The Omaha Tribe

TWENTY-SEVENtH AXXUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

SEORKTARV OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1905-1006

WASHINGTON

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1911

Uc.C 20. I

LETTER OE TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,

Washington, D. C., August 10, 1907.

SIR: I have the honor to submit herewith the Twenty- seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth nology.

The preliminary portion comprises an account of the operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1906, and this is followed by a monograph on " The Omaha tribe," by Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche (a member of the Omaha tribe) .

Permit me to express my appreciation of your aid in the work under my charge.

Very respectfully, yours,

W. LI. HOLMES, Chief. . Mr. .RICHARD RATHBUN,

• 'Aettiiy -Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

Page

Research work ............................................ 7

Permits granted for explorations on public lands ........................... ] 1

Collections ................................ j2

Study of Indian delegations ................................. 12

Editorial work ................................... ] 2

Illustrations ...................................... ] 2

Publications ........................................ 13

Library ................................................................. 13

Clerical work ................................. . ................ 13

Property ____ . ................................. 14

Accompanying paper ................................ 14

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

The Omaha Tribe, by Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche (a mem

ber of the Omaha tribe); plates 1-65, figures 1-132 ...................... 15

(J55 3

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

TWENTY- SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

W. H. HOLMES, CHIEF

RESEARCH WORK

Researches among the Indian tribes were conducted in accordance with the plan of operations approved by the Secretary June 5, 1905; these include investigations among the aborigines of Oregon, Colorado, New Mexico, Indian Ter ritory, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Florida, and, more especially, researches in the office of the Bureau and in various museums and libraries throughout the country. The scientific staff of the Bureau remains the same as during the previous year wTith the single exception that Mr. F. Wr. Hodge was transferred from the Secretary's office of the Smithsonian Institution to the Bureau, with the title of Ethnologist — a step which permits him to devote his entire time to the completion of the Handbook of the Indians.

Aside from his administrative duties, the chief was occu pied with the completion and revision of papers for the Handbook of the Indians and in the preparation of a mono graphic work on the technology and art of the tribes. He also continued his duties as Honorary Curator of the Divi sion of Prehistoric Archeology in the National Museum.

Mrs. M. C. Stevenson remained in the office during the early months of the year, reading the final proofs of her monograph on the Zurii Indians, which issued from the press in December. In January she again entered the field, having selected the pueblo of Taos, New Mexico, as a suit able place for the continuation of her researches. In initi ating her work in this pueblo Mrs. Stevenson encountered

7

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

many difficulties, and her progress at first was slow; but later, owing largely to the very courteous cooperation of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, her study of the history, language, and customs of the tribe was facilitated, and was progressing favorably at the close of the year.

During the early part of the year Mr. James Mooney was chiefly occupied, in collaboration with other members of the Bureau, with the Handbook of the Indians, which work was - continued at intervals after he took the field. On September 19, 1905, he left Washington for western Okla homa to continue researches among the Kiowa, Southern Cheyenne, and allied tribes, partly in fulfillment of the joint arrangement between the Bureau and the Field Museum of Natural History. His stay while with the Kiowa was chiefly at the agency at Anadarko, Oklahoma. Among the Chey enne he made headquarters at Cantonment, Oklahoma, the central settlement of the most conservative element of the tribe. Mr. Mooney returned to Washington about the end of April, and resumed work on his report, giving much attention also to the Handbook of the Indians.

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes completed during the year his report on the aborigines of Porto Rico and neighboring islands. He prepared also an account of his field work in eastern Mexico, conducted under the joint auspices of the Smithsonian Insti tution and this Bureau during the winter of 1905-6. These papers were assigned to the Twenty-fifth Annual Report and were in type at the close of the year. Doctor Fewkes also made considerable progress in the preparation of a bulletin on the antiquities of the Little Colorado valley, Arizona.

During the year Dr. John R. S wanton completed and pre pared for the press all of the Tlingit material, ethnological and mythological, collected by him during previous years; all of the ethnological and a portion of the mythological ma terial has been accepted for introduction into the Twenty- sixth Annual Report. Doctor Swanton interested himself particularly also in the study of the linguistic stocks of Louisi ana and southern Texas, many of which are either on the verge of extinction or are already extinct; and a grammar

ADMINISTRATIVE EEPORT 9

and dictionary of the Tunica language is well advanced, while a dictionary of the Natchez is in course of preparation.

Mr. J. X. B. Hewitt was engaged almost entirely in investi gating and reporting on etymologies of terms and names and in elaborating and preparing important articles for the Hand book of the Indians, and also in reading proof of that impor tant work conjointly with the other collaborators of the Office.

During the year Dr. Cyrus Thomas was engaged almost continuously on the Handbook of the Indians, assisting in final revision of the manuscript and in reading proof. Dur ing the first two or three months he assisted also in reading and correcting proofs of Bulletin 28, which treats of Mexican antiquities — a work for which his extensive researches regard ing the giyphic writing of middle America especially fitted him.

The manuscript of the body of the Handbook of the In dians was transmitted to the Public Printer early in July. In view of the fact that numerous tribal and general articles were prepared by specialists not connected directly with the Bureau, it was deemed advisable to submit complete galley proofs of the Handbook to each as received. While this in volved considerable delay in the proof reading, the correc tions and suggestions received showred the wisdom of the plan. By the close of the year all the material was in type through the letter "X," and of this, 544 pages, to the article "Her aldry," have been finally printed.

The work on the Handbook of Languages, in charge of Dr. Franz Boas, honorary philologist of the Bureau, wras contin ued during the year. The several sketches of American lan guages — sixteen in number — which are to form the body of this work are now practically complete, with the exception of those on the Eskimo and the Iroquois. Field work was con ducted during the year by Edward Sapir among the Yakima of Oregon and by Frank J. Speck among the Yuchi in Indian Territory.

Mr. Stewart Culin, curator of ethnology in the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, whose monograph on Indian Games forms the bulk of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report,

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV

was engaged during the year in reading the proofs of that work; but owing to his absence in the field for a protracted period the work was not completed at the close of the year.

The movement for the enactment by Congress of a law for the preservation of American antiquities, which was inaug urated during previous years, was continued by various individuals and institutions during the last year, and the perfected measure became a law in June. With the view of assisting the departments of the Government having charge of the public domain in the initiation of practical measures for the preservation of the antiquities of the Southwest, the Bureau has actively continued the compilation of a card catalogue of the archeological sites, especially the ruined pueblos and cliff-dwellings, and during the year has made much progress in the preparation of a series of bulletins to be devoted to the fuller presentation of all that is known regarding these antiquities. In promoting this work Mr. E. L. Hewett was commissioned to proceed to New Mexico for the purpose of making a survey of the ancient remains of the Jemez Plateau region, a large part of which is now in cluded in the Jemez Forest Reserve. A preliminary report on this work was submitted immediately on Mr. Hewett's return to Washington, and later a paper was prepared in the form of an illustrated descriptive catalogue of the antiqui ties, to be published as Bulletin 32 of the Bureau series. In March Mr. Hewett was called on to represent the Bureau as a member of the Interior Department Survey of certain boundary lines in southern Colorado, the principal object being to determine the relation of the more important ruins of the Mesa Verde region to the boundaries of the proposed Mesa Verde park, a measure for the establishment of which was pending in Congress. Shortly after the receipt of Mr. Hewett's report this measure became a lawr. A leading object kept in view by Mr. Hewett on this expedition was the collection of data for the compilation of a bulletin on the antiquities of the Mesa Verde region, for the Bureau's bulletin series.

In February Dr. Ales Hrdlifka, of the National Museum, was commissioned to proceed to Osprey, on Sarasota bay,

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11

Florida, for the purpose of examining several localities where fossil human bones, apparently indicating great age, have been discovered. The evidence obtained is adverse to the theory of the great antiquity of the remains, but the observations made by Doctor Hrdlicka and Dr. T. Wayland Vaughan, who accompanied him as a representative of the Geological Survey, on the unusual activity of fossilizing agencies in the locality, are of extreme interest.

Dr. Walter Hough, of the National Museum, who has taken a prominent part in the investigation of the antiquities of the Southwest, has in preparation for the Bureau series a bulletin on the antiquities of the Upper Gila valley.

PERMITS GRANTED FOR EXPLORATIONS ON PUBLIC LANDS

During the year applications for permits to conduct explo rations on the public lands and reservations of the South west were acted on as follows:

(1) In September, 1905, the Southwest Society of the Archaeological Institute of America applied for permission to conduct archeological explorations on Indian reservations and forest reserves in the Southwest, the work to begin in the spring of 1906. Later, permission to make a preliminary reconnaissance during the latter part of 1905 was asked. Recommended by the Bureau; granted by the Office of Indian Affairs and the Forest Service.

(2) In January, 1906, the request of the Bureau of Ameri can Ethnology for authority to prosecute ethnological researches in New Mexico, particularly at Taos, was favor ably acted on by the Office of Indian Affairs.

(3) In April, 1906, the American Museum of Natural History, through Dr. Clark Wissler, Curator of Anthropology in that institution, requested permission to conduct explora tions on Indian reservations in southern California. Recom mended by the Bureau; granted by the Indian Office.

One application for a permit was denied, one was with drawn, and one was pending at the close of the year.

12 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

COLLECTIONS

The collections of archeological and ethnological specimens made during the year are more limited than heretofore, owing to the reduced amount of field work undertaken. The most important accession is the product of Mr. E. L. Hewett's explorations among the ancient ruins of the Jemez plateau. Other collections worthy of note are those made by Mr. Mooney in Oklahoma and by Doctor Hrdlic'ka in Florida. All collections were transferred to the National Museum in accordance with established custom.

STUDY OF INDIAN DELEGATIONS

The study of the Indian delegations visiting Washington during the year was continued, as heretofore. One hundred and forty-two portrait negatives were made and measure ments and casts were obtained in a number of cases.

EDITORIAL WORK

Mr. John P. Sanborn, jr., who was probationally appointed on April 6, 1905, Editor and Compiler, was permanently appointed October 6; but on October 19 he was, at his own request, indefinitely furloughed. On February 16, 1906, Mr. Joseph G. Gurley was probationally appointed Editor through certification by the Civil Service Commission. The Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual Reports and Bulletins 31 and 32 were read and prepared for the press, and proof reading of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Reports and of Bulletins 30, 31, and 32 further occupied the attention of the Editor, although Mr. Hodge and the various collabora tors on Bulletin 30 (the Handbook of the Indians) assumed the main burden of the reading of that work.

ILLUSTRATIONS

The illustration work, including photography, continued in charge of Mr. De Lancey Gill, who was assisted, as heretofore, by Mr. Henry Walther. The number of illustrations prepared for the reports was 852 and the whole number transmitted to the printer was 1,023.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13

PUBLICATIONS

During the year the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual Reports were submitted to the Secretary and the Twenty- fifth was transmitted to the Public Printer, the Twenty-sixth being retained in the Bureau pending the completion of the two next preceding volumes. Bulletin 30 (part 1), submitted at the close of the preceding year, is in press, Bulletin 32 is in the bindery, and Bulletin 31 was transmitted to the printer toward the close of the year. The distribution of publica tions was continued as in former years. Bulletin 28 was published in October and Bulletin 29 and the Twenty-third Annual Report followed in December.

LIBRARY

The library remained in charge of Miss Ella Leary, who completed the work of accessioning and cataloguing the books, pamphlets, and periodicals up to date. Owing to the crowded condition of the library, about 600 publications, chiefly periodicals, received by gift or through exchange, but not pertaining to the work of the Bureau, were transferred to the library of the National Museum. During the year there were received and recorded 306 volumes, 900 pamphlets, and the current issues of upward of 500 periodicals. One hun dred and fifty volumes were bound at the Government Print ing Office. The library now contains 12,858 bound volumes, 9,000 pamphlets, and a large number of periodicals which relate to anthropology and kindred topics.

CLERICAL WORK

The clerical force of the Bureau consists of five regular em ployees: Mr. J. B. Clayton, head clerk; Miss Emilie R. Smedes and Miss May S. Clark, stenographers; Miss Ella Leary, clerk and acting librarian; and Mrs. Frances S. Nichols, typewriter. During the year Mr. William P. Bartel, messenger, was pro moted to a clerkship and subsequently transferred to the Interstate Commerce Commission.

14 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

PROPERTY

The property of the Bureau is comprised in seven classes: Office furniture and appliances; field outfits; linguistic and ethnological manuscripts, and other documents; photo graphs, drawings, paintings, and engravings; a working library; collections held temporarily by collaborators for use in research ; and the undistributed residue of the editions of Bureau publications.

The additions to the property of the Bureau for the year include a typewriter and a few necessary articles of furniture .

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

With this report appears a comprehensive monograph on the Omaha tribe, which, it is believed, constitutes an important contribution to North American ethnology, especially to our knowledge of the great Siouan group. This monograph is peculiarly fortunate in its authorship. For thirty years Miss Fletcher has been a close student of the Omaha, enjoying a measure of their friendship and confidence rarely accorded one of alien race, while Mr. La Flesche, a member of the tribe and the son of a former principal chief, has brought to the work a thorough grasp of the subject combined with an earnest desire to aid in the preservation and diffusion of information relating to his people.

The purpose and plan of the authors are thus succinctly stated :

This joint work embodies the results of unusual opportunities to get close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the Omaha tribe, and to give a fairly truthful picture of the people as they were during the early part of the last century, when most of the men on whose information this work is based were active participants in the life here described. In the account here offered nothing has been borrowed from other observers; only original material gathered directly from the native people has been used.

The paper is rounded out by the inclusion of a final section dealing with the relations between the Omaha and the whites, in which are traced in outline from the beginning the ever -increasing encroachments of civiliza tion and the gradual but inevitable molding of the weaker race to conform to the conditions imposed by the new order of things.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

15

THE OMAHA TRIBE

BY

ALICE C. FLETCHER

HOLDER or THE THAW FELLOWSHIP, PEABODY MUSEUM, HARVARD UNIVERSITY

AND

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

A MEMBER OF THE OMAHA TRIBE

83993°— 27 ETH— 11 2 - 17

CONTEXTS

Foreword 29

I

Location ; linguistic relationships 33

Tribal concept; the name Omaha 35

The five cognate tribes — evidence of former unity 37

The Ponca tribe 41

Rites and customs of th<j gentes 42

Legendary accounts 47

Recent history ; personal names 51

The Osage, or Waxha'xhe, tribe 57

Recent history ; organization 57

Kinship groups 58

Adoption ceremony 61

Legendary accounts 62

Personal names 64

The Kansa tribe .„ 66

Gentes 66

The Quapaw tribe 67

Gentes 68

JI

Environment; resultant influences

Omaha Sacred Legend

Early habitat arid conditions

Western movements 72

Contact with the Arikai a 75

Separation of Ponca from Omaha: finding of horses 78

fleeting with the white men 81

Influence of traders 82

The Omaha country 85

Villages on the Missouri 85

Streams known to the Omaha 89

The village 95

Site 95

Dwellings 95

Historic villages and places 99

Tribes known to the Omaha 101

Fauna and flora known to the ( >maha 103

Animals 103

Birds 104

Insects 106

Fish 106

Trees 106

19

20 CONTENTS

Environment; resultant influences— Continued Page

The human body as known to the Omaha 107

Miscellaneous terms used by the Omaha 110

Natural objects and phenomena 110

Taste 110

Colors Ill

Points of the compass Ill

Divisions of time Ill

Weather signs 112

Summary 112

III

Rites pertaining to the individual 115

Introduction of the Omaha child to the Cosmos 115

Introduction of the child into the tribe 117

Ceremony of turning the child 117

Consecration of the boy to Thunder , . 122

Ceremonial introduction to individual life and to the supernatural 12S

IV

Tribal organization 134

Basic princ pies 1 34

The Im'tJiuga — the Omaha tribal form 141

Gentes of the Omaha tribe 142

Hon/gashenu division 1 42

We/zhinshte gens 142

Inkexcabe gens 146

Hon/ga gens 153

Tha'tada gens 159

Kon/<;e gens 169

P'shta'cuMa division 171

Mon/thinkagaxe gens 171

Tecin/de gens 175

Tapa' gens 177

Ingthe/zhide gens 183

Inshta/cunda gens 185

The Omaha gens not a political organi/atiou 195

Interrelation of the two grand divisions 19(i

V

Tribal government 199

Development of political unity 1 99

Chieftainship 202

Orders of chiefs 202

The Council of Seven Chiefs 206

Emoluments of chiefs and keepers 212

Offenses and punishments 213

VI

The Sacred Pole - 217

Origin 217

Mark of honor 219

The Sacred Tents - - - - 221

Legend and description of the Sacred Pole .". 223

Sacred Packs and contents 226

CONTENTS 21

The Sacred Pole — Continued Page

Anointing the Sacred Pole 230

Ritual songs 233 .

Ceremonies of the Sacred 1*016 243

The He'dewachi 251

VII

The quest of food 261

The ritual of the maize 261

Cultivation of maize 269

Names of parts and of preparations of maize 269

Hunting 270

Rules observed in butchering 271

Te'une, or annual buffalo hunt 275

The wathon/ 276

The White Buffalo Hide 283

The ritual of the White Buffalo Hide 286

The Ponca feast of the soldiers 309

Ritual 310

Fishing 312

VIII

Social life 313

Kinship terms 313

Courtship and marriage 318

Care and training of children 327

Etiquette 334

Avocations of men 338

Avocations of women 339

Cooking and foods 340

Dressing and tanning skins 342

Quill work 345

Weaving 347

Personal adornment .• 349

Clothing 354

The waiu/ or robe. 356

Personal significance 356

Social significance 358

Language of the rol >e 360

Property 362

Amusements 363

IX

Music 371

Instruments 373

Songs, singing, and rhythm 373

The Wa'wa" ceremony 376

The ceremony among the Ponca 400

X

Warfare 402

Influence on tribal development 402

Waiu/waxube 404

Authorization of a war party '. 405

Organization of a war party 408

Dress of warriors . . 409

22 CONTKNTS

Warfare — Continued

Influence on tribal development — Continued Page

Sacred War Pack and contents 411

Departure ceremonies of an aggressive war party 415

The we't< >n waan 421

Sending out scouts 423

Departure of a defensive war party 426

Return of a war party 431

The Wate'gictu 434

(irraded war honors 437

War honor decorations ,__ 438

The Ponca ceremony of conferring war honors _ 439

"The Crow " 441

The feather war bonnet 446

Weapons 448

Contents of the Tent of War 452

The Sacred Shell 454

The Cedar Pole 457

XI

Societies _ 459

Social societies _ 459

The Hethu'shka , _ 459

The Pu'gtho" 481

The Ki'kunethe ' 485

The T'e ga'xe 486

The Monwa'dathi" and the Toka'lo __ 486

Secret societies _ 480

The MoMm' ithaethe 486

TheTe' ithaethe 487

The \Vanon/xe ithaethe 489

The Ingthun/ ithaethe 490

The Hon/hewachi 493

The one hundred wathin/ethe 495

The Watha'wa (Feast of the Count 497

The Feast of the Hoa/hewachi 500

The tattooing 503

The Washis'ka athin (Shell society) 509

Origin 509

Organization 516

Regular meetings 520

Ceremonies on the death of a member 553

Magic ceremony for punishing offenders 554

The In'kugthi athin (Pebble society) 565

< )peniug ritual 568

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. 1 571

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. 2 574

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. 3 575

XII

Disease and its treatment 582

Some curative plants 584

XIII

Death and burial customs. „ 588

CONTENTS 23

XIV

I 'age

Religion and ethics 595

The keeper 595

We'waype 596

Wakon/da. 597

Interrelation of men and animals 599

Veneration for the Ancients 601

Position of chiefs 601

Totems 602

Magic 602

Warfare and ethics 602

Terms for good traits and conduct 603

Terms for bad traits and conduct 604

Proverbs 604

XV

Language 605

XVI

Conclusions 608

APPENDIX: Recent history of the Omaha tribe 611

Contact with the white race 611

Early traders 612

Introduction of metal implements 613

Decline of old avocations and the effect on the people 614

Changes in ornaments and deeorati< >n 61 5

Introduction'of cloth. 616

Introduction of guns 617

Introduction of money ; pelt values 617

Introduction of intoxicants 618

Drunkenness and its punishment 618

Government control of traders 619

Introduction of new foods, games, and diseases 620

Introduction of new words 620

Treaties with the United States 622

Work of missionaries 625

The Mission 627

New reservation and agency 629

Agency buildings _ 630

Pressure of traders on tribal affairs 630

Joseph La Flesche 631

" The village of the ' make-believe ' white men ' ; 633

Survey of the reservation 634

Extermination of the buffalo 634

Establishment of ' ' the Council " 635

The Ponca tragedy 635

Appeal for land patents 636

Present condition 641

Original owners of allotments on Omaha reservation 643

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

PLATE 1. Francis La Flesche 30

2. Standing Buffalo 49

3. White Eagle (Xitha'cka) 49

4. Wexgac;api 50

5. Standing Bear 51

6. Smoke-maker (Shu'degaxe) 52

7. Gahi'ge. 52

8. Black Crow (Kaxe^-abe) 54

9. Big Goose 55

10. Buffalo Chip 55

11. Big Snake 56

12. Osage chief 57

13. Osage Chief 57

14. Washiu/ha (Osage) __ 58

15. Black Dog and other Osage chiefs- 62

16. Kansa chief- 66

17. Tipis 71

18. Bark houses 74

19. Earth lodge. 75

20. Blackbird hills, Nebraska 83

21. Country known to the Omaha ( map) _ 88

22. Earth lodge — framework and structure _ .* 97

23. Part of Omaha village (about 1860)_ 99

24. Nuga'xti 145

25. lnshtaxthabi, the last imlhon^ 147

26. Mixgthitouin and grandchild _ 153

27. Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide 155

28. Hu'petha _ 163

29. \Vthishnade ( Waje'pa) ._ 168

30. Mu/xanonzhiu_ 170

31. Gahi'zhi-'ga (Little Chief) _ 170

32. Shon/geyka (White Horse) 173

33. Ton/wongaxezhiuga (Little Village Maker) _ 173

34. WahoQ/thiQge 176

35. Uho^geno'Vlii11 _ 184

36. An old Omaha chief 204

37. Gthedou/nonzhiu ( Standing Hawk ) and wife 204

37.v. Tattooed Osage_ 219

38. The Sacred Pole 224

39. Fshiba/hi 280

40. Arrow release 282

41. The White Buffalo Hide 284

42. An elderly beau. 325

43. Pe'degahi and wife 337

44. Domestic scene 340

45. Costume and adornment of woman .„.«, 347

24

ILLUSTRATIONS

25

Page

PLATE 46. Costume and adornment of man 347

47. Bead necklaces 34g

48. Crupper for horse used by woman 353

49. Costume and adornment of man _ . . 354

50. Costume and adornment of man 354

51. Moccasins worn by men and women 356

52. The language of the robe 360

53. The language of the robe 361

54. Wolfskin war robe worn by Zhinga/gahige 409

55. War honor decorations 441

56. Ponca chief 442

57. Ponca chief. 446

58. The Sacred Shell 456

59. "The Four children," Shell society 516

60. Members of the Shell society 519

61. Members of the Shell society 519

62. Members of the Shell society 519

63. Members of the Shell society • 519

64. Members of the Shell society 519

65. Title map, Omaha reservation, Thurston county, Nebraska 643

FIGURE 1. Skin boat or " bull-boat " 37

2. Diagram of Ponca hu' thuya 42

3. Cut of hair, Waca'be gens (Ponca) 42

4. Cut of hair, Thi'xida gens (Ponca) 43

5. Cut of hair, Ni'kapashna gens ( Ponca) 44

6. Cut of hair, Pon/caxti gens (Ponca) 45

7. Cut of hair, Washa'be gens ( Ponca) 45

8. Cut of hair, Wazha'zhe gens (Ponca) 46

9. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga — usual order 58

10. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga — hunting order 58

11. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga — sacred order 58

12. Kansa chief 66

13. Quapaw man 67

14. Quapaw woman. , 68

15. Big Elk 83

1 6. Tipi 96

17. Common form of cache 98

18. Logan Fontenelle 101

19. Family group 139

20. Diagram of Omaha hu'thuga (tribal circle) 141

21. Wand used in ceremony when first thunder was heard in the

spring 143

22. Mon/hinthinge, last keeper of the Tent of War, and his daughter. . 144

23. Cut of hair, We'zhinshte gens 144

24. Cut of hair, Nini'bato11 subgens 148

25. Cut of hair, Ho^ga gens 149

26. Du/bainonthin 151

27. VVasha'be 155

28. Cutof hair, Hon/ga gens 155

29. Mouxe'wathe 158

30. Cut of hair, Waca'be eubgens 160

31. Cut of hair, Wazhin/ga itazhi subgens 161

32. Cut of hair, Ke'i" subgens 161

33. Cut of hair, Te'pa itazhi subgens 162

26 ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

FIGURE 34. Cha'cath^ge ., 167

35. Cut of hair, Kon/<;e gens 1(59

36. Cut of hair, Mon/thinkagaxe gens 172

37. Cut of hair, Tecin/de gens 1 75

38. Cut of hair, Tapa7 gens 1 7<<

39. Cin/dexonxon ( Mike'nitha) 1 ,SO

40. Hethirkuwinxe (son of Shon/geeabe; 182

41. Cut of hair, I^the'/hide gens 184

42. Cut of hair, Inshta'cunda gens 188

43. Teu/konha 189

44. Wanon/kuge 1 92

45. Diagram of ball game 197

46. Kaxe/nouba, who frequently served as a "soldier " 210

47. Rattlesnake heads and fangs 214

48. Tattooed design, " mark of honor " (Osage) 220

49. Joseph La Flesche 222

50. Monchuxnonbe (Shu/denac;i) 223

51. A section of the Sacred Pole showing incrustation from ancient

anointings : 225

52. Pack belonging to Sacred Pole 226

53. Pipe belonging to Sacred Pole 227

54. Pipe-cleaner 227

55. Divining arrows 228

56. Brush used in painting Sacred Pole 228

57. Ancient Cedar Pole 229

58. Communal ceremonial structure ( native drawing) 232

59. r/.hin/eti 234

60. Wakon/monthin 250

61 . Wakon/monthin's house 250

62. He'dewaehi pole (native drawing) 254

63. Painting on warrior's face 256

64. Pipe belonging to White Buffalo Hide 285

65. Playing on the flute 318

66. Omaha mother and child 328

67. Sitting posture of women 330

68. Bowl made from walnut burr 339

69. Burden strap 340

70. Implements for dressing skins 34;]

71. Scraping a skin 344

72. Hairbrushes 348

73. Costumes of young men 349

74. Man's necklace 35(1

75. Man's garters 35 1

76. Mounted warriors 352

77. Painting a tent cover 353

78. Paint brush 353

79. Ornamentation of chiefs' leggings 354

80. Shirt 355

81. Woman's costume 356

82. Language of the robe — Anger 361

83. Group of Omaha boys 365

84. Implements used in game of pa'pfazhnhc 367

85. Flute or flageolet 372

ILLUSTKATIONS 27

Page

FIGURE 86. Deer-hoof rattle (native drawing) : 372

87. Objects used in Wa/vvan ceremony 377

88. Pipe bearers and pipes in Wa'wa" ceremony 385

89. Hun/ga painting 397

90. .Sacred War Pack (unopened ) 4] 1

91. Sacred War Pack (opened to show contents) 412

92. Flag found in Sacred War Pack 412

93. Objects from Sacred War Pack 413

94. Swallowtail kite from Sacred War Pack_ 413

95. Wolf skin and other objects from Sacred War Pack 414

96. Eagle feather in bone socket, from Sacred War Pack 414

97. Pipes from Sacred War Pack 415

98. Deer-tail headdress . _ 438

99. War club (native drawing) 449

100. Quiver 450

101. Mon/hinthinge _ 453

102. Bag containing Sacred Shell 454

103. Bag opened to show Sacred Shell 455

104. Sacred Shell and contents 456

105. Tattooed design — "mark of honor" 505

106. Design tattooed on hand of Ponea girl (native drawing) 507

107. Mythic animal in legend of Shell society (native drawing) 515

108. Diagram illustrating meeting of Shell society 51 7

109. Moccasin design belonging to "eldest son's" regalia, Shell society

(native drawing) 519

110. Otter-skin bag, Shell society 520

111. Diagram showing positions of officers and of ceremonial articles

at meeting of Shell society. 521

112. Diagram showing arrangement and four ceremonial movements

of officers at meeting of Shell society 526

113. Pack belonging to a lodge of the Shell society 554

114. Largest bag in pack (rig. 113) 555

115. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 556

116. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 556

117. Objects found in bag (fig. 116) 557

118. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 558

119. Contents of bags (figs. 118, 120) ...- 559

120. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 560

121. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 560

122. Tobacco bag and figure found in pack (fig. 113) 561

123. Diagram illustrating arrangement of Shell society at secret meet

ing for punishment of an offender 562

124. Diagram illustrating final ceremony of secret meeting of Shell

society 563

125. Waki'dezhinga '. 567

126. Graded school at Walthill, Nebraska 625

127. The old "Mission," now fallen to decay 627

128. An Omaha girl, a ' ' Mission ' ' scholar 628

129. The Omaha church 629

130. A modern Indian home, not far from the site of the old

"Mission" 639

131. An Omaha farmer's home 640

132. A well-to-do Omaha farmer and his family 641

All vowels have the continental values.

Superior n (n) gives a nasal modification to the vowel immediately preceding.

x represents the rough sound of Ti in the German ih has the sound of ih in the. f has the sound of ill in thin. Every syllable ends in a vowel or in nasal n (n~) . 28

FOREWORD

The following account of the Omaha tribe embodies the results of personal studies made while living among the people and revised from information gained through more or less constant intercourse throughout the last twenty-nine years. During this period the writer has received help and encouragement from the judicious criti cisms of Prof. Frederic Ward Putnam, head of the Department of Anthropology of Harvard University, and the completion of the task undertaken has been made possible by means of the Thaw Fellow ship. Objects once held in reverence by the Omaha tribe have been secured and deposited in the Peabody Museum for safe-keeping. Professor Putnam, curator of that institution, has permitted the free use of the Omaha material collected under its auspices and preserved there, for reproduction in the present volume.

At the time the writer went to live among the Omaha, to study their life and thought, the tribe had recently been forced to abandon hunting, owing to the sudden extinction of the buffalo herds. The old life, however, was almost as of yesterday, and remained a com mon memory among all the men and women. Many of the ancient customs were practised and much of the aboriginal life still lingered.

Contact with the white race was increasing daily and beginning to press on the people. The environment was changing rapidly, and the changes brought confusion of mind to the old people as well as to many in mature life. The beliefs of the fathers no longer applied to the conditions which confronted the people. All that they formerly had relied on as stable had been swept away. The buffalo, which they had been taught was given them as an inexhaustible food supply, had been destroyed by agencies new and strange. Even the wild grasses that had covered the prairies were changing. By the force of a power he could not understand, the Omaha found himself re stricted in all his native pursuits. Great unrest and anxiety had come to the people through the Government's dealings with their kindred, the Ponca tribe, and fear haunted every Omaha fireside lest they, too, be driven from their homes and the graves of their fathers. The future was a dread to old and young. How pitiful was the trouble of mind everywhere manifest in the tribe can hardly be pic tured, nor can the relief that came to the people when, in 1882, their lands were assured to them by act of Congress.

29

30 FOREWORD

The story of their relations with the Government, of contact with the white race, of the overthrow of their ancient institutions, and of the final securing of their homes in individual holdings on their tribal lands, is briefly told in an appendix to this volume. To-day, towns with electric lights dot the prairies where the writer used to camp amid a sea of waving grass and flowers. Railroads cross and recross the gullied paths left by the departed game, and the plow has oblit erated the broad westward trail along the ridge over which the tribe moved when starting out on the annual buffalo hunt. The past is overlaid by a thriving present. The old Omaha men and women sleep peacefully on the hills while their grandchildren farm beside their white neighbors, send their children to school, speak English, and keep bank accounts.

