpreter translated, " God.'

284 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

at him. He seized them and flew towards the east.^ There he lived on an island in the big sea. He dropped them at his house and killed one of the boys. Then he sat down and devoured the dead youth. He began to drink his blood. As he was swallowing it, he raised his head and gazed fixedly at the sky. Then the second boy remembered his obsidian knife. He threw it at Nu'neyune's throat. The bird flew up, but after some time fell dead on the ground.

The boy arose. ''Where shall I go?" he asked. Seeing some smoke, he walked towards it and met an old woman, who was sitting on the ground.

Boy aided by ^^^ ^^^ never seen an Indian before; she was Nii'neyunc's Boc'i mother and mother. ** Where did you come from?" she asked, water-youtht. '^Nii'neyunc brought me here." ''My boy is bad, he always kills Indians." "I have killed him," said the boy. "Well, go and cut off his feathers." The boy did as he was bidden and the old woman made a boat for him. She brought him ducks' eggs to eat. These were put in the boat. She also brought some wood and built a fire for him. Then he paddled away. The Water-youths came up to him ; Nu'neyunc's mother had told them to help the boy. "Pa'-n-dzo'avits wishes to eat you up," they said. "You must keep up a fire all the time, then he will be afraid." The old woman watched the fire from afar. The Water-boys caught up with the youth and pushed his boat to shore. A pine-tree was growing close to the water. The Water-youths placed the Indian high up on the tree, to prevent Pa'-n-dzo'avits from catching him. When they had left, the monster came out of the sea and climbed the tree to devour the boy. But the Water- youths returned at daylight and threw him back into the water.

The Water-youths told the boy he would next have to pass over fields of

Cactui-fieldi cactus, but admonished him not to be afraid. He put and rattlesnakei on a great many moccasins and passed through the cactus ^ • fields without injury. In the evening, there were no more

cacti. Then the youths informed him he would have to pass a great many rattlesnakes, but exhorted him not to be afraid. For a whole day he had to pass rattlesnakes, but in the evening they were all gone.

The boy was obliged to travel through Dzoavits' country. The Water- youths told him Dzoavits would come up and play with him. They ad- vised him not to laugh, no matter what the giant did; but to stand straight

Tickled by '^^^ * stick. Dzoavits noticed the boy. "What is this?

Dioaviti, itandi This is Indian flesh." He went up to tickle the boy and

• • make him laugh. He tickled his nose, his mouth, his

ears, his nostrils and his breasts. Anum quoque titillavit; cum testibus

J Cf. Kroeber, (c) 208.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 286

et cum membro virili ludebat. He watched the boy. The boy did not stir. Then Dzoavits went away without hurting him.

The Water-youths warned the Indian against another monster. "You will have to pass a powerful mouse. Dig a hole in the ground to sleep in, build a fire around it and shoot up gOToi« mouie. arrows. Then you will be safe." The boy obeyed and was not annoyed by the monster.

The next day the Water-boys said, "In the evening you will get to the Owl people. They are going to howl. Don't get frightened. In the morning you will have passed them." The boy traveled on and in the evening arrived at a large Indian village, j^^ ^^^^ "^^ All the Owl-people had no mouths. They used to put fat meat in the fire and inhale the vapors through the nose. The youth took a knife and cut open their mouths. Then they were able to eat a great deal.

26. The Boy who Visited his Grandfathers.

An old woman was living in her lodge with her son. One day the boy asked. "Who is my maternal grandfather?" "Your ^^

grandfather does not live here, he lives far away." "Well, al>out grand- to-morrow I shall ffo out early to hunt rabbits. I shall '**li«'» *■ warned

. by mother,

kill one, which you shall skin. Then I shall go to my

grandfather." "You are crazy, he lives very far away," said his mother; "He lives on the other side of the mountains, you will get burnt up if you go there." "I shall go." The woman began to cry. "Don't go away, you will surely be killed. Your grandfather's terrible bear-dog (wtira- ca'ro) will bum you up."

The boy killed the rabbit and told his mother to keep the skin as a life- token. "If I get killed, it will break to pieces." He went away. His mother lay down and cried. The boy went up the moun- Leavei lUe-Hcn, tains. He looked down from the summit. He saw the lett out, foot fire from where he was standing. The earth was on fire ""^ ^ and it seemed as if he could not cross. He walked along and jumped over the red-hot ground. One of his feet burnt off. He went home. He stood in his lodge on only one foot. The people heard about it.

Again he went across the fire. His second foot* burnt up. He went

» Kroeber, (c) 209. Boas. (c). 31. Cushing, 401.

286 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

home. He stood in his lodge without feet. The people heard about it.* Completely ^^ "fff^nt out again. On successive trips his legs, thighs,

burnt up, re- waist, trunk, arms, stomach, intestines, liver, heart, bum •toredbygtranger. ^^ Membrum virile quoque combustum est. Then his head, neck, cheeks, tongue, eyes, ears, teeth, and brains were all consumed by the flames. The white flesh behind his ear peeled oflf. Then after sim- set, Tosa-pono (white + ?) came along. He jumped across the fire and sat down under a rock. He said, **In the night, it will rain and snow. There will be a snowstorm." It stormed and snowed all night. The fire was put out. In the morning it was cool. Tosa-pono took the burnt boy's head and put his body together again.

The boy then proceeded on his way. He lay down. Far away he could see his grandfathers' lodge. His two grandfathers' ^ big bear-dog that used to eat Indians noticed the boy and was getting restless. "What Arrtves at ^^^^ ^"^ ^^^ ^^ there?" asked one of the brothers;

grandfatheri' for neither of them could see the boy. The boy walked

lodge. ^^ ^^ j^j. ^j^^ older man saw him. "What is that?

That looks like an Indian. Leave him alone," he said to the big dog. He took a large rope and tied the dog up. "An Indian is coming here, let him alone. He looks like our grandson ; he is our grandson." They restrained their bear-dog, which they also used as a horse, by holding the rope very firmly. The boy came up to his grandparents. They kissed him and told him to rest. Then they gave him food and built a fire. They ate for a long time.

When the boy had perished in the flames, his mother had looked at the skin hanging in her lodge. It broke to pieces. His mother cried, "My son has been burnt up." She wept all night.

The two old men noticed that their horse was getting restless again. "W^hat is the matter with our horse? It must see some hostile Indians, HottUe attack ^^^ come to kill us." They turned their bear-dog loose. repeUed by grand- The animal ran away, killed one of the enemy and ran parents' bear. back to its own tent. He stayed there a little while; then ran away, killed another enemy and returned. The two grandfathers went out to fight th^ hostile Indians. Their dog was completely covered ^dth blood. When the old men were exhausted, they roused their grandson and he went out. The bear killed all of the enemy. Then the old men cut off the heads of th^ slain men, tied the scalps on a pole and sang all night.

1 These sentences are repeated every time the hero returns with another part of liis body burnt off.

2 Literally his two maternal grandfathers, i. c. his maternal grandfather and a grand- uncle.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 287

In the morning, the boy said, "I am going away. My mother is longing to see me." His grandfathers kissed him and bade him farewell. They held their bear back, telling him to leave their grandchild alone. One of them held him by the mouth and the other by his ears. The boy went homewards. When he came to the spot where he had been burnt up, he foimd no fire there. He only saw some smoke. Without any misadven- ture, he approached his mother's lodge. His mother was there, crying on his account. Suddenly he cried, ^q^^J^" """ "Get up, mother, get up." "That soimds like my son's voice," she thought. She arose crying. "Why, what are you 6rying for? I am dying of cold; build me a fire," said the youth to hb mother. She looked at him. Her son sat down. The old woman got up and kissed her son until he asked her to let him alone.

27. The Disobedient Brother.

A woman was living with her two sons. Her father. Snake, dwelt near- by. One day, one of the boys asked his mother to tell him a story. She said, "I don't know any story; go to your grandfather, he knows many stories." The boy went to his grandfather. He said, gnake orawli "My mother has sent me to you to hear a story." Senex into woman, idUi "Vestri matris vagina," haud aliud respondit. The boy went home and told his mother. She got up, saying, "That filthy old man." She seized a stick and was going to club him, sed senex in vulvam inrepsit et eam interfecit. The boy did not know what had happened and was crying, "Mother, your food is burning." He went to look for her and found his mother dead, with her abdomen bulging out.

He climbed up a hill and cried for a long time. His older brother, who had been out himting, saw him and asked what was the matter. "Our grandfather has killed our mother." "Perhaps you are the cause of his killing her," said the older brother. The youth knelt down and rubbed his mother's body to get out the snake. animmli from Various animals came out and the younger boy killed them corpse, at last all. At last the youth said, "When our grandfather comes out, I am going to kill him." But the younger boy did not want to press down his mother's abdomen, so he insisted on killing Snake. However, when Snake stuck out his head and wriggled his body, the boy was badly frightened and ran off. The youth pursued the Snake, but could not catch him. He went into a rock. The older brother scolded the younger one for running away. "There is still a younger sister of ours in the corpse," he said. So they belabored the corpse once more and extracted a little girl.

288 Anthropologiccd Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

They washed her with warm water and took her to their lodge, where

they wrapped her up in a hide and laid her on the ground. The boy made

a pappoose-board, on which he always carried the little girl about, strapping

it to his back. The boy performed all the duties of a Boy tendt lii- '^

tor, dlfotoeyi older woman. Whenever the older brother killed some game,

brother; filter the boy would scrape off the hair. The youth cautioned

his brother to take good care of the girl and never to chide

her. Once the baby fouled the boy's back. He became very angry and

threw her away. Then he went up a hill and began to sing. The baby

cried all the time. At last the boy thought he would look after her. As he

came nearer, he could not hear any crying. The girl had disappeared.

Now, the boy himself began to cry. He went to an open place and

, ^ cried there. The older brother returned and the boy went Boy looldedt filter rescued towards him. *'Our sister has disappeared," he said.

from abductor. "What did you do to her?" asked the older brother. "I Dioavltt.

threw her away, because she fouled my blanket." The

youth scolded his brother. ** We shall never see her again," he said; "Dzoa-

vits has taken her away." The boys started for Dzoavits' house. They

went on the roof and could hear a noise below. It was caused by their sister,

who was wea\ing a willow-basket. She was now Dzoavits' wife; Dzoavits

was inside. **How can we get down there?" they asked. Dzoavits told

them to use their scrapers to cut the rocks. They cut a wide opening and

fell through into the lodge. Dzoavits asked them to be seated. Their

sister was now a large, pregnant woman. The boy said, **My sister has

grown." The two brothers decided to kill the giant and take away their

sister. They shot their scraper at Dzoavits and killed him. Then they

climbed up with their sister. As soon as they had gone out, the opening

closed tight.

From now on, the sister scraped hides and did the woman's work about

Boy acftin ^^^ lodge. *'When our sister cooks, let her alone; don't

dliobesn, iliter bother her," said the youth to the boy. Once, when the

^"^*"i>- woman was preparing some food, the younger brother

began to help her. Suddenly her hair caught fire and she was consumed

by the flames. The younger brother cried. The youth returned. '*How

did this happen ? You did not obey me." They could not save their sister

this time.

28. The Sheep- Woman.

Two brothers were living together with their wife. The older brother went out hunting every day. The woman went in search of roots. One

1909.] Lotoie, The Northern Shoshone. 289

morning the older man found the trail of a mountain-sheep. He followed it around the mountain-side. Towards evening it led him back towards his lodge again and he gave up the chase. ^ ibLp. His wife had returned before him and he told her how he had tracked the sheep. He decided to start again on the next day and try to catch the animal. The next morning, the woman went out digging. After eating, her husband also left the lodge. Again he found the sheep's trail. It was a fresh track going around the mountain. Towards evening it led him back to his wikiup again. His wife was home when he returned. He told his younger brother to set out for the other side of the mountain, where there were no trees and where he might be able to catch sight of the sheep. Accordingly, they started out the next morning. The woman also left in order to dig roots, but she never brought any home. She told her husband she could not get any food because of her baby, which cried all the time and had to be nursed.

The younger brother stayed out for three days. He went to the summit of the mountain. He was fatigued. His guardian spirit ordered him to build a big fire. He saw the track aroimd ^^ J^^fe'i trlck?^" a turn in the path. He obeyed. After a while, he saw the woman coming along. Ejus vulva terrae nixa quasi ovis vestigia fecit. The youth drew nearer and pulled his bow-string. Hearing the noise, the woman looked up, saw the man and hurried home. The baby was crying. The young man returned to the place assigned by his brother and fell asleep. His brother came up and asked whether he had seen anything. The youth had forgotten all about the woman and said he had not seen anything because he had been asleep all the time. The older brother began to upn braid him; "Why didn't you watch? I told you to watch." Then the youth recollected and informed his brother of what he had seen. They went home. When they arrived there, they found the woman busy. "Why don't you bring any roots home?" they asked her. She said the child had kept her busy again, the next time she would leave it home.

The brothers decided to play a trick on her. They turned themselves

into mountain-sheep and stood on the creek near their lodge. The little

boy was with them. In the evening, the woman came « ^

, , Brothers wum

home. Seeing the sheep so near their dwelling, she thought themtelyei into

the men must have fallen asleep. "You sleepy-heads, ■h«ep;puriuedby

there are some sheep right out here. Get iip!" When

no one got up, she went in, took a bow and arrow and shot at them herself.

The sheep ran away. The woman pursued them. Whenever she came

up to them, they managed to escape. They went far across the mountains

and the woman continued to follow them.

290 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [<A. II,

At last, their wife got to Coyote's people. She informed Coyote of the big sheep that had run away there. Coyote painted himself up and an- wixe mMtt Coy- i^o^^^^ed the news to his fellow-tribesmen. The Indians ote'g tribe, Mtoctt scattered to hunt down the game, but failed to catch them, new husbana. ^^ j^^^ j^ Grasshopper went out. He saw the sheep running towards him, tore oflf a patch from his moccasins, pasted it on his forehead to disguise himself and then shot the baby sheep. The other In- dians hunted other game. When they returned to camp, the woman sharp- ened a stick and tested the hide of each animal brought in. When she struck Grasshopper's sheep-skin, the stick broke in two inmiediately. Ac- cordingly, she married Grasshopper. Coyote was jealous. "A man must have a loose-jointed leg like Grasshopper's," he said; "then one can get a girl easily. If I had a leg like that, I would have won the woman."

29. Thunder.*

An old woman was li\dng with her grandson. Rabbit. The boy once said to his grandmother that he wanted Thunder's wife. He had a bear's paw for his medicine. The old woman warned him. "Thunder is strong,

Thunder ex- ^^ ^^' ^^^ you." The boy, however, went up the moun- ohanset wife for tains. He met Thunder's ten wives, who were digging

7 1 me cine. ^p p^^^g jj^ looked at them for a while to see which was the best-looking. Then he went up to the prettiest one, who was beauti- fully dressed, and tried to carry her oflf. She resisted and the other wives caught hold of her and called on their husband for aid. Thunder came, making a terrible noise. At first he was going to kill the young man, but when he saw the boy's bear's paw he was frightened. He said, "Give me your medicine and you may have my wife." The boy agreed and took the woman home. His grandmother had been cr}dng; when she heard Thunder rumbling, she thought he had killed her grandson. The young woman lived with her husband and went out digging roots for him and his grand- mother.

30. The Bad Medicine Man.

A long time ago there was an Indian who used to start dances for the other people. Whenever he saw a good-looking girl, he would point at her, cr\4ng, "Wu!", and claim her as a wife. He was a very large man and

» Cf. Spinden, 154-156.

1909.] Loxvie, The Northern Shoshone. 291

believed to be a very powerful medicine man. The people believed he had the power to kill them by making them cough, so all were afraid of him. Once he pointed to another man's mankiitodl *" second wife, saying, "Wu!", and seized the woman. Her husband refused to let her go and pushed the medicine-man away. The medicine-man, who only looked so large because he was in the habit of padding himself, did not hurt the young man in any way. The Indians saw he did not have very much power. They had a council about him and decided to kill him with a rock. The large man had a dog at home. Cum canis coiret, magi quoque membrum erigebatur. The Indians seized the medicine-man and killed him. The dog managed to escape. He was supposed to be his master's spirit.

31. Cannibal Stories.

(a)

Long ago there was a Cannibal (No'mo-rika = Indian eater), whose father was called No'mopagurturux. All the people were afraid of them. They used to kill women ; they did not wish to kill men. When an Indian died, they took his corpse and ate it. The Cannibal father, with his son, ate up his own wife. When the habiti.""^ * Cannibal found Indians, he would say, "I like to eat people." He ran towards young men's tents and slept nearby. When the women went out to dig up potatoes from the ground, No'mo-rika would lie in ambush. He would carry off one at a time on his back, and eat her up. After devouring a woman, he slept five days, snoring loudly. Once the Indians burnt the Cannibal up, but he came to life again.

(b)

A man was living with his wife and son. The woman and her son were going out for wood. When they came home, the husband pushed her down. She began to cry and the boy also cried. The woman told the boy to kill his father. Her son brought his bow and arrows. "Quick, oannibti

shoot him," she cried. The man begged to be let alone abusei, flayi. and his life was spared. He went out, while the woman **** ^^'* remained at home. When he returned, he again ma}.treated his wife. She cried and begged her son to shoot his father. The man stabbed her with a pointed stick, killing her. The son went around crying, because his mother

292 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

was dead. The husband began to eat his wife. He chewed her flesh, he ate her stomach and her intestines. Then he stopped eating.

(c)

A man was living with his sister and her two boys. One day the man

said, "I wish to visit a friend." He set out and arrived at his friend's

lodge, where he slept during the night. The next morning he arose and

killed his friend. He skinned the body, dried it and Man kllli "^

Mend, givei fleih sliced it; then he lay down there. The man's sister was

to nephews for beginning to grow anxious about him. "What has

happened to your uncle?" she asked her sons. The boys

quickly ran away to look for their uncle. Avunculum conspexerunt qui cum

muliere coibat. When he saw his nephews, he told them to carry the meat

home and have it cooked whenever they were hungry. He said it was some

game killed by his friend. They brought it home and their mother sliced

and dried the meat. She boiled it for an entire day; then she told her sons

to eat it outside the lodge. The children took the food outside and began

to eat.

The cannibal was sleeping at this time. While one of the boys was sitting outside and eating, he looked at the piece of meat in his hand and Diicoveiy of noticed the hair on it. He thought, "What is this? human hair In This looks like human hair. Do they eat food like this ®® at the home of our uncle's friend ?" He asked his brother

to look at his meat. In the evening, they compared their own hair with that found in the food. "I think," said one boy, "our uncle has killed some Indian." They ran home and told their mother. She smelt the food, took her pot and carried it outside. They sat down by the bank of a creek and vomited what they had eaten.

Their uncle came home at night. He was very hungry and wanted to eat the boys. "To-morrow you may eat them, but not to-day," said the mother. They all lay down to sleep. In the morning, the woman woke

Nephewi flee "P ^^^ ^^"^ ^^^ ^^^* t^v^m away. Later their uncle from \mcle, es- woke up and wanted to eat them. "They don't wake **^' up early enough," he said. They were gone. They

were traveling about. Their uncle and his sister tracked them. The boys were saying, "He is hunting us; he kills Indians." In the night the uncle said, "I am longing for my nephews." After he had lain down, his sister departed. He tried to find the tracks of his relatives.^

1 The details of the last paragraph are not dear, owing to the interpreter's deficient com- mand of English.

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone. 293

32. The Buffalo who Stole an Indian Girl.*

A young woman once went for water. Near the creek she found a

buffalo skeleton and she began to play with the bones. _

® . r .^ Woman ab-

Suddenly the buffalo came to life, and took the girl along ducted by buffalo

with him. The woman's husband looked for her until he ^wovwrwl by hui-

band. found her trail, followed it and recovered his wife.

The buffalo summoned his followers. He said, "A man has stolen

my wife." They all started in pursuit. There was nothing but dust flying

up in the air from the trampini; of the buffaloes. The _

. r o Fugltivet oUmb

chief buffalo had a large anus. When the herd had tree; buffalo hook

nearly caught up to the fugitives, the man and his wife ^» ^^^ kUled

climbed up a cottonwood facing a river. The buffalo

passed by the tree without noticing the couple on it. Ultimus cum venit

bos, mulier in eius tergiun minxit. The buffalo noticed the fugitives and

told the animal in front of him; so word was passed along the line to the

leader. The entire herd faced about and the chief jumped at the tree,

hooking it with his horns. Vir per bovis anum miratus cordem conspexit.

He aimed at the buffalo's heart and shot off arrow after arrow, but failed

to hurt the animal. In the meantime, the buffalo were tearing down the

cottonwood. At last Meadow-lark flew on the tree and bade the Indian

use his fire drill for an arrow. The man opened his quiver and shot off his

fire-stick. He struck the buffalo's heart and killed him. The other buffalo

dispersed and left them alone.

33. The Stolen Wife.'

Two brothers were living with their wife. They always went out hunt- ing together. Once, while they were out, some hostile Indians came and stole their wife. When they returned, they saw that she was gone and looked for her in the neighborhood, but ^j^~ *** ^ without success. The older brother was furious, he went to the mountains, sharpened his knife and came home again.

They set out together to look for their wife. At night they arrived at the camp of the enemy. The people were meeting at a council in a large tent and were smoking their pipes. Some friendly Indian told the brothers that their wife's new husband had tied j^^^'^"* ^^* bells to the woman's dress, so that the camp should be alarmed if she attempted to flee. The two men watched the Indians.

J Cf. Dorsey and Kroeber, 153. Kroel)er, (g) 101. Wissler and Diivall, 112. 2 Cf. Kroeber, (e) 125.

294 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

When the Indians had ceased smoking, the council broke up and each warrior went to hb lodge.

In the evening, the stolen woman went out to ease herself. Then her husband, who lay in ambush, seized her. She asked him to wait until all the Indians had gone to sleep. She told him her new husband never woke

up at night after he had once fallen asleep. The older gt^ahonMMr *^' brother said, **I shall cut his head off." After every one

in the camp had retired, the two men entered their wife's tent. The older brother cut off her new husband's head and threw it away. The woman cut off her bells so as not to make any noise. Then the brothers took away some of the enemies' beads and stole some horses. They fled and arrived home in safety.

34. The Horse Woman.*

The Indians were hunting buffalo. They had broken camp. One

young woman was riding a stallion. She always fell behind the rest of the

Woman enam- Indians. Once a man watched her. Eam solam cum

ored of hone, equo coire vidit. When the people camped the next

nini away. ^j^^^^ ^j^^ ^^^ ^y^^^ ^^ stallion and killed him. The

woman cried all night. Then she ran away with a wild horse.

The next year the Indians were hunting again. They noticed a herd of wild horses and what looked like an Indian woman running along with Oaucht amonc ^^^^' ^^^ pubic hair was very long and hung down wild honei, re- like a horse's tail. Her skin also resembled that of a leaaed. horse, only her face was human. The Indian chief sent

out some men to catch her. They went out and lassoed her when she was exhausted from running. They took her home to the tent of her Indian husband. Her grown-up son saw her, but she did not recognize him or speak to any one. She only whinnied like a horse. The Indians tied her up. The boy said to his father, **Let her go, father, she is not a good woman." They released her and she escaped.

35. The White Man and the Monster-Bird.

The Indians were moving camp. They found that some of their young

-aru**^ •^••. men and horses were lost, and did not know how this could

wnite inan

ofleri to kiU have happened. A White sheep-raiser was living there,

montter. jj^ ^^y j^^ knew what was the trouble. A strange being

had taken the men away. '*If you pay me," he said, **I may kill it for you."

» Dorsey and Kroeber, 247. G. A. Dorsey, (c) 294, 358. Wissler and Duvall, 152. Kroeber (e), 114. The theme, which is treated with great finesse in Guy de Maupassant's "Fou?", may possibly have been imported by Europeans.

1909.] Loune, The Northern Shoshone. 295

The Indians paid no attention to the White man. An Indian went out alone to fight the monster. He saw it flying; it looked like a large dark cloud. He shot at it, but could not hurt ^^^ indiani. it. It caught him and flew home. The next day, two men went out with their guns. They separated at a little distance. When they saw the monster flying, they shot at it. Again the monster snatched them up and took them home. Then all the Indians said, "Perhaps the White man will kill it." They killed thirty head of sheep, took oflF their hides and gave them to the sheep-raiser. He put them all on, took a stick and went looking for the monster-bird.

The giant bird swooped down on the White man and carried him home, but could not kill him. The black monster's son came home and wanted to eat the sheep-raiser. The White man said, "You won't eat me." ^ Then he grasped his stick and knocked down ^^^ ** "**** * father and son. He killed both of them. The monster had a beautiful tail. The sheep-raiser cut off its tail feathers and brought them home.

Perhaps this monster was the bird Nti'neyunc.

36. The Poor Boy and his Horse.

(Told by a Shoshone who had married a Nez Perc6 woman and lived with her tribe.)

An old woman was living with her grandson. He was in the habit of playing by the edge of a pond. Once he found there a colt and some gold. Every morning he went to the pond to tend the colt. One day it said to him, "Make a halter for me." The boy poor^ioy^"^* *^ obeyed. Then the horse said, "Try me in a race. There are race-horses on the other side of the mountains. Let us go there to-morrow morning."

The next day the boy rode to the other side of the mountains. The Chief who lived there had five daughters and five horses. The boy said, "We wish to race with you." The Chief ^^^ '*** '''' laughed at the orphan, but prepared for the race. He wagered a race-horse; the boy, his gold; and Coyote, who took the boy's side, his bow and arrows. The Chief said, "We'll ride around the other side of these two mountains." They were to go around a yellow post and then return to the starting-point. The boy brought his horse there and

1 This is possibly a fragmentary version of the familiar Thunderblrd dialogue.

296 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

bridled it. It advised him to get two switches. They started and the little horse ran beside the Chiefs. Soon all the people were gathering to watch. They said, ''There goes the sorrel horse." The little horse won the race. Coyote shouted and seized the Chiefs horse. ''It is mine now," he said.

The Chief proposed to run another race. He had a big horse to ride on this time. The Chief bet his horse against the boy's outrun hy boy. ^^^ Coyote's wagers. "We'll ride to the other side of these four mountains," he said. This time there was a red stick to mark the half-goal. The men mounted their horses and started off. After a long while they came back again, and the little horse was ahead. Coyote seized the Chiefs horse. "We'll race again to-morrow," said the Chief; "come back again in the morning."

The next day the Chief had a white race horse. They went over sLx mountains and rode around a white goal-staff. When they came back, the bo/s horse was in the lead. Coyote ran to the Chief, and seized his other racei horse. The Chief now had only two horses left. He

^^^' asked the boy to come again. The next day they passed

eight mountains. The Chief rode a buckskin horse. After a long while, they arrived at the starting-place with the little horse in the lead. Coyote shouted and got the Chiefs horse. The Chief said, "Let us race again to- morrow for the last time."

At night the Chief kept thinking and talking of his opponent's little

horse. In the morning they started to race and the boy won. Coyote

shouted and took the Chiefs horse. They sat down. The Chief did not

know what to do. He said, "To-morrow we shall pile up sticks, build a

fire and see which of us can ride through the fire." The boy went away

-,,.,- ^ - ^ ^ crving, for he was afraid he would be killed in this contest. Chief defeated t .

In trial of His horse said, "Cease crying! You won't be hurt."

■teength; ride When the boy came to the Chief the next day, the Chief through Are. *^ , •'

wagered one of his daughters against all the horses that he

had lost. They gathered firewood and built a fire. "Let the boy go in

first," said the Chief. The boy mounted his horse and rode through the

fiames. All the people watched him. He passed through without getting

burnt at all. Then the Chief had to ride through. After he had gone only

a short distance, his horse fell down, burnt to death. Thus the boy won

again.

The Chief said, "Come again to-morrow, you must capture the big

horse for me. If you get it, you may have my second daughter." This

horse was a gigantic animal, as large as a log-cabin, and no one was able to

ride it. The boy set out with a large rope to look for the monstrous horse.

His own colt said, "I will fight mth it; you just put your halter around

1909.] Lowie, The Northern Shoshone, 297

his neck and lead him home." The boy turned his colt loose. When the

gigantic horse appeared, the colt grew bigger and bigger,

until it was larger than the big horse. The two horses colt* ■ aid, boy

met and fought. The colt threw the other horse to the capture! gicantlo

ground. The boy ran up with his rope and put his halter

on the conquered animal. Then he brought the horse to the Chief. His

colt grew small again.

"Come again, to-morrow," said the Chief. "I'll set you your last task then." When the boy arrived the next morning, the Chief told him of a young girl who lived on the other side of the big sea. "If you bring her here and win again, you may become Chief in my place and have all my property. I shall be your servant." The Chief ordered Brinci girl

the girl not to accompany the poor boy. The boy crossed from diitant

the sea on his colt which grew much larger again. When coiintiT.

he dismounted on the other side, he saw the Indians going to a church- meeting. The girl, who lived in a large house, was watching the Indians. The boy, dressed up handsomely, passed by her house. She noticed him and liked his appearance, not knowing who he was nor where he came from. She also dressed up, mounted her horse and approached him. Then both crossed the sea and got to the Chief. The colt assumed its former shape and the boy dressed in his usual way. The Chief scolded the girl, because she had disobeyed him.

The girl complained that she had lost her ring while crossing the sea. Then the Chief ordered the boy to get the ring. "If you find it," he said, "I shall leave this place and you will be chief instead.' The boy went to the shore of the sea. He took some of |,ecomef OhiS?' his gold and threw it into the water. WTien the fish swam up to him, he asked, "Have you seen my ring?" The fish said they had not seen it. The boy threw more and more gold into the water, and every time the fish came to him, but they said they did not know anything about the ring. At last an old fish came up and, when the boy asked him, he replied, "I have the ring," and gave it to the boy. "What shall I give you for it?" asked the boy. The fish answered, "Make me a skin out of your gold." When the boy returned with the ring, the Chief left his people; because the boy had defeated him every time.

Then the colt said to his owner, "You are rich now and do not need me any more. Take me to the place you xnagic col^ ^ found me in and turn me loose." The boy obeyed, but he began to cry.

298 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

37. The Bear's Son.^

Bear's son killed his father. His mother married a White man, who sent the boy to school. The White children teased the Bear-child. They made fun of his long nose and whipped him. The Bear-boy went to the Bear-boy kiui blacksmith's shop. He had an iron pole made there, white children, Eight steers were not strong enough to pull it to pieces. coei tra g. Bear went home and told his mother he was going out alone to hunt the enemy. First, however, he went to school. The White children made fun of him again. ''Your nose is big," they said. "Don't come in here." Bear took his rod and killed all the children with it. Then he went far away.

He saw an Indian who was transposing the soil. The Indian asked him, "Where are you going?" "I'm looking for the enemy." "I think I will go along with you," said the man; "two of us will not be afraid of anything." They went along until they met another Indian, who was

moving rocks from one place to another. "Where are tiu^ ttrazifferii. ^^" ^^^ S^^S^*' ^^ asked. "We are going far away to

look for the enemy." "Let us three go together; we'll

not be afraid of anything we may see." They went along. They saw an

Indian who was transplanting a pine. The Indian asked what they were

doing and joined them, saying, "Four of us will not be afraid of anything."

They went along until they came to a creek with willow-trees on its

banks. There was a house standing there, which they house, three com- entered. "To-morrow," they said, "three of us will go radeiatiaultedby hunting. Earth-Transposer will stay home and cook."

The next morning the three others went out to hunt. Earth-Transposer cooked. When he was done, he looked at a news- paper. Suddenly Iron-Head ^-Man came in and asked for some food. Earth Transposer refused. Iron-Head-Man pulled him about, knocked him down and ate up all the food. Then he went away. In the evening, the hunters came home laughing. They asked Earth-Transposer why he had not prepared any food. He answered that he had wanted to cook, but had fallen down in reaching for some food that was kept near the top of the house. The next day Rock-Mover stayed at home to cook. Again Iron- Head came in, knocked him down and disappeared after eating up all the food. When the hunters returned, Rock-Mover gave the same excuse for not having any food for them. On the following day, Pine-Transplanter met with the same adventure.

• A well known European tale, of which a similar version was heard by the writer among the Stoney Assiniboine of Alberta. « BOi-wihi-bambi-gant.

1909.] Lorvie, The Northern Shoshone. 299

Finally Bear stayed at home. When he was through with his work, he began to whistle and to walk back and forth with his rod. He knew that Iron-Head was the ghost of his older brother. ^^^^ conquew Iron-Head came and asked for food. Bear refused. They wrestled. Bear threw the ghost and cut his throat, killing him. The head jumped away by itself and went down into a hole. When the hunters came home in the evening, they laughed. When they saw that there was plenty of food, they thought Iron-Head had not come that day. They would not believe that the boy had killed him. Bear took them to the hole and showed them the blood around its edge. Then he told them to bring a rope.

The men brought Bear a large rope and tied a bell to it. They were

to be let down the hole, one by one. As soon as any one rang the bell, it

would mean that he was frixrhtened and the others were

Dei Mndi uiidM> to pull him up. Rock-Mover, Earth-Transposer and ground, wim

Pine-Transplanter went in successively. Each rang the ^o»en, hoiiti bell and was pulled up again. Then Bear went down. He met three men, killed them and took their wives, whom he hobted up on the rope.

When the first woman came out of the hole, Earth-Transposer said, "I'll take you for a wife," and seized her. Pine-Transplanter and Rock- Mover married the other women. Then the men cut the rope. Bear fell down and broke his limbs. His older brother picked him up and healed his wounds. Then Bear asked his brother which was the wivei itoten by swiftest animal. His brother told him the eagle was. commdei; vain They gave the eagle three sheep to eat; then Bear mounted ^"" * him and flew up on his back. They flew faster and faster. The boy cut oflF some of his own flesh to feed the eagle so as to make him fly faster still. At last they got up. Bear tracked the Indians who had stolen his wives, but never found them.

38. Ghost Stories.

(a)

I was going to the Flathead Reservation with two other Shoshone. In the night we got to a river. The moon was shining. We went in for a swim, leaving our clothes on the bank. When we got across, my friends asked me to bring the clothes over. As I was getting the clothing, I heard a baby crying. The moon was still high up. The sound was a little different

» Told by Enga-grvsacu ("Red-Shirt") Jim.

300 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

from that of an ordinary baby's crying. I turned in that direction and saw a faint light under a cotton wood. As I got closer, I thought I had better go back. I felt strange. I knew it must be a water-baby (Pa'ona) that was crying. I faced about and walked to a spot where there were no trees. Then I beheld an Indian coming towards me. I stopped and stood still. He also stopped. I could see his head and body plainly, but not his face. I began to walk, the stranger also walked. I stopped and he stopped. Then I thought I saw he was wearing a striped vest, but I was still unable to see his face. When I got nearer, I saw that I had taken the ribs of a skeleton for a striped vest. Now, I knew the Indian was a ghost. I could see a light in his eyes. I had an uncanny feeling. I did not know what to do. I turned away. The ghost headed me off. He did not speak. I could see him plainly now. He was all bones. I said, "You are just a ghost, leave me alone." (On'o-n Dzo'ap, no-vii'ak.) He turned about, went down into the ground and disappeared. I joined my friends and told them of my adventure.

ib)

Several days later, I was riding along at sunset, looking for ground- squirrels. On one side of the road there was a row of pine-trees. I heard a sound as if a squaw was crying at a funeral. I got off and built a little fire to cook the ground-squirrels I had caught. After they were cooked, the noise stopped for a while. Then it came nearer again. By this time it was quite dark. The sound was now circling around me. I knew it was a ghost, so I untied my horse, took out my squirrels and prepared to flee. When the noise had come very close, it changed into the panting of a bear. I was very much terrified. The moon rose. I heard the noise circling about me again. For an instant it stopped. That moment I jumped on horseback and rode back to my two friends. By this time, we were near Salmon City.

(c)

When I was a little boy, I was once out looking for ground-hogs. I had a mirror with me. Looking around, I saw an Indian standing on a hill. I tried to flash the light towards him by holding my glass in the sun. Then I put my things away and ran towards the Indian. He was standing still. As I approached, I saw him sitting down with his legs stretched out. I thought his camp was near-by. Suddenly he arose and walked away. I looked around for him, but could not see him any more. I called him aloud. I returned to where he had sat down and tracked him. Suddenly his foot- steps ceased. It must have been a ghost.

1909.] Lotoie, The Northern Shoshone, 301

I went in the opposite direction then, and walked homeward. I crossed a creek and then started up-hill. Suddenly a rock was thrown at me, but did not hit me. As I turned around, I saw a rattlesnake. I thought the snake might have thrown the rock and ran down. I stopped to rest on a log until I saw the snake crawling from under it. I turned about and ran back, but stumbled over a stone and fell down. Then I crawled up the hill on my hands. The snake followed very quickly. I ran up the hill, then down again; but the snake continued to pursue me. The snake was only a few yards behihd me. I was tired out. I threw stones at the snake, but it did not seem to mind them at all. I thought this snake must be a ghost, perhaps the same man that had disappeared before. I did not know what to do and began to cry. Finally I said to the snake, "You are a ghost, let me alone." Then it let me go.

39. Enga-gwacu's Experiences in the Underworld.

I was roasting some salmon on issue-day about twenty years ago. I told my family to eat and that I would join them later. This was against the advice of my familiar spirit (bu'ha). That night something spoke to me in a dream. I dreamt of a big war where fighting was going on close to me. Suddenly a hail-stone struck me and I could not get it out.

From that time on, I was sick, and ate very little for a month after my dream. My spirit did not help me any more. I felt as if I were going mad and was ready to die. The Sun spoke to me. He said, "You are going to die. Put up a separate lodge for yourself. After your death, you will be restored to life if you desire to be alive again." The Indians built me a separate lodge and left me there to die by myself.^

I was still breathing. I thought of seeing my dead father and mother, brother and other relatives. I wished to (}ie immediately. For three days and four nights I lay in the tent. At last on the fourth day, my soul (mu'gua) came out of my thigh, made a step forward and glanced back at my body. The mu'gua was about as large as this (ten inches). My body was not yet lifeless. When the mu'gua had made three steps forward, my body dropped, cold and dead. I looked at it for some time; it made no movement at all.

Suddenly something came down and went clean through my soul. My soul began to go downward. It did not ascend. I reached another world and followed a trail there. I beheld a helper of the Father (A'po) who was making some dead men over again. I thought I might see the Father, but

• The speaker indicated the place where the lodge was erected.

302 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [VoL II,

could only hear him. He was saying to me, *'You don't look very ill." A kind of thin wire was making a noise at the time. The Father had a buckskin bag; out of its contents he makes everything. He tapped the wire three times. Then I was able to see his hand, which was as small and clean as a baby's. Then the whole world opened up and I could see the earth plainly. I saw everything there. I saw my own body lying there dead.

The Sun told me I would be restored to life. I did not walk back and I don't know how I returned. Suddenly I was back alive. For a few moments, I had seen the Father. He was a handsome Indian. My famil- iar spirit left me when I fell sick and never returned after that.

On another occasion, I went up to the clouds. The people I met there were nothing but skeletons. I saw some of my friends there. In this other world there was a great deal of sage-brush.

1909.] Lovne, The Northern Shoshone, 303

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

The following bibliography comprises the sources consulted in the preparation of this paper, as well as other publications referred to for comparative purposes. In the footnotes, references are made to the name of the author, followed, where several publications are quoted, by the letter preceding the full title in the list.

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Francisco, 1890. Boas, Franz, (a) The Decorative Art of the North American Indians. (Popular

Science Monthly, 1903, pp. 481-498.)

(b) Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen KOste Amerikas.

Berlin, 1895.

(c) Traditions of the Tillamook. (Journal of American Folk-Lore,

1898, Vol. XI, pp. 23-38, 133-150.)

BouRKE, John G. On the Border with Crook. Second Edition. New York, 1892.

Brinton, D. G. The American Race. Philadelphia, 1901.

Burton, Richard F. The City of the Saints. New York, 1862.

Clark, W. P. The Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, 1885.

CuLiN, Stewart, (a) A Sununer Trip Among the Western Indians. (Free Mu- seum of Science and Art, Department of Archeol- ogy, University of Pennsylvania Bulletin, 1901, Vol. III.) (b) Games of the North American Indians. (Twenty-foiui;h Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1907.)