When these studies were begun nothing had been published on the Omaha tribe except short accounts by passing travelers or the com ments of government officials. None of these writers had sought to penetrate below the external aspects of Indian life in search of the ideals or beliefs which animated the acts of the natives. In the account here offered nothing has been borrowed from other observers; only original material gathered directly from the native people has been used, and the writer has striven to make so far as possible the Omaha his own interpreter.

The following presentation of the customs, ceremonies, and beliefs of the Omaha is a joint work. For more than twenty-five years the writer has had as collaborator Mr. Francis La Flesche (pi. 1 ), the son of Joseph La Flesche, former principal chief of the tribe. In his boy hood Mr. La Flesche enjoyed the opportunity of witnessing some of the ceremonies herein described. Later these were explained to him by his father and by the old men who were the keepers of these ancient rites and rituals. Possessed of a good memory and having had awakened in his mind the desire to preserve in written form the his tory of his people as it was known to them, their music, the poetry of their rituals, and the meaning of their social and religious ceremonies, Mr. La Flesche early in his career determined to perfect himself in English and to gather the rapidly vanishing lore of the tribe, in order to carry out his cherished purpose.

This joint work embodies the results of unusual opportunities to get close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the Omaha tribe, and to give a fairly truthful picture of the people as they were during the early part of the last century, when most of the men on whose information this work is based were active participants in the life here described — a life that has passed away, as have those who shared in it and made its history possible.

Mr. Edwin S. Tracy has given valuable assistance in transcribing some of the songs, particularly those of the Shell society. Several of

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 1

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

FOREWORD 31

the songs presented were transcribed and arranged for translation on the piano by the late Prof. John Comfort Fillmore, who for several years had carefully studied the music of the Omaha.

To enumerate all the Omaha men and women who have contributed of their knowledge and memory toward the making of this volume would be to catalogue the best part of the tribe. Unfortunately, but very few are now living to see the outcome of the assistance they ren dered during the gathering of the material herein preserved for their descendants. A. C. F.

By ALICE C. FLETCHER and FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

The people of the Omaha tribe live in the State of Nebraska, in Burt, Cuming, and Thurston counties, about 80 miles north of the city which bears their name.

The Omaha tribe has never been at war with the United States and is the only tribe now living in the State of Nebraska that was there when the white settlers entered the country.

In 1882 Congress passed an act under which every Omaha man, woman, and child received a certain number of acres of the land which the tribe selected as their reservation in 1854, when they ceded to the United States their extensive hunting grounds. The Omaha are dependent for their livelihood on their own exertions as farmers, mechanics, merchants, etc. ; by the act of 1882, they were placed under the laws, civil and criminal, of the State of Nebraska. Their ancient tribal organization has ceased to exist, owing to changed environ ment, the extinction of the buffalo, and the immediate presence of the white man's civilization. Nothing remains intact of the ancient cus toms except the practice of exogamy between the kinship groups and the people still give their children names that belong to the gentes into which the children are born. A few of the societies exist but their influence is on the wane, although they are enjoyed because of their social character and the pleasure derived from their songs and dramatic dances, which revive the memory of the days when the Omaha were a distinct and independent people.

In June, 1884, the Omaha tribe numbered 1,179. In that month the allotment of lands to members of the tribe was completed. The people were divided as follows:

Males. Females.

Adults 305 338

Under 18 years 259 277

Total 564 615

Excess of females over males, 51. Of these, 33 were adults and 18

were minors.

Number of families, 246. Families having no children, 41.

83993°— 27 ETH— 11 3 33

34 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Owing to the unwillingness of the people to speak of the dead, it was impracticable to attempt to get the exact number of children that had been born.

The following summary shows the proportion of the sexes at differ ent stages of life:

Males. Females.

Under 3 years 87 82

Between 3 and 7 years 69 82

Between 7 and 17 years 103 113

Between 17 and 40 years 192 232

Between 40 and 55 years 72 55

Over 55 years 41 51

The marked disproportion between the sexes of ages between 17 and 40 years may be due to the fact that during this stage of life all the men were exposed to the hazards of hunting and of war. As these avocations of the men did not cease until 1876, eight years before this census was taken, the influence of these duties on the length of life of the men is probably shown in the above table.

For many centuries before they became known to the white race through early travelers, traders, and colonists, the aboriginal peoples of North America north of Mexico had been passing and repassing one another from east to west or west to east, and from north to south or from south to north." Many traces of these ancient movements had been overlaid by movements the outcome of which is shown by the map, and it is the task of the archeologist to disclose them and read their history. That the system of inland waterways and the exten sive coast lines on two oceans have favored the spread of the culture of one region to another seems not improbable, viewed in the light of recent researches, while the accumulating evidence showing attrition between the various stocks indicated on the map in time will permit of generalizations touching the cultural development of the native peoples of this continent.

The Omaha tribe belongs to the Siouan linguistic stock. The map referred to represents the majority of this stock as having already moved westward beyond the Mississippi while some branches had advanced nearly to the eastern foothills of the Rocky mountains and north to the fifty-third parallel. There were also a few outlying Siouan communities — those who may have lagged behind — for example, the group dwelling on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains and spreading down toward the coastal plains of the Atlantic, and a group on the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico that seem to have been cut off from that portion of their kindred who had pressed to the southwest. The story told by the map both explains and is explained

a Consult the Map of the Linguistic Families of American Indians north of Mexico (in the Seventh An nual Report and in Bulletin SO, part 1, of the Bureau of American Ethnology), which shows approxi mately the territories occupied by tha several linguistic stocks when they became known to the whites.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 35

by the traditions of many of the tribes belonging to this linguistic stock. All of these traditions speak of a movement from the east to the west, covering a long period of time. The primordial habitat of this stock lies hidden in the mystery that still enshrouds the beginnings of the ancient American race; it seems to have been situated, how ever, among the Appalachian mountains, and all their legends indi cate that the people had knowledge of a large body of water in the vicinity of their early home. This water may have been the Atlantic ocean, for, as shown on the map, remnants of Siouan tribes survived near the mountains in the regions of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina until after the coming of the white race.

In the extended westward migration of the Siouan stock groups seem to have broken off, some earlier than others, and to have made their way into localities where certain habits incident to their environ ment appear to have become fixed on them, and contact with other stocks during the migration to have influenced their culture. A group which kept together until within the last few hundred years seems to have been composed of the five closely cognate tribes now known as the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw. Their languages as yet have hardly differentiated into distinct dialects. There are other groups of the Siouan stock which, from the evidence of their language, were probably similarly associated tribes. Some of these groups seem to have developed individual peculiarities of language which prevented them from coalescing with their kindred when in the course of wanderings they met. An instance in point is the meeting and journeying together of the Iowa and the Omaha without establishing tribal union. Although they belonged to the same linguistic stock, the Iowa tongue was practically unintelligible to the Omaha. The final parting of these tribes took place within the last two centuries.

The five cognate tribes, of which the Omaha is one, bear a strong resemblance to one another, not only in language but in tribal organization and religious rites. This account of the Omaha tribe with incorporated notes taken among their close cognates is pre sented in order to facilitate a comparative study not only of these tribes but of others of the Siouan stock, in the hope of thereby helping to solve some of the problems presented by this extensive linguistic group.

TRIBAL CONCEPT; THE NAME OMAHA

Uki'te, the word for tribe, has a double import : As a verb, it means "to fight;" as a noun, it signifies "tribe." It seems probable that the noun has been derived from the verb; at least it throws light on the Omaha concept of what was an essential to the formation of a tribe. The verbal form signifies "to fight" against external foes,

36 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

to take part in conflicts in which honor and fame can be won. Those who thus fought had to stand as one body against their assail ants. The term uki'te is never applied to quarrels among members of the tribe in which fists and missiles are used; the words niun', nage', Tci'na are used to designate such contentions, from which the winner receives no renown. Vki'te alone in the Omaha tongue means "to fight" as men against men. The warriors of a tribe were the only bulwark against outside attacks; they had to be ever ready "to fight" (uki'te), to defend with their lives and safeguard by their valor those dependent on them. The word uki'te, as " tribe," explains the common obligation felt by the Omaha to defend, as a unit, the community, the tribe.

The descriptive name Omaha (umon'7ion, "against the current" or "upstream") had been fixed on the people prior to 1541. In that year De Soto's party met the Quapaw tribe; guapaw, or uga'xpa, means "with the current" or "downstream," and is the complement of umon'Jion, or Omaha. Both names are said by the tribes to refer to their parting company, the one going up and the other going down the river.

There are two versions of how this parting came about. One account says that —

The people were moving down the Uha'i ke river, a When they came to a wide river they made skin boats (see fig. 1) in which to cross the river. As they were cross ing, a storm came up. The Omaha and Iowa got safely across, but the Quapaw drifted down the stream and were never seen again until within the last century. When the Iowa made their landing they camped in a sandy place. The strong wind blew the sand over the people and gave them a grayish appearance. From this circum stance they called themselves Pa'xude, "gray head," and the Omaha have known them by that name ever since. The Iowa accompanied the Omaha up the Mis sissippi to a stream spoken of as "Raccoon river" — probably the Des Moines, and the people followed this river to its headwaters, which brought them into the region of the Pipestone quarry.

The other version of the parting between the Omaha and the Quapaw is that —

When the wide river was reached the people made a rope of grape vines. They fastened one end on the eastern bank and the other end was taken by strong swim mers and carried across the river and fastened to the western bank. The people crossed the river by clinging to the grapevine. When about half their number were across, including the Iowa and Omaha, the rope broke, leaving the rest of the people behind. Those who were left were the Quapaw. This crossing was made on a foggy morning, and those left behind, believing that their companions who had crossed had followed the river downward on the western side, themselves turned down stream on the eastern side, and so the two groups lost sight of each other.

If an Omaha were accosted by a stranger and asked to what tribe he belonged, or were the same question to be asked him in the dark, when recognition was impossible, he would reply, Umon'hon btJiin ha, "I am an Omaha." Should he be asked "Who are you?" he would say:

a Uha'i ke, " the river down which they came;" the name is still applied by the Omaha to the Ohio

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

37

"I am [giving his name] the son or the nephew of So-and-so," men tioning the name.

If a group of Omaha should be asked to what tribe they belonged, they would reply, "We are Omaha." If they were asked, "Who are you?" the one making answer would say, "I am the son or nephew of So-and-so, and these are the sons of So-and-so."

If young men were playing a game in which there were two parties or sides, as in ball, and one of the players should be asked, "To which side do you belong?" he would say, TJie'giha U~hinJia, "I belong to this

FIG. 1. Skin boat or "bull-boat."

side or party." TJie'giha means "on this side," and the word can be used only as a designation of a side or party in a game. It has no tribal significance whatever, nor has it ever been used to indicate the Omaha people or their place of abode.

THE FIVE COGNATE TRIBES — EVIDENCE OF FORMER UNITY

Traditions common to the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes state that they were once one people. Their lan guage bears witness to the truth of this tradition and the similarity

38 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

of their tribal organization offers equally strong testimony. It would seem that the parent organization had so impressed itself upon the mode of life and thought of the people that when groups branched off and organized themselves as distinct tribes they preserved the familiar characteristic features; for all of these cognate tribes have certain features in common. All are divided into kinship groups which practise exogamy and trace descent through the father only. Each group or gens has its own name and a set of personal names, one of which is bestowed on each child born within the gens. These personal names refer either to the symbol which belongs to and marks the kinship group or to the rites allied to the symbol, which were the especial charge of the gens.

According to traditions preserved among the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes, their severance from the parent organization of which they once formed a part, as well as their later partings from one another, did not occur through any concerted action; they were the result of accident, as in the case already cited of the Omaha and the Quapaw, or of strifes fomented by ambitious chiefs, or of circumstances incident to following the game. A tradi tion of the Wazha'zhe or Osage tells that they broke away frorn the Ponca because of a quarrel over game. The Wazha'zhe gens of the Ponca have a like story, which says "The parting was due to a quarrel about game. Those who left us became lost but we hear of them now as a large tribe bearing our name, Wazha'zhe."

Tradition indicates also that when, for some reason or other, a group broke off, not all of the members belonged to one gens but to several gentes of the parent organization, and when this group organized as a distinct tribe, those of gentile kindred retained their identity in name and the practice of a common rite, and formed a gens in the new tribe. These traditions are corroborated by con ditions which obtain in all of these cognate tribes.

For instance, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw a turtle group is found as a subgens in each tribe, and in each instance its members are the keepers of the turtle rites of the tribe.

Again, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw the Kansa, or Wind people, form a gens in each tribe, and in each of the tribes are the keepers of rites pertaining to the wind.

Among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes there is in each a gens similar to the Mon'thinkagaxe ("earth makers").

A Nu'xe, or Ice gens, is found in the Ponca tribe, and the name is borne also by a subgens in each the Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes.

There is a tradition that the Ponca were once a gens in the Omaha tribe and broke away in a body, and that when they became a tribe

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 39

the subdivisions of the Ponca gens became the gentes of the Ponca tribe. This may possibly be true. It would seem, however, that in earlier days some, at least, of the Ponca had accompanied the Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw groups when they separated from the parent organization, and when these groups became distinct tribes the Ponca kindred appear to have combined to form a Ponca gens, for we find a gens of that name in each of the cognate tribes just mentioned.

Another class of evidence which has relation to the former union of these tribes is found in personal names, some of which refer to cere monies no longer observed in the tribe in which the names exist but still practised in some of the cognate tribes — a fact which indicates apparently that the rite was once known and observed by the tribe in which the personal name is now found. For instance, in the Washe'to11 subgens of the P'shta'puMa gens of the Omaha tribe is the name Ushu'demonthin, meaning "he who walks in the mist" or "in the dust raised by the wind." This name has no significance taken merely as an Omaha name, but its meaning becomes apparent when we turn to the cognate Osage. In that tribe there is a gens called Monso'tsemonin, meaning "they who walk concealed by the mist or dust." The word refers to a rite in the keeping of this gens, a rite that pertained to war. When a war party was about to make an attack or was forced to retreat, it was the office of this gens to perform the rite, which had the effect of causing a mist to rise or a strong wind to blow up a cloud of dust in which the warriors could walk concealed from their enemies. Again, the Omaha personal name Uzu'gaxe, meaning "to clear the pathway," finds its explana tion in the office of the Osage gens of the same name, whose duty it was to find a way across or around any natural obstacle that lay in the path of a war party, as a safe place to ford a dangerous river or a pathway over or around a cliff.

Instances similar to those cited above could be multiplied, all going to show that rites and customs lost in one tribe have frequently been preserved in another of these cognates. It is probable that were all the rites and customs of these tribes brought together and a comparative study made of them, much of the ancestral organiza tion from which these cognates took their rise might be discovered and light thrown on the question, Why certain forms, religious and secular, were lost and others retained and developed; also, as to which of these were original with the people, which were adopted, and of the latter from what culture they were taken.

In all the traditions that touch on the common source from which these cognates have come no reference to the name of the parent or common organization is to be found. Ponca, Kansa, Wazha'zhe

40 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

(Osage) are old terms the meanings of which are lost; these occur as names of gentes in the cognate tribes, and three of the five cog nates bear them as tribal names. It is to be noted that the descrip tive nar es Omaha and Quapaw do not appear in any of these tribes as terms denoting kinship groups. Among the names used to denominate kinship groups we find one occurring frequently and always used to designate a group that holds important offices in the tribe. The same term also appears in the designation of tribal divisions which are more comprehensive than the gens. This name is IIon'ga, meaning "leader." In the Kansa tribe there are gentes called the Great Hon'ga, the Small Hon/ga, and the Separate Hon/ga. In the Quapaw are two gentes having this name, the Great and the Small Hon/ga. In the Omaha the term is applied to one of the two grand divisions of the tribe, the Hon'gashenu, Hon/ga people, and one of the gentes in this division bears the name Hon/ga. In the Osage, one of the five divisions of the tribe is called Hon/ga. Within this division there is also a Hon'ga gens. Another of the divisions of the Osage is called Hon/ga utanatsi, Separate Hon/ga. The following Osage tra dition tells who the Hon/ga utanatsi were and how they came to be a part of the Osage organization:

The Osage in their wanderings on the hunt came across a tribe whose language was the same as their own. This strange people called themselves HcP'ga. The Osage made peace with them and invited them to join and become a part of the Osage tribe. The Hon/ga tribe consented, and it is their descendants who are known to-day as the HcP'ga utanatsi.

The term Hon/ga utanatsi may be roughly translated as " the Separate Hon'ga," but the words utana tsi imply something more than merely "separate;" they explain why this group had to be so desig nated. The strange Hon/ga whom the Osage met and invited to become a part of their tribe would not give up their own name Hon/ga, and as the Osage were themselves called Hon/ga people, explanatory words had to be added to the name Hon/ga in order to identify and at the same time to distinguish the newcomers from the rest of the tribe. These explanatory words were utana tsi, by itself (" separate ") . Hence the group in the Osage tribe called Hon/ga utanatsi.

The name of the Hon/ga utanatsi gens of the Kansa tribe has the same meaning, and indicates that the Kansa people, as did the Osage, claimed Hon/ga as their common name.

There is a tradition preserved among the Ponca that in the past they and the other cognate tribes knew the Omaha by the name Hon'ga. An incident is related that explains the meaning of a name given to a small stream in northern Nebraska, Hon/ga she'nonwatha- i ke (or Hon'gawa'xthi i ke), "where the Hon/ga were slaughtered." On this creek a battle is said to have taken place in which the Omaha

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 41

met with a disastrous defeat from an unknown enemy, which deci mated the tribe. The tradition concerning the name of this stream is known to both Omaha and Ponca, and in both tribes the tradition is that the name Hon/ga, as here used, referred to the Omaha. The Omaha name for the month of January was Hon/ga umu'bthi, mean ing " the drifting of the snow into the lodges of the Hon'ga," that is, of the tribe.

From these traditions and the use of the term Hon/ga as applied to divisions and gentes in the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes, together with the fact that these tribes either claimed for them selves this name or were known to one another by it, it seems not improbable that Hon/ga may have been the name by which the people called themselves when they were living together as one com munity or tribe. The general meaning of Hon/ga ("leader") is not unlike that belonging to names by which other Indian tribes designate themselves, i. e., "the men," "the people," etc. The term Hon/ga is sometimes combined with another word to form the title of an officer, as Nudon Hon/ga, "war leader" or "captain."

The f ollowing data concerning the gentes, personal names, and other features of the Omaha cognate tribes are taken from original notes made by the writers.

THE PONCA TRIBE0

Pon'ca is an old word, the meaning of which is lost. It occurs as the name of a gens or subdivision of a gens in the Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw tribes, but not in the Omaha, a fact which may have sig nificance because of the tradition that the Ponca constituted a gens of the Omaha before the separation of the tribes. As the Omaha retained at the parting possession of the sacred tribal objects, their rituals and ceremonies, the Ponca were everward after spoken of as "Orphans."

There are seven gentes in the Ponca tribe, namely: Waca'be, Thi'xida, Ni'kapashna, Pon/caxti,Washa'be,Wazha/zhe, Nu'xe. These camped in the order indicated in the diagram (fig. 2), beginning on the southern side of the eastern entrance of the tribal circle, to which

a The Ponca tribe is now divided. One part is living in northern Oklahoma on lands purchased by the Government from the Cherokee in 1883, which were allotted in severally to the tribe some ten years later. The other part lives in northern Nebraska on the Niobrara river. Their land was given them in 1881, and some years later was allotted to them under the Severally act. Already these two parts are spoken of by different designations. Those in Oklahoma are "the hot-country Ponca;" those in Nebraska, "the cold- country Ponca " Relations between the Ponca and the United States were officially opened by a treaty made in 1817 "to reestablish peace and friendship as before the war of 1812." In 1825 another treaty was made by which only American citizens were to be allowed to reside among the tribe as traders, and the tribe agreed to delegate the punishment of offenders to the United States Government. In 1858 the Ponca ceded their hunting grounds to the United States, reserving, however, a certain tract for their own use. In 1865 the Government, by treaty, reconfirmed this tract. In 1877 the tribe was forcibly removed to the then Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). See note, p. 51.

42

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

the Ponca give the name Jiu'fhuga, the word used by the Omaha also to designate their tribal circle.

RITES AND CUSTOMS OP THE GENTES

1. WAfA'BE GENS

To the Hi'cada subgens of the Wa ca'be gens belonged the keeping of the ritual songs sung at the ceremony held when the first thunder was heard in the spring. This subgens, whose tabu was birds, was spoken of as the Eagle group of the gens, and the people were supposed to be connected with thun der. At death they went to the thun der villages, and their voices would be heard in the thunder-storms. They were forbidden to climb trees, as by so doing they would be going upward, thus anticipating their deaths and therefore shortening their lives. In the legend (see p. 48) the people of this gens were said to wear wreaths of cedar ; in all the cognate tribes cedar was associated with thunder rites (note the Ni'ka wakondagi of the Osage (p. 60) ; the Cedar Pole of the Omaha (p. 229) ; the association of the bear and the eagle in the Tha' tada gens of the Omaha (p. 1 59) ; also the connection of thunder with war and of the eagle with war and thun der. The position of the Waca'be gens in the Ponca tribal circle was similar to

that of the We/zhinshte gens in the Omaha tribal circle, which was also associated with thunder.

It was a custom in the Ponca tribe for each gens to have its peculiar manner of marking arrows, so there should be no dispute in hunting as to the gens to which a fatal arrow belonged. This mark, how ever, did not exclude or interfere with a man's pri vate mark. The arrow of the Waca'be had the shaft red about one-half the length of the feathers.

The symbolic cut of the children's hair consisted in closely crop ping one side of the head and leaving the other side untouched to the neck (fig. 3.)

FIG. 2. Diagram of Ponca hu'thuga.

1. WAQA'BE. Black bear. Subgentes: (a) Waga'be; tabu, fat of the black bear. (6) Hi'cada (stretched, referring to the stretch of the legs in running); tabu, birds. 2. THI'XIDA. Meaning lost. Subgentes: (o) Thi'xida; tabu, blood. (6) Ingtho^'cincne- deweti (ingthon'<;in$nedc, puma; weti, to dwell in); tabu, blue (or green) paint. 3. NI'KAPASHNA. A man's skull. Subgentes: (a) Taha'to" itazhi (ta, deer; ha, skin; to", possess; i'tazhi,do not touch); tabu, deer. (6) Teciu'de itazhi (te, buffalo; qin'dc, tail; itazhi, do not touch); tabu, buffalo tail. 4. Pon'CAXTi. Real or original Ponca. Subgentes: (a) Pon'caxti; (6) Moiko11' (mystery or medicine); one tabu, buffalo head. 5. WASHA'BE. A dark object, as seen against the horizon; tabu, skin of buf falo calf. 6. WAZHA'ZHE. An old term. Subgentes: (a) Wazha'zhe (real Wa- zha'zhe); name said to refer to the snake after shedding old skin and again in full power. (6) Wazha'zhexude (gray Wa zha'zhe); refers to the grayish appearance of the snake's cast-off skin; one tabu, snakes.
2. NU'XE. Ice; tabu, male buffalo.

FIG. 3. Cut of hair, Wa ca'be gens (Ponca).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

43

2. THI'XIDA GENS

It is said that the Pawnee call all the Ponca by the name Thi'xida. To this gens belonged a pack used in testing the truth of warriors when they were accorded wrar honors. Formerly there were two of these packs, but one was buried some twenty years ago with its keeper, Ton/deamonthin. The other, near the close of the last cen tury, was kept by Shu'degaxe. The ceremony of conferring honors was similar to the Omaha Wate'gictu (p. 434). To this gens belonged the right to preside at the election of chiefs.

The members of the subgens Ingthon'ciacnedeweti painted the peace pipe (that used in the Wa'wa" ceremony, p. 376) on one side of their tents and the puma on the other. The tabu, green or blue paint, was used on these pipes. Du was the word for green; du pake, blue ; f abe means black ; the words indicate that the two colors were regarded as the same, one being merely a darker shade than the other. The skin of the puma was used to cover or wrap up these pipes. The name of the sub division (meaning "to dwell \vith the puma") refers to the covering of the peace pipes; these and the puma were rep resented in the tent decora tion and helped to interpret the name of the subgens — " those who dwell \vith the covered pipes that give peace." The arrow shafts of this gens were painted black where the feathers were fastened, and the sinew was painted red to represent the tabu of the gens, blood.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted in leaving only a roach running from the forehead to the nape of the neck. This roach was trimmed by notching it like a saw. A small tuft of hair was left on each side of the roach (fig. 4). This notched roach is similar to the cut of hair of a buffalo gens in the Oto tribe (also of the Siouan stock), and but for the notching is like that of a buffalo gens of the Omaha. These resemblances suggest that the tabu of the gens may refer to the blood of the slain buffalo.

The people of this gens were said to have the power to cure pain in the head, in the following manner: The sufferer brought a bow and arrow to the Thi'xida, who wet the arrow with saliva, set it on the bow string, pointed it at the sick man's head four times, then rubbed the head with the arrow, and so effected a cure of the pain.

ft

r Z

Hit J ,&

*v

FIG. 4. Cut of hair, Thi'xida gens ( Ponca).

44 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

3. Nl'KAPASHNA GENS

The name Ni'kapashna ("skull") is said to refer to the exposure of the bone by the process of scalping. This gens had charge of the war pipes and directed the council of war. To them belonged also the supervision of all hunting of the deer.

When a member of the subdivision Taha'to11 itazhi died, moccasins made from the skin of the deer (which was tabu to the living) w^ere put on his feet that he might not "lose his way," but go on safely and "be recognized by his own people" in the spirit world.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted

in removing all the hair except a fringe around the head, as shown in figure 5.

4. PON/CAXTI GENS,

The Pon/caxti (xti, "original," or "real") camped in the rear part of the tribal circle, fac ing the opening. This gens and its subdivision, FIG. 5. cut of hair, Ni'ka- the Monkon/, had charge of the principal pipes, one of which was the chief's pipe that was used for conjuring. In this gens was preserved the tradition of the finding of the Omaha Sacred Pole ; it was a man of the Monkon/ sub- gens who in the race was the first to reach the Pole (p. 218).

There were only two ceremonies during which the Ponca tribe was required to camp in the order shown on the diagram, when, as it was said, "the people must make the hu'thuga complete." These cere monies were the Feast of Soldiers, which generally took place while the tribe was on the buffalo hunt, and Turning the Child. At the latter ceremony the lock was cut from the boy's head and a name which belonged to its gens was given to the child. The Monkon/ subdi vision had the direction of both of these ceremonies. The ceremony connected with the child took place in the spring. A tent was pitched in front of the Monkon/ subdivision and set toward the center of the tribal circle, "made complete" for this ceremony. The tent was dedicated — "made holy" — a stone placed in the center near the fire and sweet grass laid on it. It was the duty of the mothers to bring their children to the old man to whom belonged the hereditary right to perform the ceremony of Turning the Child. After the child had entered the tent he took it by the hand, led it to the center of the tent, and stood it on the stone, facing the east; then he lifted the child by the shoulders, turned it to the south, and let its feet rest on the stone. In the same manner he again lifted the child, turned it to the west, and then rested its feet on the stone. Once more he lifted it, as before, causing it to face the north, and set its feet on the stone; finally he lifted it back, with its face to the east. " The Turning of the Child," the old informant said, "brought the child face to face with the life-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

45

IG. G. Cut of hair, Po°'- caxti gens (Ponca).

giving winds of the four directions," while " the stone represented long life." The child's baby name was then "thrown away," and a name from the gens to which its father belonged was publicly announced and bestowed upon it. All children were "turned " but only boys had the lock of hair severed from the crown of the head, the lock being laid away in a pack kept by the old man who performed the rite. The boy was then taken home and the father cut his hair in the symbolic manner of his gens. (See Omaha rite of Turning the Child, p. 117.)

(For an account of the Feast of the Soldier and its ritual, see pp. 309-311.)

This gens had duties also in connection with the buffalo hunt.

The people of the Monkon/ subdivision painted their tents with black and yellow bands.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted in leaving only a tuft on the forehead, one at the nape of the neck, and one on each side of the head (fig. 6).

5. WASHA'BE GENS

The name of this gens, Washa'be, was the same as the name of the ceremonial staff used by the Omaha leader of the annual tribal buffalo hunt, and also of that subdivision of the Omaha Hon/ga gens which had charge of the tent contain ing the White Buffalo Hide, of its ritual, and of that of the maize (see p. 261). The Ponca gens, like the Omaha Washa'be subdivision, had duties connected with the tribal buffalo hunt, and was associated with the Monkon' subdivision of the Pon'caxti gens in regulating the people at that time and appointing officers to maintain order on the hunt. There were no ceremonies in the Ponca tribe relative to the planting or the care of maize. The Ponca are said to have depended for food principally on hunting, and to have obtained their maize more by barter than by cultivation.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted in leaving only a tuft on the forehead and one at the nape of the neck (fig. 7).

6. WAZHA'ZHE GENS

The name Osage is a corruption of the native term wazha'zlie. Whether or not in the tabu and customs of this gens the Ponca have conserved something of the early rites of the Wazha'zhe, or Osage, people (rites connected with the snake) can be determined only by more careful research than it has been possible for the writers to make.

FIG. 7. Cut of hair, Wa sha'be gens (Ponca).

46 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

A member of this gens must not touch or kill a snake, and care had to be exercised always to enter the tent by the door, otherwise snakes would go in and do harm. Mothers in this gens were very particular to impress on their children the importance of entering the tent by the door and little children were watched lest one should creep under the tent cover and so bring harm to itself or the inmates.

A man harboring a grudge against a person could bring about the punishment of that individual by dropping inside the offender's tent a figure of a snake cut out of rawhide. Shortly afterward the man would be bitten by a snake. A drawing made of the snake to be cut out showed it to be a rattlesnake.

When any one in the tribe chanced to be bitten by a snake, he sent at once for a member of the Wazha'zhe gens, who on arriving at the tent quickly dug a hole beside the fire with a stick, and then sucked the wound so as to draw out the blood and prevent any serious trouble from the injury. The purpose in digging the hole could not be learned from the writer's informant. When on the tribal hunt, the women gathered the bones of the buffalo and boiled them to ex tract the marrow for future use. If a person wished to tease a woman so employed, he would catch up with a stick and throw away some of the scum from the pot. This act would prevent any

FIG. s. Cut of hair, Wa- more marrow from leaving the bones, and the only way to undo the mischief was to send for a Wa zha'zhe, who on arriving removed by means of a stick some of the fat from the boiling bones. The marrow would then come out freely at once and the woman wrould be able to secure an ample supply of tallow. "That is the mystery of my people," said the old informant, with a sly smile, in response to inquiries on the subject.

It is said that the WTazha'zhe were a warlike and quarrelsome peo ple, and that at the organization of the tribe a peace pipe was given into their keeping. By accepting this trust they committed them selves to more peaceful and orderly conduct in the tribe. It is still a matter of dispute within the gens as to which of the two subdi visions the custody of the peace pipe originally belonged, whether to the "real" or to the "gray" Wazha'zhe.

The office of tribal herald was in this gens.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in leaving a lock on the forehead, one at the back of the head, and one over each ear (fig. 8).

7. Nll'XE GENS

The name of this gens, Nu'xe ("ice"), found also in the Osage tribe, refers to the hail. The Osage gens of this name is closely associated with the Buffalo-bull people, and in this connection it is to be noted

R-i.A I-LESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 47

that the tabu of the Ponca Nu'xe gens is the male buffalo. The Osage have a tradition that the Ponca were once a part of their tribe, but that very long ago the people became separated on the buffalo hunt, and the Ponca never came back. It will be noted that the Osage have a Ponca gens and the Ponca a Wazha'zhe gens, that there is a Waca'be gens in each tribe, also a Hi'cada gens, which in each tribe had rites referring to thunder; all of these resemblances are probably the result of movements which took place long before the Ponca and the Omaha were as closely associated as at a later period, prior to finally becoming distinct tribes.