CuRTiN, Jeremiah. Creation Myths of Primitive America. Boston, 1898.

Gushing, Frank H. Zufii Folk-Tales. New York, 1901.

De Smet, Father. Life, Letters and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J.

1801-1873. Edited by Chittenden and Richard- son, New York, 1905.

Dixon, Roland B. (a) The Northern Maidu. (Bulletin, American Museiun

of Natural History, New York, Vol. XVII, pp. 119-346.)

(b) Maidu Myths. (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural

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(c) Some Coyote Stories from the Maidu Indians of Cali-

'fomia. (Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1900,

Vol. XIII, pp. 267-270.) Domenech, Emanuel. Seven Years Residence in the Great Deserts of North

America. London, 1860. Dorset, George A. (a) The Shoshonean Game of Nawa'tapi. (Journal of

American Folk-Lore, 1901, Vol. XIV, pp. 24-5.)

(b) The Mythology of the Wichita, Washington, 1904.

(c) Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee. (Memoirs, American

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304

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Pacific Expedition, Vol. II, pp. 77-132.)

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the Year 1842 and to Oregon and North California in the Years 1843-'44. (Printed by order of the House of Representatives, Washington, 1845.)

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Patrick Gass. Dayton, 1847.

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American Ethnology, Washington, 1896, pp. 3-328.)

Hough, Walter. Fire-making Apparatus in the U. S. National Museum. (Smith- sonian Report, United States National Museum, 1888, Washington, 1890, pp. 531-587.)

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(b) Astoria, or Anecdotes of an Enterprise beyond the Rocky Mountains. Philadelphia, 1836.

Kroeber, Alfred L. (a) Ute Tales. (Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1901,

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(c) Indian Myths of South Central California. (University

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(d) Shoshonean Dialects of California. (University of

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1909.) Lawie, The Northern Shoshone. 305

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Anthrop. Pap. A. M. N. H.

Vol. II, Platk I.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS

OF THB

American Museum of Natural History

Vol. II, Pabt III.

NOTES CONCERNING NEW COLLECTIONS. Edited by Clark Wissler.

CONTENTS.

Page

Introduction 311

List of Donors, 1906-1908 312

North America 313

The Lewisohn Tlingit Collection 313

The Eskimo of Prince Albert Land 314

The Eskimo of Mackenzie River 316

Eskimo near Pond's Bay 316

The Norton Collection 318

The Booth Collection from New York State 320

West Indies 322

Costa Rica 322

South America 330

The Schmidt and Weiss Collection 330

Painted Capa from Punta Arenas 332

Cauca Valley Black Pottery 333

Terra cotta Stamps 333

Munmiified Body from Chile 334

Islands of the Pacific Ocean 336

Hawaii 336

New Caledonia 337

New Zealand 340

Samoa 345

Bismarck Archipelago 346

Africa 347

The Congo 347

Benin 352

British South Africa 353

Archaeology 355

307

308 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Asia 356

Philippine Islands 366

Upper Burma 362

Andaman Islands 363

Archaeology 363

Physical Anthropology 364

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plates.

II. From Prince Albert Land. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 60-5855 A), length 128 cm.; Fig. 2 (60-5855 B); Fig. 3 (60-5857), length 26 cm.; Fig. 4 (60- 5864); Fig. 5 (60-5858), length 150 cm.; Fig. 6 (60-5855 I. F, C, E, K, H), length 88 cm.

III. Banner Stones from Valley of the Hudson. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 20.0- 2140), length 6.5 cm.; Fig. 2 (20.0-2154), length 7 cm.; Fig. 3 (20.0- 2148), length 10 cm.; Fig. 4 (20.0-2147), length 5 cm.; Fig. 5 (20.0- 2152), length 5 cm.; Fig. 6 (20.0-2250), length 6 cm.; Fig. 7 (20.0-2138), length 9 cm.; Fig. 8 (20.0-2153), length 8 cm.; Fig. 9 (20.0-2186), length 8 cm.; Fig. 10 (20.0-2158), length 8 cm.; Fig. 11 (20.0-2157), length 14 cm.; Fig. 12 (20.0-2155), length 15 cm.; Fig. 13 (20.0-2181), length 13 cm.; Fig. 14 (20.0-2129), length 8 cm.; Fig. 15 (20.0-2150), length 6 cm.; Fig. 16 (20.0-2159), length 9 cm.; Fig. 17 (20.0-2149), length 5 cm.; Fig. 18 (20.0-2151), length 5 cm.; Fig. 19 (20.0-2146), length 5 cm.

IV. Nicoya Pottery. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 30.0-1479), length 13 cm.; Fig. 2 (30.0-1466), length 20 cm.; Fig. 3 (30.0-1469), length 13 cm.; Fig. 4 (30.0-1315), length 18 cm.; Fig. 5 (30.0-1321), length 24 cm.; Fig. 6 (30.0-1335), length 19 cm.; Fig. 7 (30.O-1339), length 28 cm.; Fig. 8 (30.0-1334), length 23 cm.; Fig. 9 (30.0-1340), length 27 cm.; Fig. 10 (30.0-1468), length 35 cm.; Fig. 11 (30.0-1485), length 24 cm. V. Armadillo Jar. (Museum No. 30.0-1484), length 21 cm. VI. Pottery from Nicoya and Terraba. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 30.0-1361), length 17 cm.; Fig. 2 (30.0-1371), length 27 cm.; Fig. 3 (30.0-1504), length 6 cm.; Fig. 4 (30.0-1364), length 5 cm.; Fig. 5 (30.0-1366), length 9 cm.; Fig. 6 (30.0-1367), length 9 cm.; Fig. 7 (30.0-1506), length 6 cm.; Fig. 8 (30.0-1505), length 8 cm.; Fig. 9 (30.0-1362), length 6 cm.; Fig. 10 (30.0-1363), length 7 cm.; Fig. 11 (30.0-1507), length 16 cm.; Fig. 12 (30.0-1359), length 11 cm.

VII. Full Costume of the TukHno Indians. VIII. Painted Capa from Punta Arenas. IX. Black Pottery from Colombia. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 41.0-198), length 12 cm,; Fig. 2 (41.0-99), length 13 cm.; Fig. 3 (41.0-183), length 14 cm.; Fig. 4 (41.0-148), length 10 cm.; Fig. 5 (41.0-221), length 16 cm.; Fig. 6 (41.0-142), length 9 cm.; Fig. 7 (41.0-145), length 16 cm.; Fig. 8 (41.0- 60), length 5 cm.; Fig. 9 (41.0-106), length 12 cm.; Fig. 10 (41.0-121), length 8 cm.; Fig. 11 (41.0-64), length 7 cm.; Fig. 12 (41.0-63), length 7 cm.

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

309

X.

XI. XII.

XIII.

XIV. XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

A Mummy from Chile.

The Kearny Feather Cape. (Museum No. 80.0-784). Length 211 cm.

Technique of the Kearny Cape. Basket from New Hebrides. (Museum No. 80.0-734), length 30 cm.

Carved Figures from Bismarck Archipelago. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 80.0- 197), length 157 cm.; Fig. 2 (80.0-191), length 170 cm.; Fig. 3 (80.0- 195), length 267 cm.; Fig. 4 (80.0-194), length 129 cm.; Fig. 5 (80.0- 192), length 147 cm.

Taboo House, Bismarck Archipelago.

Wood Carvings from Mudandi. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-1450) length 96 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-1449), length 62 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-1445), length 67 cm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-1442), length 60 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-1444), length 64 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-1443), length 58 cm.

Wood Carvings from the Congo. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-3242), length 8 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-2236), length 20 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-2246), length 21 tm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-2257), length 23 cm.; Fig. 5 (90.0-5042), length 18 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-2237), length 16 cm.; Fig. 7 (90.0-5235), length 17 cm.; Fig. 8 (90.0-5099 A-B), length 45 cm.; Fig. 9 (90.0- 5025), length 35 cm.; Fig. 10 (90.0-4898), length 34 cm.; Fig. 11 (90.0- 2224), length 21 cm.

African Images and Masks. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-2397), length 87 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-3665), length 39 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-2260), length 50 cm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-5309), length 43 cm.; Fig. 5 (90.0-2384), length 34 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-2309), length 35 cm.; Fig. 7 (90.0-2308), length 32 cm.; Fig. 8 (90.0-5308), length 92 cm.

Musical Instruments from the Congo. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-2314),

. length, 60 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-2447), length 28 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-5078), length 30 cm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-5096), length 66 cm.; Fig. 5 (90.0-5185 A), length 78 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-3125), length 99 cm.; Fig. 7 (90.0-5238- A-C), length 43 cm.; Fig. 8 (90.0-2417), length 44 cm.; Fig. 9 (90.0- 2355), length 26 cm.; Fig. 10 (90.-4975), length 74 cm.

Bakuba Pile Cloth. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-2208); Fig. 2 (90.0-2191); Fig. 3 (90.O-2204); Fig. 4 (90.0-2199); Fig. 5 (90.0-5194); Fig. 6 (90.0- 2178); Fig. 7 (90.0-2195).

Bakuba Pile Cloth. Fig. 1 (90.0-2207); Fig. 2 (90.0-2192); Fig. 3 (90.0- 5278); Fig. 4 (90.0-2193); Fig. 5 (90.0-2183); Fig. 6 (90.0-2182); Fig. 7 (90.0-5195).

Carved Tusks and a Bronze Head. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0-97), length 24 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-94), length 84 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-98), length 22 cm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-2012), length 170 cm.; Fig. 5 (90.0-95), length 62 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-96), length 67 cm.; Fig. 7 (90.0-2013), length 173 cm.; Fig. 8 (90.0-1975), length 36 cm.; Fig. 9 (90.0-1976), length 40 cm.; Fig. 10 (90.0-2017), length 37 cm.

Baskets, Pottery, Gourds and Wooden Ware. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 90.0- 653), length 27 cm.; Fig. 2 (90.0-1121), length 26 cm.; Fig. 3 (90.0-1117), length 30 cm.; Fig. 4 (90.0-1120), length 24 cm.; Fig. 5 (90.0-706), height 15 cm.; Fig. 6 (90.0-639), length 17 cm.; Fig. 7 (90.0-638), length 26 cm.; Fig. 8(90.0-796), length 37 cm.; Fig. 9 (90.0-779),

310 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

length 18 cm.; Fig. 10 (90.0-656), length 15 cm.; Fig. 11 (90.0-804), length 31 cm.; Fig. 12 (90.0-671), length 21 cm.; Fig. 13 (90.0-794), length 40 cm. XXII. From the Philippine Islands. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 70.1-4366), length 18 cm.; Fig. 2 (70.1-4351), length 14 cm.; Fig. 3 (70.1-4365), length 14 cm.; Fig. 4 (70.1-4283), length 49 cm.; Fig. 5 (70.1-4081), length 43 cm.; Fig. 6 (70.1-2774), length 37 cm.; Fig. 7 (70.1-4083), length 40 cm. XXIII. Stone Implements from China. Fig. 1 (Museum No. 70.0-180), length 10 cm.; Fig. 2 (70.0-178), length 8 cm.; Fig. 3 (70.0-185), length 10 cm.; Fig. 4 (70.0-180), length 10 cm.; Fig. 5 (70.0-185), length 10 cm.; Fig. 6 (70.0-179), length 12 cm.; Fig. 7 (70.0-186), length 10 cm.; Fig. 8 (70.0-184), length 7 cm.; Fig. 9 (70.0-183), length 10 cm.; Fig. 10 (70.0-181), length 8 cm.; Fig. 11 (70.0-182), length 6 cm.; Fig. 12 (70.0- 187), length 7 cm.

Tbxt Fiqures.

Page

1. Copper- bladed Knife from Prince Albert Land 315

2. Leather Masks from near Pond's Bay 316

3. Bone Needle Case 317

4. Pictographs Etched in Ivory 318

5. Throwing boards and line rack, ivory inlaid . . . • . . .319

6. Kayak from Greenland and Pond's Bay 320

7. Kayak from Greenland and Pond's Bay 321

8. Map of Northwestern South America and the Region Occupied by the

Tukftno Indians. 330

9. Design from a Terra Cotta Stamp 334

10. Designs, on Terra Cotta Stamps from Colombia 335

11. Knots in Feather Cape 336

12. Foundation Pattern for a Feather Cape 337

13. Wooden Vessels from the New Hebrides 338

14. Designs on a Bowl from Marquesas 339

15. Technique of Maori Capes 343

16. Technique of Overlay in Maori Garments 343

17. Forms of Weapons from the Congo 348

18. Carved Spoon Handles . . . 353

19. Ivory Pins 354

20. A Musical Bow 355

21. Decorations on Lime Boxes 358

22. Designs and Forms in Kris Decorations 360

23. Types of Malayian Swords 361

INTRODUCTION.

The following publication has been prepared in response to many calls for information concerning new anthropological collections received at the Museum. The plan was to enumerate what seemed to be important fea- tures of acquisitions not resulting from field-work carried on under the direct supervision of the anthropological staff, but from the generosity of the many donors whose support has contributed in a large way to the increase of our general collections. The results of field-work together with notes on donated collections pertaining to related areas will appear under special titles in the series of which this publication is a part. While the intent was to treat especially such acquisitions for 1908, it seemed best to mention some of those received during the two or three preceding years. Since the field work of the staff is practically confined to the North American continent, relatively more space has to be given to the collections from other continents. In passing, it may be stated that during the period 1906-1908, inclusive, fourteen field parties were sent out in North America under the direction of the staff, all of which returned collections and data for future publications. In addition some collections were donated from areas not visited by these field parties. Such of these as seemed to add new data have received notice in the following pages.

From foreign countries the acquisitions have been considerable. Pre- vious to 1906, there were in the Museum practically no representative col- lections from Africa nor many of the Islands of the Pacific Ocean. Since that time something over six thousand catalogue numbers have been added for Africa, while the Islands of the Pacific have greatly increased repre- sentation for Polynesia and Melanesia. Also where there were but a few scattered specimens from the Philippine Islands, there is now a large col- lection. Finally, mention may be made of a fairly complete collection from the Andaman Islands and imp)ortant collections from the South American Indians. As the great general gain in these foreign collections has been made possible by the direct and indirect donations of many patrons, the credit for this gratifying progress belongs to them.

In preparing the following notes, no attempt has been made to discuss all of the important features of the various collections, but to select such as

311

312

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [VoL IE,

seemed of special interest to the work of the anthropological staff and to current discussion. To Dr. Robert H. Lowie, are to be credited the notes on African collections; to Mr. George H. Pepper, those on the Central American states; to Miss Mary Lois Kissell, the notes on basketry and textiles; to Mr. Charles W. Mead, the notes on South America and New Zealand; to Mr. Alanson Skinner, notes on many of the archseological collections; to Mr. William Orchard, many of the photographs and plates; to Miss Ruth B. Howe, the drawings; to Miss Grace E. Taft, the technical arrangement of the manuscript for the press; and to Mr. William A. Sabine^ assistance in selecting the materials to be described.

The Editor.

List of Donors, 1906-1908.

George Albro

Champe S. Andrews

Dr. S. T. Armstrong

Belgian Government

F. A. Bertold

W. M. Blake

Henry Booth

George S. Bowdoin

Irving Brokaw

Bamum Brown

Bull Child (Blackfoot^Indian)

Dr. Walter Channing

Jas. Chapin

Alex. C. Chenoweth

J. R. Cushier

William Demuth

D^partement de rint^rieur, Etat In-

d^pendant du Congo T. E. Donne Richard Douglas H. Duffy Robert Dumont Theo. Dwight Dr. J. J. Edwards Lieut. G. T. Emmons Miss Adele M. Field

Charles H. Flint J. B. Foulke Dr. W. Freudenthal Robt. F. Gilder Wilbur F. Goodrich Dr. James Goodwillie Dr. Frederic Griffith Thos. M. Guerin Alfred Hammerstein Harper Bros. Gerald E. Hart George G. Heye G. K. Hollister Henry W. Howell Archer M. Huntington Morris K. Jesup Mrs. Morris K. Jesup Henry E. Jones Mrs. D. F. Kelley George A. King George B. King Edward J. Knapp Mrs. Charles B. Knox E. Kuzmier Frank G. Lahey Dr. E. A. Le Souef

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

313

Dr. A. B. Lewis

R. Maccarone

W. S. MacCoUester

T. MacGregor MacDonald

G. Archibald McTavish

Mrs. Niles Ross Martin

E. P. Mathewson

Mrs. J. J. Mayhan

George W. Maynard

Metropolitan Museum

Paul C. MUler

Pitser Miller

Hon. Mason Mitchell

J. P. Morgan

Ralph M. Munroe

B. T. Nash

Dr. Francis C. Nicholas

G. Frederic Norton

George N. Pindar

Paul Radin

Miss Dorothy Reed

Miss F. L. Risley

Capt. Wirt Robinson

Sheldon Rodman

T. S. Rumney

M. F. Savage

Emest Schemikow Mrs. C. Scheuer Mrs. Philip Schuyler Mrs. Louis Scott Dr. L. L. Seaman Chas. H. Senff H. W. Seton-Karr Henry Siegel Alanson Skinner Capt. Joshua Slocum Harlan L Smith Mrs. J. Smith J. G. Phelps Stokes Mrs. Mary H. Taft R. Thys

C. H. Townsend J. Reeve Van der Veer W. A. Welch Mrs. John Wheelwright Caspar Whitney Gen. Charles A. Whittier Miss T. Wilbour Mrs. Viola G. Wissler Women's National Relief Associa- tion Louis G. Zumaya

NORTH AMERICA.

During the interval (190&-08) the Museum acquired, as the results of field-work, collections from the Eskimo, Cree, Assiniboine, D6n^, Sarcee, Nez Perc^, Blackfoot, Crow, Shoshone, Dakota, Hidatsa and Iroquois; also archaeological collections from Wyoming, Idaho and New York. These collections will receive special attention in future publications based upon the results of the several investigations now under way. The following notes, therefore, refer to collections, acquired by gift or otherwise, from regions or peoples not at present the subjects of investigation by the anthro- pological staff.

The Levnsokn Tlingit Collection. Mr. Adolph Lewisohn presented an important collection from the Tlingit Indians of Alaska, collected by Mr. Louis Levy. Among the ceremonial objects may be mentioned a shaman's

314 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

box, or the chest containing a shaman's outfit, evidently taken from a grave after several years of exposure by which the contents were somewhat dam- aged. In the box were a few carved rattles, ivory necklaces, a head-dress of carved goat-homs, a bunch of the shaman's hair, and a number of small bundles. These latter are from a subjective point of view the most im- portant, consisting of the skins of small animals and birds wrapped up with sticks, pieces of cloth and other small objects. In treating the sick, the shammi holds these little bundles in his hand, waving them over the patient, while. 3Jhging songs and uttering prayers. In the bottom of the box was found tlie most important of all, a small package containing a number of vegetable compounds the uses of which were known only to the shaman himself. Of some interest also is a series of one hundred decorated baskets for which Mr. Levy secured pattern names. Making due allowance for differences in translation, the names for the various figures agree fairly well with those recorded by Lieutenant G. T. Emmons.^

The Eskimo of Prince Albert Land, In 1907 a small collection was received from Captain S. F. Cottle to whom it was given by the commander of a whaling vessel that touched at Minto Inlet, at which point he met the Eskimo from w^hom the specimens here mentioned were said to have been received. So far as our observation goes no specimens from this coast have been described. The bow (Plate ii) is of wood, rather heavy, with the double curve- sometimes seen in Alaskan bows. The belly is of one piece but the ends are built up by splicing in the same manner as the arrows to be described later. The greater curve at one end is due to a break under the lashing. The back is not trussed by a cable, but by a layer of sinew cords, held in place on the belly of the bow by a single cord running in a spiral. The only lashing is at the bend where the cord is laced somewhat like Alaskan bows. Another feature found also on some Alaskan bows is a backing of rawhide underneath the sinew strands, extending the entire length and hooked over the notched ends. Again under the lashing at the bends and at the grip, the bow is reinforced by plates of bone, as in some Alaskan bows. Curiously enough a piece of sheet iron, probably part of a tin, has been laid over one of these plates. The quiver is simple, but seem- ingly different in shape from those of other tribes. There is no bow-case. The carrying strap is a curious band of braided sinew.