LEGENDARY ACCOUNTS ° THE PEACE PIPES

The people came across a great water on rafts — logs tied together — and pitched their tents on the shore. While there they thought to make themselves w'sMo", limits or bounds within which to move, and regulations by which their actions were to be governed. They cleared a space of grass and weeds so that they could see one another's faces, and sat down, and there was no obstruction between them.

While they were deliberating they heard the hooting of an owl in the timber near by, and the leader, who had called the people together, said, "That bird is to take part in our action; he calls to us, offering his aid." Immediately afterward they heard the cry of the woodpecker and his knocking against the trees, and the leader said, "That bird calls and offers his aid; he will take part in our action."

The leader then addressed the man he had appointed to act as servant, and said, "Go to the woods and get an ash sapling." The servant went out and returned with a sapling having a rough bark. "This is not what we want," said the leader. "Go again, and get a sapling that has a smooth bark, bluish in color at the joint " (where a branch comes). The servant went out, and returned with a sapling of the kind described.

When the leader took up the ash sapling, an eagle came and soared above where the council sat. He dropped a downy feather; it fell, and balanced itself in the center of the cleared space. This was the white eagle. The leader said, "This is not what we want;" so the white eagle passed on.

Then the bald eagle came swooping down as though making an attack upon its prey, balanced itself on its wings directly over the cleared space, uttering fierce cries, and dropped one of its downy feathers, which stood on the ground as the other eagle's feather had done. The leader said, "This is not what we want;" and the bald eagle passed on.

Then came the spotted eagle and soared over the council and dropped its feather, which stood as the others had done. The leader said, "This is not what we want;" and the spotted eagle passed on.

The eagle with the fantail (imperial eagle, Aquila heliaca Savigny) then came, and soared over the people. It dropped a downy feather which stood upright in the center of the cleared space. The leader said, "This is what we want." The feathers of this eagle were those used in making the peace pipes, together with the other birds (the owl and the woodpecker) and the animals, making in all nine kinds of articles. These pipes were to be used in establishing friendly relations with other tribes. &

"Obtained from chiefs and other prominent Ponea.

& This account of the Ponca introduction to the Wa'wa" pipes should be compared with the Omaha account of receiving these pipes from the Arikara (p. 74) and the Omaha ceremony (p. 37G). The nine articles are as follows: Owl feathers, eagle feathers, woodpecker, rabbit, deer, ash tree, paint, cat-tail, and sinew.

48 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE TRIBE

When the peace pipes were made (those for "establishing friendly relations with other tribes "), seven other pipes were made for the keeping of peace within the tribe. These pipes were also for use to prevent bloodshed. If one man should kill another, in such a case the chiefs were to take a pipe to the aggrieved relatives and offer it to them. If they refused, the pipe was to be again offered them; if the pipe was offered and refused four successive times, then the chiefs said to them, "You must now take the consequences; we will do nothing, and ycu can not ask to see the pipes," meaning that if trouble should come to any of them because of their acts taken in revenge they could not appeal for help or mercy.

When these seven pipes were finished they were taken to be distributed among the different bands of the tribe.

The first band to which the pipe bearers came was the Waca'be. They were found to be engaged in a ceremony that did not pertain to peace, but rather to the taking of life. The Hi'cada sat in a tentVith red-hot stones, and had on their heads wreaths of cedar branches. The pipe bearers passed them by, and even to this day they are reminded of this occurrence by the other bands saying, "You are no people; you have no peace pipe!"

The next band the pipe bearers came to was the Thi'xida. To them a pipe was given, and they were to have charge of the council which elected chiefs.

Next they came to the Ni'kapashna, and to them a pipe was given, and they were to have the management of the council of war and also the direction of the people when they went to hunt the deer, so that order might be preserved in the pursuit of that game.

The Pon/caxti and the Monkon/ were reached next, and a pipe was given them.

The Washa'be were next, and a pipe was given them. This band, together with the Monkon/, were given charge of the tribal buffalo hunt — the direction of the journey, the making of the camps, and the preservation of order. From these two bands the two principal chiefs must come.

When the pipe bearers reached the Wazha'zhe the latter were divided , and there were trouble and murder between the factions. So, instead of giving them a flat-stemmed pipe, they gave them one with a round stem, ornamented. Because of the feud there was carelessness, and to this day there is a dispute as to the division to which the pipe for the maintenance of peace was presented.

When the pipe bearers reached the Nu'xe, they gave them a pipe arid an office in the buffalo hunt.

Each band had its pipe, but there was one pipe which was to belong to the chiefs. This could be filled only by the leading chiefs, and was to be used to punish people who made trouble in the tribe. It was placed in charge of the Monkon/ band.

When a man was to be punished, all the chiefs gathered together and this pipe was filled by the leader and smoked by all the chiefs present. Then each chief put his mind on the offender as the leader took the pipe to clean it. He poured some of the tobacco ashes on the ground, and said, "This shall rankle in the calves of the man's legs." Then he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe and took out a little more ashes, and, putting them on the earth, said, "This shall be for the base of the sinews, arid he shall start with pain " (in the back). A third time he twirled the cleaning stick, put more ashes on the earth, and said, "This is for the spine, at the base of the head." A fourth time he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe, poured out the ashes, put them on the ground, and eaid, " This is for the crown of his head." This act finished the man, who died soon after.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

STANDING BUFFALO

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

WHITE EAGLE (XITHA'CKA)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 49

THE WAZHA'ZHE GENS

Standing Buffalo (pi. 2), of the Wazha'zhe gens, told the follow ing story some ten years ago :

When I was a boy I often asked my mother where my people came from, but she would not tell me, until one day she said, " I will give you the story as it has been handed down from generation to generation.

"In the real beginning Wakon/da made the Wazha'zhe— men, women, and children. After they were made he said 'Go!' So the people took all they had, carried their children, and started toward the setting sun. They traveled until they came to a great water. Seeing they could go no farther, they halted. Again Wakon/da said ' Go! ' And once more they started, and wondered what would happen to them. As they were about to step into the water there appeared from under the water rocks. These projected just above the surface, and there were others barely covered with water. Upon these stones the people walked, stepping from stone to stone until they came to land. When they stood on dry land the wind blew, the water became violent and threw the rocks upon the land, and they became great cliffs. Therefore when men enter the sweat lodge they thank the stones for pre serving their lives and ask for a continuation of their help that their lives may be prolonged. Here on the shore the people dwelt; but again Wakou/da said 'Go!' And again they started and traveled on until they came to a people whose appearance was like their own; but not knowing whether they were friends or foes, the people rushed at each other for combat. In the midst of the confusion Wakon/da said, 'Stand still!' The people obeyed. They questioned each other, found they spoke the same language, and became friends.

" Wakon/da gave the people a bow, a dog, and a grain of corn. The people made other bows like the one given them and learned to use them for killing wild animals for food and to make clothing out of their skins. The dogs gave increase and were used as burden bearers and for hunting. The corn they planted, and when it grew they found it good to eat, and they continued to plant it.

"The people traveled on and came to a lake. There the Omaha found a Sacred Tree and took it with them. The people (Ponca) went on and came to a river now called Nishu'de (the Missouri). They traveled along its banks until they came to a place where they could step over the water. From there they went across the land and came to a river now called Nibtha'cka (the Platte). This river they followed, and it led them back to the Missouri.

"Again they went up this river until they came to a river now called Niobrara, where we live to-day."

The latter part of this legend, which deals with the Ponca move ments after the Omaha found the Sacred Tree, has been obtained from a number of old men. All follow the general outline given by Standing Buffalo, while some preserve details omitted by him, as the meeting with the Padouca (Comanche), the obtaining of horses, etc., which are given elsewhere. (See p. 78.)

HOW WHITE EAGLE BECAME A CHIEF

The following account of how White Eagle (pi. 3) came to be a chief was given by him ten years or more ago and was introductory to the information he then imparted to the writers. He regarded 83993°— 27 ETH— 11 4

50 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

the story as important, for it served to make clear his tribal status and therefore, he thought, to give weight to his statements concern ing the Ponca tribe. The story is repeated here as throwing light on Ponca customs during the eighteenth century:

A chief by the name of Zhingaxgahige (Little Chief), of the Washa'be band, had a son who went on the warpath. The father sat in his tent weeping because he had heard that his son was killed, for the young man did not return. As he wept he thought of various persons in the tribe whom he might call on to avenge the death of his son. As he cast about, he recalled a young man who belonged to a poor family and had no notable relations. The young man's name was Wa£a/bezhinga (Little Bear). The chief remembered that this young man dressed and painted himself in a peculiar manner, and thought that he did so that he might act in accordance with a dream, and therefore it was probable that he possessed more than ordinary power and courage. So the chief said to himself, "I will call on him and see what he can do."

Then the chief called together all the other chiefs of the tribe, and when they were assembled he sent for Little Bear. On the arrival of the young man the chief addressed him, saying, "My son went on the warpath and has never returned. I do not know where his bones lie. I have only heard he has been killed. I wish you to go and find the land where he was killed. If you return successful four times, then I shall resign my place in your favor."

Little Bear accepted the offer. He had a sacred headdress that had on it a ball of human hair; he obtained the hair in this manner: Whenever men and women of his acquaintance combed their hair and any of the hair fell out, Little Bear asked to have the combings given to him. By and by he accumulated enough hair to make his peculiar headdress. This was a close-fitting skull cap of skin; on the front part was fastened the ball of human hair; on the back part were tied a downy eagle feather and one of the sharp-pointed feathers from the wing of that bird. He had another sacred article, a buffalo horn, which he fastened at his belt.

Little Bear called a few warriors together and asked them to go with him, and they consented. Putting on his headdress and buffalo horn, he and his companions started. They met a party of Sioux, hunting. One of the Sioux made a charge at Little Bear, who fell over a bluff. The Sioux stood above him and shot arrows at him ; one struck the headdress and the other the buffalo horn. After he had shot these two arrows the Sioux turned and fled. Little Bear, who was unipjured, climbed up the bluff, and, seeing the Sioux, drew his bow and shot the man through the head. Besides this scalp Little Bear and his party captured some ponies. On the return of the party Little Bear gave his share of the booty to the chief who had lost his son.

Little Bear went on three other expeditions and always returned successful, and each time he gave his share of the spoils to the chief. When Little Bear came back the fourth time the chief kept his word and resigned his office in favor of the young man.

Little Bear was my grandfather. When he died he was succeeded by his eldest son, Two Bulls. At his death his brother, Wexgayapi (pi. 4),« who was my father, became chief, and I succeeded him.

a An old Ponca, speaking of We'gagapi, said: " He was a successful man, and had a pack which had descended to him. He always carried it in war. Both he and the original owner of the pack are said to have had dreams of wolves." We'gacapi had the honor of having some of his brave deeds preserved hi song by the Hethu'shka society, and the song is known to members of the society in both the Ponca and Omaha tribes.

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

WE'GACAPI

Or AMbriiCAN ETKNOLOUY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

STANDING BEAR

FI.ETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ' LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 51

RECENT HISTORY- PERSONAL NAMES

The following list of Ponca names was taken in November, 1874, while the entire tribe was living on the Niobrara river.0

The total population of the tribe at that time was 733, divided as follows : b

Full bloods. Mixed bloods. Full bloods. Mixed bloods.

Men 172 32 Girls 129 45

Women 164 21 Families 185 32

Boys 135 35

The people dwelt in three villages. The village at the United States agency contained 89 families and 377 persons. The village called Hubthon/ ("those who smell of fish") had 46 families and 144 persons. "Point" village had 82 families and 248 persons.

There were eight chiefs, each of whom had his "band." These bands were probably composed of persons from the gens or subgens to which the chief belonged.

Families. Persons.

White Eagle's band (Waca'be, Hi'fada subgenej 26 89

Big Soldier's band (Waca'be, Hi'<?ada subgens) 31 97

Traveling Buffalo's band (Thi'xida). . 23 72

Black Crow's band (Ni'kapashna) 28 90

Over the Land's band (Pon/caxti and Monko"') 21 73

Woodpecker's band (Washa/be) 27 75

Standing Bear's band ( Wazha'zhe) 20 82

Big-hoofed Buffalo's band (Nu'xe) 9 22

a In 1858 the Ponca ceded their hunting grounds to the United States, and reserved for their home the land about their old village sites on the Niobrara river They were never at war with the Government or the white race. Their reservation was reconfirmed to them by the Government in 1865. In 1868 a large reservation was granted to the Sioux, hi which the Ponca reservation on the Niobrara was included. The Ponca tribe was ignorant of this official transfer of its land. In 1877 the Ponca, without any warning, were informed they must move to the Indian Territory, and the eight chiefs were conducted there by an official and told to select a new reservation The reason for leaving their old home was not explained to the protesting chiefs or to the people. The chiefs who went with the official refused to select a home in "the strange land." They begged to be allowed to go back. Being refused, they left the official, and, in the winter, with but a few dollars and a blanket each , started home, walking 500 miles in forty days. When they reached the Niobrara the United States Indian agent summoned the military and on the Istof May the entire tribe was forcibly removed to the Indian Territory. The change from a cool climate to a warm and humid one caused suffering. Within a year one-third of the people were dead and nearly all the sur vivors were sick or disabled. A son of Chief Standing Bear (pi. 5) died The father could not bury him away from his ancestors, so taking the bones, he and his immediate following turned from "the hot country," and in January, 1879, started to walk back They reached the Omaha reservation in May, destitute, and asked the loan of land and seed, which was granted. As they were about to put in a crop, soldiers appeared with orders to arrest Standing Bear and his party and take them back. They were obliged to obey. On their way south they camped near Omaha city. Their story was made known, the citizens became interested, lawyers offered help, and a writ of habeas corpus was secured. The United States denied the prisoners' right to sue out a writ, because "an Indian was not a person within the mean- ingof the law." The case came before Judge Dundy, who decided that "An Indian is a person within the meaning of the law," and that there was no authority under the laws of the United States forcibly to remove the prisoners to the Indian Territory, and ordered their release. In the winter Standing Beai vis ited the principal cities of the East, repeating the story of his people. The United States Senate ordered an investigation of the Ponca removal, when all the facts were brought out, Those Ponca who chose to remain in Oklahoma were given good lands. Their old home on the Niobrara was restored to Standing Bear and his followers and lost property was paid for In September, 1908, Standing Bear died and was buried with his fathers. By his sufferings and courage he was instrumental in putting an end to enforced Indian removals.

6 Data furnished by Office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

52

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

PERSONAL NAMES a

WACA'BE GENS, Hl'cADA SUBGENS

White Eagle's band Male.

Ci'ha— Soles (O. : Te'pa, Tha'tada,Tapa'). Qithe/dezhinga— Little heel (O., I"shta'-

cunda).

De/monthin — Talks walking. Gahi'ge zhinga— Little chief (O.: Inke'-

cabe, Kon'ce).

Gaku'winxe — Whirled by the wind. Gamon'xpi — Wind strikes the clouds (O.:

Wazhin/ga, Tha'tada). Gashta'gabi — Beaten into submission. Ha'nugahi — Nettle weed. Ke'tonga — Big turtle (O.: Wazhin/ga,

Tha'tada). Mi/xazhinga — Duck . Monchu'nita — Grizzly bear's ears. Monchu/wathihi — Stampedes the grizzly

bear.

Monchu'zhinga — Little grizzly bear. Mone'gahi — -Arrow chief (O., Pke'cabe). Mon'shonzhide — Red feather. Mon/tega — New arrow. Ni'stumo^hi11 — Walking backward (O.:

Xu'ka, Tha'tada).

NL:hu'dezhon — Missouri River timber. Niwa'i — Gives water. Non/pabi — One who is feared (O.: Wa-

ca'be, Tha'tada).

Nudon/honga — Leader (O., Hon/ga). Nudon/monthin — Warrior walking. On/poncabe — Black Elk. Pe'degahi — Fire chief (O.: Wazhin/ga,

Tha'tada).

Shontonga — Gray wolf. Shu'degaxe — Smoke maker (pi. 6). Shui'na— Meaninguncertain(0.:Waca'be,

Tha'tada). Shuka'monthin — Walking in groups (O.,

Hon/ga). Teco117— White buffalo (0.: Wazhin/ga,

Thaxtada).

Tenu'gacabe — Black bull. ThiV'bagigthe — Lightning passing (O.,

Pshta'cuMa). ThiVbatigthe— Sudden lightning (O.,

Inshta/cunda) . Tide'gigthe — Passes by with a roar.

Tixuthionba — Lightning flashes in the tent

(CK.Pshta'yuMa). Wahu'to^he— Gun. Wain/gabtha — Spreads robe. Wazhi/dathin — Has red medicine. Xitha'yka— White eagle (O., Tapax). Female

Mi'gashonthin — Traveling sun (O.,

Pke'cabe). Mi'texi — Sacred moon (0., Mon/thinka-

gaxe).

Big Soldier's band

Male

Agi/chidatonga — Big soldier.

A'hincka— White wings (O.: Te'pa, Thax-

tada).

A'shkano^e — Short runner. A^ewo" — Covered with frost. Gahi'ge— Chief (0.: l-'ke'cabe, Te'pa,

Thaxtada), plate 7. Hexxude — Gray horns (O., Tecin/de). Ixkuhabi — He who causes fear Inshtaxduba — Four eyes (O.: Waca'be,

Tha'tada). Ki'shtawagu — Said to be a Pawnee name

(0., Mc^'th^kagaxe). Mon/hingahi — Knife chief. Mon/thumonce — Metal or iron chief. Nmixba— Pipe (0., Terpa. Tha^ada). Nonba/monthin — Two walking (0.: Wa-

zhiu/ga, Tha'tada). Non/gemonthin — Travels running (O . , Mon/-

thi"kagaxe).

Nudon/axa — Cries for war. Pahon/gamonthin— Walking first (O., Inkex- cabe).

Shage'duba— Four hoofs (O., TapaO- Shu'kabi — Bunch of clouds. Taton/gapa — Bull head. Tenuxga9ka — White bull. Te'thiti— Buffalo rib (().: Waca'be,

Tha'tada).

Thi'tiaxa — Cries for rib. U/honzhinga— Little cook (O., P'shta'-

cunda).

Uzhon/ge — Road. Wacaxbezhinga — Little black bear (O.:

Waca'be, Tha'tada).

oThis list is necessarily incomplete. Names found in tribes other than the Ponca are followed by the names of the respective tribes, accompanied by those of the gentes where known, in parentheses. (O.= Omaha.)

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Wakon/dagi — Monster.

Wazhin/ga— Bird (O.: Wazhin/ga, Tha'-

tada). Wazhin/gacabe — Blackbird (O., Mjon'thin-

kagaxe). Wazhin/gagahi — Bird chief (O. : Wazhin/ga,

Tha'tada).

We/zhnonwathe — He who causes fog. Zha'becka — White beaver. Zhin/gapezhi — Bad little one. Zhon/xude — Gray wood.

Female

A'onwin — Meaning uncertain (O., Hon/ga). Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Hon/ga). Mi'waco" — White moon (O., Ho^'ga). Non9e/in9e— Meaning uncertain (O.,Wex-

zhinshte).

Tecon/dabe— White buffalo (O., Ho^ga). TeccP'wi11— White buffalo woman (O.,

Ho^ga). Ton/ingthihe — Sudden appearing of new

moon (O., Pke'cabe). Zhoni/wathe — To carry wood (O., Wex-

zhiushte).

THl'XIDA GEXS

Traveling Buffalo's band

Male

Gaku'winxe — Soaring eagle (O.: Te'pa,

Tha'tada). IIa/shimonthin — Walking last in a file (O.,

Inshta/cunda) . He'shathage — Branching horns (O., In-

shta'cunda).

Hewon/zhintha — One horn (Dakota). Hezha'ta— Forked horns (0., Tapa'). Hezhin/ga — Little horn. Ka'xenonba — Two crows (O., Ho^ga). Keba'ha — Turtle showing himself (O.,

Tapa'). Ma'azhinga— Little cotton wood (O.: Wa-

zhin/ga, Thaxtada). Mixa'cka — White swan (O., Mon/thinka-

gaxe). t Mona/zhinga— Little bank (O., Pgthe7-

zhide).

Monchu/gka — White bear. Mo^hi'ahamo^hi11 — Moving above (O.,

Pshta'cuMa).

No^e'thiku — Cramped hand. On/pontonga— Big Elk (O., We'zhi^hte).

Pa/thinnonpazhin — Fears not Pawnee (O.:

Waca'be, Tha7tada). Shaxgecka— White claws (O., Thaxtada). Sha'geshuga — Thick claws. Sha'nugahi — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Pgthe^hide). Shathu' — Gurgle (water). Tato^ga — Great male deer (old name)

(O., Tapa')-

Taton/ganonzhin — Standing bull. Tenu/ganonba— Two buffalo bulls (O.,

TapaO-

Tenu/gazhinga— Little bull (0.,Tecin/de). LT/don— Good. Uga/shonton — The traveler or wanderer

(O.. Tecin/de). Wabarhizhinga — The little grazer (O.,

Kon/ce). Wa5a/betonge — Big black bear (O., Mon/-

thinkagaxe). Wada^thinge — Refers to chief (O., Inke'-

cabe) .

Wamix— Blood (O., Ko^'ce). Wanon/xe — Ghost.

Washixchucabe — Black man (Sioux). Washin/nuka — Wet fat, or fresh fat. Washixshka— Shell (O., Mon/thinkagaxe) . Washu'she — Brave (O., Inke/cabe). Wazhin/cka — Wisdom (()., Inshtaxcunda). Wazhin/gaci — Yellow bird. Wazhinwathe — He who provokes anger. Xitha'cka— White eagle (O., Tapax).

Female

Mi'gasho^thi" — Traveling moon (O.,Inkex-

9abe). Mi/gthedonwin — Moon hawk woman (O.,

Inkexcabe). Mi^thito"^ — Return cf new moon (O.,

Inshta/cunda) . Mi'cPbatM11 — Moon moving by day (O.,

Inshta'cunda) .

Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Hon/ga). Nazhe'gito0 — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Ho^ga). Nonce/in9e — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Wexzhinshte). Ton/ithin — Xew moon moving (O.,

Ho^ga). Wate'win — May refer to the stream Wate

(O., Thartada). We/tonna — Meaning uncertain (O., In-

shta/cunda).

54

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. -~i

Nl'KAPASHNA GENS

Black Crow's band

Male A/kidagahigi — Chief who watches (O.,

Tapa').

Cikonxega — Brown ankles (O., Inke'cabe). Gahi'gewashushe — Brave chief. Gahi'gezhinga— Little chief (O., Kon/ce). Gthedon'nonzhin — Standing hawk (O.:

Wazhin/ga, Tha'tada). Gthedon/xude— Gray hawk (O.: Wa-

zhin/ga, Tha'tada). Hexcithinke — New yellow horn (O., We'-

zhinshte) .

Hethi'shizhe — Crooked horn. Hin/xega — Brown hair (Omaha). Hu'tontigthe — Cries out in the distance. I/bahonbi— He is known (O., Pshta'-

cunda) .

Inchun/gacka— White weasel (O., Tapa'). Kaxe'cabe— Black crow (O., Tapa'),

plate 8. Ke'zhinga— Little turtle (O.: Ke'in, Tha'-

tada) .

Mika' — Raccoon . Mixabaku— Bent goose (O.: Ke'in, Tha'-

tada) .

Monchu'dathin — Crazy bear. Mon/geutin — Strikes the breast. Monhin/thinge— No knife (0., We'zhin-

shte).

Monnon'uton — Paws the earth. Mon/shkaaxa — Cries for crawfish (O.:

Waca'be, Tha'tada). Monshon/9ka— White feather (O., Ingthe'-

zhide).

Nonba'aton — Treads on two. Non/getithe — Passes by running. Nonka'tu— Blue-back (0., Ingthe'zhide). Nudon/gina — Returns from war. Shon'gehincabe — Black horse. Tato^gam^thi11— Big deer walking (O.,

Tapax).

Taxxticka — ^White deer. Wafe'zhide — Red paint. WancP^azhi— Without fear (O., Ingthex-

zhide). Zhingaxun5a — Little runner.

Female

Gthedon/8htewin — Hawk woman (O., Tapax).

Mi/gthedon/win — Moon hawk woman (O.

Inkercabe) . Mo^shadethi" — One moving on high (O.,

Inshta/cunda). Ton/ingina — New moon coming (O., In-

shta'ci^da).

PON/CAXTI GENS

Over the Land's band

Male

Ci^decka — White tail (Omaha). Ci^dedc^ka— Blunt tail (O.^Vzhi^hte). ^ithi^ge— No feet. Ezhnon/nonzhin— Stands alone. Gthedon/ texi — Sacred hawk. Ho n/gazhinga— Little Hon/ga (O. , Hon/ga). Pke^ga — Big shoulder (O., Pshta'-

cunda) .

Inshta'pede — Fire eyes (O., Pke^abe). Keon/hazhi— Turtle that flees not (0.:

Waca'be, Thaxtada). Kigthaxzhonzhon — Shakes himself (O.,

Tecin/de).

Mikaxxage — Crying raccoon (O., Tapax). Monkaxta — On the land (old name, now

used among the Dakota). Monkon/tonga — Big medicine. Monzhon/ibahon — Knows the land. Non/gethia — Not able to run

Tecin/de).

Nugax — Male (O., Pke^abe). Nugarxte — Original male (O.,

zhiushte) .

C^^c^zh^ga— Littleelk(O.,We/zhinshte). Shenon/zhin— Stands there. Te^o^hi11— Buffalo* walking (O.,

Pgthe'zhide).

Tenuxgawakega — Sick bull. Thaexgethabi — One who is loved (O.,

Tapax).

Thexbaxon — Broken jaw. Thexdewathe — Looks back. Thihiexnon — Frightens the game. Une/gthonxe — Seeks poison. Waba^izi— Yellow grazer (O., Mo^thi11-

kagaxe).

Wagixon — Thunder bird (Dakota). Washkon/zhinga — Little strength. Wa/xanonzhin — Standing in advance (O.,

TapaO-

Xitha'gahige— Eagle chief (0., TapaO . Xitha'gaxe— Eagle maker (0., Tapa7). Zhinga/nudon — Little warrior.

(O.,

We7-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH' ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

BLACK CROW (KAXE'CABE)

BUREAU 'OF, 'AMFW^AN STHNOLOfiY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 9

BIG GOOSE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

55

Female

Acextonga — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Ko^ce). Gthedon/wintexe — Sacred hawk woman

(0., Tapax).

Mixakonda — Sacred moon (O., Tecin/de). Mixbthiwin — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Thaxtada). Mi/monshihathin — Moon moving on high

(0., Thaxtada).

Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ho^ga). Mixwacon — White moon (O., Ho^ga). Ponca/50n — White Ponca (O., Mo^thi"-

kagaxe) . Zhon/inwathe — To carry wood (O., Wex-

zhinshte).

WASHAXBE GENS

Woodpecker's band Male

A/gahamonthin — Walks outside (O.:

Xuxka, Thaxtada). C/in/decabe — Black tail. E/thonthonbe — To appear repeatedly (O.,

Ho^ga).

Hexaxga9abe — Black elk. Hexa^amc^thi11 — Standing elk (0., Mon/-

thinkagaxe). Hinci/zhinga — Little yellow hair (O.,

Huxhazhi — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Tapax).

Inshtaxcabe — Black eyes (O., Tefi^de). Inshta/dathin— Crazy eyes. Inshtaxduba — Four eyes (0., Wacaxbe,

Thaxtada).

Kon/yetonga — Big Kansa. Maxciton — Lone cedar tree. Mixkafixthaha — Lean coyote. Mixxatonga — Big goose (pi. 9). Mon/fedon — Meaning uncertain (O., In-

gthexzhide).

Monchuxcindethinge — Bob-tailed bear. Mongaxazhi — Not afraid of arrows (O.,

Mon/thinkagaxe) . Mon/gazhinga — Little skunk. NonXcondazhi — Does not dodge (O.,

Tapax).

No^kacka — White back. NonzhinXmonthin — Rain travels (O.,

Mo^th^kagaxe).

Nudouxhonga — Leader (O., Hon/ga). Pa<;ixduba — Four buffaloes — very old

name (0., Ko^ce; Osage). Shaxge — Hoofs.

ShonXgefabe — Black horse (0., Tapax). Texcehincabe — Black hair on belly of buf falo (O., Tapa').

Texnuga— Buffalo bull (O., Hon/ga). Tezhexbate— Buffalo chip (pi. 10). Texzhinga— Little buffalo (O., I°gthex-

zhide). Thigthixcemonthin — Zigzag lightningwalk-

ing (0., Inshtax9unda) . Tishixmuxa — Spreading tent poles (O.,

Ingthexzhide) . Uga^hc^zh^ga — Little traveler (O., Mon/-

thinkagaxe) . Ugthaxatigthe — He who shouts (victory

name). Uhon/nonba — Two cooks (O.: Wazhin/ga,

Thaxtada). UhonXzhinga— Little cook (0., Inshtax-

?unda) .

Wahaxi— Yellow skin (0., Inshtaxcunda). Waho^th^ge— Orphan (O. Tegin/de). Wa/inonzhin — Standing over them (O.,

Ingthexzhide) . Wapaxde — One who cuts the carcass

(O., Tapax). Washkon/monthi11 — Walking strength (O..:

Wazhin/ga, Thaxtada). Zhingaxgahige — Little chief (0., Tapa') Zhingaxwashushe — Little brave.

Female

GthedonXwintexi — Sacred hawk woman

(0., Inkexcabe). Mixgthedonwin — Moon hawk woman (0.,

Inkexcabe). Migthixtonin — New moon. (O., Inkex-

cabe).

Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Hon/ga). Mix wagon — White moon (O., HonXga). Monsha/dethin — Moving on high (O., In-

shtaxcunda). Po^caco" — Pale Ponca. (O., Mon/thinka-

gaxe). Po^cawi11 — Ponca woman (O., Mon/thin-

kagaxe) . Wihextonga — Big little sister (O., Wexzhin-

ehte).

56

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

WAZHAXZHE GENS

Standing Bear's band Male

Axgahawashushe — Distinguished for brav ery (0.: Wacaxbe, Tha'tada). Axthiude— Abandoned (0., Inshtax-

cunda) . Bachixzhithe — To rush through obstacles

(0., Tapax). £igthexnonpabi— One whose footprints are

feared (0., Mon/thinkagaxe) . Da/donthinge— Has nothing (0., KoD/ce). Gacuxbe — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Ho^ga). Gahi'gezhinga— Little chief (0., Inkex-

yabe) . Gakuwinxe — Eagle soaring (0.: Texpa,

Thaxtada).

Hexaxga — Rough horns (O., Tapax). Hon/gashenu — Hon/ga man (O., Inshtax-

cunda).

Inde/xaga — Rough face. Ki'monhon — Facing the wind (O., Inshtax-

5Unda). Ko^cehc^ga — Kansa leader (O., Mon/thin-

kagaxe) . Macixkide — Shooting cedar (0., Inshtax-

cunda).

Monchuxduba — Four bears, grizzly. Monchuxkinonpabi — The bear who is

feared.

Monchuxnonzhin — Standing bear. Monchuxtonga — Big bear. Monshtin'cka— White rabbit (O.: \Vazhin/-

ga, Thaxtada). Nixjuba — Little water. No^kahega— Brown back (O., Tapax). Nonon/bi— One who is heard (0., Te-

cinxde). Nonpe/wathe — One who is feared (O.:

WazhiD/ga, Tha'tada). Nonxi/dethinge — The incorrigible. Nushiaxhaginon — Returns bending low. Pethirshage — Curly brows. Shon/gehinci — Yellow horse. Tade'umo^hi11 — Walking wind (O.,

Kon/ce).

Tai/hintonga — Big mane. Taton/ganonzhinzhinga — Little standing

bull. Taton/gashkade— Buffalo playing (O., Te-

Tenu/gazhinga— Little buffalo bull (O.,

Tecin/de). Thexcecabe — Black tongue (O., Inke/-

5abe) . Ucuxgaxe — To make paths (0., Inshte/-

cunda) .

Uzhaxta — Confluence. Waan/— To sing (O., Ingthexzhide). Wabaxa5e— He puts to flight (O., Inshtax-

yunda) . Wabahi' zhinga — Little nibbles (O.,

Kon/ce). Wagixasha — Meaning lost (O., Inshta/-

da — Power (O., Mon/thinkagaxe) . Wanonxshezhinga — Little soldier (O., In-

ehtaxcunda).

Washko11^— Strong (O., Inshtaxcunda). Washuxshe — Brave (O., Inkexcabe). Waxthidaxe — Sound of claws tearing

(0.: Wazhin/ga, Thaxtada). Wathixxekashi — He who pursues long. Waxpexsha — Old name, meaning lost

(O., Tapax). Wazhexthinge — Without gratitude (O.,

Inshtaxcunda).

Wexc'a — Snake (O., Inshtaxcunda). We/9'ahonga — Snake leader (O., Tapax). Wex9'atonga — Big snake (pi. 11). Wexc'azhinga— Little snake (0., Inshta'-

cunda).

Xithaxnika — Eagle person (O., Tapax). Xithaxzhinga— Little eagle (O.: Texpa,

Thaxtada).

Female

Ayexxube — Sacred paint (O., Wexzhin-

ehte) .

Mixtena — Meaning uncertain (O., Hon/ga). Noncexince — Meaning uncertain (O., Wex-

zhinshte). No^he^ito11 — Meaning uncertain (O.,

MonXthinkagaxe) . Taxcabewin — Black deer woman (O., Wex-

zhinshte) . Te/conwin — White buffalo woman (O.,

Tecin/de). Ton/ingthihe — New moon soaring (O.,

Inkexcabe).

UmonXhonwau — Omaha woman. Wihextonga— Big little sister (O., Wex-

zhinshte).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL

BIG SNAKE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12

OSAGE CHIEF

BUREMi OF AFRICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

OSAGE CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

57

NTj'XE GENS

Big-hoofed buffalo's band Male

Btho^ti— Scent borne by wind (O., We'-

zhinshte). Qi^dethiho11— Lifting the tail (O., Te-

fin/de) . Du'bamc^thi11 — Four walking (O., Inke'-

cabe) . Insha/gemonthin — Old man walking (O.,

Inshtaxcunda). Pshta'bayude — Shedding hair about the

eyes (O., Ho^ga). NcP'gethia — Not able to run (O., Tecin/de).

a — Little ice. Pahe'agthi" — Sits on hill. Pude'tha — Meaning unknown (O., Inke'-

cabe) .

Sha/benonzhin — Stands dark (O., Hon/ga). — White horse (O., Mon/thin-

kagaxe).

Tenu/gagahi — Male buffalo chief (O.: Wazhin/ga, Tha'tada).

TenuxgaKhagetonga — Big-hoofed bull.

Thae'gon— Pitiful.

Uhon/gemonthin— Walking at end of file

(0., Ingthe'zhide). Uhon/genonzhin — Standing at end of file

(O., Ingthe'zhide). Uki'pato11— Rolling himself (O., Ingthe'

zhide). U'shkadazhi — Undaunted (O., Mon/thin-

kagaxe). Uthi'xide — Looking about (O., Inkex-

cabe). Uzhna/gaxe — To make clear (refers to

buffalo wallows) (O., Tecin/de). Waca'apa — Meaning uncertain (O.: Wa-

ca'be, Tha'tada).

zh^ga — Little black bear (O.:

Waya'be, Tha'tada).

Female

Mi/mite — Meaning uncertain (O., Inke/-

£abe). We't^na — Meaning uncertain (O., Inke'-

cabe) .

THE OSAGE, OR WAZILA/ZIIE, TRIBE a RECENT HISTORY; ORGANIZATION

The Osage tribe is composed of five kinship groups, each of which is made up of a number of subgroups. Of these latter many have a group attached that acts as sho'lca — servant or attendant at a given, ceremony. Of the five kinship groups two always camp on the north ern side of the eastern opening of the tribal circle. The other three remain on the opposite side of the circle, but change their relative positions. The tribe, therefore, has two grand divisions, tho,t on the northern side being composed of two kinship groups and that on the southern side of three kinship groups.

a The Osage now live in the northern part of Oklahoma, on the Arkansas river. This locality was not their home when they were first met by the white race. They were then dwelling on the western side of the Mississippi, both north and south of the Missouri, including the Ozark Mountain region, the name Ozark being a corruption of the native term Wazha'zhe. The territory occupied by the Osage, lying, as it did, adjacent to the Mississippi river, was very soon needed by the white people who were pressing westward. The Osage made a number of cessions to the United States, the earliest in 1808, when they parted with ter ritory on the Mississippi. In 1818 they gave up their claim to land on the Arkansas and Verdigris rivers. In 1825 they ceded all their lands in Missouri and Arkansas. Further cessions were made in 1839 and 1865. Finally, in 1871 and 1872 lands were purchased from the Cherokee in the then Indian Territory, and on these lands the Osage are living to-day. The payments for lands ceded by them in Missouri and Kansas were placed in the United States Treasury at interest, yielding the Osage a considerable sum per capita and relieving the people from urgent necessity to labor in order to obtain food and clothing— a condition not altogether favorable to the best development of a naturally strong and promising tribe. ( Pictures oi Osage chiefs are shown in pis. 12, 13, 15.)

58

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. AXN. 27

Owing to the shifting of the positions of the three groups forming the southern side, there were three arrangements of the tribal circle

(see figs. 9-11), which was called tsi'- uthuga. This is the same as the Omaha liu'ihuga, with the dialectic difference in pronunciation. Moreover, the Osage circle was symbolically oriented, as was the case with the Omaha, the actual opening being in the direction the tribe was moving. The marked simi larity in the form of camping and in the fundamental ideas representing the tribal organization seems to show that the two tribes are organized on the same plan. (See p. 138.)

FIG. 9. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga— usual order. 1. HON'GA UTANATSI (pp. 58-59). 2. WAZHA'ZHE

(p. 59). Subgroups: (a) Wazha'zhecka; (ft) Ke'k'i"; (c) Mike'estetse; (d) Wa'tsetsi; (e) Uzu'gaxe; (/)

Tathi'hi; (g) IIu zhoigara. 3. HON'GA (p. 60). Subgroups: (a) Waca'beto->; (6) Ingro°'ga zhoigara;

(c) Opxo"; (d) Mon>kagaxa; (e) Pon'ca washtage; (/) Xi'tha; (g) I'batsetatse. 4. TSI'ZHU (p. 60).

Subgroups: (a) Tsi'zhu wano°; (6) Sin'tsagre; (c) Pe'tontonga zhoigara; (d) Tseto'ga i-tse; (e)

Mi'k'i- wano-s (/) Ho° zhoigara; (g) Tsi'zhu uthuhage. 5. NI'KA WAKONDAGI or GRON'IN (p. 60-

61). Subgroups: (a) Xon'tsewatse; (b) Nu'xe. FIG. 10. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga— hunting order. 2. WAZHA'ZHE. 3. HON'GA. 1. HON'GA UTANATSI.

4. TSI'ZHU. 5. NI'KA -WAKONDAGI or GRON'iN. The dots represent the same order of subgroups as

given in figure 9 FIG. 11. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga— sacred order. 3. HON'GA. 1. HON'GA UTANATSI. 2. WAZHA'ZHE.

4. TSI'ZHU. 5. NI'KA WAKONDAGI or GRON'IN The dots represent the order of the subgroups, which

is the same as in figure 9.

KINSHIP GROUPS o

1. Hon'ga utanatsi j

2. Wazha'zhe > Comprising southern half of liu'ihuga.

3. Hon'ga

5. Ni'ka wakondagi or Gronin | _

i T™ '„!.,, ( Comprising northern half.

4. Tsi'zhu

a The information here given relative to the names, duties, and positions of the kinship groups was fur nished by the following men, members of the tribe: Shon'to"5abe, Wazha'zhewadai°ga, Washi»'ha (pi. 14), and Big Heart.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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WASHP'HA (OSAGE)

FLETCHEK-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 59

1. HO/NGA UTANATSI (THE SEPARATE HO^GA/ GROUP

The meaning and significance of this name have been already explained. (See p. 40.) The Hon/ga utanatsi are spoken of as "Instructor of rites."

Subdivision: Mon'hinci ("stone knife").0 This group was sho'Jca, or servant, to the Hon/ga utanatsi. This office was an honorable one, being that of intermediary between the officials in charge of a cere mony and the people who took part in it.

2. WAZHA'ZHE GROUP

This is an old and untranslatable term. The group was divided into seven subgroups, each with its distinctive name and attendant sho'ka group, but all having a right to the general name Wazha'zhe.

Subgroups

(a) Wazha'zhe cka ("the white" or "pure Wazha'zhe"); ^ka is the Osage equivalent of the Omaha xti, meaning "original," "un mixed." This group is the keeper of the seven pipes for making peace within the tribe. Ingron/ga ni montse ("puma in the water") is the name of the Sho'ka subdivision.

(6) Ke'k'in ("great turtle").

Pak'a zhoigara (pak'a, mystery; zJioigara, those who are with, i. e., the group whose rites pertain to), Sho'ka subdivision.

(c) Mike'estetse, the cat-tail (Typha latifolia). Ka'xewahuca, the loud-voiced crow,6 Sho'ka subdivision.

(d) Wa'tsetsi. It is said that a comet fell from the morning star and came to join the council of this subgroup. Xutha'pacon zhoigara (xuiha'pafOn, the bald eagle), Sho'ka subdivision.

(e) Uzu'gaxe& (uzuf, straight; gaxe, to make — they who make the path straight). It was the duty of this subgroup to make clear the way of a war party ; to find a safe way around any obstruction. The scouts of the war parties were taken from this group.

Monso'tsemonin (mon, land; so'tse, smoke; monin, to walk — they who walk in smoke, fog, or dust), the Sho'ka subdivision, was called on to cause a fog, or a wind to raise the dust in order to conceal the movements of a war party.

(/) Tathi'hi, white-tail deer.

Watsi'tsazhinga zhoigara (watsi'tsazhinga, small animals), subdi vision.

a Articles of utility in the past, although they may have passed out of daily use among the people, are frequently conserved in sacred rites. For example, the stone knife was the only kind of knife tnat could be used ceremonially and its name appears as a personal name among the Omaha families that had hereditary duties connected with rites that belonged to the I°shta'§u"da and We'zhi°shte gentes.

• The name of this subdivision appears as a personal name in the Omaha tribe.

60 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

(g} Hu zhoigara (7m, fish). Enon/mintse ton (enon, they alone; mintse, bow; ton, to have or possess— they alone possess the bow), Sho'ka subdivision. These were known as the bow makers.

3. HON/GA (LEADER) GROUP

This kinship group was divided into seven subgroups, as follows :

(a) Waca'be tou (wapa'be, bear; ton, to possess).

Waca'be cka ("white" or "original bear"), Sho'ka subdivision.

(&) Ingron/ga zhoigara (ingron'ga, puma). •

Hinwa'xaga zhoigara (hinwa'xaga, porcupine), Sho'ka subdivision.

(c) O'pxon, elk. Tahe'shabe zhoigara (tahe'shabe, male elk with dark horns), Sho'ka subdivision.

(d) Mon'inkagaxe (moninJca, earth; gaxe, to make — earth-makers).

(e) Pon'ca washtage (washtage, peace). This subgroup had the office of peacemakers.

(/) Xitha ("white eagle").

(g) Hon'gashinga (" little Hon/ga"). I 'batsetatse (ibatse, coming together; tatse, the wind — associated by rites pertaining to the wind), Sho'ka subdivision. The office of herald was in this group.

4. TSI'ZHU (HOUSEHOLD) GROUP

This kinship group also had seven subgroups :

(a) Tsi'zhu wanon (wanon, the oldest; age implies wisdom), or Wakon'da nonpabi (wakon'da, gods; nonpabi, afraid of). Waba'xi, Sho'ka subdivision.

(&) Sin'tsagre (''wearing the wolf's tail on the scalp lock"). Shon'ke zhoigara (shon'lce, wolf), Sho'ka subdivision.

(c) Pe'ton tonga zhoigara (pe'ton, crane; tonga, big).

(d) Tseto'ga intse (tseto'ga, buffalo bull; intse, face). It is said that Waba'xi went in search of game. He found a buffalo, pointed his finger at its face, and killed it; Wakon'da reproved him for the act. Because of this deed his people were called Buffalo-face people.

Tsea'ko11, Sho'ka subdivision.

(e} Mi'k'in \vanon (mi, sun; Jc'in, to carry; wanon, the oldest). Tsi'zhu washtage (washtage, peaceful), division. This division made peace. Red-eagle people.

(/) Hon zhoigara (hon, night) .

Ta'pa zhoigara (ta'pa, the name of the Pleiades), Sho'ka subdi vision.

(g) Tsi'zhu uthuhage (utJmhage, the last). The last household refers to the end of the line of the group.

5. Nl'KA WAKONDAGI OR GRONIN GROUP

This kinship group had three subgroups. (Derivation of name: Ni'ka, people; wakondagi refers to the thunder — the Thunder people).

(a) Xon'tsewatse (xontse, cedar; watse, to touch, as the striking of an enemy). The name refers to the cedar tree upon which the thunder rested as it descended.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 61

This subgroup acts as sho'ka in the rites of the Thunder people.

(&) Nu'xe, ice. This is the name of a people from the upper world. When one came down he was asked, "What are you?" He answered, "I am Nu'xe/' ice or hail.

Sub-Shoka group, Tseto'ga zhoigara (tseto'ga, buffalo bull).

The two divisions of the Osage tribe were called the Tsi'zhu and the Ho"'ga. The Tsi'zhu was composed of two kinship groups and occupied the northern side of the tribal circle viewed as having the opening at the east. The position of the Osage Thunder group was similar to that occupied by the Omaha Pshta'puMa, whose name and rites referred to thunder, and the Tsi'zhu division seems in a measure to correspond to the ideas symbolized by the northern half of the Omaha tribal circle. (See p. 138.)

The Hon/ga division was composed of three kinship groups. Those given in the diagram on page 58 show that their positions with rela tion to one another changed during tribal rites and ceremonies, but remained stable in comparison with the Tsi'zhu division. The simi larity between the position and the duties devolving on this southern half of the oriented Osage tribal circle and those of the correspond ing division of the Omaha suggests a strong probability that both organizations had a common pattern or origin.

While the Ponca tribe does not present the picture of a closely organized body, the similarity in the position of the Nu'xe gens of the Ponca as compared with that of the Nu'xe group of the Osage seems to indicate the perpetuation of some idea or belief common

to the two tribes.

ADOPTION' CEREMONY

The ceremony of adoption into the Osage tribe throws light on the functions and symbolism of the Osage groups. It was described by old chiefs as follows:

When a war party took a captive, anyone who had lost a child or who was without children could adopt the captive to fill the vacant place. After the ceremony the person became an Osage in all respects as one born in the tribe and was subject to the duties and requirements of the family into which he entered by a kind of new birth.

When a captive was held for the purpose of adoption, the captor sent an invitation to the leading men of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who were peacemakers, and also to the chiefs of the Pgro^ga, who had charge of war rites. Food was prepared and set before these leaders, when the host, in a solemn speech, set forth his desire to adopt the cap tive. Thereupon these leaders sent for the leading men who were versed in the rituals of the groups which were to take part in the ceremony. These were the Nu'xe, ice; the O/pxon, elk; the Fbatse, wind; the Wa'tsetsi, water; and the Hon/ga, who were the loaders of the tribal hunt. When all were assembled the captive was brought and placed in the back part of the lodge opposite the entrance, the seat of the stranger. Then the ritual used at the initiation and naming of a child born in the tribe was given. This ritual recounts the creation and history of the tribe and the four stages of man's life. At the close the captive was led to the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who

62 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. AXN. 27

passed him on to the Ingron/ga, whose place was on the south side of the tribal circle. By this act the captive symbolically traversed the tribal circle, passing from those on the north, who made peace, to those on the south, who had charge of war — the act indi cating that he was to share in all that concerned the tribe.

Then the chief of the Ingron/ga took a sharp-pointed flint knife and made a qiiick stroke on the end of the captive's nose, causing the blood to flow. The chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage wiped away the blood . Then the chief of the \Vtsetsi brought water, and the chief of the Hon/ga food (corn or meat), and these were administered to the captive by the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who then took the sacred pipe, filled it, and placed on it fronds of cedar brought by the Fbatse. The pipe was lit and cere monially smoked by the captive. Then the chief of the Nu'xe brought buffalo fat and anointed the body of the captive, after which the chief of the Oxpxon painted two black stripes across the face from the left eyebrow to the lower part of the right cheek. This done, the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage announced the name, Ni'wathe ("made to live "), and the captive became the child of the man who adopted him.

The letting of blood symbolized that the captive lost the blood and kinship of the tribe into which he had been born. All trace of his former birth was removed by the washing away of the blood by the Wa'tsetsi. He was then given food by those who led the tribe in the hunt when the food supply was obtained. The new blood made by the Osage food was thus made Osage blood.

This symbolic act was confirmed and sanctified by the smoking of the pipe, the aromatic cedar being provided by the Fbatse. Finally, the anointing of the body by the Nu'xe (who, together with the Buffalo people, controlled the planting of the corn) brought the captive entirely within the rites and avocations of the tribe. The black stripes put on by the CKpxo" were in recognition of the Thunder as the god of war and the captive's future duties as a warrior of the tribe. The giving of the name Xi'wathe explained and closed the ceremony.

It was further explained that the drama " means to represent the death of the captive not only to the people of his birth but to his past life, and his rebirth into the family of the Osage who saved him and "made" him " to live" by adopting him."

At the close of the ceremony all the chiefs who had taken part in the rites partook of the feast which the man who adopted the captive had provided for the occasion. Not long after, the name Xi'wathe was dropped and the adopted child without further ceremony was given a name belonging to the father's group.

LEGENDARY ACCOUNTS

THE PRESENT TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

(Given by Black Dog, pi. 15.)

The Wazha'zhe kinship group had seven pipes. These were used to make peace within the tribe. If a quarrel occurred,- one of these pipes was sent by the hand of the sho'ka, and the difficulty was settled peaceably.

When the Wazha'zhe met the Hon/ga, they were united by mean.? of one of these peace pipes. After they were united they met the Hon/ga utanatsi, who had a pipe of their own; but peace was made, and the Hon/ga utanatsi united with the Wazha'zhe and the Hon/ga. Later these three met and united with the Tsi'zhu.

According to Big Heart and others, each of the five groups had its own traditions, and one did not interfere with another.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 63

WAZHA'ZHE GROUP

Way beyond (an expression similar to " once upon a time ") a part of the Wazha'zhe lived in the sky. They desired to know their origin, the source from which they came into existence. They went to the sun. He told them that they were his chil dren. Then they wandered still farther and came to the moon. She told them that she gave birth to them, and that the sun was their father. She told them that they must leave their present abode and go down to the earth and dwell there. They came to the earth, but found it covered with water. They could not return to the place they had left, so they wept, but no answer came to them from anywhere. They floated about in the air, seeking in every direction for help from some god; but they found none. The animals were with them, and of all these the elk was the finest and most stately, and inspired all the creatures with confidence; so they appealed to the elk for help. He dropped into the water and began to sink. Then he called to the winds and the winds came from all quarters and blew until the waters went upward as in a mist. Before that time the winds traveled only in two directions, from north to south and then back from south to north; but when the elk called they came from the east, the north, the west, and the south, and met at a central point, o and carried the water upward.

At first rocks only were exposed, and the people traveled on the rocky places that produced no plants, and there was nothing to eat. Then the waters began to go down until the soft earth was exposed. When this happened the elk in his joy rolled over and over on the soft earth, and all his loose hairs clung to the soil. The hairs grew, and from them sprang beans, corn, potatoes, and wild turnips, and then all the grasses and trees.

The people went over the land, and in their wanderings came across human foot prints, and followed them. They came upon people who called themselves Wazha'- zhe. The Hon/ga and the Elk& affiliated with them, and together they traveled in search of food. In these wanderings they came across the Hon/ga utanatsi. The Wazha'zhe had a pipe. This they filled and presented to the Hon/ga, who accepted it, and thus the Hon/ga utanatsi were incorporated with the three affiliated bands. Then they came upon the Tsi'zhu, and they were taken in, with their seven bands.

HOK/GA GROUP

The Eo^ga came down from above, and found the earth covered with water. They flew in every direction seeking for gods to call upon who would render them help and drive away the water; but they found none. Then the elk came and with his loud voice shouted to the four quarters. The four winds came in response to his call, and they blew upon the water and it ascended, leaving rocks visible. The rocks gave but a limited space for the people to stand on. The muskrat was sent down into the water and was drowned. Then the loon was sent, but he also was drowned. Next the beaver was sent down, and was drowned. Then the crawfish dived into the waters, and when he came up there was some mud adhering to his claws, but he was so exhausted that he died. From this mud the land was formed.

The stars are believed to be the children of the sun and moon. The people of the WVtsetsic are said to have been stars that came down to the earth like meteors and became people.

a Note the name I'batsetatse(" winds coming together") of the Sho'ka subdivision of (g) of the Ho°'ga group (p. 60).

b The O'pxo», or Elk, is (c) of the Hon'ga group. Note the use of the term Ho"'ga in this legend as the name of a people, in connection with what has already been pointed out on pp. 40-41.

c The Wa'tsetsi subgroup (d) of the Wazha'zhe group, p. 59.

64 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

THE WATER PEOPLE

There are people who came from under the water. They lived in the water weeds that hang down, are green in color, and have leaves on the stem. The people who lived in water dwelt in shells which protected them from the water, keeping the water out and serving as houses.

There were creatures who lived under the earth, as the cougar, the bear, the buf falo, and the elk. These creatures came up out of the ground. The land creatures and those that lived in shells came to the earth, and the star people came down; all three came together, intermarried, and from these unions sprang the people of to-day.

The men of the Hon'ga division cut the hair so that there should be five bunches in rows running from front to back.

The men of the Tsi'zhu division wore the hair in three bunches — one just above the forehead, one at the top of the head, and one at the nape of the neck.

PERSONAL NAMES The following Osage names were obtained in 1896:

TSr'zHU WASHTAGE (PEACEMAKERS* HOUSEHOLD)

Male

A'huzhine — Little wings. Blo'gahike — All the chiefs.

Bpabaxon — Cut head. Refers to war. Cutting off the head. Dhon/tsewahi — Bone heart (0., Tapa'). Dton/wongaxe — Village maker (0., Mon/thinkagaxe) .

Dton/wonihi — Refers to war. The warriors cause the villagers to stampede. Gahi'geste— Tall chief (O., Pke'cabe).

Gahixgkewadainga — Chief's power to control the people (O., Mon/thinkagaxe) . Gka/washinka — Little horse.

Gkon/sanonbawahri — Kills two Kansa. War name. Gkon/sawatainga — Gkon'sa, Kansa; watainga, eccentric (old word). Gredon/shinka — Little hawk (0., Tha'tada). Grezhe'ruse— War name. Captures spotted horses. Haxu/mizhe — Woman's name. Ropes.

Howa'saope — War name. Goes on the warpath after mourning. Hua'shutse — Red eagle.

Inshta/ monze — Inshta' ', eye; monze, protruding like breasts (O., We'zh^shte). Mon/hogrin monkasabpe — Sitting by the bank. Refers to a village site. Mon/kasabe — Black breast. Refers to the elk. Mon/zenonopiu — Iron necklace. Mon/zhakita — (Monzha, land; kita, watches — watches over the land). Refers to the

wind (0., Kon/ce). Mon/zhakuta— (-fiTwfa, shoots; guards or shoots over the land). Refers to the wind

(O., Kansa).

Ni'wathe — Made to live. (See Adoption ceremony, p. 61.) Nonbe'ze — Yellow claws. Refers to the eagle. Opxonshibpe — Elk entrails.

Ota'non — Space between two objects. Refers to warriors passing between the tents. Othu'hawae — Envious.

Pahu'cka — White hair. Refers to white buffalo (O., Hon/ga and Tapa'). Pasu'— Hail.

Ponhon/gregahre— War name. One who strikes the enemy first. Sa'pekie — Paints himself black.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 65

Tonwongaxe — Village-maker (O., Mon/thinkagaxe).

Tsesi n/eno npe — B uff alo-tail necklace .

Tsi/zhuhonka (2) — Hon/ga household. Leader name.

Tsixzhuninkashinka — Little Hon/ga household.

Tsixzhushinka — Little household.

Tsi'zhutsage — Old man of the Tsi'zhu gens.

Tso'he — Puckery taste. Nickname.

Uki'sa — Deserted (as an empty village or house) (O., Pshta'fuMa).

Wakon/daokie — Talks to \Vakou/da (an old Omaha name — Mon/thinkagaxe).

Wathigronringe (2) — No mind (O., Mon/thinkagaxe).

Watsa/nonzhin — War name. One who grasps the enemy.

Wazhin/bpizhi — Anger.

Wazhin/gasabpe — Blackbird (O., Mon/thinkagaxe).

Wazhin/hotse — Gray bird. Refers to hawk (O., Tapa').

Wazhin/sabpe — Cautious mind.

Female

Mirtai"ga — Coming, or new moon (O.). Mi/taingashinka— Little new moon.

SIXTSAGRE

Male

Barzontsie — War name. Going into the midst; attacking a village.

Bpa'htato11!" — Big head. Refers to buffalo head.

Bpa/rinwawexta — War name. Attacking the Pawnee.

Donhe/monin — Good walker.

Gahi'gashi — Not a chief.

Gka'wasabpeagthi" — One who rides a black horse.

Gkon/segaxri — War name. One who kills a Kansa.

Gkon/sekibpa — War name. Meeting the Kansa.

Gredon'monin — Walking hawk (0., Pke'cabe).

Ho'moni n — Howler.

Hone'go" — War name. Refers to the success of the warrior. Success comes as though

seeking the man.

Hutha/watoninte — War name. The light of the eagle soaring on high. In/dokawadainga — War name. Refers to taking trophies. Mon/zeunonzhin — Iron shirt (Ponca).

Ni'gka'sabegaxri — War name. One who kills a black man. Ni/kanontsewa — War name. One who kills the enemy. Ni'koibro11 — Smelling a human being (O.. Tha'tada). Otha'hamo11!11 — War name. Follower; one who follows the leader. Shon/gkeihi — War name. Refers to the barking of dogs when the warriors approach. Tha/bthinwaxri— Kills three. Tsewa'hu — Buffalo bone.

Wa/bisuntse — War name. A warrior presses an enemy to the ground. Wa'dashtae — War name. Refers to setting fire to the grass to scare out the enemy. Wadoh'kie — War name. Refers to taking the scalp. Wahon/gashi — Mischievous. Nickname. Wa/inno"zhin — War name. Holding the captive. Waki'ashke — Refers to hunting and packing the buffalo meat. Watse'wahe — War name. Waxri' — Stingy. Nickname.

Wazha'kibpa — War name. Refers to meeting a W'azha'zhe. We'ingaxe — Refers to hunting. Making a pack strap. 83993°— 27 ETII— 11 5

66

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

MI'K'IN WANON Male

Be'ga'xazhi (pi. 12) — War name. One who can not be outstripped. Refers to run ning.

Bpahi'thagthi" — Good hair. Ho'thagthi" — Good voice. Migk'in/wadainga — Eccentric sun carrier.

Mixhice — Yellow hair.

Refers to buffalo calf. Mio/tamonin — S t r a i g h t

sun or moon. Shinnica — Refers to in tercepting the game. We/tonmonin — War name. Refers to the women singing weton songs.

THE KANSA TRIBE0

The name Kansa is an old term. As the rites pertaining to the winds belong to the Kansa gens in the several cognate tribes, it may be that the word had some reference to the wind.

GENTES

The following list of gentes is not com plete, nor has it been possible to obtain satisfactory infor mation as to the lo cation of each gens in the tribal circle, owing to the disintegration of the tribe and the breaking up of their ancient customs and ceremonies. The information obtained goes to

a Of the Kansa tribe fewer than 300 are now living; these are in northern Oklahoma. Their lands adjoin those of the Osage. They, too, have been pushed from the place where they were dwelling when the white people first came into their vicinity. They were then northwest of the Osage, in the region along the river which bears their name. They began ceding land to the United States in 1825. Further relinquishments were made in 1846, and again in 1859 and 1802. In 1872 their present reservation was purchased from the Osage. While the Kansa have not been so reduced as the Quapaw, they have failed to maintain fully their old tribal organization; though much has lapsed from the memory of the people owing to disuse of former customs and rites, considerable knowledge of the ancient tribal life still might possibly be recovered. (Por traits of Kansa chiefs are shown in pi. 16 and fig. 12.)

FIG. 12. Kansa chief.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

KANSA CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

67

show that their former organization was similar to that of the other cognates, that the tribe was composed of two great divisions, and that the names of Kansa gentes are to be found in the Osage, Ponca, Omaha, and Quapaw tribes. The names obtained and verified are:

1. Monin/ka ("earth"). This name corresponds to Mon/inkagaxe of the Osage tribe, and to Mon/thinkagaxe of the Omaha tribe, both of which mean " earth makers."

2. Wazha/zhe. This name occurs as the name of the Osage tribe and of one of the large kinship groups in that tribe; also as the name of a gens in the Ponca tribe.

3. Ponca. This name occurs as the name of a gens in the Osage and Ponca tribes.

4. Kansa. There is a Kansa gens in the Omaha tribe.

5. Wazhin/ga inikashikithe (icazhin/- ga, bird; inikashikithe corresponds to the Omaha i'nikashiga, and means that with which they make themselves a people — that is, by observing a com mon rite they make themselves one people). (See Wazhin/ga subgens of the Tha'tada, p. 160.) Birds figure in the rites of all the cognates, and are tabu in those gentes practising rites which pertain to certain birds.

6. Te inikashikithe (te, buffalo). Buffalo rites occur in all the five cog nates.

7. O'pxo" inikashikithe (o/pxon, elk). Gentes bearing the name of the elk occur in the Osage and Quapaw tribes, and in the Omaha the elk is tabu to the Werzhinshte gens.

8. Hon (night) . This name occurs in the Osage tribe as the name of a group.

9. Ho^gash^ga ("little Ho^ga"). This name occurs in the Osage and Quapaw tribes, and the name Ilo^ga in the Omaha and Osage tribes.

10. Hon/gatonga ("big Hon/ga"). This name is found also in the Quapaw.

11. Tsedu'ga (" buffalo bull "). This occurs also in the Osage tribe.

12. Tsi'zhu washtage (washtage, docile, peaceable). Tsi'zhu is the name of a large group of the Osage, and Tsi'zhu washtage of the peacemakers of that group.

THE QUAPAW TRIBE0

The origin of the word quapaw has already been explained (see p. 36).