There are seven arrows with copper points and three with bone. The former are provided with fore-shafts of bone which with one exception are barbed upon one side. The copper points are of three types: a leaf-shaped point with a tang driven into the fore-shaft, a triangular point set in a notch

1 Memoirs. American Museum of Natural History, Vol. Ill, Part II, pp. 229-277.

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

315

and held by a copper rivet, and a triangular point bearing at one side of the base a barb similar to those on bone fore-shafts. One of the bone points is of the same form as last mentioned. The remaining bone points are of the familiar long one-side-barbed type (Plate ii).

The arrows range in length from 82 to 87 em. Three of them have three feathers, the others but two. In a few eases the upper end of one feather is forced into an incision on the shaft instead of passing under the sinew wrapping. The shafts have been built up from several pieces of wood neatly fitted in v-shaped splices and apparently arranged so as to pre- vent warping. The fore-shafts are inserted, the shafts being reinforced at that place by sinew wTapping.

There is also a copper-bladed woman's knife (Fig. 1) with a two-part bone handle and what appears to be a bone dagger with a wrapped grip suggesting Athapascan influence (Plate ii).

A woman's coat has a long narrow tapering tail resembling most those of Cumberland Sound. The hoods are pointed in the extreme. A cap cut to fit the head closely and surmounted by the beak of a bird is of unusual interest. The assimiption is that this cap was worn inside the hood, whose tip rested on the spike-like beak at the top. It is formed by piecing narrow strips of caribou skin, those with the hair and those dressed alternating. The dressed bands are painted red and black. The same kind of technique is found on the knee-bands of a pair of trousers and the facing of a coat. Assuming that the hair-covered strip simply divides the painted bands, the color scheme is two red, one black, etc., with a variation for the front of the cap. A long scattering fringe hangs from its top.

From a comparative point of view, this small collection is of some interest. We find similarities to Alaskan Eskimo culture on the one hand and to Central Eskimo on the other. Thus while many features of the bow are Alaskan, the use of many strands and the form of the wrapping suggest the Central culture. The arrows also show some western characteristics, but in the form of some points duplicate specimens from the east.^ The woman's knife has the form of modem examples from the west coast of Hudson Bay. The cut of the garments also resembles those from Hudson Bay, but the technique of decoration suggests Alaskan or even Siberian in- fluence.

Fig. 1 (60-5866). Copper- bladed Knife from Prince Albert Land. Length, 8 cm.

» See Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XV, p. 83.

316

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

The Eskimo of Mackenzie River. By purchase a small number of specimens from the mouth of the Mackenzie River were secured. There are models of kayaks, the well-known Eskimoan hand drum, snow probes, bone needles, horn spoons, a set of wooden gambling sticks, and a bow with quiver full of arrows. The arrows are two-feathered. Of bird arrows there are three types: (a) a blunt cylindrical point; (b) a blunt point ending in three radiating wings; and (c) one ending in four such wings at right angles. Curiously enough while the most of these are of bone, there are two with iron points worked out as in t}^pe c. The barbed arrows are longer and heavier than the preceding, bearing long iron points variously barbed.

Fig. 2(60-5877,8). Leather Masks from near Ponds Bay. Lengths, 23 cm.

The decorations upon these shafts and points are various combinations of parallel lines either transverse or spiral. The bow is of wood in single curve, backed with two sinew cables, lashed near each end and slightly at the grip. The quiver is ornamented by pairs of parallel oblique red lines and on its back is a small pocket containing sinew, presumably for mending arrows.^

Eskimo near Pond's Bay. During the year a collection was received from the Eskimo residing in the vicinity of Pond's Bay and Eclipse Sound, northeast of Baffin I^and. Most of the specimens have the general char- acteristics of Central Eskimoan culture quite fully described in recent

1 This collection by gift from Mrs. Morris K. Jesup.

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

317

publications from this Museum.* Further, it may be said that they show many of the minor details peculiar to Cumberland Sound collections. We may mention, however, four leather masks, since with one or two exceptions such masks have not been found in previous collections from this area. Two of them are similar to the one described by Professor Boas as having been collected near Cumberland Sound.' The mouths and eyes are bordered by strips of white sealskin while the faces of the masks are black. Both have the curiously cun'ed bands on the forehead, the lines radiating from the nostrils and chin, and heavy eyebrows of fur. The remaining two want the radiatting lines and have in addition hairy lips. One has peculiar squint- ing eyes (Fig. 2).

Since the distribution of stone pipes among the Central Eskimo has frequently been a matter of discussion, it may be of interest to note that eight are found in this collection. Most of these are brass-bound and iden- tical in form with those described as from the west coast of Hudson Bay.' According to Professor Boas, the tribes west of Hudson Bay made these stone pipes, whence it seems probable that they are also made at Pond's Bay.

A gracefully fashioned throwing board has the cur'ed head and is other- wise identical in detail with a specimen illustrated in a previous publication.*

The number of slate blades and points is unusual for Central Eskimo collections. The knife blades are of two forms, the usual triangular woman's knife blade with one or two perforations and a long narrow straight-backed blade resembling Alaskan knives. It seems, however, that the blades of the triangular form are peculiar in that the cutting edges are straight instead of curved. There are also a large number of triangular slate points with one and two perforations. Finally there is a complete harpoon head fashioned from a single piece of slate.

A rectangular needle case, apparently an old specimen picked up on a camp site, is shown in Fig. 3. In cross- section, it is very like a Netchillik case,* which Professor Boas considered exceptional, though paralleled by a single specimen from King William Land. On the other hand, the decoration of this needle case is produced by dots in- stead of lines, though its general arrangement is somewhat like the two just mentioned.

Fig. 3 (60-6019). Bone Needle Case. Length, 8 cm.

• Franz Boas, Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XV, 1907. 2 Bulletin, Vol. XV. op. cit., p. 140, fig. 169.

8 Bulletin, Vol. XV. op. cit., p. 110, fig. 160.

• Bulletin, Vol. XV, op. cit., p. 16.

» Bulletin, Vol. XV. op. cit., p. 459.

318

Anthropological Papers American, Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Perhaps of greater interest is a small curved piece of ivory resembling the bow of a drill upon the sides of which are small delicate pictographs. Unfortunately the specimen is old and much weathered so that its entire restoration is impossible (Fig. 4). However, what we have bears a closer analogy to Alaskan art than anything so far brought to our notice among the collections from the Central Eskimo.

Finally, mention should be made of a peculiar ornament bearing four rows of caribou teeth, in series, arranged on a rectangular mat of two colors. The whole is backed by a piece of membrane, apparently seal intestine. The only similar specimen we have seen is from St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, collected by Lieut. G. T. Emmons (0-346). This is a long girdle bearing a

I T /r

fe-R^

X ^^ ^>T^^^fainiii

iLjHii

',fiimIMSimurj^:^/iiTmii<^ ' n

/i'"%n^

i»iff "'''^^^^.

Fig. 4 (60-5944). Pictographs on Ivory. Length, 23 cm.

single row of such teeth; but arranged and attached in precisely the same manner as on the' Pond's Bay piece.

Thus there are several peculiar resemblances to Alaskan culture presented by this collection from Pond's Bay, one of the extreme eastern out-posts of the Central Eskimo.

The Norton Collection. An interesting series of specimens from Hoktens- borg and Discoe Islands off the southwest shore of Greenland was presented to the Department by G. Frederic Norton. The series from Holstensborg consists of a complete kayak outfit of the Greenland type. While there is nothing strictly new or suggestive in this collection, some of its characteristics may be given, since no American writer seems to have described Greenland specimens from this point of view. There is the characteristic harpoon and lance, each with a throwing board. As shown in Fig. 5, the throwing

1909.]

Notes on New CoUectiona,

319

board is held in position by two ivory pegs. In throwing the slanting peg fits into the eye of the board which is shaped so as not to bind when the throw is made. For details as to manipulation as well as illustrations of parts, see Fridtjof Hansen's Eskimoliv.^ The two throwing boards col- lected by Mr. Norton differ in the form of the grip, one having a series of notches for the fingers instead of a single groove.

Perhaps the most characteristic general feature of Greenland specimens

y

Fig. 5 a (60-6199), b (60-«193 B), c (60-6192 B). inlaid. Length of a, 27 cm. ; b 44 cm. ; c, 44 cm.

Throwing boards and Line Rack, Ivory

is the inlaying and trimming with bone and ivory. Kayak paddles are tipped and edged with bone, the support of the line rack (Fig. 5c) is inlaid with disks and crossbars of ivory similar to the inlaying and trimmings of the two throwing boards shown in the illustration. The fore-shafts of the harpoons and lances are decorated with incised designs and relief work, while one harpoon shaft is topped by an ivory ball with a carved pedestal. While it may well be, as has been suggested, that this technique is the result

1 Also F. Krause, Smithsonian Report for 1904, pp. 619-638.

320

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

of long contact with Europeans, the illustrations in many books treating of Greenland indicate considerable permanence of motive as well as detail in all such decoration.

The kayak seems to be of the typical Greenland type, and is well-fumished with carved ivory sup- ports, toggles and buttons. Fig. 6 shows the deck with its trimmings and the outline in longitudinal section. In this connection the reader may be referred to an illustration showing all the accessories such as float, lance, harpoon, line, etc., in place for the hunt, from which an idea of the use of these various toggles can be had.^ A kayak collected in the vicinity of Pond's Bay bears some striking resem- blances to the Greenland type, the paddles being almost identical (Fig. 7).

The Booth Collection from New York State. A notable accession, during the past year, was the Henry M. Booth collection of archaeological speci- mens from New York State. The collection which numbers 1154 catalogued specimens was gathered almost entirely from the Hudson River Valley in and between Westchester County and Albany, and well represents the prehistoric culture of the Algonkin Indians of that region.

One feature deserving of special mention is the unusually large number of banner stones. While these finely made and little understood objects occur throughout New York State, and the New England and Middle States in general, they are as a rule far from abundant in any locality. From the compara- tively small area covered by this collection, however, come about twenty specimens, both whole and frag- mentary. They are of several types, notably the plain, notched and perforated forms. The latter showing considerable range of design and recalling the archaeology of Ohio, Indiana and the middle west generally. The perfectly plain, unnotched type is quite infrequent, though not unknown along the New York seaboard, and the one shown in Fig. 13, Plate III, is a decided rarity; whereas, from other collections examined by

I'

Fig. 6 a, 6 (60-6190.1). Kayak from Greenland andlPonds Bay. Length, 225 cm.

Hansen. Eskimoliv. p. 37.

1909.]

Notes on New CoUeciions.

321

the writer, it might be supposed that the notched form, Fig. 16, would be well represented. Another shown in Fig. 4 was in process of manufacture, the shaping being completed, and drilling, evidently with a stone drill, begun. This latter fact is rather unusual as the un- finished specimens in other collections usually show a core, suggesting the use of a hollow reed and sand drill. Fig. 3 shows a broken specimen, the fractured surfaces of which have been smoothed over and the object apparently still kept for some purpose.

Several "bird'' amulets, a number of gorgets, and one or two stone tubes are also in the collection, as are a number of semilunar knives and one rubbed slate arrow or knife point. The celt is more frequent than the grooved axe, several types of each occurring. The gouge, adze, and long pestle, so typical of New England are very well represented. The number of long stone pestles is truly astonishing. Several very deep stone mortars and a large grooved stone of the type usually considered as having been used to shape arrow shafts may be mentioned.

Pottery is rather poorly represented, and is in the main Algonkian though some Iroquoian types occur. Steatite seems nearly as common for the area in question. No pipes of either clay or stone are among the specimens. There is, however, what appears to be the stem of a broken steatite pipe, worked over for a bead or other ornament.

The bulk of the collection is made up of flints, arrow points, knives, drills, chips, rejects, etc., ham- merstones, sinkers, grooved and notched. There are several notched axes, and one or two pitted stones of the so-called '*lap stone" type. There are several trade articles and articles of Indian make inspired by European contact, the most interesting being a steatite bullet mould and an earring of brass or copper wire upon which are strung several shell beads.

Judging the prehistoric culture of the Hudson River Valley above Manhattan Island by the material

at hand; the number of long pestles, gouges, and adzes; the scarcity of pottery in contrast to the comparative abundance of steatite; the presence

y

Fig. 7 a, b (60-«167, 6172) Kayak from Green- land and Ponds Bay Length 216 cm.

322 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. 11^

of the rubbed slate semilunar knives, etc.; one is inclined to class it with the culture of New England, especially that of the Connecticut River Valley. It may be well to note that the Mahican, who within historic times held the Hudson River Valley — at least on the east bank, from whence this collection was largely derived, — were the immediate ancestors and near relations of the Mohegans of the lower Connecticut River valley, who separated from them about the period of European contact. (A. S.)

West Indies, Dr. S. T. Armstrong presented a collection of five stone axes from the Island of Cuba, collected in 1898 in the Department of Puerto Principe. They are particularly interesting in view of the fact that archaeo- logical material from this Island is hard to obtain.

A large stone axe and a rubbing stone from St. Vincent were presented by Mr. T. MacGregor MacDonald of Wallilabo, St. Vincent, B. W. I. The former was found at Chateau Belair and the latter came from Walli- labo.

Another collection of typical stone implements from St. Vincent was obtained by exchange. The predominating implement is the axe. The material was collected by Rev. Thomas Huckerby, a missionary who lived at Chateau Belair. Many of the specimens were found by this gentleman, and the remainder were obtained by purchase from natives in the villages where they were found. The major part of the material came from Stubbs Village, Barronallie, Layon, Fitzhughes, Troumacca Valley and Petit Bordel.

Costa Rica, During the past year, the Anthropological Department has been enriched by the addition of a collection of pottery and stone objects from Costa Rica. Many of the specimens are new forms which help to fill in the gaps in the Museum material from this culture area, and there is one group from the southern part of the country that may be new to science. The material was bought in Costa Rica by Mr. E. O. Schemikow of this city, and presented to the Museum. The material as presented was a combina- tion of four lots, one of which was known as the Weiss collection, this being the largest. The other three were the La Croix, Gruinter and Underwood collections. The only one of the four that was properly catalogued was the one made by Weiss. According to Mr. Schemikow, Mr. Weiss is an experienced collector who can be trusted, inasmuch as he is careful to ascer- tain the exact location of the ** finds" that come into his hands. This col- lection comprises specimens from the following places: — Nicoya, Buenos Aires, Province of Terraba; San Isidro de Arenilla, at the foot of the vol- cano of Irazu; Cartago; and Santo Domingo de Heredia.

The Costa Rican fictile productions of the prehistoric period are well- known through the researches of Hartman and others. The great pre-

1909.] Notes on New CoUectiona. 323

ponderance of fictile productions in the Isthmian region has been pointed out by Professor Holmes in his memoir on the Chiriqui.^ He states that the graves had *' yielded to a single explorer upwards of 10,000 pieces of pottery, and this chiefly from an area perhaps not more than fifty miles square." The same author also states that pottery vessels constitute at least ninety percent of the known art of the people. The percentage in Costa Rica would be somewhat lower, as the art of stone carving was devel- oped to a much greater degree especially in the northern part of the region ; but pottery was the greatest of the non-{>erishable objects that were made by the old Costa Ricans. A number of different wares are represented from the various parts of the country; but the most ornate, both in symmetry and in decoration, is from the Nicoya Peninsula. The Museum has a col- lection from this region which shows in a fairly representative way the types and decorations. An exchange with the Carnegie Museum of Pitts- burg added a few new forms and furnished a rather complete series of small stone objects, especially amulets, beads of jadeite and other stones. Although most of the typical forms were in evidence, the Museum collection was not large enough to furnish material for comparative studies. The collection under consideration will, however, add materially to this series, especially that showing the large, elaborately decorated jars from Nicoya. A series of the Nicoya jars may be seen in Plate iv. There were eleven large jars of this form and several smaller ones, each with a flaring annular base and with decorations of painted or raised designs. Fig. 8 is of the globular form with the upper half maintaining a gentle taper from the median line to the rim. The annular base is missing; but, at the point where it was fastened to the lower part of the vessel, there is a scarified area made no doubt to facilitate the joining of the two independently made parts. The vessel is 20.5 cm. in height and 16.5 cm. in width at the central part. The body color is dark cream and the painted ornamentation is in black and red. The decorative devices are a combination of painted and relief ele- ments. The head of a tiger is modeled in the round, and placed at the base of the painted band that surrounds the rim. The main physical features are accentuated by means of rather broad bands of black and red. On the opposite side of the jar there is a painted design evidently made to represent the tail of the animal. On the other two sides there are large painted zoo- morphic figures the bodies of which are red. They are outlined with black and special features such as the eyes are of the same color. Directly above the figures and encircling the rim are several narrow bands and one broad one with interlocking terrace-shaped figures, possibly conventionalized animal forms.

1 Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, William Henry Holmes, 6tii Annual Report, American Bureau of Ethnology.

324 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Fig. 7 has a flaring neck, a raised band encircling the body at the widest part, and a high annular base. The lower part of the stand was flaring, but the major part of it is missing. The painted decorations are in black and red, confined to three broad bands which encircle the neck, central part and base. The color work extends also to an animal head and fore-l^s which are modeled in the round and attached to the upper part of the jar. The head is shown with open mouth, protruding tongue and with the paws resting against the lower jaw. The teeth are represented by painted lines and the other features are heightened by the application of red paint and black line work. This jar is 27.5 cm. high and 19.5 cm. in diameter at the broadest part.

One of the most elaborately decorated vessels that has been noted from Costa Rica is shown in Plate v. Unlike many vessels of this character, it has been a tripod jar, all of the others in this collection having annular bases. The hind legs and tail have been lost, but otherwise the jar is practically perfect. The body color is of rich maroon. Over this a light cream slip has been placed, forming the background for an elaborate color scheme. The whole represents, in a most convincing way, the body of an armadillo, the physical features brought out by painting and modeling, and the whole treatment furnishing one of the most striking evidences of realism so far noted in the fictile productions of the Isthmian region.

The armadillo is an animal well-known in most parts of tropical America, extending from Mexico through Central America to South America where it has a wide range. It is peculiarly marked and presents an admirable motive for pottery decoration, being especially adapted to relief and incised techniques. The Chiriqui area is noted for its vessels which show the armadillo figure or conventionalized adaptations of its form. This feature has been developed by Dr. MacCurdy; ^ but in the large collection brought together by Professor O. C. Marsh, now in the Yale University Museum, there seems to be no evidence of an attempt to represent this animal in as elaborate a way as in the specimen under consideration. Dr. Carl Hartman in his extended researches in Costa Rica did not find, or at least has made no mention of, such a high development of zoomorphic delineation as applied to the armadillo. The armor-like carapace of the armadillo is the most characteristic feature of its anatomy. Its protective qualities would natur- ally appeal to a primitive people who were given to the reproduction of animal forms in their art products. This then would be the distinctive feature when conventionalism was resorted to, and it is only natural that it should be accentuated in a semi-realistic jar adaptation. Referring to Plate v, a

Congr^s International ties Americanist es, Tome II, Quebec, 1907, pp. 147-163.

1909.] Notes on New CoUecHona. 325

broad decorated band may be seen encircling the jar, with the exception of an area directly below and including a strip that is defined by the space between the fore-legs. This band represents the carapace of the armadillo, and the open space the belly of the animal which is covered with hair instead of dermal plates.

The common armadillo of this region is the Tatu novemcinctumy and in comparing the decoration of this jar with the animal this species will be used. This, as the name implies, is the nine-banded armadillo. These transverse dermal plates are so arranged that, in the living animal, they over- lap. They have the appearance of rows of narrow incisor teeth placed side by side, the upper shaded area and the intervening space forming a saw-tooth band that extends the entire length of each plate. In applying this design to the vessel, the artist has modeled seven slightly depressed bands; then by means of black paint the ridges that separate the bands were accentu- ated; after which, with the same color, a saw-tooth strip, similar to that on the animal, was painted on each band. The intervening spaces, — that b, between the teeth, — were left unpainted and, as these were the dull cream slip of the jar, they caused a perfect representation of the natural rows of tooth-like divisions as already described.

In considering the other physical features of the jar, we find that the head, legs and tail have been modeled in relief. The hind legs and tail are missing, but these three parts formed the tripod upon which the vessel rested. The hind legs were evidently cylindrical in form, whereas the tail was semicircular. The fore-legs are modeled in low relief from the shoulders to the paws. The paws have been modeled in the round; but, owing to the fact that they are missing, it is impossible to determine their shape. The arms are outlined with broad bands of red. The head is perfect with the exception of the end of the nose. Unlike most animal heads, this one is solid in construction, the form being concavo-convex, causing the under part of the head to be hollow. The head shows the characteristic pointed nose. Th^ ears, very large in the living animal, are modeled in relief and accentuated with red bands. The major part of the head has been painted black, and there are designs in white in the form of dots and scrolls which give an effect similar to that shown in the lost color ware of Chiriqui. The nose itself is salmon red in color, and there is a pointed design on its upper part. This design is formed by black and cream lines, surrounding a wedge-shaped figure of dark red. Above this, there are three red dots on the cream slip which was not covered by the black band on which the scrolls and dot^ were traced. At the base of the head there is a salmon red band and below this there is a scroll design in black encircling the neck. On the breast, which is painted a salmon red and outlined with dark red,

3 26 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

there is a triangular design of black surrounded by lines of cream, black, and a broad band of red. On the outer edge of the last-named band, there is a series of black dots. Directly below this design there b another of circular form, the central part being black. This is surrounded by a band of cream and this in turn by a band of black and another broad band of red. What these designs typify, cannot be stated, but they form a striking finish to this part of the vessel.

At either end of the dermal plate band there is an area painted black. This extends from the upper part of the hind-legs to the shoulders. Over this area a series of lines and dots have been traced, the appearance being that of the lost color designs of the Chiriqui pottery and similar to that on the head of this jar. The space above and below the dermal plates was decorated with bands and scroll designs of a salmon red color. Below this, on the base of the vessel, there is a narrow band of the cream-colored slip ; then a band of black, and below this a broad band of red. These three bands begin at the base of one of the black areas mentioned, pass below the dermal plate area, around the tail, and back to the corresponding black area opposite. The remaining portion forming the base of the vessel is covered with the cream slip.

The designs on this vessel are fairly well preserved on one side but, on the opposite side, at least one-half of the surface has been denuded not only of the decorations but also of the cream-colored slip. In its present condition, without the legs it measures 20.5 cm. in height, and 16.5 cm. in width at the widest part.

Regarding the other vessels shown in Plate iv, little need be said. They are all of the annular base type, but in the case of one of them the base is missing. The series serves to show the variations in form and, although in most of them the designs are partly obliterated, enough remains to indicate the similarity of treatment in this type of jars.

The bowls from the Nicoya peninsula are of various forms, some ha'ing tripod bases, others annular bases, and a third form is the simple type in which no base ai)pears. A series of these bowls is shown in Plate vi. They have a dull red or cream background, upon which is developed a series of designs of geometrical or zoomorphic character. The designs are all painted and usually a combination of red and black colors is used in the delineation.

In Plate iv, Figs. 9-11, a series of three of the smaller jars with annular bases is shown. As they are similar to the large ones that have been de- scribed, and as they are devoid of raised figures, no special description is necessary. Suffice it to say, that the painted designs, which are so well preserved that the decorative scheme may be readily seen in the illustration, are composed of figures in black and red. The smallest jar of this series

1909.] Notes on New Collections. 327

has a polished surface, the ware being much better than that generally employed in this region in making this type of vessel. There are many other interesting forms from the Nicoya peninsula that might be described in detail; but, owing to the fact that similar specimens have been described or figured by other writers, these need not be mentioned.

A rather interesting specimen of red ware which is shown in Plate vi, Fig. 2, was found at San Isidro de Arenilla at the foot of the volcano of Irazu. This is a cylindrical vessel of red ware having flaring ends. There are two raised bands encircling the body at either end, and two bands of similar form spanning the central part. Between these bands there is a series of raised lines which have been applied in a slanting position. These bands are in series of three, each series being separated by two bands form- ing an acute angle. This object is devoid of painted decoration other than the red slip which covers the entire surface. Both ends of the cylinder are open and, from its appearance, it would seem that the vessel has prob- ably been a drum; for in many respects it is similar to specimens found in the Chiriqui region. These drums had a piece of skin stretched over the end, and the raised bands facilitated the fastening of the skin to the pottery. There is a raised surface of a similar nature on the drums figured by Pro- fessor Holmes in his "Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui." The ends of this object are open. It is possible that these cylinders were used as jar rests or for some similar purpose, but their form and general treatment would seem to indicate that they had been drums.

In the collection there are a number of pottery vessels collected by a priest. Rev. Jos6 Nieborowski at San Jos6, Terraba. This material was especially noticeable, owing to its similarity to certain Chiriquian forms. It was, therefore, deemed advisable to make a comparative study of the specimens from the two regions in an endeavor to deteiiaine whether these specimens had actually been found in the Terraba region, or whether they had come from the Chiriquian culture area. In buying collections of this nature from men who do not realize the importance of scientific data, there is always a chance of the material having been found at a distant point and shipped to the place where it is obtained. As the Terraba region is quite near the Chiriqui boundary line, such a proceeding might be possible. On the other hand, it is also possible that the Chiriquian culture extends to the region of the Terrabas. However, the points of similarity seem to indicate that the specimens might well have come from the region as represented.

Senor de Peralta, President of the Commission from Costa Rica to the exposition in Madrid in 1892-93, prepared a resum6 of the existing knowl- edge concerning the tribes of Costa Rica. He has the following to say con- cerning the Terraba region:

328 Anthropological Papers American, Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

"Southeast of the Chorotega and the heights of Herradura and south of the Guetares, extending to the Pacific Ocean between the rivers Pirris and Grande of Terraba was the province of the Quepo, of which the Spanish Government formed the district of Quepos, the extreme limit toward the southeast was the old Chiriqui River. According to the most probable conjectures the Quepos belonged to the family of the Guetares and lived, by preference, on the coasts. They were also enemies of the Mangues and the Cotos and Borucas and in consequence of their wars with them and with the whites, and with the burden of labor laid upon them by the latter, their towns disappeared in the middle of the 18th century without leaving any positive traces which will enlighten us upon their origin. Adjoining the Quepos, the Cotos or Coctos occupied the upper valley of the river Terraba, formerly known as the Goto. They are not known in Costa Rica by this name; but there is no doubt that the Borucas are their descendants. These Borucas occupied the region about Golfo Dulce, formerly the gulf of Osa, east of the River Terraba. The Terrabas, who have given their name to the river formerly called the Goto, do not belong to the tribes of the Pacific slope. They were brought to the location there, which they now occupy, in Aldea or Terraba, partly by the persuasion of the missionaries, partly by force, having been obliged to abandon the rough mountains to the north about the head waters of the Tilorio or Rio de la Estrella, the Yurquin and the Rovalo about the year 1697. They have been variously called the Terbis, Terrebes, Terrabas and Tirribies, but there are no dififerences of dialect between them and their relatives to the north, other than would necessarily take place in any tongue from a separation of this length."

This writer mentions the fact that at the time of the Conquest, the Terrabas with several other tribes occupied the territory of Costa Rica and, continuing, says:

''As to the Guaimias, Terrabas, Changuenes and Borucas, their affinities to the tribes to the east of them are well marked and it would not be surprising if they were also closely related to the natives between Paria and Darien, and even with the Chibchas of Colombia, as has been maintained by Brinton."

The first objects to excite special interest in the material from the Ter- raba region was a series of small vessels of a type that corresponds to the "alligator group of ware" of the province of Chiriqui. This name, as applied by Professor Holmes, includes vessels which have the alligator designs in a highly conventionalized state, as well as those showing painted or modeled representations of the animal. The vessels of this type from Terraba show both painted and raised conventional designs and raised ani- mal figures, but none of the latter would be recognized as alligator featiu^s. These vessels, as shown in Plate vi, are decorated with painted designs in black and red, the background being either a light or dark cream color. They are all quite small, the largest being only 9 cm. in diameter.

One of the most common objects of this ware in Chiriqui is a whisde in the form of an animal or bird. One of the animal forms is represented

1909.] Notes on New CoUecHons. 329

in this collection (Plate vi, Fig. 6). This is a small object and from its general appearance it might well have come from the Chiriquian area. Another specimen of this ware is shown in Fig. 5. It is that of an animal with the head, tail, and legs modeled in relief. This specimen, although similar to some found in the Chiriqui region, does not have the finish that is noticeable in the typical Chiriquian ware. This may be due to a lack of polish or perhaps the application of the slip.

Another type that is quite common in the Chiriqui region is that with four nodes on the shoulder of the vessel. There were three of this type in the Museum collection from Terraba and two of them have painted designs on the nodes which is one of the main characteristics of the specimens of this group from Chiriqui.

Another vessel, shown in Plate vi, Fig. 1, is that of a pottery drum. Professor Holmes figures two of these interesting objects from the Chiriqui region, and although they are not exactly the same in form, the main char- acteristics are the same. The specimen from Terraba is 17 cm. in height and 8 cm. in diameter at the top. This specimen has an indented and flaring rim, a characteristic shown in both of the specimens above-mentioned. This feature was not intended to be ornamental, but it made possible the fastening of the skin drumhead in a manner much more secure than would be possible on an even surface. From the rim, the vessel tapers gently to a cylindrical stand which has four raised bands in the way of ornament. The base of the vessel is annular in form. This specimen is of dull red ware and has been covered with a black paint which originally had a high polish. The base of the vessel is open and a hole has been made at the base of the upper part at the point where it joins the cylindrical stand. Professor Holmes in describing this t^'pe of vessel states that the use of clay drums in Chiriqui was probably exceptional. There is but one specimen in the Yale University Museum Collection; therefore, as compared with other pottery forms, this type must have been quite rare even in the Chiriqui area where small pottery whistles in the form of the clay drums are not uncommon.

There are other forms from Terraba which are slightly dissimilar in some particulars from those found in Costa Rica. One is a large jar of the so- called '* biscuit ware," that is so common in Chiriqui collections, and there are several tripod vessels which might be of Chiriquian make; but the points of similarity are not great enough to warrant a comparison at this time. It is to be regretted that more data are not available; but, in view of the fact that Dr. Lehman of the Berlin Museum is now working in this region, this suggestion of a possible connection between the two culture areas may suflSce. Should Dr. Lehman's researches show that specimens of the nature herein described are found in suflBcient numbers to show that they were

330

Anihropoloffiad Paper* American Museum of Xaiural HtMiory. ['oL U,

ma^le in those parts, it wiD be the means of extending the Chinquian cukure over a hundred miles to the north. tG. H. P.)

SOUTH AMERICA.

The Srhmidt and Weiss Collection. The Museum has had the good fortune to secure the entire collection made bv Messrs, Hermann Schmidt and Ix>uLs Weiss, in the years 1905-06, among the little-known Indians on the upper waters of the Rio Caiarf-Uaupfe, the most important tributary of the Rio Negro, in the State of Amazonas, Brazil (Fig. 8). Mr. Schmidt

FIk. 8. Map of Northwestern South America and the Re^on Occupied by the Tuk&no IndlanH.

the ethnologist of the expedition, was forced, by the loss of his boat, to live eight months alone with the Indians, being finally rescued by a party under Mr. Weiss. During his exile, he had ample opportunities to learn the customs of the Indians, and to acquire a very fair knowledge of their lan- guage. The results of this expedition consist of five hundred ethnological specimens, an extensive vocabulary of the language, drawings of the painted figures to be found on the rocks at the numerous waterfalls along the river, and a number of folk-tales. Of this collection, about three hundred speci- mens are pieces of feather-work, consisting of a great variety of head-dresses,

1909.] NoUa on New CoUecHons. 331

waist-bands, ornaments for the legs and arms, and plumes to be carried in the hands. They are never worn except on ceremonial occasions and then only by the men; the women wearing little or no clothing, and but few ornaments. Some other notable objects are spears, shields, bows, arrows, blow-guns with their poisoned arrows, fish traps of basketry, and a variety of baskets and pottery vessels. Among the musical instruments are drums, rattles in many forms, pan-pipes and whistles made of deer and jaguar bones.

Great additional scientific value has been given to this collection by the fact that Mr. Schmidt was present in the Museum when it was received, and by the aid of a model illustrated the uses of the different specimens. Many photographs were made during the progress of this work; one of which is shown in Plate vii. This represents a headman or chief in ceremonial dress. He carries a ceremonial spear, and a shield of basket-work, and wears on the back of the head the long, decorated comb peculiar to this region. From his neck hangs the perforated cylindrical stone, the insignia of a chief, and four jaguar teeth.

A series of curious specimens illustrates the method of smoking the native tobacco. A cigar from ten to fifteen inches long and about an inch in diam- eter is made by rolling the tobacco in a wrapper of bark and is fastened between the prongs of a wooden cigar-holder. The holder, which is about two feet long, exactly resembles a tuning-fork in shape, except that the handle is longer and is sharpened to a point. After lighting the cigar, the Indian sticks the sharp end of the holder into the ground and lies at ease in his hammock, reaching out from time to time to draw in a whiff of smoke from the big cigar.

In the collection are a number of blow-guns with their poisoned arrows. Along the Upper Caiar^-Uaup^ blow-guns are made from the stems of a variety of palm {Iriartea setigera Martins). These palm stems have often been described as canes on account of their having rings of scars of the fallen leaves which closely resemble the joints of canes or bamboos. The Indian selects two stems of such sizes that the smaller will exactly fit within the larger. After these stems have been carefully dried and the pith cleared out with a long rod, the bore is made smooth by drawing back and forth through it a little bunch of tree-fern roots. The smaller stem is then inserted in the larger, so that one will serve to correct any crookedness that may exist in the other. The wooden mouth-piece is then fitted to one end, and, about three and one-half feet from it, a boar's tooth is fastened on the gun by some gummy substance, for a sight. Over the outside the maker winds spirally a strip of the dark shiny bark of a creeper which gives it an ornamental finish, and his blow-gun is complete.

In some localities instead of the two canes a single piece of palm wood is

332 Anthropological Papers American. Micseum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

used, which is split into two equal parts throughout its length, each piece hollowed out, and the two divisions afterward cemented together like the divisions of a cedar-wood pencil.

The arrows are from ten to fourteen inches long, and of the thickness of an ordinary lucifer match. Those of the Indians of the Caiarf-Uaup^ are made from the midrib of a palm leaf or of the spinous processes of the Patawd {(Enocarjms Batawa) sharpened to a point at one end and wound near the other with a delicate sort of wild cotton which grows in a pod upon a large tree {Bomhax ceiha). This mass of cotton is just big enough to fill the tube when the arrow is gently pressed into it. The point is dipped into poison, allowed to dry, and redipped until well coated. The exact composi- tion of this poison is unknown, and probably varies in different localities; but it would seem that the chief ingredient is always the juice of a Strychnos plant. It is known among different tribes by many names; such as Curari, Ourari, Urari and Woorali. Poisoned arrows are dangerous things to handle, and they are always carried in a quiver which has been partly filled with cotton or some other soft vegetable material into which the poisoned ends of the arrows are thrust for protection. The blow-gun is called "Sara- batana" on the Upper Caiar^-Uaup6s, and by many tribes in the Amazon region it is known as the "Pucuna." The Portuguese of the River District call it "Gravatana."

The blow-gun in the hands of an Indian is a very effective weapon, and a skilled marksman will kill a small bird at thirty or forty paces. It is par- ticularly deadly when used against birds or monkeys in the tops of trees, as in shooting in a direction nearly vertical the hunter can take the surest aim. The poison acts very quickly, seldom requiring more than two minutes to do its work, but the length of time depends much on the size of the game and the condition of the poison used.

Painted Capa from Punta Arenas. The guanaco skin capa shown in Plate VIII comes to the Museum as a gift from C. H. Townsend, Esq., who obtained it at Punta Arenas, Strait of Magellan. It measures fifty-seven by sixty-nine inches, and contains the skins of twelve very young animals, probably not over two weeks old. The hair of the adult guanaco is coarse, and never used for this purpose. The skins are so trimmed that when turned in opposite directions and placed side by side they fit exactly together; the sewing is done with the sinew of the ostrich (Rhea dawini). The surface of the skin side, with the exception of a border two inches wide around the edges, is colored a dull yellow. Upon this ground has been painted the narrow line in red and the two broader ones in blue to be seen in the photo- graph. The decoration of the border, which is but indistincdy shown, consists of simple v-shaped or zigzag lines in red and blue, between a band

1909.] Notes on New Collections. 333

of red on the outside and one of yellow on the inside. The two transverse bands dividing the decorated field are formed by a band-and-dot design. The two upper comers are painted red. (C. W. M.)

Cauca Valley Black Pottery. From Mr. Frederick F. Sharpless, a mining engineer, the Museum acquired something over one hundred and fifty pieces of curious black ware from the Cauca valley, Colombia. Previously a few pieces of the same type had been received as the gift of Francis C. Nicholas. Mr. Sharpless states that his collection was secured from graves between the towns of Quinchia and Papyal, where many ancient burial sites have been sluiced away for the gold ornaments they contained. Upon its arrival at the Museum, this collection was examined by a number of anthro- pologists some of whom denounced the pieces as fraudulent. Since that time, however, a number of very large private collections have come to notice and a number of reputable travelers, to whom the Museum collection was shown, pronounced it identical with the type worked out by miners in that region. Also the late H. A. Ward brought from Colombia a small lot of the same pottery with a certification to its antiquity by Leocadio Ma Arango. Thus, taking everything into consideration, there seems little ground for doubting the reality of this collection.

The objects range from curious platters to effigy and animal-shaped vessels all presenting a striking size uniformity. They are rather crudely modeled, uniformly black throughout, presenting an outer surface of deep black with a suggestion of polish. At the brims the true vessels usually bear curious frog and lizard-like figures in relief. The other decorations are chiefly incised, consisting of parallel lines, rows of dots and dashes, or rows of rectangles enclosing dots. The animal forms are various; but the snake, lizard and frog are the most common. The human-like figures are very much distorted, the feet usually suggesting a quadruped, the nose long and hooked, and the face triangular. In most cases, the eyes are repre- sented by a slit. As a rule the ears are perforated or represented as wearing plugs and the noses are pierced. In one case, a twisted cord is represented as having been thrust through the septum (Plate ix).

Terra-cotta Stamps. A portion of a very large terra-cotta stamp ob- tained in Apullo, Peru, and said to have been found in that vicinity, is chiefly remarkable for its size: having measured, when entire, 6 J by 4 J inches (Fig. 9). Small stamps made in this form have been found in the coast region of Peru, which were undoubtedly used to decorate pottery vessels; but the great size of this stamp would seem to preclude its use for such a purpose.

That it could have been designed for use in the decoration of Peruvian textile fabrics is improbable, as a careful examination of many pieces of

334

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

cotton cloth from their ancient graves, bearing the so-called stamped designs, has failed to show the employment of any kind of printing device; they invariably prove to have been hand-painted.

It is probable that this specimen may originally have come from Colom- bia where the printing of designs on cloth with both flat and cylindrical stamps seems to have been a common practice. Fig. 10 shows the designs on fifteen terra-cotta stamps from Colombia. Fourteen of these stamps are cylindrical; the other, like the one shown in Fig. 9, is flat and has a handle projecting from the upper surface. They were collected by Mr. Francis C. Nicholas in the region of Santa Marta and Barranquilla. The

drawings were made from ** rub- bings," and are correct represen- tations of the relief figures on their surfaces.

(C. W. M.) Mummified Body from Chile. The naturally mummified body shown in Plate x was found in a copper mine at Chuquicamata, province of Antofagasta, Chile. The condition of the body shows that the unfortunate miner, prob- ably a man, was caught by a cave-in of the roof and partly crushed. The mummification seems to have been produced in part by the action of copper salts and not to have been merely a desiccation due to the dryness of the region. The skin has not collapsed on the bones, as in the mummies found usually in the region, but the body and limbs preser\e nearly their natural size and proportions, except for the crushing already mentioned. No analysis has yet been made of the tissues, so that it is too early to hazard any supposition as to the chemical changes which have been undergone. The mine has been worked for an unknown length of time upon a peculiar deposit of atacamite, a hydrous chloride of copper, which is much prized on account of its easy reduction. The age of the mummy is unknown, but it is supposed to be pre-Columbian.

(C. W. M.)

Fig. 9. Design from a Terra Cotta Stamp.