<* The remnant of the Quapaw tribe (hardly a hundred in number) are living in the northern part of Oklahoma. (See figs. 13, 14.) When first met by the white people they were living south of the Osage. The Quapaw came into contact with the French and Spanish traders of the sixteenth century, being in the line of march of these early traders from the South. With the stimulus given to immigration and settle ment after the Louisiana Purchase, their lands were soon wanted. In 1818 they ceded to the United States their country lying between the Arkansas, Canadian, and Red rivers, receiving a tract for themselves south of the Arkansas and Washita rivers. This reservation they relinquished in 1824, retiring to a smaller tract in the vicinity of their present home. Their vicissitudes have been such as to shatter their tribal life, so that it is now difficult to obtain accurate information concerning their ancient organiza tion. Only fragments can be gathered here and there, to be pieced together by knowledge gained from those cognates who have been more fortunate in preserving their old tribal form and rites.

FIG. 13. Quapaw man.

68

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

• GENTES

It has been difficult to obtain definite information concerning the gentes of the tribe. The people have become so disintegrated that questions are usually met with a weary shake of the head as the answer comes, "All is gone; gone long ago!" A fragmentary list of gentes has been secured. Some of the following may be subgentes. There were two divisions in the tribe, but how the following groups were divided between these it has been thus far impossible to learn.

1. IIon/gatonga— Big Hon/ga.

2. Ho n/gazhinga— Little Hon/ga.

3. Wazhin/ga inikashiha (wazhinga, bird;

inikashiha, meaning with which they make themselves a people, i. e., by the rite of which the bird is the symbol).

4. Te'nikashiha (te, buffalo).

5. On/pon inikashiha (on/po«, elk).

6. Hu'inikashiha (hu, fish).

7. Ke'nikashiha (ke, turtle).

8. Nan/panta — deer.

9. Wa'sa inikaahiha (wasa, black bear).

10. Monchu/ inikashiha grizzly bear).

11. Miha'ke star).

12. Pe'to" inikashiha (peton, crane).

13. Mi'inikashiha (mi, sun).

14. Wakon/ta inikashiha — Thunder.

nikashiha (miha'ke,

FIG. 14. Quapaw woman.

The foregoing brief account of the four tribes that are close cognates of the Omaha has been given for the following reasons : First, to indicate some of the peculiarities of tribal organiza tion which, while common to all, are remarkably developed

among the Omaha, as will be apparent from the following detailed account of that tribe.

Second, to suggest the importance of careful study of such a cognate group as likely to throw light on the manner in which tribes have come to be built up into separate organizations and to bear on the reason why each shows different phases of development.

In the Omaha and the four cognates there appear to be certain stable characteristics which indicate a common ideal of organization, as the two divisions of the tribal circle and the functions pertaining to each ; the ceremonies connected with warfare and the awarding of war honors. There seems to be also a common type of religious

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 69

ceremonial for the recognition of those cosmic forces which were believed to affect directly the life of man, as the rites attending the naming of children and the class of names given, and the customs relating to birth and to death. These resemblances between the tribes will become clearer as the story of the Omaha tribe is told and discussion is had of customs among the cognates which seem to be similar in purpose even when they differ in details, the differences being as suggestive as the similarities.0

a Since the foregoing brief account of the Osage tribe was written an ethnological study of that tribe has been undertaken by Mr. Francis La Flesche for the Bureau of American Ethnology. It is expected that, as a result of this investigation, additional light will be thrown on the relationship between the ribes of the cognate group to which the Osage and the Omaha belong.

II

ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

OMAHA SACRED LEGEND EARLY HABITAT AND CONDITIONS

The Omaha do not claim to have been born in the region they now occupy. On the contrary, their traditions, like those of their cognates, .place their early home in the East, "near a great body of water." This account of their ancient environment had become blended with the idea of a physical birth, as was explained by Shu'- denaci when he repeated the fragmentary Legend, at the time the Sacred Pole was turned over to the writers to be deposited for safe keeping in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. This Legend was in the custody of those who had charge of that cere monial object and was considered sacred.

The Legend says:

In the beginning the people were in water. They opened their eyes but they could see nothing. From that we get the child name in the Ho^ga gens, Nia'di inshtagabtha, " eyes open in the water." As the people came out of the water they beheld the day, so we have the child name Ke'tha gaxe, "to make (or behold) the clear sky." As they came forth from the water they were naked and without shame. But after many days passed they desired covering. They took the fiber of weeds and grass and wove it about their loins for covering.

It is noteworthy, when taken in connection with the traditions and usages already mentioned as associated with the name Hon/ga, (p. 40) that the personal names which refer to the birth of the people are preserved in the Hon/ga gens.

The Legend continues:

The people dwelt near a large body of water, in a wooded country where there was game. The men hunted the deer with clubs; they did not know the use of the bow. The people wandered about the shores of the great water and were poor and cold. And the people thought, What shall we do to help ourselves? They began chipping stones; they found a bluish stone that was easily flaked and chipped and they made knives and arrowheads [sic] out of it. They had now knives and arrows [sic], but they suffered from the cold and the people thought, What shall we do? A man found an elm root that was very dry and dug a hole in it and put a stick in and rubbed it. Then smoke came. He smelled it. Then the people smelled it and came near; others helped him to rub. At last a spark came; they blew this into a flame and so fire came to warm the people and to cook their food. After this the people built grass houses; they cut the grass with the shoulder blade of a deer. Now the people had 70

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fire and ate their meat roasted; but they tired of roast meat, and the people thought, How shall we have our meat cooked differently? A man found a bunch of clay that stuck well together; then he brought sand to mix with it; then he molded it as a vessel. Then he gathered grass and made a heap; he put the clay vessel into the midst of the grass, set it on fire, and made the clay vessel hard. Then, after a time, he put water into the vessel and it held water. This was good. So he put water into the vessel and then meat into it and put the vessel over the fire and the people had boiled meat to eat.

Their grass coverings would fuzz and drop off. It was difficult to gather and keep these coverings. The people were dissatisfied and again the people thought, What can we do to have something different to wear? Heretofore they had been throwing away the hides they had taken from the game. So they took their stone knives to scrape down the hides and make them thin; they rubbed the hides with grass and with their hands to make them soft and then used the hides for clothing. Now they had clothing and were comfortable.

The women had to break the dry wood to keep up the fires; the men had some con sideration for the women and sought plans for their relief. So they made the stone ax with a groove, and put a handle on the ax and fastened it with rawhide. This was used. But they wanted something better for breaking the wood. So they made wedges of stone. [These were of the same shape as the iron wedges used for splitting logs, explained the old narrator.]

The grass shelter became unsatisfactory and the people thought, How shall we bet ter ourselves? So they substituted bark for grass as a covering for their dwellings.

The comfort derived from their skin clothing seems to have sug gested the idea of trying the experiment of covering their dwellings with skins, for the Legend says:

The people determined to put skins on the poles of their dwellings. They tried the deerskins, but they were too small. They tried the elk, but both deer and elk skina became hard and unmanageable under the influence of the sun and rain. So they abandoned the use of the skins and returned to bark as a covering for their houses.

There is no mention made in this Legend, or in any known tradi tion, as to when or where the people met the buffalo ; but there is an indirect reference to the animal in this Legend from which it would seem that the meeting with the buffalo must have taken place after they had left the wooded region where they could obtain elm bark for the covering of their houses, and that the need of a portable shelter started the idea among the people of experimenting again with a skin covering for their tents, for the Legend says:

Until they had the buffalo the people could not have good tents. They took one of the leg bones of the deer, splintered it, and made it sharp for an awl and with sinew sewed the buffalo skin and made comfortable tent covers. (PI. 17.)

From this Legend and other traditions both the buffalo and the maize seem to have come into the life of the people wliile they were still in their eastern habitat. The story of finding the maize is told as follows in this Legend :

Then a man in wandering about found some kernels, blue, red, and white. He thought he had secured something of great value, so he concealed them in a mound. One day he thought he would go to see if they were safe. When he came to the mound

72 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

he found it covered with stalks having ears bearing kernels of these colors. lie took an ear of each kind and gave the rest to the people to experiment with. They tried it for food, found it good, and have ever since called it their life. As soon as the people found the corn good, they thought to make mounds like that in which the kernels had been hid. So they took the shoulder blade of the elk and built mounds like the first and buried the corn in them. So the corn grew and the people had abundant food.

In their wanderings the people reached the forests where the birch trees grow and where there were great lakes. Here they made birch-bark canoes and traveled in them about the shores of the lakes. A man in his wanderings discovered two young animals and carried them home. He fed them and they grew large and were docile. He discovered that these animals would carry burdens, so a harness was fixed on them to which poles were fastened and they became the burden bearers. Before this every burden had to be carried on the'back. The people bred the dogs and they were a help to the people.

WESTERN MOVEMENTS

The western movement of the people is not definitely traced in any of their traditions, nor is there any account of the separations of kindred which from time to time must have taken place. By inference, there must have been considerable warfare, as the making of peace with enemies is referred to. The tribe seem to have lin gered long in the northern territory now covered by the States of Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Iowa, and between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers; their claims to portions of this territory were acknowledged in the last century when they joined in the treaty made at Prairie du Chien in 1_830, at which time they relinquished all their rights to this land to the United States. Six years later they made a like relinquishment of their claims east of the Missouri river in the States of Missouri and Iowa. Tradition is silent as to their movements from the Lake region south to the Ohio river, where it is said they parted from the Quapaw, as already told.

A period of considerably more than three hundred years must have elapsed between the time of parting from the Quapaw on the banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Ohio, and the date of the Omaha's first cession to the United States, mentioned above. After the separation from the Quapaw it is not probable that the Omaha were ever again as far south as the Ohio river or as far east as Lake Michigan.

Tradition says that the Omaha after parting from the Quapaw followed the Mika'to11 ke river (the Des Moines) to its headwaters, and wandered northeast. One day about thirty years ago the old men were talking of these early movements of the tribe when Shu'denaci said, "I think that we could trace the sites of the old Omaha villages of the time the tribe went up the Mi'kato11 ke". The question, How could the sites be identified? elicited the reply: "By the circles of stones which were left when the people abandoned a village." It was the custom to place stones around the bottom of the tent cover to hold it firmly on the ground; when the tent was taken down the

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stones were left where they had been used. Some of the old men said that they had seen such traces of deserted village sites east of the Missouri in the region where the tribe is said once to have lived. Dakota tradition tells of their meeting the Omaha near the Blue Earth and Minnesota rivers. That the Omaha dwelt for a considerable time in the forest region seems to be borne out by both legends and rites, which show the influence of the woods. The Sacred Pole was cut while the people were dwelling in the wooded country, as all the traditions of the cutting seem to indicate. When that occurred the Ponca were still with the Omaha, and their legends are similar to those of the latter touching the finding and cutting of the Pole. The tree from which it was cut is said to have stood near a lake, and the suggestion has been made that the place was Lake Andes, in Choteau county, South Dakota; but this iden tification has not been accepted by the best tribal authorities and traditions do not favor placing the act in the vicinity of this lake.

It was prior to the cutting of the Sacred Pole that the Omaha organ ized themselves into their present order. The inauguration of the rites connected with the Sacred Pole seems to have been for the purpose of conserving that order; and it was after these rites had been instituted that the Omaha reached the vicinity of the Big Sioux, where on the banks of a small stream that flows in from the north east they built a village. It was while they were living here that a disastrous battle took place (tradition does not say with whom), and as a result this village seems to have been abandoned, after the dead had been gathered and buried in a great mound, around which a stone wall was built. In the middle of the last century this wall was still to be seen. Tradition says, "In this battle the Sacred Pole came near being captured."

It was while the Omaha were in the vicinity of the upper Mississippi that they came into contact with the Cheyenne. The Legend says, "We made peace with the Cheyenne. At that time the Ponca were with us, and the Iowa and Oto joined in the peace." The old narrator added : "The Osage say they were with us, too ; but it is not so told by our people." This overture of peace may have been made in conse quence of the Omaha having invaded the Cheyenne territory in the northern movement. According to Dakota traditions the Cheyenne were in possession of the upper Mississippi country when the Dakota arrived there. It may be difficult to determine whether or not at this time the Dakota as distinct tribes had come into contact with the Omaha and the Ponca.

While in this region experiences disruptive in character must have visited the people — possibly the defection of the Ponca — which finally resulted in their complete separation. At any rate, something

74 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

happened which caused the Omaha to take steps toward a closer organization of the people. The Legend says:

At this place [where peace with the Cheyenne had been made] we formed a govern ment. The people said, " Let us appoint men who shall preserve order. " Accordingly they selected men, the wisest, the most thoughtful, generous, and kind, and they con sulted together and agreed upon a council of seven who should govern the people.

Then follows the account of the organization of the tribe in its pres ent order and the story of finding and cutting the Sacred Pole. Both of these narratives will be given later on.

After the great battle on the Big Sioux the Omaha seem to have turned slightly southward, but to have remained in the main on the east side of the Missouri, although war parties apparently reached the river and even crossed to the farther side, where they met and fought the Arikara, who were dwelling where the Omaha live to-day. Traditions are definite in stating that ' ' the Arikara were first encoun tered on the west side of the Missouri."

About the time of these events the Omaha seem to have returned to the Big Sioux and to have built a village where the river makes a loop, at a point where a small stream enters from a canyon which, the Omaha story says, has "two cliffs, like pinnacles, standing at its entrance, through which the wind rushes with such violence as to disturb the water." When they built this village, according to the Legend, the Omaha were living in bark houses (pi. 18). They had met and fought the Arikara, but had not yet adopted the earth lodge. The continued forays of the Omaha made the Arikara seek peace and it was in this village at the mouth of the canyon that peace was made among the Arikara, the Cheyenne, the Omaha, the Ponca, the Iowa, and the Otq, and sought to be confirmed through the ceremony now known among the Omaha as the Wa'wan (see p. 376) — the same ceremony as the Pawnee Hako.a

In view of the part this ceremony has played in the life of the Omaha and its cognate tribes, it is fitting to call attention to the extent of territory throughout which it was observed before and dur ing the seventeenth century. The early French travelers found it among the Caddo group in the country now known as Texas, Loui siana, and Arkansas, while Marquette met with it among the tribes living on the Mississippi when he entered that stream from the Wis consin river. The Omaha Legend shows that it was known to the Arikara on the Missouri river and was probably introduced by them to the Omaha, Ponca, Iowa, Oto, and Cheyenne at the village on the Big Sioux river. The Cheyenne seem to have lost the rite in the course of their western movement, but it has ever since been prac tised by the other tribes who took part in this peacemaking. A rite which was both recognized and revered throughout so extensive a

« See Ilako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. n.

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territory, occupied by so many tribes, must have been instrumental in modifying the customs of the peoples practising it, in extending the use of certain symbols, and in bringing about some measure of unity in the forms of religious beliefs.

CONTACT WITH THE ARIKARA

Traditions are more explicit concerning contact with the Arikara than with any other tribe. Both Omaha and Ponca legends give evi dence of the influence exerted on the people by this tribe. When the Missouri river was reached by the Omaha, they found the Arikara there, cultivating the maize and living in villages composed of earth lodges — evidently a peaceful, sedentary folk. Omaha war parties from the east side of the river harassed the Arikara, who were living on the west 'side. The Arikara sought to obtain peace through the influence of the Wa'wan ceremony, as already related, but Omaha war parties seem finally to have driven them from their homes and to have forced them northward up the Missouri river. The tradition that the Arikara were driven away from the land the Omaha now own is confirmed by a Ponca story that refers to the sale of the Omaha lands to the United States Government in the middle of the last century; at that time an Arikara said to a Ponca: "Had my people known that these lands were valuable, they would have contested the right of the Omaha to make the sale, for the Arikara were the first to occupy the land, a proof of which is to be seen in the remains of our earth lodges and village sites on the bluffs of the Missouri." These earth circles have often been seen by the writers on the Omaha reservation, and the traditions of the Omaha declare them to be the remains of the earth lodges occupied by the Arikara when they dwelt in this region. Both Omaha and Ponca traditions say that the tribes were together when they met and drove the Arikara northward. It was from the Arikara that the Omaha and Ponca learned to make and use earth lodges. According to the Omaha Legend: "It was the women who saved the life of the people. They built the sod houses; they made them by their labor. The work was divided. Men cut the poles and fixed the frame and tied the opening for the smoke hole; the women brought the willows and sod and finished the building."

In this connection it is interesting to note that while the Omaha adopted the earth lodge (pi. 19) they did so from a purely practical point of view, as affording them a better permanent dwelling than tents, and were probably ignorant of the symbolic character of the structure. With the tribe from which it was taken this lodge repre sented certain religious ideas. Rituals attended the cutting of the trees for its structure and the planting of the four posts that inclosed the space about the central fire. The Omaha did not observe any of

76 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

these ceremonies nor did they use the prescribed number of posts. They set up about the fireplace six, seven, or eight posts as suited their convenience, for the sole purpose of supporting the roof, these posts possessing no ceremonial importance or other significance. The Omaha built the earth lodge only for village use; the tipi, or tent, was still the habitation when on the buffalo hunt. There is a tra dition that the tribe received the maize from the Arikara but it is questionable if this was the first knowledge the Omaha had of the plant. It may be that in their northward migrations the people passed out of the corn belt into environments not favorable to its cultivation, so that its general use was partially discontinued; but nothing definite is known, although there are indications favorable to this conjecture. If there was any hiatus in the cultivation of the maize among the Omaha, as the following story might suggest, there is nothing to indicate that the tribe has not constantly cultivated it since the time the Missouri was reached. This story, preserved among the Omaha but credited to the Arikara, tells how the latter found the maize and how the former received it from them :

The Arikara were the first to find the maize. A young man went out hunting. He came to a high hill, and, looking down upon a valley, he saw a buffalo bull standing in the middle of a bottom land lying between two rivers where they conjoined. As the young man surveyed the country to find a safe way of approaching the buffalo he was impressed with the beauty of the landscape. The banks of the two rivers were low and well timbered. He observed that the buffalo stood facing the north; he saw that he could not approach the animal from any side within bow shot. He thought that the only way to get a chance to shoot the buffalo would be to wait until the animal moved close to the banks of one of the rivers, or to the hills where there were ravines and shrubs. So the young man waited. The sun went down before the buffalo moved; the young man went home disappointed. Nearly all night the hunter lay awake brooding over his disappointment, for food had become scarce and the buffalo would have given a good supply. Before dawn the young man arose and hurried to the scene of the buffalo to see if he could find the animal somewhere near the place, if it had moved. Just as he reached the summit of the hill, where he was the day before, the sun arose, and he saw that the buffalo was still in the same spot. But he noticed that it was now facing the east. Again the young man waited for the animal to move, but again the sun went down and the buffalo remained stand ing in the same spot. The hunter went home and passed another night of unrest. He started out again before dawn and came to the top of the hill just as the sun arose, and saw the buffalo still standing in the same place, but it had turned around to face the south. The young man waited until dark for the buffalo to move, and had to go again to his home disappointed, where he passed another sleepless night. The hun ter's desire to secure the game was not unmixed with some curiosity to know why the buffalo should so persistently remain in that one spot without eating or drinking or lying down to rest. With this curiosity working in his mind, he arose for the fourth time before dawn, and hastened to the hill to see if the buffalo was still standing in the same place. It was again daylight when he came to the hill, and there stood the buffalo exactly in the same place, but it had turned around to face the west. Being now determined to know what the animal would do, the young man settled down to watch as he had done the three days before. He thought that the animal was acting in this manner under the influence of an unseen power for some mysterious purpose,

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 77

and that he, as well as the buffalo, was controlled by the same influence. Darkness came upon him again with the animal still standing in the same position. The hunter returned to his home and lay awake all night, wondering what would come of this strange experience. He arose before dawn and again hurried to the mysterious scene. As he reached the summit of the hill the light of day spread over the land. The buffalo had gone. But in the spot where it had been standing there stood some thing like a small bush. The young man approached the place with a feeling of curiosity and disappointment. He came to the object that from the distance appeared like a small bush and saw that it was a strange plant. He looked upon the ground and saw the tracks of the buffalo, and followed them as they had turned from the north to the east and to the south and to the west, and in the center there was but one buffalo track, and out of that had sprung this strange plant. He examined the ground near this plant to find where the buffalo had left the place, but there were no other footprints besides those near the plant. The hunter hurried home and told of his strange experience to the chiefs and the prominent men of his people. The men, led by the hunter, proceeded to the place of the buffalo and examined the ground, and found that what he had told them was true. They saw the tracks of the buffalo where he had turned and stood, but could find no tracks of his coming to the place or leaving it. While all of these men believed that this plant was given to the people in this mysterious manner by Wakon/da, they were not sure how it was to be used. The people knew of other plants that were used for food, and the season for their ripening, and, believing that the fruit of this strange plant would ripen at its own proper time, they arranged to guard and protect it carefully, awaiting the time of its ripening.

The plant blossomed, but from their knowledge of other plants they knew that the blossom of the plant was but the flower and not the fruit. When they were watching the blossom to develop into fruit, as they expected it would, a new growth appeared from the joints of the plant. Their attention was now diverted from the blossom to this growth. It grew larger and larger, until there appeared at the top something that looked like hair. This, in the course of time, turned from pale green to a dark brown, and after much discussion the people believed that this growth was the fruit of the plant and that it had ripened. Up to this time no one had dared to approach within touch of the plant. Although the people were anxious to know the use to which the plant could be put or for which it was intended, no one dared to touch it. As the people were assembled around the plant undetermined as to the manner of examining it, a youth stepped forward and spoke:

"Everyone knows how my life from my childhood has been worse than worth less, that my life among you has been more for evil than for good. Since no one would regret, should any evil befall me, let me be the first to touch this plant and taste of its fruit so that you may know of its qualities whether they be good or bad." The people having given their assent, the youth stepped boldly forward and placed his right hand on the blossoms of the plant, and brought his hand with a down ward motion to the root of the plant as though blessing it. He then grasped the fruit and, turning to the people, said: "It is solid, it is ripe." He then parted the husks at the top very gently and, again turning to the people, he said: "The fruit is red." He took a few of the grains, showed them to the people, then ate of them, and replaced the husks. The youth suffered no ill effects, and the people became convinced that this plant was given them for food. In the fall, when the prairie grass had turned brown, the stalk and the leaves of this plant turned brown also. The fruit was plucked and put carefully away. In the following spring the kernels were divided among the people, four to each family. The people removed to the spot where the strange apparition had taken place, and there they built their bark huts along the banks of the two rivers. As the hills began to take on a green tinge

78 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

from, the new prairie grass, the people planted the kernels of this strange plant, hav ing first built little mounds like the one out of which the first stalk grew. To the great joy of the people the kernels sprouted and grew into strong and healthy plants. Through the summer they grew, and developed, and the fruit ripened as did that of the first stock. The fruit was gathered and eaten, and was found to be good. In gathering the fruit the people discovered that there were various colors — some ears were white and others were blue and some were yellow.

The next season the people reaped a rich harvest of this new plant. In the fall of the year these people, the Arikara, sent invitations to a number of different tribes to come and spend the winter with them. Six tribes came, and among them were the Omaha. The Arikara were very generous in the distribution of the fruit of this new plant among their guests, and in this manner a knowledge of the plant spread to the Omaha.

The composition of this story presents points of interest. The importance and the mysterious power of the great game, the buffalo, reflect the thought of the hunting tribe ; with it is blended the equally mysterious gift of the maize, so sacred to the tiller of the ground, for the buffalo and the maize represented the principal food supply of the people. The scene of the marvelous occurrence is placed in a hilly country where flowed rivers and yet the prairie seems to have been near at hand, for the story tells of the observation of the people that "in the fall, when the prairie turned brown, the stalk and leaves of this plant turned brown also," and that they timed the planting of the kernels the following spring by the upspringing of ' ' the new prairie grass." Then we are told that "when the people removed to the spot, where the strange occurrence had taken place, they built their 'bark huts' along the banks of the two rivers."

The bark hut (see pi. 18) is a type of dwelling belonging to a forest people. The Omaha used to live in such houses, as is told in the ancient Legend here so often quoted, and in other Omaha traditions. The people seem well aware that they once lived in bark houses like those in use among the Winnebago at the present day. The Arikara were not a forest people, and did not use the bark hut. The presence of these details illustrates how a story takes on coloring and becomes modified in passing from a people of one culture to a people of another. That the cultivation of the maize was long known and practised by the Arikara is evident from their rites, tra ditions, and customs when they were first known historically; but that the Omaha gained their first knowledge of the plant from them is very doubtful.

SEPARATION OF PONCA FROM OMAHA; FINDING OF HORSES

The Ponca were the last of the cognates to form a tribe by them selves. They were with the Omaha at the peace ceremony with the Arikara and other tribes, but their departure seems to have taken place not far from that time and on or near the Missouri river.

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According to Ponca traditions already given, the people followed this stream northward to a place where "they could step over the water/' and thence they seem to have turned southward. As they were going " across the land/' they hunted buffalo far toward the Rocky mountains, and on one of their hunts they encountered the Padouca (Comanche). The following tradition tells of this meeting and its results:

At that time the Ponca had no animals but dogs to help them to carry burdens. Wherever they went they had to go on foot, but the people were strong and fleet; they could run a great distance and not be weary. While they were off hunting buffalo they first met the Padouca, and afterward had many battles with them. The Padouca were mounted on strange animals. At first the Ponca thought the men and animals were one creature, but they learned better after a while. The Padouca had bows made from elk horn. They were not very long, nor were they strong. To make these bows the horn was boiled until it was soft. While in this condition it was scraped down, then spliced and bound together with sinew and glue. Their arrows were tipped with bone. But the weapon the Padouca depended on in fighting was a stone battle-ax. Its long handle was a sapling bound with rawhide to which a grooved stone .ax head, pointed at both ends, was bound by bands of rawhide. This weapon made them terrible fighters at close quarters. The weakness of their bows and arrows reduced the value of their horses in battle save as a means to bring them rapidly up to their enemies, where they could bring their battle-axes into play. If their foes were armed with strong bows and arrows, the Padouca would suffer before they came to close range. To protect their horses from arrows they made a covering for the horses' breasts and sides, to prevent an arrow taking effect at ordinary range. This covering (armor) was made of thick rawhide cut in round pieces and made to overlap like the scales of a fish. Over the surface was sand held on by glue. This covering made the Ponca arrows glance off and do no damage. The Padouca protected their own bodies by long shields of rawhide. Some of them had breastplates made like those on their horses. When the Ponca found out that the terrible creature they first encountered was a man on the back of an animal, they called the animal Jcawa, a name in use by the Osage to-day to designate the horse. The Ponca noticed the smell of the horse, and the odor would apprise them of the approach of the Padouca. When a man perceived the smell, he would run and tell the herald, who would at once go about the camp, and cry: "The wind tells us the kawa are coming!" So the Ponca would make ready to defend themselves. The Ponca had many battles with the Padouca. The Ponca did not know the use of the horses, so they killed them as well as the men. Nor could they find out where were the Padouca villages, for when the two tribes met, the Padouca always moved in an opposite direction from the location of their dwellings. So the Ponca could not discover where the Padouca lived.

One day the two tribes had a great battle. The people fought all day long. Some times the Ponca were driven, sometimes the Padouca, until at last a Ponca shot a Padouca in the eye, and he dropped from his horse. Then the battle ceased. After the death of this man one of the Padouca came toward the Ponca and motioned that one of the Ponca should come toward him. Then the Padouca said in plain Ponca: "Who are you? What do you call yourselves?" The Ponca replied: "We call our selves Ponca; but you speak our language well-, are you of our tribe?" The Padouca said: " No; we are Padouca. I speak your language as a gift from a Ponca spirit. As I lay one day on a Ponca grave after one of our battles with you a man rose from the grave and spoke to me, so I know your language."

Then it was agreed to make peace. Visits were exchanged, the Ponca bartered their bows and arrows for horses, and found out the whereabouts of the Padouca village.

80 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The Padouca taught the Ponca how to ride and to put burdens on the horses. When the Ponca had learned how to use horses they renewed war with the Padouca and attacked them in their village. The Padouca met the Ponca outside their village but, being driven, jumped into the stockade which surrounded the village and fought from behind the barricade. The Ponca made such continual war on the Padouca and stole so many of their horses that the Padouca abandoned their village and departed we know not where. After that the Ponca followed the Platte river east and returned to the Missouri, bringing the horses back with them.

That is how the Ponca first had horses, and we have had them ever since.

There is no definite tradition among the Omaha as to the tribe from which they first obtained horses. The Legend already quoted says:

It happened that a man in his wanderings discovered two animals. At first he thought they were elk, but they did not look like elk. Then he thought they were deer, but they were larger than deer. He did not know what they were, although he saw many. When the man showed himself the animals did not run away, but circled around him. He was troubled, and, fearing them, he tried to get away, but the animals kept about him; he edged off and finally reached the village. The people were curious; they saw that the animals were gentle and could be led. Some of the men tried to mount them, but fell off, for they did not know how to ride. The people found the animals could bear burdens and be led by a string. There were two, male and female; they multiplied ; and thus horses came among the Omaha. The people loved the horses, and when they died the people wailed. So dogs were no longer the sole bearers of the people's burdens.

There are traditions which say that "horses came from the Southwest."

Traditions concerning the movements of the Omaha when in the vicinity of the Missouri river are somewhat more definite but they are still vague.

In 1695 Le Sueur places the Omaha near the Missouri river, where the Iowa had joined them.0 As he was about to establish his trading post on the Blue Earth, Le Sueur sent runners to recall the Iowa that they might build a village near the fort, as these Indians were "industrious and accustomed to cultivate the earth." The trader hoped thus to procure provisions for his post as well as workers for the mines.6 De Flsle's map (1703) places the Omaha near the mouth of the Big Sioux. About 1737 a trading post was established near the southern end of Lake Winnipeg, where the Omaha are said to have traded ;c they have a tradition that "long ago they visited a great lake to the far north and traded there with white men." This post may have been Fort La Heine. It appears on Jeffery's map of 1762.d Carver, who traveled in 1766, says that "to this place the Mahahs, who inhabit a country 250 miles southwest, come also to trade with them; and bring great quantities of Indian corn, to ex-

" Afinnesota Historical Collections, I, 328, 332.

6 Neill's The History of Minnesota, etc., 164, Philadelphia, 1858.

c Ibid., 186.

<J Ibid., 300.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 81

change for knives, tomahawks, and other articles."0 The Omaha knowledge of this northern country would seem to have been tradi tional, and may have been connected with their earlier sojourn in the wooded region of the north.

MEETING WITH THE WHITE MEN6

From the Sacred Legend already quoted, in which epochal events of the tribe are mentioned, it appears that the first meeting with the white race was in the northern region near the lakes, where the Omaha used birch-bark canoes. The Legend says:

One day the people discovered white objects on the waters, and they knew not what to make of them. The white objects floated toward the shores. The people were frightened. They abandoned their canoes, ran to the woods, climbed the trees, and watched. The white objects reached the shore, and men were seen getting out of them. The Indians watched the strange men, but did not speak or go near them. For several days they watched; then the strangers entered into the white objects and floated off. They left, however, a man — a leader, the Indians thought. He was in a starving condition. Seeing this, the Indians approached him, extending toward him a stalk of maize having ears on it, and bade him eat and live. He did eat, and expressed his gratitude by signs. The Indians kept this man, treating him kindly, until his companions returned. Thus the white people became acquainted with the Omaha by means of one whom the latter had befriended. In return the white people gave the Indians implements of iron. It was in this way that we gained iron among us.

From the story of this encounter and the fact that the Omaha are known historically to have traded at a fort near Lake Winnipeg, it is probable that the incident cited in the legend refers to some reconnoitering party of wThite adventurers, possibly of the Hudson Bay Company, one of whose number remained behind, and was later picked up or joined by the rest of the party.

The Omaha had come into contact with the French prior to 1724. At that time, in order to prevent the eastward spread of Spanish influence, a trading post was established on the Missouri river. The French then counted on the friendship of the Omaha, Osage, Iowa, Oto, and Pawnee, and were instrumental in bringing about peace between these tribes and the Padouca at a council called by M. de Bourgmont, commandant of Fort Orleans, wrhich was held on one of the western tributaries of the Kansas river.