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

335

I : f

^mz^

"^//^

Fig. 10. a (40-589), 6 (40-593). c (40-584), d (40-592). h (40-690), i (40-588), ; (40-596), k (40-608). I (40-587), m, Designs on Terra Cotta Stamps from Colombia .

e (40-594) / (40-469). g (40-695 )» (40-591). n (40-585), o (40-586).

336

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

ISLANDS OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

In addition to the collections given special notice herein, many small lots wtre received by gift or otherwise from New Guinea, Australia, many islands of Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia.

Hawaii. Mr. George S. Bowdoin presented a feather war-cape, once the property of Kamehameha III, king of the Hawaiian Islands, who gave it to Commodore Lawrence Kearny, U. S. N., in 1843 (Plate xi). A brief note on this cape will be found in Dr. Brigham's paper on Hawaiian Feather Work.^ However, the sketch by this author does not quite agree with the specimen, indicating that he wrote either from memory or from information at second hand.

Like all Hawaiian feather pieces the foundation of this cape is a net

Fig 11. Knots in Feather Cape.

(Plate xii). This netting, according to Dr. Brigham, is of Olona, a fibre grown in deep ravines and on well-watered mountain slopes. By much soaking and scraping it is made ready to spin, which process is by rolling on the thigh without a spindle. The netting is formed with a needle and is a variation of the well-known square knot (Fig. 11a). The meshes are one-quarter of an inch, although on some capes they are one-sixteenth of an inch. Strips of netting from eight to eighteen inches in width are woven, then cut and joined to suit the pattern of the circular cape just as modem cloth would be treated; the strips, however, running horizontally as seen in Fig. 12. Some one has made the statement that a small caj>e is first

Memoirs of Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. I.

1909.] Notes on New CoUections. 337

woven, and then enlarged from time to time by adding net and feathers at the edge. The pattern of the foundation of this cape and others which have been examined give no evidence of this practice.

Bright feathers from the breast of the liwi cover the body of the cap)e; while the feathers from the yellow wing-tufts of the black Oo furnish a pattern of two large spherical triangles in the center of the cape, and four semi-crescents at the sides and edges of a border at the base. In preparing the feather for ornamentation, the shaft was first knotted, usually two or more times, half an inch from its end which was then doubled over and knotted down one or more times over the first binding knots. This cluster of threads and knots formed a firm point on which to place the knots which secure the feathers to the netting. Contrary to the custom of the Peruvians, who first made the feathers fast to a cord and then knotted this cord to the cloth,* the Hawaiians attached the feathers separately to the netting. On some capes, the feathers are joined to the netting by two knots (Fig. lib); but, on the cape in question, each feather is secured by three knots (Fig. lie), all alike, and in fact similar to those which first join the shaft. Parallel overlapping TOWS of these knotted feathers usually run parallel to the lower edge of the cape.

While feather -work of some kind is practised by most peoples, the art reached a high development among the Hawaiians, ancient Peruvians, Maori and Pomo Indians. It so happens, however, that these four peoples have in each case introduced the mosaic on an entirely different technique — the Pomo on coiled basketry, the Maori on twined basketry, the Peruvians on plain cloth and the Hawaiians on netting; and further, that, while the Pomo and Maori have introduced the feathers during the process of weaving the foundation, in Peru and Hawaii the feathers are knotted to a foundation, previously prepared, thus suggesting the probable independence of development in each case. (M. L. K.)

New Caledonia. The Engler Melanesian collection ^ was made among the Islands of the New Hebrides and New Caledonia groups. It contains something over a hundred specimens, such as bows, arrows for war and

Fig. 12. Foundation Pattern for a Feather Cape.

1 Technique of some South American Feather-work, by Chas. W. Mead. Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. I, Part I.

• Gift of Mrs. Morris K. Jesup.

338

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History . [Vol. II,

hunting, spears of many forms, decorated lances, clubs, model of a boat, paddles, baskets, cloth, gourd vessels, pottery, wooden dishes, shell and other ornaments, flutes, etc. Taken as a whole it is a fairly representative collection. Deserving special mention are two flat wooden dishes from the New Hebrides of graceful outline and high finish. The one shown (Fig. 13a) seems to be a fish form with notched edges. On the bottom are eight small projections suggesting legs, analogous to the great kava bowls of Samoa and other island groups. The other specimen has the peculiar fish-tail and the perforated head with the conical tip, or hat; but lacks the legs and

Fig. 13. cm., 70 cm.

(80.0-729, 80.0-728). Wooden Vessels from the New Hebrides. Lengths, 80

incised decorations. A similar bo\yl is figured in James Edge-Partington's Album, though the fish-tail is wanting, a second perforated head taking its place. The form of this specimen suggests that the more conventional form of dish handle is the double perforated type and that we have in the figured specimens another example of inter-play between the conventional and the representative motive in art.

With this collection was a small bowl from Marquesas with deeply incised designs, the handles to which are double birds' heads. The peculiar central design on this bowl is found also upon some turtle shell ornaments from the same locality (Fig. 14).

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

339

Among the specimens from New Caledonia may be mentioned a peculiar wooden bird figure said to be a rain charm (80.0-698), and a short looped cord about 18 cm. long said to be a spear thrower (80.0-764). Some in- teresting examples of the textile art are found in netted gourd vessels, four to six strands being manipulated to give broad bands of interlaced work. This type is well shown in an illustration by Ratzel.^ While the general practice of netting gourds is found in many parts of the world, the specific t\i)e here mentioned seems almost peculiar to ^Melanesia. Of baskets proper there are several examples. A scoop-shaped tray is practically identical in form with the well-known winnowing trays of western^ North

Fig. 14 (80.0-727). Designs on a Bowl from Marquesas. I^ength, 23 cm.

America. On the other hand the weave is wicker instead of twine, and the material a delicate stem instead of the coarse twigs found in North American trays. In the specimen under consideration the warps are groups of seven stems, laid flat. At the start four of the warps are placed and as the work j)rogresses others are added in such manner as to appear as branches of the other warps. The edge is finished by turning the warps to one side and closing in a braid, held down by a buttonhole stitch. Slight ornamentation is produced by very narrow transverse black bands.

A small bag containing eleven double-pointed sling-stones is in technique

» History of Mankind. Vol. I, p. 212.

340 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

a buttonhole coil (Mason) in which the loops of fibre, or string of which it is made, catch into the loops of the previous row of weaving and at the same time enclose a single string foundation. Variants of this technique are too widely distributed to be of special ethnographical significance.

There are two odd cone-shaped pendant ornaments said to have been U3ed by men as well as women. They are formed by rolling up in spiral fashion a long fringe similar to that used as aprons and skirts in many parts of the worid. Strands of cocoanut fibres are twined together in a simple manner. Each turn of the two-twined wefts encloses three threads of one strand and an equal number of the succeeding, a very common technique for skirts and aprons the worid over. In Africa, aprons of like construction are, when not in use, rolled into a similar cone, and a comparative view of the case suggests the probability that this ornament developed from the simple rolled apron. This is supported by the fact that among some South American collections, we find feather bunches of the same form produced by rolling up the strings of pendant feathers used as girdles and head-bands. That these rolls from New Caledonia are not garments rolled up is suggested by the fact that the fringe is contmuous and in one specimen reached the length of eight meters.

A small plaited bag from New Hebrides presents a type of technique widely distributed throughout the Pacific area. The bag or basket is begun at the edge or top. Two midribs of the cocoanut palm are used, each leaf made being split into twelve weaving elements. In weaving six of these pass obliquely to the right and an equal number to the left, thus giving a twill effect (Plate xii).

New Zealand. The Robley collection of New Zealand heads was pre- sented to the Museum by Mr. Jesup. Major-General G. Robley of the British Army, who made the collection, took an active part in the Maori campaign of 1864-66 and spent several subsequent years in the country. Gen. Robley was an enthusiastic collector, and was especially interested in everything that related to the old-time method of tattooing. He succeeded in bringing together thirty-three very fine examples of the tattooed heads, with the implements, pigments, funnel and all other accessories used during the process; making this the largest and most complete collection in exist- ence illustrating the ancient art of **Moco" or Maori tattooing.

The incisions were made with a narrow comb-shaped blade, made of the wing-bone of a sea-bird, attached to a little wooden handle. This was driven by tapping with a mallet quite through the skin. Then the tattooer rubbed into the wound a pigment made from the powdered charred resin of the ** Kauri" or "Rimu" tree. This process left deep blue-black grooves with raised borders, and is entirely diiferent from the method common in

1909.] Notes on New CoUectiona. 341

most parts of the world, in which needles are used and the skin left smooth. The carved wooden funnel was used for feeding a man while his face was swollen by the wounds due to the tattooing.

According to General Robley, only the heads of prominent men were preserved after death. The principal object was to keep alive the memory of the dead, either of great friends or powerful enemies, and the **moko mokai," as these tattooed heads were called, supplied the place of statues and monumental records. In the case of a departed chieftain, his pre- served head was a visible sign that in some mysterious way his spirit was still present among his people.

The old embalming consisted in the removal of all the interior of the head and drying in smoke after a careful steaming or even baking. The form and features were well kept, and the identity of the deceased was easily recognized, for the tattooing kept its place exactly on the face.

In General Roble/s exhaustive work, "Moko or Maori Tattooing,*' will be found a complete history of this art from its first discovery by the great navigator Captain Cook to the present day. It contains numerous illustrations, many of the drawings having been made from specimens in the collection now in the Museum.^

Maori wood carving is represented in this collection by two large wooden images (Teko-Teko, from old council houses, one from Rotorti, the other from Tologo Bay; also by two beautifully carved prows of war canoes and a large piece from the gable board of a council house.

Besides the above, the collection contains a chief's war belt, a bark- beater of wood, a "patu" or club of whalebone, and eight of the peculiar shawl-like garments of the chiefs, characteristically ornamented with feathers and fringes of cord.

During the year the collection of Maori robes was increased by the addition of seven garments, making this series of eighteen robes a some- what representative one, containing many of the numerous types found among this people. The Maori costume consists of rectangular mats varying in size from shoulder capes and waist mats to those enveloping the whole figure; but variance in size does not compare with the variety in kind which ranges from beautiful, fine, silky robes and feathered cloaks to coarse and fantastically fashioned garments of rattling cylinders of flax leaf. Their value is estimated according to the fineness of material of which they are composed, the number and kind of ornaments introduced and the amount of labor expended, for even the common garments require eighteen months to complete, while the more elaborate ones take twice that time.^ Strange

» See also Journal. American Museum of Natural History, 1908, Vol. VIII, p. 73. 2 Wood, Civilized Races of the World, p. 808.

342 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

to say, these garments in most cases are of one material and the makers have expended much patience and ingenuity in the different treatments to produce a variety of effects. For materials, the long fibres of the leaf of the flax plant were called into service. These leaves, sometimes five and six feet long, have the epidermis scraped from both sides and the remainder beaten until soft. We read that for cloaks of }>eople of rank certain varieties of flax are cultivated and prepared with great care until the substance resembles silk, which is often kept for years to improve color and texture.^ To add greater beauty to these garments, feathers of the red parrot, w^hite pigeon, albatross, tui and kawi, dog hair, sealskin and gay colored worsteds are all made to contribute to the ornamental effect.

The simplest loom of two sticks to support the work is used for making these fabrics, while women's fingers do the weaving. It is like the loom of the Indians of the Northwest Coast for making cedar bark garments, but lacks the cross bar on which to suspend the warps. A fibre thread is stretched from stick to stick instead, on which the untwisted parallel warps or **io" are hung. At first sight, one might mistake the process of wea\ing in the two localities as identical; but on closer examination one finds that the weaving has not two rows of two-ply twine, but that four wefts of thread are woven at one time in twine weaving. In other words, it is a four-ply twine with the appearance of two rows of two-ply twine woven in opposite directions (Fig. 15a). The **aho'' or weft of four threads ends in a knot at the close of each row of twining, the rows spaced from one-quarter to one inch apart. It is interesting to note that this technique occurs on basket edges in Borneo and the adjoining islands.

Hamilton speaks of the older garments as unseamed, stating that seam- ing to fit the figure is a modem innovation. Some robes in this collection appear very old, yet all are seamed with the exception of a very narrow thir- teen-inch cape and in all but two there are two places for seaming on each side of the cloak, one near the neck and the other toward the bottom.

The most beautiful robes, those which no plebeian would be allowed to wear, are the fine dress mats or **Kakahu" with close **taniko'' or orna- mental colored borders, of which the Museum has no example. These borders are usually woven after the body of the mat is finished and compare favorably in fineness of technique with old Peruvian weaving. Hamilton tells us that one artist, a man, received an equivalent to £ 7 for each border that he made, and also adds that the Maori excel all other Polynesians in their mat and garment making. Another finely woven mat, a woman's garment, is the "Korowai," a mat with its surface more or less thickly cov-

» A. Hamilton, Maori Art, 1896, Dunedin, N. Z.. p. 272.

1909.]

Notes on New Collections.

343

ered with shreds of twisted fibre. These shreds are introduced while the weaving is in process and are held by the weft thread which passes over the shreds at the middle point from which they hang (Fig. 15b). They vary in length and also in their distribution on the mat, for they may be arranged in vertical or horizontal stripes, in groups, or scattered evenly all over this surface. The art of the Maori shows itself, in the placing of the shreds or

Fig. 15. Technique of Maori Capes.

fringes, which are usually black, and in the introduction of spots of color, either of feathers or of wool among these shreds. Borders of tufted wool and of feathers usually edge the sides and the bottom while an accompany- ing row of fringe completes the mat. This style of mat and in fact many of the types are woven upside down; that is, the fibre supporting the warps

Fig. 16. Technique of Overlay in Maori Garments.

is to be the lower edge of the cloak when completed. After the last row of twining, the warp ends which have been purposely left long are rolled into a soft rope finish for the neck.

One artistic old garment in the Museum collection has an interesting overlay in brown and black wools. This style of decoration is found on mats not otherw'ise decorated and also on some of the "Korowai** type where

344 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

the fringes are placed at some distance apart, the isolated rectangular figures in the flat overiay taking the place of the tufted spots of color previously mentioned. This method of overiay is the simple catching of the wool thread under the twining as the garment is woven, the thread then passing over a number of warps before again entering the weave, as illustrated in Figs. 16 a-d. Through this simple technique, the Maori have developed a great variety of pleasing effects, only a few of the more common ones being here illustrated. A fine tracery of line patterns on the flax fabric results, which as the lines double and combine mass themselves in more solid figures, giving a dainty, lacy effect which is greatly enhanced when several colors combine. In place of lines, the overlay may ornament by means of dots, in which case the wool threads are caught under the twining in one of three ways (Figs. 15 b-c, 16) and then clipped short a distance from the weft threads. The same method of attaching bits of wool as in Fig. 15c b also used by the Aleutian Islanders in decorating their fine twined grass baskets. A third slight variation of this technique is where, by doubling and tripling the wool threads under each twine of the weft, close tufted fringe and knot effects are produced which, in contrast to the flat overlay, stand out from the surface of the mat. Much artistic feeling is expressed in this decoration, in combining of shapes and colors to produce patterns either of isolated circular and rectangular figures or in borders of lines, broken lines, zigzag and triangular shapes. Both styles of design are in the flat and tufted over- lay and are of black, brown and brighter colored wools. Connected with the process of garment-making are interesting legends and superstitions with certain evil omens attached should these superstitions be disregarded, but this cannot b^ touched on here.^ Enough to say that the "aho" must not fall short, but be long enough to weave the full width of the cloak, neither must its threads become entangled or knotted.

A unique type of mat is seen in the kilts and shoulder capes which are covered with rattling thrums made of strips of the flax leaf and called by the natives *Kanekeneke." Great ingenuity is shown in preparing the ornamental cylinders of the flax leaf. With a short shell the epidermis is removed from the under side of the leaf; then it is scraped at intervals on the upper side, exposing the fibres at those points, and put into the dye. The dye attacks the exposed fibres while those covered with the yellow epi- dermis remain uncolored, giving stripes of brown or black with yellow. After rolling these black and yellow strips into cylinders, they are woven on the mat, making what the Maori consider a very delightful garment for they enjoy the rattling sound, every movement of the wearer causing the

» Hamilton, op. clt., pp. 276-280. 2 Hamilton, op. cit., p. 276.

190^.] Notes on New Collections, 345

thrums to clatter against each other. Of the five examples of ** Kanekeneke/' two have foundation warps of black, two of brown and one of uncolored flax, while all have yellow wefts which can be seen between the moving thrums. These ornamental thrums display great variety in their black and yellow stripings, making most effective garments.

Of exceedingly coarse make are the "Manaeko" or rough capes of un- dressed flax used as shelter and rain coats. Strips of the undressed flax leaves are woven to overlap each other so that the rain may run off. The Museum cape is of dyed material with an occasional group of undyed flax leaves for ornament. The foundation warps of dressed flax are bound by alternate rows of two-ply and four-ply twine, the leaf strips catching under the four-ply only. Another strong serviceable cloak of the same type is a large shaggy garment covered with partly dressed material and has the appearance of having been a sleeping mat.

A highly prized garment and one which is most tedious and diflScult to make is the *Kahu-kuri" or chiefs fighting mat. This war cloak is spear- proof and thickly covered with dog's hair. Strips of dog's skin or dog's tails are caught under the twining on a stiff foundation of closely woven flax and then to render it a sure defence and perfectly impervious to spear thrusts, it is soaked in water. ^ These are of white, black and reddish brown dcg^s hair of which the Museum has no example. Among a number of Indian tribes of western North America, rabbit's skin robes are made on a twined foundation; but in America no case has come to our notice wh^re strips of dog's skin were used, although long white dog's hair was mixed with wool of the moimtain goat and duck down for spinning and weaving blankets among the Lkungen Indians,^ and those of the Lower Frazer River.

Color is the dominant note in the feather cloaks or *'Kahu" of the Maori, for he fashions this garment of the gorgeous plumage of many birds. The wing of the Kake parrot furnishes crimson; the neck of the native pigeon, peacock green; the albatross, the pheasant and the breast of the pigeon, pure white; and the tui, blue black. These he twines on his flax mat, as illustrated in Fig. 15c, placing one, two or three feathers under one turn of the twine, in accordance with his desire for a thickly or thinly covered surface. The shaft of the feather is turned to the side and twined down under the next turn of the weft. Alternate rows of twining only have feathers and usually there is one turn of twine between the feathers. (M. L. K.)

Samoa. The Zimmermann collection contains, besides numerous

1 Hamilton, op. cit., pp. 286, 328.

2 Boas, 6th Report, Northwest Tribes of Canada. Report, British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, p. 566.

» Telt, The Lillooet Indians. Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV» Pan V, p. 210.

346 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

weapons and carvings, a complete tapa-maker's outfit, a "tuiga*' head- dress, and other chiefs regalia, two fine-mats, and a kava bowl with all accessories for preparing the drink.

For the preparation of tapa cloth, the Samoan women peel off the bark of the paper-mulberry, and separate the outer layer from the inner bark, which alone is used to make the bark-cloth. This bast is soaked in fresh water, thinned with a shell scraper, and pounded with a mallet on a wooden board or log. The separate strips of pounded bark are spread out, dried in the sun, and united with arrowroot paste to form a piece of suitable size. The cloth is then ready for ornamentation, which consists of applying col- ored patterns, sometimes painted free-hand, but more commonly printed from stamps. Stamps are wooden or Pandanus palm-leaf plaques; on the former, the designs are carved; to the leaves, they are sewed. The undecorated tapa is stretched out on the stencil, and the dye, consisting of a soft brick-red clay or the soot of burnt candlenuts, is rubbed in with a rag until the patterns appear. Finally, the principal lines are accentuated with a brown varnish, which acts as a preservative against weathering.

The "tuiga" is the ceremonial head-dress of the Samoan nobility. It consists of three upright stems with shells or mirrors, a girl's hair oiled and dyed with lime, and the breast feathers of a parrot. The frontlet of Nautilus shells and the whale-tooth necklace in the collection were customary con- comitants of this gala head-dress.

.While ordinary mats served as garments and blankets for the wealthy classes, the fine-mats, collected by Mr. Zimmermann, formed the principal medium of exchange. They were used to fee the professional classes, such as shipwrights, tattooers, and architects, and constituted the princesses' dowries.