The following tradition may refer to an occurrence not long prior to this council:

"The Omaha were camped in the timber, and one day a man heard pounding in the woods. He went to see what caused the strange noise and returned to the camp in great fright. He said he

o Carver's Three Years' Travel Through the Interior Parts of North-America, etc., 69, Philadelphia, 1796. & The Appendix to this volume deals with the more recent history of the Omaha in their relations with the whites.

83993°— 27 ETH— 11 6

82 THE OMAHA TRIBE IETH. AXN. 27

had seen some sort of a beast, his face covered with hair and his skin the color of the inner layer of the corn husk." This inner husk is called wa'xonha, and the Omaha name for white man, wa'xe, is prob ably a corruption of this term.

The tradition continues as follows: " This was not the first meet ing of the Omaha with the white race, but the earlier encounter had been forgotten by the people." This statement probably refers to the meeting described in the Sacred Legend, as already quoted. The "wa'xe built houses out of logs, and traded with the people." The old men of the tribe used to declare that these early traders were French.

INFLUENCE OF TRADERS

Contact with the traders had a disturbing influence on the politics of the tribe. The traders lent aid to those chiefs and leading men who favored schemes for barter, and these Indians used the favors shown them to enhance their -own importance in the tribe. The fol lowing narrative, compiled from stories told by old men of the tribe, illustrates this state of affairs :

The great-grandfather of a chief who was living twenty-five years ago visited the trading post at St. Louis, and on his return assumed an air of importance, saying that he had been made a great chief by the white men. He began to appoint "soldiers" and ambitious men sought his favor. He made Blackbird a " soldier" and took him to St. Louis. [This wTas the Blackbird the apocryphal story of whose burial on horseback on the bluffs of the Missouri is told by Lewis and Clark.] Blackbird was a handsome man and the white people made much of him, showing him more attention than they did his companion. When Blackbird returned to the tribe he declared he had been made a chief by the white people. Blackbird was an ambitious man, who loved power and was unscrupulous as to how he obtained it. The traders found him a pliant tool. They fostered his ambitions, supplied him with goods and reaped a harvest in trade. From them he learned the use of poisons, particularly arsenic. If an Indian opposed him or stood in the way of his designs, sickness and death overtook the man and Blackbird would claim that he had lost his life through supernatural agencies as a punishment for attempting to thwart his chief. Because of these occurrences Black bird was feared. He exercised considerable power and adopted the airs of a despot. Before he died, however, the secret of his poison ings became known and the fact led to the loss of much of his power. The romantic picture of his interment on horseback must be credited to grateful traders, as must also be the bestowal of his name on the hills and creek where later the Omaha built a village when they

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

83

moved to their present reservation. It is a fact that horses were frequently strangled at funerals and their bodies left near the burial mound, which was always on a hill or at some elevation, but thev were never buried alive or interred with the -body. It is one of the humors of Indian history that a relic hunter should have picked up

FIG. 15. Big Elk.

a horse's skull on one of the Blackbird hills and preserved it in a museum in memory of this fanciful entombment.

The "Blackbird hills" (pi. 20) are not known to the Omaha by that name, but as On/pontongaxaithon (" where Big Elk is buried"). Big Elk (fig. 15) died in 1853. He was the third of his name, a member of the We'zhinshte gens, and a leading chief of the tribe. According to tradition, all three, named Big Elk, were men of ability, brave and

84 THE OMAHA TRTBE [HTH. ANN. 27

prudent chiefs. The last of the name was a man of considerable foresight and what may be termed an advanced thinker. He took part in some of the early treaties of his tribe and visited Washington before his death. On his return from this visit he called the tribe together and made the following address, which is here given as it was told more than twenty-five years ago :

My chiefs, braves, and young men, I have just returned from a visit to a far-off country toward the rising sun, and have seen many strange things. I bring to you news which it saddens my heart to think of. There is a coming flood which will soon reach us, and I advise you to prepare for it. Soon the animals which Wakon/da has given us for sustenance will disappear beneath this flood to return no more, and it will be very hard for you. Look at me; you see I am advanced in age; I am near the grave. I can no longer think for you and lead you as in my younger days. You must think for yourselves what will be best for your welfare. I tell you this that you may be prepared for the coming change. You may not know my meaning. Many of you are old, as I am, and by the time the change comes we may be lying peacefully in our graves; but these young men will remain to suffer. Speak kindly to one another; do what you can to help each other, even in the troubles with the coming tide. Now, my people, this is all I have to say. Bear these words in mind, and when the time comes think of what I have said.

One day, in 1883, during the allotment of the land in severalty to the Omaha tribe, as a large group of the Indians were gathered about the allotting agent watching the surveyor and talking of the loca tion of allotments, there stood on a hill near by an old Indian. In a loud voice he recited this speech of Big Elk. At its close he- paused, then shouted: "Friends, the flood has come!" and disap peared.

To the best of his understanding Big Elk tried to face his people toward civilization. At the same time he was politic and kept the tribe well in hand. Instances of his eloquent and courtly speech have been preserved in official proceedings with the Government and these betray a dignity and heartiness that accord with the fol lowing incident: The son who Big Elk hoped would succeed him died in the prime of young manhood and the father grieved sadly for his child. The death occurred while the tribe was on the Elk- horn river. The body was wrapped in skins, and, accompanied by near relatives, was carried across the prairies more than a hundred miles, to be laid on the hills near the village of his ancestors. A year afterward, when the tribe was on its annual hunt, Big Elk was riding with the people when his eyes rested on a spirited horse — the best one he owned. Suddenly the memory of his son came to him; he seemed to see the youth, and murmured: "He would have had that horse and all of the best I had — but he needs no gift of mine!" Just then he saw an old man whose fortune had always been hard and who had never owned a horse. Big Elk beckoned him to come near, and said: "Friend, the horse my son would have ridden shall

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 85

be yours; take him and mount." As the old man raised his arms in thanks the chief turned and rode off alone.

The interference of the traders, and later of Government officials, in tribal affairs, caused two classes of chiefs to be recognized — those whose office was due to white influence and those who were chiefs according to tribal right and custom. The first were desig nated "paper chiefs," because they usually had some written docu ment setting forth their claim to the office; the second class were known simply as "chiefs." This conflict in authority as to the making of chiefs was a potent factor in the disintegration of the ancient tribal life.

THE OMAHA COUNTRY

VILLAGES ON THE MISSOURI

Traditions are somewhat vague as to Omaha villages on the Mis souri river. While in this region the people seem to have suffered from wars and also from lack of food. Near the mouth of the White river, South Dakota, the tribe once found a flock of snowbirds, which brought so much relief to the hungry people that the village they erected at that place was known as "Where the snowbirds came." They seem to have stayed in this village for a considerable time, but were finally driven away by wars. There is no mention of any village being built on their southward movements until after they had passed the Niobrara river. On Bow creek, Nebraska, near where the present town of St. James stands, a village of earth lodges was erected, and here the people remained until a tragedy occurred which caused a separation in the tribe and an abandon ment of this village by all the people. The site was known and pointed out in the last century as the place where stood the Ton/wonpezhi, "Bad Village."

The following is the story of how this village came to be aban doned and received the name of "Bad Village." It is a story that used frequently to be told and is probably historical and suggests how separations may have come about in the more remote past.

In the Tecin/de gens lived a man and his wife with their three sons and one daughter. Although the man was not a chief, he was respected and honored by the people because of his bravery and hospitality. His daughter was sought in marriage by many men in the tribe. There was one whom she preferred, and to whom she gave her word to be his wife. This fact was not known to her parents, who promised her to a warrior long past his youth. Against her will she was taken to the warrior's dwelling with the usual ceremonies in such marriages. The girl determined in her own mind never to be his wife. She did not cry or struggle when, they took her, but acted, well her part at the wedding feast, and none knew her purpose. When the feast was over and the sun had set, she slipped away in the dark and was gone. At once a search was started, which was kept up by the disappointed old warrior and his relatives for several days, but without success. The girl's mother grieved over the loss of her

86 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

daughter, but the father was silent. It was noticed that a certain young man was also missing, and it was thought that the two were probably together. After the girl had been gone some time, a boy rushed to the father's house one morning, as the family were eating their meal, and said: "Your daughter is found! The old man has stripped her of her clothing and is flogging her to death. Hurry, if you would see her alive!" The father turned to his sons and said: "Go, see if there is truth in this." The eldest refused, the second son bowed his head and sat still. The young est arose, seized his bow, put on his quiver, and went out. • The village had gathered to the scene. As the brother approached, he heard his sister's cries of anguish- Pushing his way through the crowd he shouted words of indignation to those who had not tried to rescue the girl, and, drawing his bow, shot the angry old man. The relatives of the dead man and those who sympathized with his exercise of marital rights ran for their bows and fought those who sided with the young rescuer. A battle ensued; fathers fought sons and brothers contended with brothers. All day the two sides contested and many were slain before night put an end to the conflict. The next day those who had fought with the brother left the village with him and traveled eastward, while their opponents picked up their belongings, turned their back on their homes and moved toward the south. There was no wailing nor any outward sign of mourning. Silently the living separated, and the village was left with the unburied dead. * * *

"A new generation had grown up," this strange story continues, " when a war party traveling east beyond the Missouri river encoun tered a village where the people spoke the Omaha language. Aban doning their warlike intents, the Omaha warriors entered the village peaceably, persuaded their new-found relatives to return with them, and so the Omaha people were once more united." The village where the reunion took place was near one then occupied by the Iowa, not far from the site of the present town of Ponca City.

The attacks of the Dakota tribes forced the Iowa to leave that part of the country and they moved southward as far as the river Platte and never again built a town near the Omaha tribe. The Omaha were driven by the Dakota from their village at the same time as the Iowa and finally settled on a stream that flows in a north erly direction into the Missouri, which they named Ton/wonni, or Village creek, from the village they built on its wooded banks. This village was erected near a rock containing a hole or depression in which the fork-tailed kites used to nest, and the site was known as In/be zhunka monshonde te, "the fork-tailed kites' hole." The village itself, built in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, was called Ton/wontonga, "large village." The stream on which it was situated is now called Omaha creek. It was here that the smallpox and cholera reached the people and nearly destroyed them.

The traditions concerning the effects of the scourge of smallpox vividly portray the terror and desperation of the people. It is said that when the enfeebled survivors saw the disfigured appearance of their children and companions they resolved to put an end to their existence, since both comeliness and vigor were gone. They did not

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 87

know that new-born children would not inherit their parents' dis figuration, and that in time the tribe would again be as they were of old, strong and well-looking. Being determined to die, they proposed to die fighting their enemies, therefore the tribe — men, women, and children — moved out as a great tribal war party to find their foes and meet a valiant death. The Cheyenne had been harrying the people, so the strange war party started for the Che3renne country. The story of this war party runs as follows :

On their way they encountered the Ponca tribe returning from a successful buffalo hunt, well supplied with meat and pelts. The Omaha chiefs sent messengers to the Ponca, explaining that their people were going against the Cheyenne, but they were in need and asked for food. The Ponca drove the Omaha messengers away and shot at them. This angered the Omaha and they prepared to fight the Ponca. In the battle that followed it was observed that one of the fiercest warriors on the Ponca side was an Omaha, who was known to have married a Ponca woman. This warrior was the nephew of a prominent man of the Omaha tribe, and therefore his capture, rather than his death, was sought. At last he was taken and word was sent to his uncle, who was fighting in another part of the field, that his nephew was captured, and he was asked, "What shall be done?" "Hold him until I come," was the reply. When the uncle arrived at the place of capture hs saw his nephew standing with an Omaha warrior on each side holding his arms. The uncle raised his spear and plunged it through the body of the man who had fought against his kindred.

The Ponca were driven from their camp and lost possession of their meat and camp- equipage. Then the Ponca sought to make peace, and dispatched a man to the Omaha with the tribal pipe. As he approached, the Omaha chief called out, "Who is he?" When he was told, he replied: "The man is a man of blood." So the pipe was refused and the man driven back, but not killed. A second man was sent. He came toward the Omaha with the pipe extended in his left hand and his right hand raised in supplication. Again the chief asked: " Who is he?" When told, he replied: "He is a man of peace." The pipe was received and the fighting ceased. The food of the Ponca was divided between the two tribes, and the Omaha moved on.

The story goes on to recount the desperate fighting with the Cheyenne, the Pawnee, and the Oto. At last those that remained of the Omaha returned to their village on Omaha creek. Here Lewis and Clark met the people at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and it was from the bluffs near this site in 1836 that the tribe saw the little steamboat Antelope puff its way up the Missouri. As the boat seemed to move of itself, they called it monde'waxube, li mystery boat" — a term that has lost its early significance, and has become the common Omaha name for all steamboats.

Forays of the Dakota grew to be more and more frequent, and later the Ponca joined them in these attacks. The Omaha lost many of their horses, and life became so unsafe that the people abandoned this village and moved southwest in the first quarter of the last century. At this period the Omaha were harassed on the north by the Dakota and Ponca and on the south and west by the Oto and Pawnee. Peace was made from time to time, and as frequently broken; con sequently the village on Omaha creek was never again steadily

88 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

occupied, although the people frequently brougnt their dead from their camps to the southward and westward to be buried where their fathers had dwelt.

The country through which the tribe was accustomed to hunt cov ered a range of several hundred miles north and south and east and west. Its topography was well known to the Omaha, not only the general direction of the rivers and their numerous branches, but the turns and twists of the streams and the valleys, also the number of days or camps required to go from one point to another; short cuts were known by which time could be saved, an important considera tion in a journey for which food and shelter had to be transported. It was not unusual for directions as to a certain route to be supple mented by a rude map of the country to be traversed, traced on the ground with a finger or a stick, on which were indicated the trails, streams, and fords, and perhaps other details, as the locations of trees, springs, or creeks, affording suitable places to make camps, and of stretches where water or wood would have to be carried. These maps were always oriented, so that one could follow the course laid down, by the sun during the day or at night by the north star. All the large rivers known to the Omaha flow in a southerly direction; their tributaries running northward were said to "flow backward."

The accompanying map (pi. 21) shows the country known to the Omaha tribe; the Omaha and Ponca names of the streams which flow through territory once claimed by the Omaha as their hunting grounds are given below. Much of this region was disputed by other tribes, who coveted the "sand hills " to the westward, where game was plentiful. The Omaha villages lay near the Missouri, not farther west than the Elkhorn; but the hunting grounds claimed by the tribe extended on the east from the Missouri to the Raccoon or Des Moines river, and on the west to the country of the Padouca, whose most easterly village, in the forks of the Dismal river, was known to the Omaha. The Pawnee in their northeastern migration encroached on the country watered by the Loup. They moved down the Platte to that river and built their villages there. In the battles which ensued the Pawnee villages were destroyed, but only to be rebuilt. Peace was made between the two tribes, and soon broken. Wars were followed by alliances against other enemies. a Meanwhile the Pawnee continued to encroach and finally obtained a foothold, but the ancient hunting right of the Omaha on the land was recognized by the Pawnee, for when the two tribes hunted together north' of the Platte, as they frequently did in the first half of the last century, the Omaha led, and Omaha officers controlled all persons taking part

oThe map indicates the places where well-known battles took place during contentions for control of this territory. Minor battle fields arc not marked; only those are indicated in which the number slain on both sides left a deep impression on the memory of the people.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

A Omaha villages

9 Principal Indian battlefields

COUNTRY KNOWN TO

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 21

"T" II f I El L.

EXPLANATION. — The extensive shaded area represents the country known to the Omaha; the included area of darker shading (cross hatched] , the country occu- P*e(^ ky *ke Omana'- an<i tne small rectangle bounded on the east by the Mis- souri River, the Omaha reservation

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIKONMENT ' RESULTANT INFLUENCES 89

in the hunt. When, however, the two tribes hunted together south of the Platte, the Pawnee led, and the Omaha hunters accepted the control of the Pawnee directors of the hunt.

The territory lying west of Shell creek and northward to the mouth of the Niobrara continued to be a disputed hunting ground among the Cheyenne, Dakota, Pawnee, Omaha, and Ponca until nearly 1857, when the region was finally ceded to the United States, In the treaty of cession the Pawnee claim was recognized and payments for the land were made to that tribe.

The country east of the Missouri was practically abandoned by the Omaha in the eighteenth century; their villages were then west of that river and the tribal hunts were conducted to the westward, but small parties sought elk and deer east of the Missouri up to the middle of the last century. The Omaha rights to the land east of that river were recognized in the treaties made in 1830, 1836, and 1854, when that territory was ceded to the United States.

STREAMS KNOWN TO THE OMAHA0

The Elkhorn and its tributaries

Wate/ Meaning unknown Elkhorn river.

Umon/hon waa i te Where the Omaha planted . Bell creek.

Logan hi te Where Logan came (to trade) . Hyde creek.

Ti'ha xa i ke Where the tent skins were Maple creek.

cached (at a time when the

Omaha went to fight the

Pawnee).

To^wo^h^ga The little village Clark creek.

Tacpon/hi bate ke Thorn-apple creek Lower Logan, including

Middle creek. Uki'pato" tenuga t'ethe te Where Uki'pato" killed a Pebble creek.

buffalo bull, or Pa/tithihu izhinge xa i te Where the son of Pa'tithihu

is buried. Niu'thite te The ford (buffalo hunting Gainings creek.

trail crossed here).

Zha'uzhi ke Weed creek Plum creek.

Monkon/ninida ke Sweet-flag creek Rock creek.

Monthin/xudetibe te Prairie-dog creek Humbug creek.

Monxux de anatushi kitha Where there was an explo- No name on maps; prob- i te. sion of gunpowder. ably dry run.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Taylor creek.

Uhe'caa i te Noisy-ford creek (so called LTnion creek, branch of

because the dangerous con- Taylor.

dition of the ford caused

excitement in crossing).

<i To the Omaha ear euphony demands that in composite terms but one accent be used, that given in the first word.

90 THE OMAHA TEIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

On/pon monthinka thatai te. Elk lick Dry run, first branch of

Taylor.

Mi'xa ucaa i te The lake that resounds with Lake west of Taylor creek,

the cackling of geese. south of Elkhorn.

E/zhon w^ax'ghi te One elm tree Dry run near town of Stan- ton, north of Elkhorn.

Umon/ecabe wae te Where Umon/ecabe planted. Dry run near Bursting

Powder creek.

Utha'dawo11 te Old name, Echo creek North fork of Elkhorn.

Monhon/honte Miry creek Willow creek, branch of

north fork of Elkhorn.

Hubthu'ga waci i te Where they fished for trout. . Battle creek.

Monkon/ninida ke Sweet-flag lake Lake near town of Warren,

above Battle creek.

Hidexthinge te No-outlet creek Creek east of town of Oak- dale, north of Elkhorn.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Creek near Oakdale, south

of Elkhorn.

Te'thishka i te Where the pack of the Sa- Upper Logan creek,

cred Buffalo Hide was un- branch of Logan, tied or opened.

The Platte and its tributaries

Ni btha'cka ke Flat river Platte river.

Tashnon/ge uzhi ke Ash creek Shell creek.

Keton/ke Turtle creek Silver creek.

Pon/xe ton ke Artichoke creek Wood river.

Nicki'the ke> Salt creek Salt creek.

Mon/shewakude uzho" ke. Where Mon/shewakude lies Wahoo creek.

(was buried). Mon/?eguhe uzhon ke Where Mon/ceguhe lies (was Rock creek.

buried). Pa'thi11 tiuthixthigethon.. The Old Pawnee village

(Pitahawirat). This was

the village attacked by

Wa'backa. (See story,

p. 406.)

The Loup and its tributaries

Nuton/ ke Plenty potato river Loup river.

Uki'thacoMe ke Hugging closely (to the Looking-glass creek.

Loup).

Zha'beto11 ke Plenty beaver creek Beaver creek.

Monga/shude te Dust creek Council creek.

Nibtha/ckazhinga ke Little Nibtha'fka Cedar creek.

Monga'nade ke Miry creek Timber creek.

Pa/thintonwonzhinga Little Pawnee village Horse creek.

Pa/thinmonhontonwon Skidi village Cottonwood creek.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Spring creek.

Ma'gi uthuthaha te Cedar river North Loup.

Nicni'te Cold water Calamus river.

Pehin/xewathe wathigtho11 Where Pehin/xewathe Oak creek,

te. prophesied.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 91

Zha'betihe te The beaver village No name on maps.

Shkon/shkontithe uzhonke. . In which Shkon/shkontithe Middle Loup.

lies (is buried).

No^ebubatigtha i te Where a hand was hung up. . Mud creek.

Te ni u'baacai ke Where a herd of buffalo Clear creek.

were driven into the wa ter.

Pa/donka non£a gaxa i ke . . Where the Padoura built Dismal river.

breastworks.

Kan/cezhinga anonzhin te.. Where Kan/cezhinga stood North Loup, west of Cala-

onahill. mus river.

Omaha Creek and its tributaries

Ton/wonni ke Village creek (a village was Omaha creek.

built on this creek by the Omaha).

Wace'co11 te White-clay creek First branch of Omaha

creek, near town of Ho mer (no name on maps).

Ki'bano" githa i te Where they raced Second branch of Omaha

creek (no name on maps).

Nithaton/ i te Where they drink water Third branch of Omaha

(there is a spring at the creek (no name on head where the people maps), stop to drink).

Blackbird Creeks

Xa'tha thethe te Running backward South Blackbird (flows

into the Missouri).

Wakon/dagi pezhi te The bad Wakon/dagi North Blackbird (flows into

the Missouri).

The Missouri and its tributaries

Nishu'de ke '... Turbid water Missouri.

Umon/hon waa i ke Where the Omaha farmed. . . Big Papilion.

Shaon/pethonba waxthi i te. Where they (Omaha and Branch of the Papilion.

Oto) killed 7 Sioux.

Uhe'ato" te The bridge creek. Creek between Homer and

Jackson, Nebraska (no name on maps).

Ta'gehite The walnut creek Elk creek.

Wace'co11 te White-clay creek Branch of Elk (no name on

maps).

Ma'xude waa i te Where the Iowa farmed Ayoway creek.

Sho^to^a wabaaca i te . . . Where the people were Branch of Ayoway creek.

frightened by gray wolves.

Thi'xeshpo" ugthe te Soft-willow creek Nameless creek having no

outlet south of Floyds river, flows into small lake, Iowa.

Wakon/daxuti te Meaning uncertain Floyds river.

Xe Buried Big Sioux, Iowa.

92 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Ton/wonni ke Village creek Bow creek, Nebraska.

Ni'ugashude te Turbid river White river.

Wate' Meaning unknown Little Sioux, Iowa.

Ni'xebe te Shallow water Bayer creek, Iowa.

Di'xe ut'a i te Where many died of the Creek running by Council

smallpox. Bluffs, Iowa (no name on

maps). Wace'co11 thica i te Where they take white clay. Vermilion creek, South

Dakota.

The Ponca and its tributaries

Ni'uthit'e te Death river [called so be- Ponca river.

cause many Ponca died

there.] Hon/ga waxthi i ke Where the Hon/ga people First creek to the north

were massacred. (no name on maps).

Pica'bahehe ugthe te (Creek) running through Second creek to the north

the sand hills. (no name on maps).

Pahe/zhon wec'a thaxta i te. Where Pahexzhon was bitten First creek to the south (no

by a snake. name on maps).

Monthin/ka sb.no n te Bare earth (so called because Second creek to the south

of the bare hill near the (no name on maps).

creek.)

Pon/ka shenonwathai thu- Creek running straight on, North fork of Ponca (no ton thethe te. where Ponca were massa- name on maps).

cred.

E'zhon tonga niuthutha- Large elm trees with stream South fork of Ponca (no c'inte. running among them. name on maps).

Keyabaha and its tributaries

Xe'i" azhi ke Cedar Ridge creek (so called Keyabaha.

from a ridge covered with cedar.)

Mon/gauti te Skunk creek Spring creek.

Kon/de uzhiha te The plum-bag creek Burton creek.

In/e uzhi wachishka te Rock creek Creek next to Burton, west

(no name on maps) .

Tax'ti wachishka te Deer creek Creek next to Rock creek,

west (no name on maps) . The Verdigris audits tributaries

Wace'tupezhi te The bad green-clay creek. . . Verdigris.

Wace'tupezhi hide uzhin- The little Wace tupezhi, First branch of Verdigris ga te. branch of Big Verdigris from the mouth on east

near its mouth. (no name on maps).

Ma'ci uzhi te Cedar creek Creek down which railroad

runs (no name on maps) ; second branch of Verdi gris on the east.

Monchu/tonga t'etha i te. . . Where Big Grizzly Bear was First branch of Verdigris

killed. (A man by this on west side (no name on name tried to take a horse maps), from some men and was killed by them on this creek.)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

93

Pa/thin nadathin te Where a Pawnee was crazed

by heat. (A Ponca in vited a Pawnee to a sweat lodge when the Ponca were camped on this creek. The Pawnee, not being able to endure the heat, fled without his clothes and was not heard of again.)

Where Hethi'shizhe made a feast to the chiefs.

Third branch of Verdigris on east (no name on maps) .

Hethi'shizhe gahi uhonte.

Zha'be uti i te Where there is a beaver vil lage, or dam.

Wani'tawaxa hi te Where Wani'tawaxa came.

(An Omaha by this name visited the Ponca at this place.)

Second branch of Verdi gris on west side (no name on maps).

Third branch of Verdigris on west side (no name on maps) .

Fourth branch of Verdigris on east side (no name on maps).

The Niobrara and branches Jrom the Verdigris on south side

Ni'ubthatha ke Wa'bakihe t'e te.

Tenu'gacabe wae te.

Mi/zhinga shinnuda ikinai

te. Ubi'cka izhunge t'e te.

She'hi ton te

Wau' waxthi i te

Shaon/pa awachi i te. . Ma'ah winthonthon te

Un/zhinga hi te

Mona' ithitin the"

Pica7 cka te

Gube^i te

Uhe/aton te...

Wide river

Where AVa'bakihe died.

Where Black Buffalo Bull

planted. Where a girl was bitten to

death by a dog. Where Ubi'cka's daughter

died. Thorn-apple creek

Where some women were killed by a war party.

Where a dance was held over the head of a Sioux.

Creek of the scattering cot- tonwood trees.

Hazelnut creek. .

The crooked-cliff creek. .

White-sand creek.

Hackberrv creek.

Tenu'ga t'e tha i te

The bridge creek. (At this creek a bridge would be built of tent poles and skins, the creek not being fordable.)

Where Buffalo Bull was killed.

Niobrara river.

First creek from Verdigris (no name on maps) .

Second creek from Verdi gris (no name on maps).

Third creek from Verdigris (no name on maps).

Fourth creek from Verdi gris (no name on maps).

Fifth creek from Verdigris (no name on maps).

Sixth creek from Verdigris (no name on maps) .

Seventh creek from Verdi gris (no name on maps).

Eighth creek from Verdi gris (no name on maps).

Ninth creek from Verdigris (no name on maps) .

Tenth creek from Verdigris (no name on maps).

Eleventh creek from Ver digris (no name on maps) .

Twelfth creek from Verdi gris, first w. of Keyabaha.

Ash creek. (?)

Long Pine. (?)

94

Wachi'shka cnede te.

Munchu' uti

C/in/de kmoncninda i te

Ni'xue te.. Ni' bice te.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

The long creek. (So called because of its length. At the head is a small lake and an old Padouca (Co- manche) village site. Here also was found a meteorite (?) which gave the name In'e thiho i tho11, ' ' place where they lifted a stone." The young men lifted the stone to test their strength.)

Bear creek. (There used to be many grizzlies at this place. There were cedar trees along this creek.)

Horse-tail creek. (The ap proaches to the ford were so steep that in going down the horses trod on one another's tails.)

The roaring waters. . .

[ETH. ANN. 27

Plum Creek. (?)

Caci'ka wabahi i te.

Pahe'nude te

The dry creek. (The peo ple had to dig wells when they camped here.)

Where they gathered tur- Snake river, keys. (Many turkeys were found here, starved to death, and men gath ered them to pluck the feathers to feather their arrows.)

Where they fought with peb bles. (When camped at this creek the boys fought one another, using pebbles as missiles.)

Where there is a ridge with a hole through it.

Fairfield creek. (?)

Small creek (no name on maps) .

Schlegels creek. (?) (There was a fort here.) Gordons creek.

Small creek on north side of Niobrara, a short dis tance above Fairfield.

Creek on north side of Nio brara, nearly opposite Horse-tail creek.

The Republican river

Waton/thata i ke. Niwa'xube ke. .

Paheshu'de ke Uha'i ke . .

Mikaxton

Where they ate squash Republican river.

Holy river Solomon river, Kansas.

Smoky hill Smoky Hill river.

The river down which they Ohio river.

came.

Plenty of raccoons Des Moines river.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 95

THE VILLAGE

SITE

The site for a village was always chosen near a running stream convenient to timber and generally not far from hills, from which an outlook over the country could be obtained. A watch was commonly stationed on these hills to detect the stealthy approach of enemies and to keep an eye on the horses pastured near by, although these were usually herded by boys during the day and brought into the village at night, where each family had a corral built near its lodge for safety. The bottom lands were the planting places; each family selected its plot, and as long as the land was cultivated its occupancy was respected. Corn, beans, squash, and melons were raised in considerable quantities, and w^hile these products were sometimes traded, they were usually stored for winter use.

Occasionally a man would take a fancy to some locality and deter mine to live there. He would be joined by his kindred, who would erect their lodges near his and cultivate gardens. Such outlying little settlements were a temptation to marauding war parties, and if an attack was made by a large party of enemies, capture and death were sure to follow; any degree of safety was secured only through untiring vigilance.

DWELLINGS

The earth lodge and the tipi (tent) were the only types of dwelling used by the Omaha during the last few centuries.

The tipi (pi. 17 and fig. 16) was a conical tent. Formerly the cover was made of 9 to 12 buffalo skins tanned on both sides. To cut and sew this cover so that it would fit well and be shapely when stretched over the circular framework of poles required skilful workmanship, the result of training and of accurate measurements. The cover was cut semicircular. To the straight edges, wrhich were to form the front of the tent, were added at the top triangular flaps. These were to be adjusted by poles according to the direction from which the wind blew, so as to guide the smoke from the central fire out of the tent. These smoke-flaps were called ti'hugabthintha (from ti, "tent or house;" liugabihiniha, "to twist"). At intervals from about 3 feet above the bottom up to the smoke-flaps holes were made and worked in the straight edges. Through these holes pins (sticks) about 8 inches long, well shaped and often ornamented, were thrust to fasten the tent together, when the twTo edges lapped in front or were laced together with a thong. This front lap of the tent was called ti'moHhuke (from ti, "tent"; montliuhe, "breast"). The term refers to the part of the hide forming the lap. The tent poles were 14 to 16 feet long. Straight young cedar poles were preferred. The bark was

96

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

removed and the poles were rubbed smooth. The setting up of a tent was always a woman's task. She first took four poles, laid them together on the ground, and then tied them firmly with a thong about 3 feet from one end. She then raised the poles and spread their free ends apart and thrust them firmly into the ground. These four tied poles formed the true framework of the tent. Other poles — 1 0 to 20 in number, according to the size of the tent — were arranged in a circle, one end pressed well into the ground, the other end laid in the forks made by the tied ends of the four poles. There was a defi nite order in setting up the poles so that they would lock one another, and when they were all in place they constituted an elastic but firm

FIG. 16. Tipi.

frame, which could resist a fairly heavy wind. There was no name for the fundamental four poles, nor for any other pole except the one at the back, to which the tent cover was tied. This pole was called tefi,n'deugaslike, "the one to which the buffalo tail was tied." The name tells that the back part of the tent cover was a whole hide, the tail indicating the center line. When the poles were all set, this back pole was laid on the ground and the tent cover brought. This had been folded so as to be ready to be tied and opened. The front edges had been rolled or folded over and over back to the line indicating the middle of the cover; on this line thongs had been sewed at the top and bottom of the cover; the cover was laid on the ground

' OF .AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22

EARTH LODGE-FRAMEWORK AND STRUCTURE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 97

in such manner that this back line was parallel to the pole, which was then securely tied to the cover by the thongs. When this was done, the pole and the folded tent cover were grasped firmly together, lifted, and set in place. Then, if there were two women doing the work, one took one fold of the cover and the other the other fold, and each walked with her side around the- framework of poles. The two straight edges were then lapped over each other and the wooden pins were put in or the thong was threaded. Each of the lower ends of the straight edges had a loop sewed to it, and through both loops a stake was thrust into the ground. The oval opening formed the door, which was called tizhe'be. Over this opening a skin was hung. A stick fastened across from one foreleg to the other, and another stick running from one hindleg to the other, held this covering taut, so that it could be easily tipped to one side when a person stooped to enter the oval door opening. It was always an interesting sight to watch the rapid and precise movements of the women and their deftness in setting up a tent. On a journey, no matter how dark the evening might be when the tent was pitched the opening was gener ally so arranged as to face the east. In the village, or in a camping place likely to be used for some time, a band of willow withes was bound around the frame of poles about midway their height to give additional stability.

The earth lodge (pis. 19, 22) was a circular dwelling, having walls about 8 feet high and a dome-shaped roof, with a central opening for the escape of smoke and the admission of light. The task of building an earth lodge was shared by men and women. The marking out of the site and the cutting of the heavy logs were done by the men. When the location was chosen, a stick was thrust in the spot where the fireplace was to be, one end of a rawhide rope was fastened to the stick and a circle 20 to 60 feet in diameter was drawn on the earth to mark where the wall was to be erected. The sod within the circle was removed, the ground excavated about a foot in depth, and the earth thrown around the circle like an embankment. Small crotched posts about 10 feet high were set 8 or 10 feet apart and 1J feet within the circle, and on these were laid beams. Outside this frame split posts were set close together, having one end braced against the bot tom of the bank and the other end leaning against the beams, thus forming a wall of timber. The opening generally, though not always, faced the east. Midway between the central fireplace and the wall were planted 4 to 8 large crotched posts about 10 feet in height, on which heavy beams rested, these serving to support the roof. This was made of long, slender, tapering trees stripped of their bark. These were tied at their large ends with cords (made from the inner bark of the linden) to the beams at the top of the stockade and at the mid dle to those resting in the crotches of the large posts forming the

83993°— 27 ETH— 11— -7

98

THE OMAHA TETBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

inner circle about the fireplace. The slender ends were cut so as to form the circular opening for the smoke, the edges being woven together with elm twine, so as to be firm. Outside the woodwork of the walls and roof, branches of willow were laid crosswise and bound tight to each slab and pole. Over the willows a heavy thatch of coarse grass was arranged so as to shed water. On the grass was placed a thick coating of sod. The sods were cut to lap and be laid like shingles. Finally they were tamped with earth and made impervious to rain. The entrance way, 6 to 10 feet long, projected from the door and was built in the same manner as the lodge and formed a part of it. A curtain of skin hung at the inner and one at the outer door of this entrance way. Much labor was expended on the floor of the lodge. The loose earth was carefully removed and the ground then tamped. It was next flooded with water, after which dried grass was spread over it and set on fire. Then the ground was tamped once again. This wetting and heating was repeated two or three times, until the floor became hard and level and could be easily swept and kept clean. Brooms were made of brush or twigs tied together. Couches were arranged around the wall in the spaces between the posts of the framework. These were provided with skins and pillows and served as seats by day and as beds by night. In the building of an earth lodge the cutting and putting on of the

sods was always done by women, and as this part of the task had to be accomplished rapidly to prevent the drying out of the sods, which must hold well together, kindred helped one another. The erection of this class of dwelling required considerable labor, hence only the industrious and thrifty pos sessed these lodges.

Near each dwelling, generally to the left of the entrance, the cache (fig. 1 7) was built. This consisted of a hole in the ground about 8_feet deep, rounded at the bottom and sides, provided with a neck just large enough to admit the body of a person. The whole was lined with split posts, to which was tied an inner lining of bunches of dried grass. The opening was pro tected by grass, over which sod was placed. In these caches the winter supply of food was stored; the shelled corn was put into skin bags, long strings of corn on the cob were made by braiding the outer husks, while the jerked meat was packed in parfleche cases. Pelts, regalia, and extra clothing were generally kept in the cache; but these were laid in ornamented parfleche cases, never used but for this purpose.

FIG. 17. Common form of cache.

•'

•• "f ,- IV • *

r * \ *N . • -7U > »
... I _^x

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 99

When the people left the village for the summer buffalo hunt, all cumbersome household articles — as the mortars and pestles, extra hides, etc. — were placed in the caches and the openings carefullv concealed. The cases containing gala clothing and regalia were taken along, as these garments were needed at the great tribal ceremonies which took place during that period.

In a village in which the entire tribe lived the lodges and tents were not arranged about a central open space nor were they set so the people could live in the order of their gentes, an order observed when they were on the hunt and during their tribal ceremonies. Yet each family knew to what gens it belonged, observed its rites, and obeyed strictly the rule of exogamy. To the outward appearance a village presented a motley group of tribesmen. The dwellings and their adjacent corrals wrere huddled together; the passageways between the lodges were narrow and tortuous.- There was little of the picturesque. The grass and weeds that grew over the earth lodges wrhile the people were off on their summer buffalo hunt were all cut away when the tribe returned. So, except for the decorations on the skin tents, there was nothing to relieve the dun-colored aspect. (PI. 23.)

The village was never wholly deserted, even when most of the tribe left for the annual buffalo hunt; for the sick, the infirm, and the very poor were forced to remain behind. This class of stay-at-homes were called he'begthin, "those who sit half-way." Usually a sprinkling of able-bodied men remained with their old or sick relatives, and these served as a guard, to defend the village in case of an attack. Occasionally a young man or two would remain in the village in order to be near a sweetheart who had to stay at home and help care for the sick in her family.

HISTORIC VILLAGES AND PLACES

Ton'wonpezM, Bad Village. This name, bestowed on an old village built by the Omaha in their migration down the Missouri river, owes its origin to a tragedy which for a number of years caused a division in the tribe. (See p. 85.) This village was located on East Bow creek, in the northeast part of township 32, range 2 east of the sixth principal meridian, Cedar county, Nebraska.

Ton'wontongathon, Large Village. This town was on Omaha creek in Dakota county, Nebraska, about half a mile north of the present town of Homer; it was built in the eighteenth century, and the people were found here by Lewis and Clark in 1805.

Tenu' ganonpewaihe sTikonthaiihon , "The place where the camp of Tenu'ganonpewathe (father of Kaxe'nonba) was attacked " in 1840 by an unknown tribe and a number were killed on both sides. The fight took place on Cedar creek, Albion county, Nebraska, in town ship 19, range 8 west of the sixth principal meridian.

100 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETII. ANN. 27

Ezhnon> zhuwagthe sJikonthaiihon , "The place where Ezhnon'zhuwa- gthe was attacked." This battle between a part of the Omaha and one of the Sioux tribes was fought in the same year (1840) on Beaver creek, in the southeastern part of township 21 , range 7 west of the sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

Ton'wonzhinga, The Little Village. This was the name of the village built by the Omaha on Elkhorn river, near Clark creek, in Dodge county, Nebraska, in the spring of 1841, the tribe having moved there from the Missouri river on account of attacks by the Sioux. There were few earth lodges, as the village was occupied for only two years, after which the people went back to their old village on Omaha creek, Dakota county, Nebraska.

Pdhu'ihondathon, "The hill rising in the center of a plain." This village on Papilion creek, about 8 miles west of the present town of Bellevue, was built in 1847. The tribe lived there until they sold their lands to the United States Government in 1854; two years later they moved to their present reservation some 80 miles northward.

Ton'wongaxe s7ikonthaithon, "The place where Ton/wTongaxe was attacked." The assault on the Omaha camp here referred to was made by the Yarikton and Santee on December 12, 1846. At the time of the attack the camp, composed mostly of old men, women, and children, was on the Missouri river near the northeast corner of township 21, range 11 east of the sixth principal meridian, Burt county, Nebraska. Ton/wongaxe, or Village Maker, was the only chief present at the time of the attack. From this fact the place took its name. All the other chiefs were on a buffalo hunt, with most of the men of the tribe, wrho knewT nothing of the attack until they returned. More than 80 persons were slain.

U'hontonga fethaithon, "Where U'hontonga was killed," in town ship 24, range 17 west of the sixth principal meridian, Loup county, Nebraska. U'hontonga, or Big Cook, a prominent Omaha, was one of the warriors killed in a battle fought at this place with the Oglala and other Sioux tribes in 1852.

TJiugina gaxihiitlion , "The place where Thugina (Logan Fonte- nelle) was slain." Logan Fontenelle (fig. 18), a prominent half breed of the Omaha tribe, while hunting alone was killed by the Oglala Sioux in the summer of 1855. The Sioux made a charge on the Omaha camp when the Omaha were moving. Some of the Sioux war riors came on Logan in a ravine where he had dismounted to pick gooseberries. When he discovered the Sioux he sprang on his horse and made for the ford to rejoin his tribe, who were on the opposite side of the stream, but he was overtaken and killed before he reached the ford. This account of his death was given by Kaxe'nonba, or Two Crows, who went in search of Logan immediately after the fight, and

FLETCHER-LA FLEscHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

101

traced the course of his flight from the gooseberry bush to the spot where the body was found. This fight took place on Beaver creek, in the northern part of township 21, range 7 west of the sixth prin cipal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

Wanon'kuge sTikoniha i thon (for portrait of Wanon'kuge, see fig. 44), "Where Wanon'kuge was at tacked." This battle, between a part of the Omaha and the Oglala Sioux, took place in August, 1859. A number of lives were lost in the battle, the attacking party of Sioux suffering greater loss than the Omaha. Two Omaha, a woman and a child, were taken captive. The child was returned , and the woman, after many ad ventures, found her way back to her people. This fight was on Beaver creek, in township 20, range 6 west of the sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

The following names were given by the Omaha to the cities and towns named below: Pahi' zhide tonwon,

FIG. 18. Logan Fontenclle.

Hair

red

St. Louis.

town (Referring to the color of Governor Clark's hair.)

We'f'a fdbe thiiha i thon, Leavenworth.

Snake black they take the (place)

Umon'hon tonwon, Omaha City.

Omaha town

SJiao11' tonwon, Sioux City.

Sioux town

Zhon mufa i thon, Fremont.

Pole they planted the place

Uzha'ta thon, Columbus.

Forks the (of the Platte and the Loup)

Ni flcithe, Lincoln (Salt town, because situated near the stream to which the people went to gather salt).

TRIBES KNOWN TO THE OMAHA

The following are the Omaha names for the tribes that are known to them.

Of their own linguistic stock they know the following:

Ponca, Pon/ca.

Quapaw, Uga'xpa. The name means "downstream."

Osage, \Vazha/zhe.

Kaw or Kansa, KoD/ce.

102 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Iowa, Ma'xude. Ma'xude is a corruption of Pa'xude, meaning "gray head," the name by which the Iowa call themselves.

Oto, Wathu'tada. This is not the name by which the Oto speak of themselves. Missouri, Niu'tachi. The name means "those who came floating down dead/' Winnebago, Huxtunga. Mandan, Mawa/dani.

Crows, Ka'xe niashiga (from ka'xe, "crow;" ni'ashiga, "people"). Yankton, Ihon/tonwin.« An Omaha version of the Yanktons' own name. Santee, Incon/ati.a The name means "those who dwell on the white rocks." Oglala, Ubtha'tha."

Of tribes belonging to other linguistic stocks the Omaha have names for the following:

Pawnee, Pa'thi".

Arikara, Pa'thinpiya. The name means "sand Pawnee."

Caddo, Pa'thi "wacabe. This name means "black Pawnee."

Wichita are known as Wichita.

Cheyenne, Shahi'etha.

Blackfeet, Ci'cabe. The Omaha name means "blackfeet."

Sank, Ca'ge.

{•Maxpi'ato ("blue clouds"). Kiowa J

Comanche, Pa'du"ka (Padouca).

Kickapoo, Ili'gabu.

Potawatomie, Wahi'uthaxa. This name is a corruption of the Oto name for this tribe, Woraxa.

Bannock, Ba'uiki. The Omaha name is probably a modification of Bannock.

Nez Perces, Pegacunde. This tribe was known through the Ponca. The name given them means "braids on the forehead."

That the Omaha have a name for the Arikara and one which indi cates a knowledge of their relationship to the Pawnee, and yet have none for the northern Sioux tribes who belong to their own linguistic stock, is an interesting point, particularly when taken in connection with the influence exercised on the tribe by the Arikara, mentioned on p. 75. There is no name for the Chippewa group, yet it is not improbable that the tribes long ago came more or less into contact. The similarity between the ' ' Shell society ' ' of the Omaha and the "Grand Medicine" of the Chippewa suggests some communication, direct or indirect, though all knowledge of how the Shell society was introduced has been lost. Nor do the Omaha seem to know anything of the tribes of the Muskhogean or Iroquoian stock to the south and east; nor of those belonging to the Shoshonean and Athapascan stocks to the west and southwest. They knew of the Rocky Mountains, which they called Pahe'monshi, meaning "high hills" or "mountains." Yet they seem never to have come into contact with the tribes living so far to the west. The Black Hills of South Dakota were familiar to them, and were known as Pahe'cabe, the word meaning literally "black hills."

a This is one of the three distinctive names by which the bands of the Dakota are known. There is a general name for all persons speaking that language, Shaun/ --possibly a corruption of Sioux.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 103

The Ponca names for the above tribes were similar to the Omaha names, with few exceptions. The Crows were called by two names, Hu'patitha and Konxe' wichasha11. The names given by Ponca to the Yankton and the Santee were identical with those used by the Omaha, but they had distinct names for the following bands of Sioux:

Lower Brule, Ku'dawichasha. Lower people. Rosebud Brule, Sha/unixti. Real or Pure Sioux. Oglala, Pine Ridge Sioux, Sichon/xu. Burnt leg.

The Ponca have names for the following tribes for which the Omaha have none:

Cherokee, Che'thuki. Probably a corruption of Cherokee. Ni'kathate, Tonkawa.

It is probable that the Ponca gained knowledge of these two tribes while in the Indian Territory, and that their posession of distinctive names for the bands of the Sioux is to be accounted for by their living near the people and lighting both for and against them during the last century.

FAUNA AND FLORA KNOWN TO THE OMAHA ANIMALS

Animals (general term), Wani'ta [The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food]

• Antelope, Tachu'ge.

• Badger, Xu'ga. Bat, Dide'shi. *Bear, black, Waca'be.

• Bear, grizzly, Mouchu/.

• Beaver, Zha'be.

• Buffalo, Te.

Cat, domestic, Ingthun/ga. *Cat, wild, Ingthun/ga.

• Cattle, domestic, Te'yka.

• Chipmunk, Tashni'ga.

Cougar, Ingthun9in/ynede (long-tailed cat). Coyote, MVkafi.

• Deer, Ta'xti. *Dog, Shin/nuda.

Donkey (see Mule), Nita'tonga nushiaha (big ears low).

Elephant, Tiba'xia tha (push over a house — refers to its strength).

*Elk, On/pon.

Ermine, Inchun/gagka (white mouse).

Fox, a small variety, Mouthia/kasheha.

Fox, gray, Maxzhonha.

Fox, red, Ti/konxude.

Frog, Te'bia.

Goat, He'cakiba.

Gopher, Monthin/ga.

*Hog, Ku'kufi.

104 THE OMAHA TRIBE IKTH. AXX. 27

Horse, Shon/ge.

Lion, Wanixta waxa (greater animal).

Lizard, Wagthishka heduba (four-legged bug).

Lynx, Ingthun/ga hin shkube (furry wild eat).

Mice, Inchun/ga.

Mice that live in dry bones, Tepauti (tepa, buffalo skull; utc, to live in).

Mice that store food, Inchun/ga waxema (mice that cache).

Mink, Tushin/ge.

Mole, Nonbexxawin (hands turned backward).

Monkey, Ishtin/thinke (a mythical, mischievous, capricious being, representing the wind. Because of its acts in the myths its name was transferred to the monkey when the Omaha first saw that animal.)

Mule (see Donkey), Nita ton/ga (big ears).

*Musk rat, CinXnedewagithe.

• Opossum, Inshtin'pa. Otter, Nuzhno11'. Porcupine, Baxhin. Prairie dog, Monthin/xude.

• Rabbit, Monshtin/ge.

• Rabbit, jack, Monshtin/cka (white rabbit).

• Raccoon, Mikax,

• Rat, Inchon/tonga (big mouse).

• Sheep, domestic, Taxxticka.

• Sheep, Rocky Mountain, Pashton/ga.

• Skunk, Mon'ga. Snail, Nihax. Snake, Wexc'a.

Snake, black, Wexc'a cabe (black snake). Snake, bull, Nithaxxupa (water sucker). Snake, garter, Wexc'anideka. Snake, moccasin, Shexki. Snake, rattle, Cathux.

• Squirrel, ground, Hexxthin.

• Squirrel, tree, Cin/ga.

Toad, Ikon/git'e (his grandmother is dead). Tortoise, Kexgthece (striped turtle). *Turtle, Ke.

• Turtle, diamond-back (terrapin), Kehaxmonzhide (red-breast turtle.)

• Turtle, snapping, Kex tonga (big turtle).

• Turtle, soft-shell, Ke haxbe bedon (flexible-shell turtle). Weasel, In/chungaci (yellow mouse).

Wolf, gray, Shon/tonga.

BIRDS

Bird (general term), Wazhin'ga [The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food]

American bittern, Mon'xata wadonbe (looks up at the sky).

• Bee martin, or king bird, Watixduka. Belted kingfisher, Nonxixde shkunin.

• Blackbird, Mo-'gthi'xta. Blue-bird, WazhinXtu (blue bird).

Blue jay, Pcho^agiudu11 (fond of mice).

• Crane, Pexton.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 105

Crow, Ka'xe.

• Curlew, Ki'kcPci.

• Curlew, long-billed (Numenius longirostris), Kixkatonga (big curlew).

• Dove, Thi'ta.

*Dove, Carolina or common, Thitatonga (big dove).

*Duck, Mi'xazhinga (little goose).

Duck, blue-winged teal (Querquedula dlscors), A'hi" hide tu, (blue wing); also Mi'xa wagthonxe, ' ' betrayer duck, ' ' so called because it betrayed the water monster in the myth of Ha/xegi .

*Duck, mallard, green head (Anas boschas), Pa'hitu (green neck).

• Duck, wood, summer duck, bridal duck (Aix spousa), Mi'xa zhinga xage egun (the crying duck).

Eagle, Xitha'.

Eagle, bald, Pacun/ (whitish head).

Eagle, golden (Aquila chrysaetus) , Xitha' fka (white eagle).

Eagle, gray sea, Xitha' gthezhe (spotted eagle).

Flicker, Thon/ciga.

• Goose, Mi'xa.

• Goose, American white-footed, Canadian goose, Mi'xa tonga (big goose).

• Goose, lesser snow (Chen hyperborea), Ki(;nun/. Gull, Ne'tha.

Hawk, American sparrow, Gthedon/.

Hawk, night, Te'ubixo11 (the buffalo inflator).

Hawk, red shoulder, Gthonshkax.

Hawk, red tail, In/beciga (yellow tail).

Hawk, swallow-tailed or fork-tailed kite, In/be zhonka (forked tail).

Hawk, white tail, Gthonshka/ xithaegon (hawk like an eagle).

Humming bird, Wati'ninika wazhinga (butterfly bird).

• Lark, pallid horned, Ma'yi cka.

Magpie, American, Wazhin/be cnede (long-tail bird).

• Meadow lark, Ta/tithinge. Owl, Pa'nuhu.

Owl, barred, Wapu'gahahada.

Owl, horned, Pa'nuhu heton egon (owl having horns).

Owl, screech, Nex thazhibe.

Owl, snowy, In/chun5Un (now white).

Pelican, American white, Bthexxe.

• Prairie hen or chicken lesser, Shu.

• Quail (bobwhite), IFshiwathe (one who fools (people)).

• Robin, Pa^hi11 wazhinga (Pawnee bird).

• Snipe, Ton/in. Swallow, Nishku'shku.

*Swan, American white, Mi/xayon (white goose). Thrush, Tacka^ka.

• Turkey, Cif^ka. Turkey vulture, Hexga. Whippoorwill, Haxkugthi.

• Woodcock, American (Philohela minor), Paxxthega (freckled head). Woodpecker, hairy, Zhon/panini.

Woodpecker, pileated, ivory bill, \Vazhin/gapa (bird head)." Woodpecker, red-headed, Tuxcka or Muxxpa. Wren, Kixaxaja (laughing bird).

o The head of this bird is used on the tribal and the Wa'wan pipes.

106 THE OMAHA TRIBE [HTH. ANN. 27

INSECTS

Insects, bugs, etc. (general term), Wagthi'shka

Ants, Zhon/gthishka (wood bugs — no varieties distinguished). Bee, Kigtho^xe.

Beetle, Wagthi'shka (the general name for bugs). Butterfly, Wati'nini ka.

Caterpillar, Wagthi'shka (general term for bugs). Fly, Hon/t'ega.

Grasshopper, Xthonxthor/shka. Lightning-bug, Wanaxxonxon. Locust, Watha'yae (noisy bug). Mosquito, Nahonga.

Spider, Uki'gthicke (weaving itself — no name for varieties).

Worm, angle, Monthin/ka shibe (ground intestine). No general term for worms; all are called Wagthi'shka, the name applied also to beetles and bugs.

PISH

Fish (general term), Huhu [The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food]

• Buffalo fish, Hui'buta (round mouth). Catfish, Tu'ce.

Crawfish and lobster, Mon/shka. Eels, no name; they are not eaten.

• Garfish, Hupa'cicnede (long-nose fish). Leech, Kicna'.

Mussels, clams, oysters, Ti'haba.

• Pickerel, Hugthe'zhe (spotted fish).

• Trout, Hubthu'ga (round fish).

TREES

Tree, or bush (general term), Xtha'be; wood, felled trees (general term), Zhon. The names below are given according to their customary use. The terminal syllable hi means "stalk," as the stalk of the corn, the trunk of the tree, the vine of the potato.

Apple tree, She' hi.

Ash, Tazhnon/ge.

Box elder, Zha'beta zhon (beaver wood).

Buffalo berry tree, Wazhi'de hi.

Cedar, red, Ma'ci.

Cherry tree, Non/pa hi.

Coffee-bean tree, Non/tita hi.

Cotton wood, Mah'ah.

Elm, E'zho".

Hackberry tree, Gube' hi.

Hazel, On/zhinga hi.

Hickory, Non/ci.

Ironwood, Hext'azhonta.

Linden, Hin/de hi.

Maple, Wexnashabethe hi (black dye tree).

Mulberry, Zhonci, (yellow wood).

Oak, red, Buxde hi, and Non bon naxthi", "flame " (favorite firewood).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 107

Oak, white, Tosh'ka hi.

Osage orange, Zhonci (yellow wood).

Plum tree, Kon/de hi.

Red haw, thorn apple tree, Ta£pon/ hi.

Spruce, Ma'ci.

Walnut, black, Ta'ge hi.

Willow, Thi'xe.

Willow, diamond, Thi'xe kibthonbthonxe (gnarled willow).

Willow, hard, Thi'xe £agi (hard willow).

Willow, soft, Thi'xe ushpon (soft willow).

THE HUMAN BODY AS KNOWN TO THE OMAHA

Head (not including face), Nonshki'.

Head (including face), Pa.

Brain, We'thixthi.

Side of head from ear up, Nontha/de.

Ear, Nita'.

Helix, Nitabaxu'ke (baxu'ke, ridge).

Lobe, Nitaushton/ga (ushton/ya, soft).

Ear (inner part or organ of hearing), Nonxi'de.

Top of head, Taxpi'.

Back of head, Tai'.

Face, Inde'.

Forehead, Pe.

Temples, Nontha/dehonhon (/io»/to«, to throb).

Center of forehead, Peuta'non (u(anon, between).

Eyebrow, Inshta/nonxixe.

Depression between eyebrows, Pau'ckida.

Eye, Inshta.

White of the eye, Inshta'uc^ka thon.

Pupil, P^shta' usha betho11.

Socket, Pshta^gtho11 (ugthon, to put into a hollow place).

Eyelid, Pehta'ha (ha, skin).

Upper lid, Inshta/ha igabizhe (igabizhe, to wink with) .

Eyelashes, Inshta/thehin.

Hair of head (human), Nouzhi/ha or PahF.

Hair on forehead, Pehin/.

Hair on boSy (human or animal), Hin.

Nose, Pa.

Bridge of nose, Paxixxe.

Tip of nose, Pash^zhe.

Nostrils, Paxxthuge (xthuge, hole).

Wing of nose, Paugaxdazhe (uga'dazhe, base).

Septum, Paushtou/ga (shto^ga, soft) .

Cheek, The'xoMe.

Cheekbone, Inde/nonhin.

Mouth, I.

Lips, Fha.

Corners of mouth, Ixthede.

Jaw, Thexba.

Joint of jaw, Thexbaugthe.

108 THE OMAHA TRIBE [KTH. ANN. 27

Teeth, Hi.

Molars, Hiu'tc^ga.

Gums, Hizhu'.

Tongue, The'cc.

Tip of tongue, Thece'pat/i (p«ft/, tip).

Base of tongue, There'hide (hide, base).

Ridge above teeth and roof of mouth, Konbthaxde.

Chin, I'ki.

Double chin, The/ba/hu.

Neck, Pa'hi.

Chords at side of neck, Nu'deko".

Hollow at base of neck in front, The/shkaxthuah.

Two chords at the back of neck, Tai/kon.

Hollow at nape of neck, Taiu'gthe.

Throat, Nu'de.

Adam's apple, Nu'de tashe (tashe, lump).

Windpipe, Nu'dexixibe.

Pharynx, Wexnonbthe.

Body, Zhu'ga.

Breast, Mon/ge.

Mamma, Monce'.

Nipples, Monce'pa.

Collar bone, Mo^ge wahi (mon'ge, breast; wahi, bone).

Sternum, Temon/hin.

Ribs, Thi'ti.

Short ribs, Thi/tiusha/gthe.

Epigastric region, Monhin/be.

Lumbar region, Thie.

Hypogastric region, Tapu' or Washna'.

Umbilical region, Ni'xa.

Navel, The/tashon.

Waist, Texee.

Spine, No^xahi.

Coccyx, Ci^de ita (cin'de, tail; ita, end).

Back, No^ka.

Muscles on kside of spine, lower end, Takin/de.

Sinew beneath these muscles, Teno^kako".

Fleshy bunch on back below neck, Arbaku.

Shoulder, Inke/de.

Shoulder blade, Waba'co".

Arm, A.

Upper arm, Auto^ga (uto^ga, large part).

Lower arm, Auxcni.

Muscles on front of upper arm, A/konta.

Muscles on back upper arm, A'zhuhi.

Armpit, Nucr7.

Elbow, Actu'hi.

Wrist, Nonbe/ushonshou (ushonshon, pliable).

Hand, N^be'.

Palm of hand, Nonbexuthonda (uthonda, center).

Fingers, Nonbe/hi or Ucaxbe.

Thumb, No^e'hi utc^ga (utonga, big).

Index finger, Nonbexhi weabacu (weabagu, to point with).

FLETCHEK-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 109

Middle finger, Nonbexhiuthicon (uthecon, middle).

Finger next to little one, Nonbexhi uzhinga tithuato" (uthuaton, next to one).

Little finger, Nonbe/hi uzhi"ga (uzhinga, little).

Tip of finger, Nonbexhi itaxe.

Nails, Shaxge. The same word is applied to claws and hoofs.

Knuckles, Nonbe/ushonshon.

Contents of body, the internal organs, U'gaxectha.

Heart, Nonde.

Lungs, Thaxxi.

Liver, Pi.

Gall, Pizix.

Kidney, Tea/contaci.

Bladder, Xexxe.

Intestines, Shi'be.

Small intestine, Shi/be uzhinga.

Large intestine, Shi'be utonga.

Layer of fat covering stomach and internal organs, Hu'xthabe.

Groin, Itixwashkon.

Hips, CiMe'hi.

Hip joint, Zhegaxugthe; also U'gaho", where the cut is made in butchering.

Body between hip joint and ribs, "ticklish place," Shtashta'de.

Legs, Zhixbe or Hi.

Upper leg, thigh, Zhegaxutonga.

Inner, flat part of thigh, Kexgon.

Upper part of thigh, (,'icu'.

Flat part of thigh near buttock, Zhegax ubtharka.

Buttock, NFde.

Knee, whole of knee, Shinon/de.

Kneejoint, Hi^kite.

Kneecap, Shinon/dewashkou.

End of fibula, Hia'xte.

Shin, Non/xpehi.

Calf of leg, Hiuca'gi.

Ankles, Ciko117.

Ankle bones, Citaxxe.

Feet, gi.

Soles, Cihaxton.

Instep, top, Ciuxnonxixe.

Instep, hollow below, (>'iuxnonckida.

Tendon achilles, Hixkon.

Heel, githexde.

Toes, gipa'hi.

Great toe, Cipaxhi utonga.

Next (second) toe, Cipaxhi utonga uthuato" (ntl/uato", next to).

Middle toe, Cipaxhi uthiyo" (ufhiqon, middle).

Next toe, gipaxhi uazhinga uthuato".

Little toe, Cipaxhi uzhinga (uzhinga, little).

Bones, \Vahix.

Skin, Ha or Xinhax.

Marrow, Wazhixbe.

Veins, Kon.

Skull devoid of flesh, Nixkapa.

110 THE OMAHA TKTBE [ETH. ANN. 27

MISCELLANEOUS TERMS USED BY THE OMAHA

NATURAL OBJECTS AND PHENOMENA

Sky, Mon/xe.

Sun, Mi.

Moon, Nion/ba.

Stars, Mika'e.

North Star, Mika/emonthinazhi (mikae, star; monthin, walk or move; azhi, not).

Pleiades. This constellation bore the ancient name of Tapax (deer's head), but this term, which had a religious significance, was not commonly used, the popular name being Mixaei'zhi^ga (little duck's foot).

Great Bear, Wa'baha, the litter.

The Morning or Evening Star, Mikaxetonga (big star).

Meteor, Mika'e uxpathe (stars fall) .

Clouds, Monxpi/.

Rain, Non/hin/.

Mist, Shu'de monhon (smoke on the earth).

Hail, Ma'ci.

Snow, Ma.

Thunder, Ingthun/huton (Juiton, to cry; ingtltu™ implies the idea of a creature simi lar to a bird).

Lightning, Thion/ba.

Rainbow, Tushni'ge.

Light, Ugo^ba.

Darkness, Uga/honnonpaye.

Night, Hon.

Day, On/ba.

Dawn, On/ba contihe (day lies pale).

Morning, Hone/gonche.

Noon, Mi/thumonflhi (sun high).

Dusk, Inde/honnonpace (face hidden in darkness).

Evening, Pa'ce.

Water, Ni.

Ice, Nu'xe.

Wind, Tade'.

Fire, Pexde.

Smoke, ShuMe.

Charcoal, Nonxther.

Ashes, Monxu/de (gray earth).

Heat, Naxkade.

Cold, LT/cni.

Earth, Ton/de.

Land, Monzhon.

Lake, Ne/utheshon.

River, Ni.

Creek, Wachv'shka.

TASTE

Sweet, Cki'the.

Salt,

Sour, [ g'a'the.

Acid, J

Stringent, T'l/xe.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 111

Bitter, Pa.