Kava is the national beverage of Samoans. It is made of the roots of a pepper-plant, which are chewed by the unmarried villagers, placed in the bowl, and mixed with water, pounded, and strained by the chiefs daughter. Kava is drunk at all festi'ities, councils and ceremonial occasions. The most conspicuous object in a Kava outfit is the bowl with many legs, one in this collection having as many as fourteen and the whole carved from a tree trunk. (R. H. L.)

Bismarck Archipelago. A valuable collection from various islands in the Bismarck Archipelago, brought together by Professor Eugene Schroder, for many years a resident of the locality, came to the Museum during the year 1907. Among others, mention may be made of a series of characteristic wood carvings, some of which appear in Plate xiii, which, like most carv- ings from this part of the world, while characterized by open detail, are in reality fashioned from a single piece of wood and not pieced. Such figures

1909.] Notes on New Collections, 347

are supposed to reside in ghost, or "taboo," houses, for which see repro- duction of Professor Schroder's photograph, Plate xiv. A general account of the collection will be found in the Museum Journal ; * but mention may be made of a good series of hafted obsidian knives. There are a number of arrows with curious heart-shaped barbed wooden points. A rather unique series is the complete outfit for making shell arm-rings and other ornaments, with samples of worked shell. The grinding stones resemble scythe whet- stones mounted in the hollows of bamboo stems, the projecting ends of which serve for handles. Finally there are double pointed spears with obsidian heads, with perforations like the phallic openings in iron spear heads from the Congo and other parts of Africa. Some other spears have four-pointed wooden heads. Shell objects abound, such as trumpets, edge tools and ornaments. There are some interesting drums, including the so-called ** death-drum," reported to have been sounded at the death of an important personage. Curiously enough the sounds seem to have been produced by rubbing instead of beating.

(C. W. M.)

AFRICA.

Before the period covered by this paper, the Museum was poorly equipped for the illustration of African native life ; but since that time collections have been acquired sufficient for the equipment of a special exhibition hall. The material from the Congo was secured through the kindness of King Leopold and the officers of the Congo Free State; other collections are due to the interest of Messrs. Percy R. Pyne, Cleveland H. Dodge, Arthur Curtiss James, George S. Bowdoin, Archer M. Huntington and Mr. and Mrs. Morris K. Jesup.

The Congo. The special collections from the Congo are unusually well- equipped with specimens of native ironwork, spears and knives being espe- cially abundant. While it has not yet proved feasible to study the tv^pes peculiar to each cultural district and to determine the range of diffusion of certain common forms, the illustrations of knife-forms, swords and axes in Fig. 17 may convey some idea of the character of Congo ironwork. Fig. 17d, represents a three-branched thro wing-knife of the Asande (Niam- Niam) in the northern section of the Congo State. Schweinfurth, who pictures sample specimens from this people, calls attention to the occurrence of similar forms among the Fan of the Ogowe country in western Africa.^

» Vol. VIII, No. 3. March, 1908. a Artes Africana, Plate XII.

348

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

According to Frobenius/ this highly characteristic weapon has, within recent times, traveled up the Lomami and reached the Bassongo-Mino of the Sankumi district by way of the Lukenye. It has obviously been in- fluenced by the Sudanese type of throwing-knife. A sabre manufactured by the Asande is shown in Fig. 17j. The Mangbettu (Monbuttu) employ, among other forms, a perforated falcate blade with a grip expanding at the base into a cylindrical butt (Fig. 17i). With the exception of the Egyptians,

Fig. 17. a b (90.0-3679a), r (90.0-2820), d (90.0-2903), e (90.0-4092), / (90.0-5053). iT (90.0-2797a), h (90.0-4070), i (90.0-2742) ; (90.0-4122) k (90.0-4072). Forms of Weapons from the Congo. Length of a, 64 cm.; b, 51 cm.; c, 44 cm.; d, 49 cm.; e, 40 cm,; /, 33 cm.; ff, 19 cm.; h, 51 cm.; i, 40 cm.; j, 58 cm.; k, 55 cm.

they are the only African people to employ, in European fashion, a one- edged knife (Fig. 17c), of which the blunt side is supported by the index- finger.^ Fig. 17a shows an excessively long and narrow Bayaka knife; the

Zeltschrift fOr Ethnologic, 1907, p. 323. a Schwelnfurth, 1. c, Plate XVIII.

1909.] Notes on New CoUeciions. 349

scabbard terminates in a curious semi-circular expansion. Fig. 17k repre- sents a Bangala execution-knife; a possibly ornamental knife of steelyard type (Fig. 17h) from the same tribe also deserves mention. A small knife from the Uele region is illustrated in Fig. 17g; the ivory handle is decorated with a characteristic series of circular designs enclosing dots. .Both the blade and the decoration have been found in a Benin specimen. In Fig. 17f there is a "parade-hatchet" from Urua; the handle is carved into a human head. Fig. 17e pictures an openwork axe from the Kasai, presumably from the Zappozapp country. The handles of several of the axes in the collection are wrapped with snake-skin.

Woodwork has attained a high grade of development in some sections of the Congo State. The most artistic specimens of native craftsmanship are the neatly car'ed and decorated cups and goblets of the Bakuba, of which a representative series is sho^n in Plate, xv. The top is frequently carved into a human head (Fig. 4). Less tastefully finished, but equally interest- ing, is a box from the Uele consisting of a bark cylinder surmounted by a wooden cover shaped into a crude head and resting on a wooden pedestal (Fig. 8). The distribution of these bark receptacles seems to be confined to the northern tribes of the Congo. Neck-rests have been regarded as foreign to the West African culture area, though even there they occur sporad- ically.^ In the Museum there are several rests from the Kasai, Bangala, and Equator regions, as well as from the Ubangi and northeastern districts. This fact, of course, does not militate against the supposition of a relatively recent importation. A rather interesting type of openwork carving deserves mention (Fig. 10). Sometimes the slab of the head-stool is supported by a human figure. A stool of rather elaborate make with a crescent-shaped perforation may serve as an example of woodwork from the Eastern Province (Fig. 9).

Many articles of religious significance fall, from a technological point of view, under the category of wood-carvings. The Congo collection embraces a considerable number of objects illustrating the beliefs and ob- servances of the aborigines, notably fetiches and masks. Modern investi- gation does not support the popular conception of fetiches, nor does it confirm Tylor's classical definition of fetichism as **the doctrine of spirits embodied in, or attached to, or conveying influences through, certain material objects." ^ Fetiches are in no way connected with spirits, except in so far

» Ankermann, Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Afrika, pp. 69-70, Zeiischrift fOr Ethnologic, 1905, pp. 54-84.

2 Primitive Culture, II, 144. The following statements on fetichism are based on, — Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques du Mus^e du Congo, Tome I, Fascicule II: La Religion (Pages 145-316), and PechuCl-Loesche, Die Loango-Expedition (Dritte Ableilung, Zweite Halfte; Stuttgart. 1907), pp. 347-472.

350 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

as they are employed to counteract the activities of malicious supernatural beings. Any object, or artifact, invested with "manitou'' power by appro- priate incantations, ritualistic performances, and a coating of magical sub- stance, becomes, when properly used, a fetich. As such, it is not necessarily either wo.rshipped or abused, but may be abandoned as soon as, its inefficacy has been denlonstrated. Fetiches are charms, serving some specific purpose, such as protection in battle or success in trading. As their power is due exclusively to the application or enclosure of the magical substances, fetiches destined for the same end assume various forms; and, on the other hand, the most elaborate carvings are powerless before contact with the **medicinar' ingredients. Representations of animal and human forms are especially common in the Kasai and Kwango districts, the Lower and Middle Congo area, and the Eastern Province, while they are very rare in the remaining divisions of the Congo. It has been plausibly argued that the high develop- ment of carving in some of the districts mentioned has effected this differ- ence.^ Pechuel-Loesche suggests that the images brought in by Catholic missionaries at the time of the great Portuguese voyages of exploration greatly promoted the development of human car\ings. In support of this view, he points to the rarity of human figures both in the sections of Africa influenced by iconoclastic Islamism and in the south and southwest where Protestant missionaries have labored during the last century. That pre- cisely those 'Bantu tribes subject to Catholic influence have developed such an abundance of human fetiches seems to him a significant coincidence. At the same time, he does not deny the possibility that such figures originated prior to contact with Europeans, whose influence may have been restricted to fostering an already existing art.^ In the artistic representation of human fetiches, certain sectional differences of style become manifest. In the maritime and lower Congo regions, as well as in Loango, perhaps the most peculiar characteristic is a trough, a circular or a box-like excrescence extending sometimes from the chest to the umbilical region, and intended for the reception of the magical substance.^ This peculiarity is strongly marked in Fig. 2, Plate xvi. In Fig. 7, the excavation is less prominent and overshadowed by other peculiarities: the crested headgear, quad- rangular chin-beard, series of parallel vertical lines on both cheeks, and extraordinarily thin arms. The up-turned nose, developing at times into a grotesque proboscis, is highly characteristic of Kwango figures (Fig. 6) ; the jutting ears are likewise remarkable. Sexual characteristics are strongly emphasized in some specimens (Fig. 8) from the Kasai. Several fetiches

» Notes Analytlques, op. cit., p. 212.

2 Pechuel-Loesche, 1. c. pp. 397-399.

3 Ibid., p. 246; Pechufil-Loesche, p. 364.

1909.] Notes on New Collections. 351

are of clearly phallic character. In many of the human figures, the dis- proportionate shortness of the legs is noticeable. Animal fetiches are relatively rare ; a specimen from the Kasai is shown in Fig. 5.

Masks are employed in war, by ordinary dancers and by shamans. In Fig. 4, Plate xvi, there is pictured a remarkable Bakuba war-dance mask, with a long fringe at the base. There are no eye-slits, each eye being closed by a conical projection. The cones are divided into a number of triangular surfaces alternately painted black and white. The wearer was able to peep through a number of small circular of)enings. A Bakuba shaman's mask is remarkable for the narrow eye-slits, pyramidal nose, and the decorative incisions on forehead and cheeks (Fig. 3). Fig. 1 represents a mask with fringe and a lofty crest flanked by two lower crests of similar curvature; the eyes are represented by cowries, with which the entire specimen is also profusely dotted, and beads are added for the ornamentation of the facial portion.^

The well-developed musical sense of the Congo negroes is attested by the number of their musical instruments, some of which are represented in Plate XVII. The wicker-work rattles made from split canes deserve special attention ; the insertion of a wicker globe enclosing small shells or seeds at both ends of the handle results in the characteristic dumb-bell iy\ie (Fig. 9). The simple wicker rattles are distributed over the whole of equatorial Africa. Among the Mangbettu, they were used as royal sceptres and batons in public councils and choral chants.^ Among many other Congo tribes, they are employed in shamanistic practices. Tomtoms (Fig. 7) are hollowed- out blocks of wood with one or two longitudinal slits at the top; the walls are of unequal thickness, so that sounds of different pitch result from strik- ing them with a drumstick. By varying the succession and length of the beats, some of the negro tribes have developed a definite long-distance signal code, which is used to summon tribesmen to the chase, council, war-expedi- tions, or other tribal undertakings. The tomtom is distributed over the entire Congo region and along the coast from the Congo River to Kamerun ; the signaling code, however, seems to be restricted to the lower Lomami, Lulongo and Juapa rivers, and to the northern Congo State generally. The Bakongo of the maritime region and the Baluba in the south have tomtoms, but do not use them for signaling.' The drums are of two principal types: those of elongated cylindrical shape with drum-heads stretched by means of leather cords (Fig. 10); and vase-shaped forms with but a single skin-

» Though almost the exact counterpart of the specimen is pictured in Notes Analytiques Tome I. Fascicule II, it is deemed advisable to illustrate the mask for the benefit of the Ameri- can reader.

a Schweinfurth, 1. c. Plate xvi.

3 Sir Harry Johnston, George Grenfell and the Ck>ngo, London, 1908, pp. 721-722.

352 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

cover nailed to the wooden resonator, which terminates in a circular stand (Fig. 8). The sansa,^ consisting of a wooden key-board with wooden or iron keys of varying size (Fig. 2), is of very wide distribution in Africa; a marimba with gourd resonators is shown in Fig. 5. The principle of the musical bow is shown in an instrument formed essentially of five curved sticks constituting with corresponding strings so many bows, and all joined to the same sounding-board (Fig. 1). The attachment of several strings, one above the other, to the same bow, united with a resonator, results in a kind of harp-guitar akin to that of the ancient Egyptians (Fig. 4). A zither with curved bark resonator is pictured in Fig. 3, and a trumpet partly of ivory and partly of wood in Fig. 6.

As the basketry and woven fabrics from the Congo will receive detailed treatment in a later Museum publication, it is merely desirable at present to call attention to a series of beautiful samples of Bakuba "plush" fabric (Plates xviii and xix). The cloth is woven of raphia fibres by the men, and the women subsequently sew on the "plush" patterns. The Baptndi living near the mouth of the Kwango are also skilled in the pile-cloth in- dustry,^ and similar fabrics are reported from the natives of Lake Ntomba (Natumba) ; ^ in course of trade, it seems to have traveled rather far north from its area of manufacture.* One of the most interesting of the design- elements illustrated is the combination within a rectangle of four right-angled triangles with touching apices, — the Samoan "whirligig" pattern (Plate xrx, Fig. 1).

Benin. The accessions from Benin include a number of bronze figu- rines, ornaments and tusk-stands, and several carved tusks. Four large tusks, two of which are figured in Plate xx, are of special interest. The pieces illustrated are covered wnth realistic carvings in low relief, but lack the lozenge-pattern band usually found at the bottom of this class of objects. On both there are the characteristic human figures with peaked headgear, bearing staves, wands or leaf-shaped swords, nude men with legs curved upward and outward, and sigma-shaped designs, which on one of the specimens enclose eye-ornaments, and a tail-like appendage, and seem to correspond to the "cat-fish" pattern of British ethnographers. The sigma-patterns are juxtaposed, one above the other, the upper being the symmetrical counterpart of the lower. One piece shows in addition a

1 Called marimba in Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques du Musfte du Congo, Tome I, Fascicule I. while the instrument commonly called marimba is there designated as xylophone. The term is used with varying significance by the natives.

2 Torday and Joyce. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 1907, Vol. XXXVII, p. 143.

3 Johnson, 1. c, p. 175.

• Ibid., p. 758.

1909.]

Notes on New CoUections,

353

horseman wearing a brimmed helmet with pendant, and a pleated skirt. With one hand he reins the horse, in the other he holds a dart. The same specimen also exhibits the characteristically Benin group of a dignitary sup- ported on either side by an attendant. Besides the larger antiques, the collection includes a number of small tusks and tusk-tips divided by a descending spiral line into a series of bands ornamented with realistic carv- ings. The totality of relief figures on any one piece seems to represent a procession. There are representations of hand-to-hand encounters, Euro- pean headgear, umbrellas, a wheeled vehicle, a European house, fish, birds, and quadruped forms. The provenience of only one of these smaller tusks

Fig. 18. a (90.0-912), b (90.0-914), c (90.0-920). Carved Spoon Handles, a, 53 cm.; b, 45 cm.; c, 53 cm.

Length of

is definitely known, but, as all the pieces are essentially similar, they may be regarded as coming from the Loango coast.

British South Africa. The Douglas collection embraces a large num- ber of specimens illustrating the technology of Mashonaland, the Barotse, Bechuana, and neighboring tribes. A considerable part of the collection consists of baskets, detailed treatment of which, together with those of the Congo tribes, is reserved for a future paper. A group of specimens of abo- riginal manufacture from the Barotse and their neighbors is presented in Plate XXI. The decorated gourds are noteworthy; they show a combina- tion of geometrical motives, such as checker, rows of triangles, columns of lozenges or triangles with realistic representations of human figures, birds and beasts. A point of some interest is the fact that some of the earthen pot- forms are exactly duplicated among the wooden vessels, which are frequently decorated with bands of shaded triangles or diamonds. The somewhat

354 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

Fig. 19. a (90.0-858). b (90.0-852), c (90.0-849), d (90.0-850), e (90.0-855), / (90.0-837), (90.0-853), h (90.0-856), i (90.0-830), j (90.0-846), k (90.0-857). I (90.0-851), m (90.0-«64). n (90.0-842). Ivory Pins. Length of a, 15 cm.; 6, 10 cm.; c, 13 cm.; d, 11 cm.; «, 13 cm.; /, 13 Qm.:o, 10 cm.; h, 11 cm.; t, 12 cm.; ;, 12 cm.; k, 13 cm.; I, 18jcm.; m. 13.5 cm.; n, 14 cm.

crudely shaped spoons (Fig. 18) have their handles decorated with realistic cannings, among which the figure of a swimming bird predominates; this motive show^s a tendency to conventionalization.'^'Possibly the opposite

1909J Notes on New CoUectiona. 355

tendency is to be recognized in a series of carvings on ivory pins (Fig. 19). In a number of these specimens, the handle assumes a serpentine form of varying degrees of sinuosity. As a few of the pins actually culminate in a clearly recognizable snake-head, it might be speciously argued that in this case also a process of conventionalization has taken place. As, however, the snake-head is frequently replaced by the heads of other animals, several times by that of a bird, once by that of a monkey, it is quite conceivable that the serpentine handle was originally a decorative motive, in some cases surmounted by an animal head ; that occasionally the form of the customary decorative unit suggested to the artist the idea of a snake, and that the complete snake figure is thus a later product due to the inherent congruity of the geometrical unit and the realistic form. Both the serpentine and straight pin-handles are decorated with the swimming-bird motive common in Barotse woodwork (Fig. 19, j, n). Other ivory pins present the circle-

Fig. 20 (90.0-1256). A Musical Bow. Length 63 cm.

dot pattern noted above as occurring on ivory carvings from the Congo (Fig. 19, f, i), and possibly due to Arabian influence. A modification of the musical bow from Mashonaland is shown in Fig. 20. The two strings are attached to a straight carved stick with several pegs, two pieces of gourd forming a resonator. Specimens of this type occur sporadically in the Congo State,^ but they are more common in the east, where they have been found, among others, in the Wayao tribe. ^ (R. H. L.)

ArchcBoiogy. From Mediterranean Africa, the Museum has long pos- sessed a representative series of flaked material, secured by Andrew E. Douglass through the kindness of M. Jacques De Morgan, whose name must ever be associated with the problems of old world archaeology. In addition there are a few stone implements from Somali Land, presented by H. W. Seton-Karr. Recently this nucleus has been augmented by a series of prehistoric flints from ancient village sites in the Fayum Desert,

1 Johnston (1. c, p. 716) reports them from the Aruwimi. Ftlllebora. Das deutsche Njassa-und Ruwuraa-Gebiet (Berlin, 1906), p. 238.

356 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Africa, apparently belonging to a later period, probably the Neolithic. A number of types are shown, all differing, some large, stemless and very deeply-barbed; others having the ends of the barbs squared like some European types. A large number are very diminutive. Several semilunar flint knives among quite a series of various blades are of interest, and some scrapers and drills are in the collection.*

ASIA.

From the living peoples of Asia and the Malayan area, a number of collections were received during the interval. Field-work was carried on in Korea under the direction of Dr. C. C. Vinton, the results of which, with notes on the collections made, will be treated in a special publication at some future time. Among the gifts may be mentioned a number of Tibetan scrolls from the Lamasery at Batug, due to the interest of Mr. Mason Mit- chell; from Mr. Charles H. Senff, a shield and a series of weapons from India, collected by Captain Hagadom; from Mr. M. F. Savage, two impe- rial token coins, what is said to be a ** judge's sceptre" from Pekin, China, collected by the artist Mueller during the late Boxer War, and an iron pipe inlaid with gold from Manchuria.

Philippine Islands. The Jesup Philippine collection represents in general four cultures: the Christianized tribes, the Pagan tribes, the Moro tribes, and the Negrito tribes. For the former three, cultural features are quite fully represented; the rice industries, the textile arts and the hemp industry. The former is of considerable ethnographical interest, because of its distribution on the Asiatic continent and the indications that the Malayan groups acquired it from some southern Asiatic culture center. The investigation of this problem and the distribution of wheat and allied cereals in Mediterranean countries would doubtless throw some light on the general anthropological problems of the Old World. It would seem that many of the textile arts can also be traced to an Asiatic center and, while far less specialized than the rice culture, may in turn prove an important aid in the same connection.

As a matter of general interest, we may call attention to one unique feature of the rice culture. The peculiar rice mill shown in Plate xxii is constructed almost entirely of bamboo, though seemingly in strict imitation of the Old World stone mill. While the whole collection is rich in objects illustrating bamboo culture, this example seems one of the most unusual and unexpected adaptations of such material.

^ See, Report of the U. 8, National Museum for 1904, pp. 745-751.

1909.] Notes on New CoUecHons. 357

Transportation both by water and land is fully represented, the series of models of boats being unusually complete and is supplemented by a number of real boats with complete fittings. Types of habitations are also well represented by models as well as a typical Igorot store house and Negrito hut.

The Jesup Collection has been augmented by a fairly representative series from the Bontoc Igorot of northern Luzon, including costumes, coiled and twilled baskets, wooden shields, spears, a drum, gongs, beaten vessels of copper, large wooden dishes, ladles, carved spoons, tobacco-pipes, etc. There are a few curiously shaped boxes carved from blocks of wood appar- ently in imitation of plaited basket tobacco-pouches (Figs. 1 and 3, Plate xxii) as shown in Fig. 2. That the wooden ones are imitations is suggested by the wnde distribution of the basket type and the fact that Fig. 1 is hol- lowed out underneath, giving the appearance of the peculiar ridged bottom found on the former. The wooden bowls all bear notched edges as shown in Fig. 4. Some are provided with one small side bowl instead of two as in this case. Wood carving is further represented by a monkey-headed staff, a large hat, surmounted by a human head, carved from a black wood, and spoons with the human figure for handles similar to one described by Ratzel.^ Pipes of wood, clay and brass present the types described by Jenks.' One of the brass pipes is of unusual form, the bowl resting on the back of a quad- ruped. A girdle to which are fastened thirty-four Spanish coins ranging in date from 1723 to 1825 may be mentioned, and a curious ornament composed of eleven perforated ivory disks held together by plaited links. The fact that these disks are arranged in order of size suggests that this may have been a pendant rather than a girdle, though in another collection such an object forms the belt for a knife scabbard. There are also armlets of boar's teeth joined by plaited bands, almost identical with specimens found in collections from Melanesia.

On a decorated bamboo lime box, we find the characteristic zigzag and hour-glass patterns found in various parts of the Malay area, but in addition some attempts at realism (Fig. 21, a). Among the Jesup collection, there are many similarly decorated lime boxes, on only one of which there are a few animal figures, indicating that such realistic decorations are excep- tional. Taking Philippine lime boxes as a whole, we find one general type of decoration consisting of zigzag, stepped and angular patterns which differ entirely from the specimens we have seen from other parts of the Malayan Islands and New Guinea. In particular the specimens from Borneo and Sumatra bear scroll and leaf designs as the chief motifs, while those from

1 History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 431.

2 Etiinological Survey Publications, Vol. I.

358

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

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1909.] NoUb on New Collections, 359

New Guinea have the characteristics of Papuan art. A bamboo cup or tobacco-box from the Hova of Madagascar, in the Berlin Museum, bears representations of animals similar in execution to those upon one of our Philippine lime boxes, and so far as our observation goes different from the conventional forms in African art. It is the wide biit seemingly contigu- ous distribution of these decorated bamboo boxes that suggest their impor- tance from an ethnographical point of view. Though we have not the time to treat the subject fully, the data at hand seem to indicate their center of distribution to have been in the heart of the Malay Islands. Returning to the Philippines, we find a general type seemingly originating frop some undetermined center whence they have found their way into various parts of the island group. In Fig. 21, we give a series of selected designs.

A set of brass ear cleaners bear designs produced by repeated impressions of a small punch similar to African iron snuff spoons from Barotseland.^

Mr. Charles H. Senff presented a large representative collection of swords, knives and spears from the Philippine and other Malayan Islands. They were selected by Captain Hagadorn, chiefly among the Moro and Igorot. The cutting weapons are of four main t^^jes: the well-known long-handled, angling, bladed knife found in Borneo and elsewhere (Fig. 22, e); the long straight sword with a spreading blade and fringed handle (Fig. 22, a) ; the so-called Sulu knife with short bulging blade (Fig. 22, b) ; and finally the kris, some with straight blades, others of the well-known waving type (Fig. 22, c and d). A number of the latter are decorated with inlaid designs, in most cases highly conventionalized. One specimen suggests a connection between these designs and the curious form of guard found on all these blades (Fig. 23, a). On part of this blade we find the form of a scaly serpent passing under the ornamental clasp and terminating in a conventionalized head or beak. This peculiar hooked mandible and protruding tongue seem the most persistent features of these weapons, occurring so far on every specimen examined. While further research will be necessary to establish the suggestion that this is a serpent motive, it is clear that the decorator of this specimen so regarded it. The opposite projection of the guard is also repeated with fair fidelity and may well be a horn or a distorted occiput of the same monster. This is suggested by a figure on a jar of assumed Malayan origin figured by Ratzel,^ suggesting that we have here the well known dragon of Asiatic art. The inlaid decorations of these blades (Fig. 23, b, c, d) vary greatly in detail, but agree in general arrangement in so far that we have a central stem parallel to the edges of the kris, flanked near the top by scroll and other simple designs.

» See Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 411. 2 History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 470.

360 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II ,

Fig. 22. a (70.1-4153). b (70.1-4189) c (70.1-4238). d (70.1-4155), e (70.1-1496). Types of Malayian Swords. Length of a, 106 cm.; 6, 64 cm.; c, 84 cm.; d, 71 cm ; e, 98 cm.

1909.]

Notes on New CoUectiona,

361

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362 Anlhropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. II,

The handles are usually slight variants of what appears to be a bird form. Knives of the type shou-n in Fig. 22 d, often have handles repre- senting heads of conventionalized animal forms. For the specimen exam- ined the eyes are marked by inlaid dots. Many of the swords and knives have silver mountings and mention may be made of a kris scabbard orna- mented with alternating bands of fretwork in silver and turde shell.

Upper Burma. A small collection of baskets has been received from the Kachin of Upper Bui ma in which there is an interesting pack basket of unusual form. It may be mentioned that the pack baskets of America are usually i>ointed, while in some parts of the Congo, Africa, they are shallow and tray-shaped. This basket has a cover and a rectangular base, as is frequent in southeastern Asia and the Malayan area. It is also strengthened by hoops and supporting staves of bamboo. The carrying strap passes over the head and is provided with a curious wooden yoke for the shoulders as a spreader. The basket b in technique a double struc- ture with a layer of leaves between the inner weave of coarse twill and the outer of fine wicker. The edges of both body and cover present an interesting braid of fine cane. The framework is attached to the basket by short spirals while small rings of complex flat braid and loops bound with a braid-like edge, form the strappings of the basket.

For short journeys, a small cylindrical basket on an oval base is carried. These cane baskets are about 40 cm. high and of wicker weave, with a frame- work as in the larger basket but which is attached by a Malay knot.^ Five rows of twine weave border the edge below a braid formed by the ends of the warps. A three-ply rope with short ends of a material which appears to be the same as the framework of the basket is attached by means of loops formed by the upright spokes of the frame. A braided carrying strap of cane is attached to this rope by swivels of interlaced cane.

A satchel-like carrying basket used by chiefs when visiting friends is constructed of twilled cane. A flat rectangular mat 80 cm. by 35 cm. is first woven, then folded double and the side edges firmly closed by the aid of two strips in the framework. Malay knots attach this framework to the satchel. A native three-ply rope and a braided carrying strap make it complete. On festival occasions the Kachins use a small ornamental basket of very fine cane and yellow orchid stems. Its shape and construction is similar to that of the last basket; but when half of the mat is woven, the weave changes from twill to twilled twine, woven in opposite directions. Bands of the twilled twine are overlaid with the yellow orchid stems, in diamond and arrow point designs. The edge is of twine with the alternate

• Otis T. Mason, Basketry Bolo Case from Basilan Island, p. 196, Washington, 1907: Vo- cabulary of Malaysian Basketwork, p. 25. Washington, 1908.

1909.] Notes on New Collections. 363

waq)s coiled over three joining warp stems and run into the twining. A dainty three-ply cord and braided strap are also attached to this wallet. The character of the ornamentation is quite like that on specimens from the Andaman Islands. (M. L. K.)

Andaman Islands. A systematic collection, the gift of Mrs. Morris K. Jesup, was made in the Andaman Islands by Mr. C. Anderson, an account of which, with numerous illustrations appears in the Museum Journal, April, 1909. The collection is fairly complete and is accompanied by important notes on the custo s of the Andamanese. The peculiarly shaped bow of the Andamanese, used for shooting fish is well represented in the collection and in addition, mention may be made of baskets, drums, sleeping mats, ornaments of shell and torches made of resin wrapped in palm leaves used for fishing at night, large iron-pointed arrows for killing the wild boar and long barbed turtle spears. Of especial interest are several human skulls worn as tokens of respect for lost relatives. These are carefully cleaned and painted, after which pendants with shells or fringe are attached and a strap put on, by w^hich they can be suspended around the neck of the wearer. The collection contains a number of human jaws prepared and Avom in the same way and for the same purpose as the skulls just described. Also, mention may be made of a fetich composed of human bones with shell pendants w^om by friends of a sick person in order that his sufferings may be mitigated. With the collection is a series of photographs representing ceremonies and other phases of Andamanese life.

ArchcBoiogy. Through the kindness of H. W. Seton-Karr, a few palaeo- lithic implements from India were added to the collection. These were washed up out of pleistocene lateric alluvium, containing quartzite boulders, in Poodi and Gazeefet, Madras Presidency, and are interesting as coming from a country archaeologically little known. They are generally like the palfeoliths of England and of the Somme Valley, France. In addition may be mentioned some celts from the vicinity of Banda, all made by pecking, in some cases finished by polishing, and characterized by a broad bit taper- ing to a pointed butt. They have a general resemblance to some New World forms. ^

Also it may be of interest to mention casts of a few stone implements from Shantung, China, collected by Rev. Samuel Couling, a Baptist mission- ary. The originals are in the Royal Scottish Museum, Ekiinburgh. The series consists of celts, hammer and rubbing stones and a grooved axe. The celts are of a number of types, easily duplicated in almost any collection from the Eastern United States (Plate xxiii). Examination shows them

H. W. Seton-Karr, Report of the U. S. National Museum, for 1904, p. 748.

364 Anthropological Papers Ameriacn Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

to have been carefully wrought by the usual process of pecking, grindbg and polishing. An irregularly shaped object of stone appears from its worn and battered appearance to have been a hammerstone; while another pebble, very much worn and beveled on one side, shows every evidence of having been used for grinding and polishing. Yet most interesting of all is that rarest of neolithic forms in the Old Worid, a grooved axe. The sjjecimen is small and the groove encircles three surfaces, the fourth side being flat. Thus this small collection is exceedingly interesting as coming from a region, the prehistoric archfieology of which is so comparatively little known, and in its duplication of so many well-known New World types.

PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY.

The collections under this head were considerably augmented during the year. We may mention fragments of a skull from a mound in Nebraska presented by Mr. Robert F. Gilder, thirteen skulls from the vicinity of New York City presented by Henry Booth, and one skeleton and two skulls from Aukland, New Zealand. By courtesy of the Egyptian Expedition from the Metropolitan Museum of Art, a collection of human bones from ancient burials has been received. However, the largest acquisition was a series of 1800 palate casts from normal and feeble-minded white subjects, col- lected and presented by Dr. Walter Channing. The casts are so distributed as to furnish an unbroken series from the sixth year of childhood to middle life. During the year the Museum published a comparative study of this collection to which the reader is referred for further information.^

» Anthropological Papers, Vol. I, Part V.

1909.]

Index.

365

INDEX.

A'bi, 223.

Adze, 321, 321.

A'gai-dika, 206.

Ah-hi'-e, 212.

A'k-hwi, 182.

Album, James Edge-Partington's, 338.

Algonkin, 7, 8, 9, 12, 321.

Algonquin, 180.

Amulete, "bird," 321; Costa Rica, 329.

Andaman Islands, 363.

Anethum graveolens, 188.

A'no, 221.

A'nonokakin, 220.

Apache, 191.

A'po, 209, 226, 233, 235.

A'po-no'kakin, 219.

A'ra, 209.

A'rabe, 209.

Arango, Leocadio Ma, 333.

Arapaho, 11, 12, 16, 17, 172, 204, 208,

216, 217, 236. Archaeology, 355, 363. Ankara, 16, 172, 212. Armadillo, pottery design from, 324. Armlets, Igorot, 357. Arm-rings, outfit for making, 347. Armstrong, Dr. S. T., 322. Arrows, Bismarck Archif>elago, 347;

Eskimo, 314, 315; poisoned, 331 Asande (Niam-Niam), 347. Assiniboine, 16, 219, 313. Athabascans, 191. Atsina, 171, 183, 190, 201. Axes, 322, 347, 349.

Ba'di, 210. Ba'dzi, 209. Ba'gwina, 227. Ba'ha, 209. Bakongo, 351. Bakuba, 351. Baluba, 351. Ba'mu-tak, 174.

Ba'naite, 206, 208.

Ban-at-tees, 208.

Banner stones, 320.

Bannock, 171-174, 179, 199, 206, 208, 211, 219, 226, 233.

Bantu, 350.

Bapindi, 352.

Barotse, 353.

Basketry, Congo, 352; Kachin, 362; bag, 339, 340; New Caledonia, 340; tray, 339.

Baskets, carrying, 362; cylindrical 362; Kachin, 362; pack, 362.

Bassongo-Mino, 348.

Bavi, 209.

Bear and the Deer, 169, 235, 253.

Bear-knife, 95.

Bear-Moccasin, 143.

Beaver-medicine, 74, 79.

Bechuana, 353. [ Benin, 352, 349. I Bi'a, 209.

I Bi'a a'po, 209. ♦

' Bi'cap, 182.

Bismarck Archipelago, 346.

Blackfoot, 172, 180, 185, 191, 195, 201, 202, 212, 236, 313. , Blackfoot, mythology of, 1-164. I Bladder Story, 127.

Blood, 5, 6, 7.

Blood-Clot, 12, 13, 17, 53. I Blow-guns, 331.

Board, throwing, 318. I Boas, Franz, 169, 200, 203, 310, 317. ' Bon toe Igorot, 357.

Booth, Henry M., 320. ' Bourke, 186, 193-195, 198, 227.

Bow, Eskimo, 314; musical, 355.

Bowdoin, George S., 336.

Bowl, kava, 346; Marquesas, 338; New Cale<lonia, 337.

Bowls, 338; Igorot, 357.

Boxes, Igorotj 357; lime, 357.

366

Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. II,

Braves, 106.

Brenchley, 218.

Brigham, Dr., 336.

Brinton, 173.

British South Africa, 353.

Brother on Desert Island, 14.

Bufifalo, Boy, 13; child reared by the,

13; riding the, 157. Buifalo-Rock, 85-89. Buffalo's Adopted ChUd, 121. Bu'ha, 224. Bu'ha-gant, 224, 226. Bu'i-na'dcu, 227. Bullet mould, 321. Bunched Stars, 12, 17, 71.

Caddoan tribes, 16.

Cai'mogots, 184.

Cannibal stories, 291.

Capa, 332.

Capes, Hawaiian, 336; Maori, 340.

Caribou teeth, 318.

Ca'ro-rika, 185, 208.

Casts of palates, 364.

Catchers, 121.

Cat-fish pattern, 352.

Cauca Valley, pottery from, 333.

Cayuse, 172, 191.

Celt, 321.

Changuenes, 328.

Charm, Eagle-head, 103; rain, 339.

Cheyenne, 11, 12, 16, 17, 172, 219

Chibchas, 328.

Chilcotin, 236.

Chile, body from, 334.

Chiriqui, 323.

Cigar, Brazilian, 331.

Cin-au'-ao, 233.

Clark, 6, 189, 192, 206, 208, 211, 212, 214, 220, 233, 234.

Cloth, Bakuba, 352.

Coat, woman's, 315.

Coctos, 328.

Co'go-na'ronon, 197.

Co'go-wi'towE, 177.

Collection, Booth, 320; Engler Melane- sian, 337; Lewisohn, 313; Norton, 318; Schmidt and Weiss, 330.

Collections, Africa, 347; Asia, 356;

Islands of the Pacific Ocean, 336;

North America, 313; South America,

330; Physical Anthropology, 364. Comanche, 173, 190. Congo, 347. Coni-gan*, 183. ConvoUaria stellata, 228. Costa Rica, specimens from, 3? " Cotos, 328.

Cottle, Captain S. F., 314. Coyote, 156, 169, 239, 248, 262, 267,

270, 272-80. Crse, 9, 12, 16, 213, 217, 220, 221, 232,

Crow, 11, 16, 313. Crows, 172, 191, 202. Culin, 174, 197, 199, 216, 220, 225, 230,

Cup, Hova, 359. Cups, wooden, 349. Cuts- Wood, 12, 66.

Da'bEntcotc, 211

Da'gu-wo no, 216.

Dakota, 17, 178, 313.

Da'me, 209.

Danicoto'En, 198.

Dina'ronon, 197.

Dance, buifalo, 216; Cree, 217, 220, 221; Father's, 219; ghost, 218; hot, 222; hugging, 220; Omaha, 222; prairie- chicken, 222; scalp, 220; squaw, 217; sun, 216, 225; war,' 220; wolf. 216.

Dancing Ducks, 16.

Datci'ba, 171.

Death-drum, 347.

De?r-dance, Kutenai, 15, 157.

De Morgan, M. Jacques, 355.

Designs, alligator, 328; armadillo, 324; Barotse, 353; Benin. 349; Cauca Valley, 333; Congo, 347; incised, 349; Hawaiian, 337; Maori, 344; Philippine, 357; Samoan stamped, 345.

De Smet, 195, 198, 213, 215.

Di'rako ne, 208.

Dishes from New Hebridef, .'38.

Do'ca, 196.

Do'cabit, 195, 196.

1909.]

Index.

3()7

Dog-Chief, 107.

Do'go, 209.

Domenech, 188.

Do'napo, 211.

Donors, list of, 312-313

Do'pedi, 195-197.

Doro'wokiina, 198.

Dorsey, Dr., 199.

Douglass, Andrew E., 355.

Drills, 321.

Drum, hand, 316; pottery, 329.

Drums, Congo, 351.

Du'a, 210.

Du'a-nai dui, 199.

Duclos, Eugene, 169.

Du'mabana, 225.

Du'mabana-nai dui, 199.

Dumo, 196.

Du'mu-no'kakin, 219.

Duvall, D. C, 5.

Dza'-wongobi, 227.

Dzi'ampi, 212, 213.

Dzo, 209.

Dzo'ap, 226-229.

Dzoavits, 169, 231, 257,^ 259, 261, 262.

Dzu'ma, 197.

Earring, 321.

Elk- Woman, 15, 17, 83.

Enmions, Lieutenant G. T., 314, 318.

E'ngabit ho'pi, 213.

Enga-gwacu Jim, 211, 224-227, 301.

Eskimo, 314; Prince Albert Land, 314; Mackenzie River, 316; near Pond's Bay, 316; Alaskan, 315, 318; Cen- tral, 315.

Execution-knife, 349

Fan of the Ogowe, 347. Faukner, Mr., 169, 217. Feather cloaks, Maori, 345. Feather-work, Hawaii, 336; Maori, 345;

Peruvian, 337; Pomo, 337. Fetiches, Congo, 349. Fetichism, 349. Fixed-Star, the. 12, 58. Flathead, 171, 172, 184. 191. Flints, 321; prehistoric, 355. Found-in-the-Grass, 12, 13.

Fox. 9, 12.

Fremont, 183, 191. 228.

Frobenius, 348.

Ga'gu, 209.

Gambling sticks, 316.

Games, Shoshone, 216.

Ghost houses, 347.

Ghosts, 227.

Ghost Stories, 299.

Ghost woman, 155; fed^by, 156.

Girdle, Igorot, 357.

Girl with a Dog for a Lover, 13.

Goblets, wooden, 349.

Gfl'mi, 209.

Gorgets. 353.

Gouge, 321.

Gourds, Barotse, 353.

Gourd vessels, 339.