Taste of nuts,] „

m < c e t ( ^onbe.

Taste of fat; J

Salt, the article, Nicki'the (sweet water).

COLORS

White, gka.

Pale, gon.

Black, ga'be.

Green, Tu.

Blue, Tu ca'be.

Yellow, gi.

Red, Zhi'de.

Gray or Brown, Xu'de.

POINTS OF THE COMPASS

North, Ucni'atathisho11 (uqni, cold; ata, there; thishon, toward) — toward the cold.

East, Miuia'tathisho" (mi, sun; ui, it conies; ata, there; thishon, toward) — toward the coming of the sun.

South, Mo^htea'tathisho11 (monshte, heat; ata, there; thishon, toward) — toward the heat.

West, Mi'itheatathiBho" (mi, sun; ithe, gone; ata, there; thishon, toward) — toward where the sun has gone.

Cp (as when the pipes are pointed upward), Mo^xata (mo^xa, sky; ta, ata, there).

Down (as when the pipes are pointed downward), Ton/deata (tonde, earth; ata, there).

DIVISIONS OF TIME

January, Ho^ga umubthi ike: When the snow drifts into the tents of the Hon/ga.

February, Mi'xa agthi ike: The moon when geese come home (come back).

March, Pe'nishka mieta ike: The little frog moon.

April, Miu/onthinge ke: The moon in which nothing happens.

May, Mi waa7 ike: The moon in which they (the tribe) plant.

June, Tenu'gamigauna ike: The buffalo bulls hunt the cows.

July, Tehuxtan ike: When the buffalo bellow.

August, Un/ponhutan ike: When the elk bellow.

September, Ta'xte mannonxa ike: When the deer paw the earth.

October, Ta'xti kithix'a ike: When the deer rut.

November, Ta'xte hebaxon/ ike: When the deer shed the antlers.

December, Waca'be zhinga i'da ike: When the little black hears are born.

The Oto and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months except for January, which is called "the raccoon month."

The general name for month was " a moon."

The night, or sleeping time, marked the division of days, so a journey might be spoken of as having taken so many " sleeps." In like manner the year was spoken of as "a winter." The sun indicated the time of day: Sunrise, mixethonbe (mi, sun; ethonbe, to come out); sunset, mixethe (mi, sun; ithe, gone). A motion toward the zenith meant noon (mi/thon monsbi — mi, sun; than, round; mo^shi, on high); mid way between the zenith and the west, afternoon; and midway toward the east, forenoon. There were no smaller divisions of time among the Omaha.

112 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

WEATHER SIGNS

The storm which usually precedes the coming of the new moon was called Mia/nonxthe, "the hiding of the moon " (the act of the storm).

Early in the month of February there is usually a severe storm, often a blizzard. This storm was called Mi'xa ikinonxthe agthi ike, "the geese come home hidden by the storm." It is said that soon after this storm a few geese are seen, which are shortly followed by the flocks.

A ring around the moon is a sign of rain.

When the horns of the moon are turned upward, it is a sign that cold weather is coming.

When the fireflies swarm it will rain during the night.

When birds sing in the early morning the day will be "clear.

A mist in the morning portends a hot day.

After a long rain, when the horses prick up their ears and play, it is known that the rain is over.

White spots on the nails betoken the approach of spring. If they come in sum mer it is because summer is here; if in winter, they indicate that spring will surely come, no matter how long or cold the season.

To break a moccasin string is a sign that summer is coming.

SUMMARY

From the evidence afforded by the native names of animals and trees it would seem that the physical environment of the Omaha has not greatly varied in the course of the last few centuries; during that period the tribe does not appear to have experienced conditions that prevail in the extreme north or far to the southward, or that are peculiar to the region west of the Rocky Mountains. This seem ingly persistent character of the Omaha surroundings made possible the development of the tribe along lines that led to substantial rather than to striking results.

During this period both the peaceful and the warlike relations of the Omaha were for the most part with tribes to which they were more or less closely related linguistically, tribes which presumably had many ideas and customs in common. There was, therefore, little in this contact likely to deflect the Omaha from their natural course of development. To this, however, their relations with the Arikara constituted an exception. This tribe belongs to the Caddoan, a southwestern stock, different from the Omaha in mental character istics and in culture. From the Arikara the Omaha adopted the use of the earth lodge ; it may be that contact with this tribe stimu lated a general revival of the cultivation of the maize; and the knowledge of the Wawa11 ceremony was probably derived from the same source. While the Arikara exercised on the Omaha a somewhat stimulating influence, the contact does not seem to have had any vital effect on the development of the latter's tribal organization and government.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 113

The character of the environmental conditions noted above seems reflected in the Sacred Legend, which preserves in fragmentary form the story of the people. The value of this Legend is psychic rather than historic, for little is told in it that is definite as to movements or localities; it is singularly free from the mythic element; it contains no marvels, but reveals the mental atmosphere through which the people beheld their past achievements, and constitutes a narrative remarkably true to what seems to be the Omaha character, religious, thoughtful, and practical rather than imaginative and emotional.

The Omaha depended on their powers of observation and thought as the means by which they could better the conditions of their daily life and, as will be seen later, they utilized their observation of nature in forming their ethical code. The character of the people is indi cated in their names for living forms and for natural phenomena ; these show how the Omaha looked on their environment and differ entiated what they saw and experienced. The influence of hunting is detected in the familiarity displayed with the anatomy of the larger animals, a knowledge which, as has been seen, the Omaha applied to the human form. Some of the terms, as those designating parts of the human face, the corners of the mouth, the depression on the fore head, indicate close observation. In color perception the Omaha seem to be of somewhat limited capacity, as is true also of the sensa tion of taste, but there is a noteworthy appreciation of the gradation of light in the coming and the going of the day. The names of the months and of the points of the compass are not fanciful or sym bolic but express the results of practical observations or experiences. All the names bear out the sober-minded, self-contained character indicated in the Sacred Legend and add to its value in helping toward an understanding of the tribe.

The map of the Omaha country (pi. 21) presents the region with which the people have been familiar from the sixteenth century to the present, and such historic data have been given as may throw light on the movements of the tribe during that period. The steady westward advance of the white settlements from their beginnings on the Atlantic coast, together with the consequent contentions with the tribes native to that region, pressed the eastern tribes back on their western neighbors, creating disturbances whose effects traveled westward and were felt by all the people dwelling on and beyond the Lakes and the Mississippi, forcing many tribes through influences they did not understand or recognize to move westward. The Omaha could not escape the effect of this general disturbance, although they did not become embroiled in wars between the Indians and the white people dwelling to the eastward of them. 83993°— 27 ETH— 11 8

114 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The Omaha did not come into contact with the white people as early as did some of their cognates. They do not seem to have felt the influence of the Spanish from the southwest, although late indi rect effects were transmitted through the Comanche and the Pawnee. French influence did not reach the Omaha from the south, but came from the north through Canadian traders. The French were the first white men to become personally known to the Omaha, but they did not reach the tribe until well into the eighteenth century. The English followed the French and exerted a more powerful and dis turbing influence on the social life of the people. Finally the Ameri can came and remained.

A general view of the Omaha environment during recent centuries makes apparent certain limitations, and it can hardly be questioned that these limitations must have exercised an influence not only on the direction but also on the manner in which the people evolved their social and religious life. Indeed the Omaha seem to have been exempt to a remarkable degree from strong foreign control and to have developed their tribal organization in comparative isolation. Consequently they were able to preserve their type, a circumstance which adds to the value and interest of the tribe as a study.

Ill

RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL INTRODUCTION OF THE OMAHA CHILD TO THE COSMOS

When a child was born it was not regarded as a member of its gens or of the tribe but simply as a living being coming forth into the universe, whose advent must be ceremonially announced in order to assure it an accepted place among the already existing forms. This ceremonial announcement took the form of an expression of the Omaha belief in the oneness of the universe through the bond of a common life-power that pervaded all things in nature animate and inanimate.

Although in the Tecin/de and Inshta'cunda gentes the custom sur vived of placing on the child, the fourth day after birth, certain sym bols pertaining to the peculiar rites of those gentes, these acts did not serve the purpose of introducing the child into the teeming life of the universe. This ceremony of introduction took place on the eighth day after birth. Unfortunately the full details of the ceremony have been lost through the death of the priests who had charge of it. The hereditary right to perform the ceremony belonged in the Washe'to11 subgens of the Inshta'cunda gens. (See meaning of the term Washe'- ton, p. 186.)

On the appointed day the priest was sent for. When he arrived he took his place at the door of the tent in which the child lay and raising his right hand to the sky, palm outward, he intoned the following in a loud, ringing voice:

Ho! Ye Sun, Moon, Stars, all ye that move in the heavens,

I bid you hear me ! Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I implore! Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the first hill!

Ho! Ye Winds, Clouds, Rain, Mist, all ye that move in the air,

I bid you hear me ! Into your midst has come a newy life.

Consent ye, I implore! Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the second hill!

Ho! Ye Hills, Valleys, Rivers, Lakes, Trees, Grasses, all ye of the earth,

I bid you hear me!

115

116 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I implore!

Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the third hill! Ho! Ye Birds, great and small, that fly in the air, Ho! Ye Animals, great and small, that dwell in the forest, Ho! Ye insects that creep among the grasses and burrow in the ground —

I bid you hear me! Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I implore! Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the fourth hill!

Ho! All ye of the heavens, all ye of the air, all ye of the earth:

I bid you all to hear me! Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, consent ye all, I implore! Make its path smooth — then shall it travel beyond the four hills!

This ritual was a supplication to the powers of the heavens, the air, and the earth for the safety of the child from birth to old age. In it the life of the infant is pictured as about to travel a rugged road stretching over four hills, marking the stages of infancy, youth, manhood, and old age.

The ceremony which finds oral expression in this ritual voices in no uncertain manner the Omaha belief in man's relation to the visible powers of the heavens and in the interdependence of all forms of life. The appeal bears evidence of its antiquity, breathing of a time antedating established rites and ceremonies. It expresses the emotions of the human soul, touched with the love of offspring, alone with the might of nature, and companioned only by the living creatures whose friendliness must be sought if life is to be secure on its journey.

The cognate tribes0 had ceremonies similar in purport although differing in details. Among the Omaha no further ceremony took place in reference to the child in its relation to the cosmos, to its gens, or to the tribe, until it was able to walk. When the period arrived at which the child could walk steadily by itself, the time was at hand when it must be introduced into the tribe. This was done ceremonially.

a Among the Osage, on the birth of a child " a man who had talked with the gods " was sent for. On his arrival he recited to the infant the story of the Creation and of the animals that move on the earth. Then, after placing the tip of his finger on the mother's nipple, he pressed that finger on the lips of the child, after which he passed his hands over the body of the child. Then the infant was allowed to take nourishment. Later, when the child desired to drink water the same or a like man was sent for. Again the ritual of the Creation was recited, and the beginning of water was told. The man then dipped the tip of his finger into water and laid it on the lips of the child and passed his hands over its body from head to foot. After this ceremony the child could be given water to drink. When the child reached the age when it needed or desired solid food, the same man or one of his class was again sent for. Once more the Creation story was recited and the gift of corn and other food was recounted. At the close the man placed the tip of his finger upon the food prepared for the child and then laid this finger on the lips of the child, after which he passed his hands over its body. This ceremony prepared the child to receive solid food. Fees were given U\the man who performed these rites.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 117

INTRODUCTION OF THE CHILD INTO THE TRIBE CEREMONY OF TURNING THE CHILD

The name of this ceremony was Thiku'winxe (ihi, a prefix indi cating action by the hand; lcu'winxe, "to turn"). Although the child is not mentioned, it is understood as being referred to. The trans lation of the term, therefore, would be "turning the child."

All children, both boys and girls, passed through this ceremony, which is a survival of that class of ceremonies belonging to the lowest, or oldest, stratum of tribal rites; it is directly related to the cosmic forces — the wind, the earth, and the fire. Through this cere mony all the children -who had reached the period when they could move about unaided, could direct their own steps, were symbolically "sent into the midst of the winds" — that element essential to life and health; their feet were set upon the stone — emblem of long life upon the earth and of the wisdom derived from age; while the "flames," typical of the life-giving power, were invoked to give their aid toward insuring the capacity for a long, fruitful, and successful life within the tribe., 'Through this ceremony the child passed out of that stage in its life wherein it was hardly distinguished from all other living forms into its place as distinctively a human being, a member of its birth gens, and through this to a recognized place in the tribe. As it went forth its baby name was thrown away, its feet were clad in new moccasins made after the manner of the tribe, and its ni'kie name (see p. 136) was proclaimed to all nature and to the assembled people.

The significance of the new moccasins put on the child, will appear more clearly by the light of the following custom, still observed in families in which all the old traditions of the tribe are conserved: When moccasins are made for a little baby, a small hole is cut in the sole of one. This is done in order that "if a messenger from the spirit world should come and say to the child, 'I have come for you,' the child could answer, 'I can not go on a journey — my moccasins are worn out!" A similar custom obtains in the Oto tribe. A little hole is cut in the first pair of moccasins made for a child. When the relatives come to see the little one they examine the moccasins, and, seeing the hole, they say: "Why, he (or she) has worn out his moccasins: he has traveled over the earth!" This is an indirect prayer fliat the child may live long. The new (whole) moccasins put on the child at the close of the ceremony of introducing it into the tribe constitute an assurance that it is prepared for the journey of life and that the journey will be a long one.

The ceremony of Turning the Child took place in the spring time, after the first thunders had been heard. When the grass was

118 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. AXX. 27

well up and the birds were singing, " particularly the meadow lark," the tribal herald proclaimed that the time for these ceremonies had come. A tent was set up for the purpose, made xube, or sacred, and the keeper of these rites, who belonged to the Washe'to" subgens of the Inshta'cunda gens, made himself ready and entered the tent. Meanwhile the parents whose children had arrived at the proper age, that is, could walk steadily unassisted, took their little ones and proceeded to the Sacred Tent. The only requisite for the child was a pair of new moccasins, but large fees were given to the priest for his services.

Only parts of the ritual belonging to this ceremony have been obtained. Those whose prerogative it was to conduct the rites are all dead, and with them knowledge of much of the ceremony passed away. The preservation of the fragments here given came about thus : An old and trusted friend of Joseph La Flesche, a former principal chief of the tribe, was greatly interested when a boy, in the tribal rites. One of his near kinsmen was a priest of this rite. When the Sacred Tent was set up this boy more than once succeeded in secreting himself behind packs within and from his hiding place was able to observe what took place. Having a retentive memory and a quick ear for song, he was able to learn and remember the six songs here given. Subsequent inquiries have added somewhat to the knowledge secured from this informant, although, so far as the writers have been able to ascertain, no one seems ever to have obtained quite so close an inside view of the entire ceremony as this inquisitive boy. Of course no one who had passed through the cere mony could accurately remember it, as the child was generally only 3 or 4 years of age at the time it had a part in the rite.

The tent was always a large one, set facing the east, and open at the entrance, so that the bystanders, who kept at a respectful distance, could see something of what was going on within. As the ceremony was one of tribal interest, many flocked to the Sacred Tent to watch the proceedings. In the center was a fire. On the east of the fire was placed a stone. There was also a ball of grass, placed at the west of the fire-place near its edge. It was the mother who led the child to the tent. At the door she paused, and addressed the priest within, saying : "Venerable man! I desire my child to wear moccasins." Then she dropped the hand of the child, and the little one, carrying his new moc casins, entered the tent alone. He was met by the priest, who advanced to the door to receive the gifts brought by the mother as fees. Here she again addressed him, saying: ''I desire my child to walk long upon the earth; I desire him to be content with the light of many days. We seek your protection; we hold to you for strength." The priest replied, addressing the child: " You shall reach the fourth hill sighing; you shall be bowed over; you shall have wrinkles: your stafT shall

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 119

bend under your weight. I speak to you that you may be strong." Laying his hand on the shoulder of the child, he added: "What you have brought me shall not be lost to you; you shall live long and en joy many possessions; your eyes shall be satisfied with many good things." Then, moving with the child toward the fireplace in the center of the lodge, and speaking in the capacity of the Thunder, whose priest he was, he uttered these words: "I am a powerful being; I breathe from my lips over you." Then he began to sing the Invocation addressed to the Winds:

"jjx~~| 3

gZZZJI^ZZ^H Z-|, |= jsj s, ^

Du - ba ha ti no" - zhin ga She - non - zhin

She non-zhiQ

Duba ha ti nonzhin ga she nonzhin ga

Duba ha ti nonzhin ga

She nonzhiu ga! Shenonzhinga

in in

Literal translation: Duba, four; Ji a signifies that the number four refers to groups; ti, from ati, come ye; nonzhin, stand; a, from iga, word of command given to a number; she, from shefhu, a definite place near by; ga, a command, and end of the sentence; In, the rolling thunder. The "four" refers to the four winds, to which the invoca tion is addressed by the Thunder priest.

Free translation

Ye four, come hither and stand, near shall ye stand

In four groups shall ye stand

Here shall ye stand, in this place stand

(The Thunder rolls)

The music of this invocation is in the five-toned scale. The voice dwells on the words ti, " come," and she, "near in this place." The roll of the Thunder is given in the relative minor.

At the close of this ritual song the priest faces the child to the east, lifting it by the shoulders; its feet are allowed to rest upon the stone. He then turns the child completely around, from left to right. If by any chance the child should struggle or move so as to

120

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN*. 27

turn from right to left the onlookers set up a cry of alarm. It was considered very disastrous to turn ever so little in the wrong way, so the priest was most careful to prevent any accident. When the child had been turned, its feet rested on the stone as it faced the south. The priest then lifted it by the arms, turned it, and set its feet on the stone as it faced the west ; then he again lifted the child, turned it, and set its feet on the stone as it faced the north. Lastly the child was lifted to its feet and placed on the stone as it again faced the east. During this action the following ritual song was sung :

xe a - ki - the tha

Ba- xu du - ba ha

te

ta-de du.

ba ha te

Ta-de ba - 50" the a - ki-the tlia

cz

ii

^

j -•

p-i

r

!- i L

1-

1 ! . ,

Ta -de du ba ha te In In

She gakuwinxe akithe tha She gakuwinxe akithe lha Baxu duba ha te tade duba ha te Tade ba<;on the akithe tha

Tade duba ha te in ^

Literal translation : She, from shethin, going yonder, implies a person speaking; ga, to strike by the wind; lcuwinxe, to whirl; tha, oratorical end of the sentence; baxu, ridge or hill; duba, four; ha, groups; te, descriptive suffix indicating standing; bafOn, in the midst; the, goes (third person); akithe, I cause him; th-a, end of sentence; tade, winds; duba, four; ha, groups; te, standing; In, rolling of the

Thunder.

Free translation

Turned by the winds goes the one I send yonder; Yonder he goes who is whirled by the winds; Goes, where the four hills of life and the four winds are standing; There, in the midst of the winds do I send him, Into the midst of the winds, standing there. (The Thunder rolls)

The winds invoked by the priest stand in four groups, and receive the child, which is whirled by them, and by them enabled "to

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL, 121

face in every direction." This action symbolizes that the winds will come and strengthen him as hereafter he shall traverse the earth and meet the vicissitudes he must encounter as he passes over the four hills and completes the circuit of a long life. It was believed that this ceremony exercised a marked influence on the child, and enabled it to grow in strength and in the ability to practise self- control.

The priest now put the new moccasins on the feet of the child, as the following ritual song was sung. Toward its close the child was lifted, set on its feet, and made to take four steps typical of its entrance into a long life.

(Sungin octaves)

She- thu te tho° i-e win-tha-ke He- de wiMha ke non-zhin-ga IQ IQ

Shethu te thon ie winthake Shethu te thon ie winthake Hede winthake nonzhin ga Ie te winthake Shethu te thon ie winthake Hede winthake nonzhinga

in in

Literal translation: Sliefhu, a place near, also a time; te refers to action or occurrence, in this instance to the ceremony; t7ion, round place, refers both to the lodge and to the Tiu'fhuga; ie, words, declara tion; winthake, truth (to you) (winlce, truth; tha, to you); hede, in consequence of, therefore, because (old term); nonzhin, arise, stand; ga, the sign of command; in, the rolling of thunder.

Free translation

Here unto you has been spoken the truth ; Because of this truth you shall stand. Here, declared is the truth.

Here in this place has been shown you the truth. Therefore, arise! go forth in its strength! (The thunder rolls)

The ni'lfie name of the child was now announced, after whicli the priest cried aloud: "Ye hills, ye grass, ye trees, ye creeping things both great and small, I bid you hear! This child has thrown away its baby name. Ho!" (a call to take notice).

122 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The priest next instructed the child as to the tabu it must observe, and what would be the penalty for disobedience. If the child was a girl, she now passed out of the tent and rejoined her mother.

Up to this point the ceremony of introducing the child into the tribe was the same for male and female ; but in the case of boys there was a supplemental rite which pertained to them as future warriors.

CONSECRATION OF THE BOY TO THUNDER

This ceremony was called We'bashna, meaning "to cut the hair." According to traditions, this specialized ceremony belonged to the period in the growth of the political development of the tribe when efforts were being made to hold the tribe more firmly together by checking the independence of the warriors and placing them under control — efforts that finally resulted in the placing of the rites of war in charge of the We'zhinshte gens.

In the ceremony of cutting the hair the priest in charge gathered a tuft from the crown of the boy's head, tied it, then cut it off and laid it away in a parfleche case, which was kept as a sacred reposi tory, singing as he cut the lock a ritual song explanatory of the action. The severing of the lock was an act that implied the conse cration of the life of the boy to Thunder, the symbol of the power that controlled the life and death of the warrior — for every man had to be a warrior in order to defend the home and the tribe. The ritual song which followed the cutting of the lock indicated the acceptance of the offering made ; that is, the life of the warrior hence forth was under the control of the Thunder to prolong or to cut short at will.

The Washe'to" subgens, which had charge of this rite of the conse cration of the boy to the Thunder as the god of war, camped at the end of the Inshta'cunda division, and formed the northern side of the entrance into the Jiu'fhuga when the opening faced the east; while the We'zhinshte gens, which had charge of the rites pertaining to war, including the bestowal of honors, formed the southern side of the entrance. Thus the "door," through which all must pass who would enter the Tiu'tJiuga (see p. 138), was guarded on each side by gentes having charge of rites pertaining to Thunder, as the god of war, the power that could not only hold in check enemies from without, but which met each man child at his entrance into the tribe and controlled him even to the hour of his death.

In a community beginning to crystallize into organized social relations the sphere of the warrior would naturally rise above that of the mere fighter; and when the belief of the people concerning nature is taken into consideration it is not surprising that the movement toward social organization should tend to place the warriors — the

FLETCHER-LA FLESOHE] ETTES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL

123

men of power- — in close relation to those natural manifestations of power seen in the fury of the storm and heard in the rolling of the thunder. Moreover, in the efforts toward political unification such rites as those which were connected with the Thunder would conduce to the welding of the people by the inculcation of a common depend ence upon a powerful god and the sign of consecration to him would be put upon the head of every male member of the tribe.

The priest took the boy to the space west of the fire ; there, facing the east, he cut a lock of hair from the crown of the boy's head, as he sang the following ritual song:

m.— » — — •»> — • "~^». — i

Ti - goa - ha moQ - shi

ta ha !

Sha- be

ti - the

non - zhi - a

ha!

Ti-goa - ha mo" - shi - a

ta ha !

• ^_T -- ^ - I—a — « - f_i -

Ti-go" - ha mo"- shi a ta ha ! Sha-be ti- the no" - zhi - a

Ti - go" - ha mon - shi - a ta ha !

Tigo"ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe nonzhia ha

Tigonha monshia ta ha

Shabe tithe nonzhia shethu aha

Tigonha monshia ta ha

Shabe tithe nonzhia

Tigonha monshia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia ha shethu aha

Tigonha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe nonzhia ha

124 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Tigonha, grandfather — a form of respect used when addressing the person of power; monshia, far above, on high; ta, from shiata, there, used to express an indefinite place ; Tia, end of sentence; shabe, dark, like a shadow; tithe, passing before one; nonzMa, human hair; shethu, there in your direction, as toward the one addressed ; alia, in the midst of.

Free translation

Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

Grandfather! far above on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm.

Grandfather! there above, on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair passes before you.

Grandfather! dwelling afar on high, «

Like a dark shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm.

Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

From this ritual song we learn that the lock laid away in the sacred case in care of the Thunder priest symbolically wTas sent to the Thunder god dwelling "far above on high," who was ceremonially addressed as "Grandfather" — the term of highest respect in the lan guage. The hair of a person was popularly believed to have a vital connection with the life of the body, so that anyone becoming pos sessed of a lock of hair might work his will on the individual from

• ...

whom it came. In ceremonial expressions of grief the throwing of

locks of hair upon the dead was indicative of the vital loss sustained. In the light of customs that obtained among the people the hair, under certain conditions, might be said to typify life. Because of the belief in the continuity of life a part could stand for the whole, so in this rite by the cutting off of a lock of the boy's hair and giving it to the Thunder the life of the child was given into the keeping of the god. It is to be noted that later, when the hair was suffered to grow on the boy's head, a lock on the crown of the head was parted in a circle from the rest of the hair and kept constantly distinct and neatly braided. Upon this lock the war honors of the warrior were worn, and it was this lock that was cut from the head of a slain enemy and formed the central object in the triumph ceremonies, for the reason that it preeminently represented the life of the man who had been slain in battle.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] EITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 125

In the next ritual song the Thunder god speaks and proclaims his acceptance of the consecration of the life through the lock of hair and also declares his control over the life of the warrior.

(Sung in octaves)

ES^I

i_ jv-ic 3 _ _ ( — • — ~^- ..T. i^^ • 0 • 0 0 i

She-thu pi-thoa - di he

go"

"•— f

ke a - the

She-thu pi-thou - di he

Xi-ka- wiu slia-he ke a - the he

=i==itz ^-i=-i

She thu pi- thoQ di

•x«_ Ni - ka - \vin gon - ke a - the

-^s=3i±=^- -=]^- — • — "— — - pf| -4.a^j=^-g__gii ^—^-^

T

She-thu pi-thou - di he

Xi- ka- \viu zhi-de ke a - the he

She- thu pi - thou - di

ke a- the

Shethu pi thondi he Xika win gonke athe Shethu pi thondi Nika win gonke athe Shethu pi thoMi he Nika win shahe ke athe he Shethu pi tho"di Xika wi11 gonke athe Shethu pi thondi he Xika wi" zhide ke athe he Shethu pi tho"di Xika win go"ke athe

Literal translation: Shethu, there; pi, I have been; thondi, when; Tie, end of the sentence and vowel prolongation; nika, man; wi", a or one; gonlce, a peculiar exclamatory expression indicating the action of coming suddenly on a fearful or startling object; athe, I cause, used only in reference to inanimate things and intended here to con vey the idea that man has no power to act independently of the

126 THE OMAHA TRIBE FETH. ANN. 27

gods; shabe, dark, like a shadow; Tee indicates that the object is long and is lying down; zhide, red.

Free translation

What time I will, then only then, A man lies dead, a gruesome thing. What time I will, then suddenly A man lies dead, a gruesome thing. What time I will, then, only then, Like a shadow dark the man shall lie. What time I will, then suddenly A man lies dead, a gruesome thing. What time I will, then, only then, Reddened and stark a man lies dead. What time I will, then suddenly A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.

The word shabe, dark like a shadow, is used in the preceding song to describe the lock of hair that was cut from the child's head as a symbol that his life was offered to the god; in this song the same word, shabe, is applied to the man who, "like a shadow dark," "shall lie" when his life has been taken by the god. The use of this word bears out the meaning of the rite that accompanied the pre ceding song, that by the giving of the lock of hair the life of the per son was given to the god. This song shows that the god intends to do as he wills with that life. There are other songs used in the tribe which iterate this belief that a man dies only when the gods decree.

The music is in the five-tone scale, and the phrase which carries the assertion of the god rises and dwells on the tonic, a movement rare in Omaha songs, the general trend being from higher to lower tones.

The imperfect account of this ritual makes it impossible to state whether or not the six songs here given were all that belonged to this ceremony. It is also uncertain wliether or not the invocation to the winds was sung before the turning of every child; it may have been sung only once, at the opening of the general ceremony, there being indications that such was the case. It is probable that the song given below was also sung but once, at the close of the general ceremony, but it has been impossible to obtain accurate information on this point. Only one point is certain — that the folio whig was the final song of the ceremony:

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL (Sung in octaves)

127

Ku-the gon di in-gi-be he nax thin ba nax thin ba ha

Pe- de zhi-de na-ka - de

-m-

thia ba nax thi" ba ha !

Pe - de zhi -de na - ka

thi° ha nax thin ba ha ! Ku-the gon-di in - gi be.

Kuthe gon di ingi be he Naxthin ba naxthi" ba ha Pede zhide nakade Naxthi11 ba naxthin ba ha Kuthe gon di ingi be he Naxthin ba naxthi" ba ha Pede zhide nakade Naxthi" ba naxthi" ba ha Kuthe gon di ingi be he

Literal translation: Kuthe, hasten; gon, suddenly; di, here, hither; ingi, to ask help, assistance; &e, sign of the plural; naxthi11, flame; 6<z, sign of the plural; Jia, the end of the sentence; pede, fire; zhide, red; nakade, hot.

Free translation

Come hither, haste to help me,

Ye flames, ye flames, O come!

O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come.

Come speedily to help me,

Ye flames, ye flames, O come!

O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come!

Come hither, haste, to help me!

As this song was sung the ball of grass to which reference has already been made was held aloft and then hurled to the ground, where it mysteriously burst into flames, which were regarded as sym bolizing the lightning.

128 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

In this closing song there is a, return to the cosmic forces which were appealed to and represented in the ceremony of Turning the Child. In early times before this ceremony had been arranged so as to include the rite of consecrating the boy to the Thunder god, the song which appears on the preceding page was sung probably soon after, if not immediately at the conclusion of, the third song given in this account.

At the conclusion of this tribal ceremony, when the child reached its home the father cut the hair of his son after the symbolic manner of his gens;0 the hair was thus worn until the second dentition. Then the hair was allowed to grow, and the scalp lock, the sign of the warrior to which reference has already been made wTas parted off and kept carefully braided, no matter how frowzy and tangled the rest of the hair might be.

CEREMONIAL INTRODUCTION TO INDIVIDUAL LIFE AND TO THE

SUPERNATURAL

i

The next stage in the life of the Omaha youth was marked by the rite known by the name of Non'zhinzhon. The literal meaning of the word is "to stand sleeping;" it here implies that during the rite the person stands as if oblivious of the outward world and conscious only of what transpires within himself, his own mind. This rite took place at puberty, when the mind of the child "had "become white." This characterization was drawn from the passing of night into day. It should be remembered that in native symbolism night is the mother of day; so the mind of the new-born child is dark, like the night of its birth; gradually it begins to discern and remem ber things as objects seen in the early dawn; finally it is able to remember and observe discriminatingly; then its mind is said to be "white," as with the clear light of day. At the period wrhen the youth is at the verge of his conscious individual life, is " old enough to know sorrow," it was considered time that through the rite Non'zhinzhon he should enter into personal relations with the mysterious power that permeates and controls all nature as well as his own existence.

In the Sacred Legend, which recounts briefly the history of the people and from which quotations have been made, the origin of this rite is thus given:

The people felt themselves weak and poor. Then the old men gathered together and said: "Let us make our children cry to Wakon/da that he may give us strength." So all the parents took their children who were old enough to pray in earnest, put soft clay on their faces, and sent them forth to lonely places. The old men said to the youths: "You shall go forth to cry to Wakon/da. When on the hills you shall not ask for any particular thing. The answer may not come to you as you expect;

a The various styles of cutting the child's hair to symbolize the tabu of his gens are shown with the account given of the gentes (pp. 144-188).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ETTES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 129

whatever is good, that may Wakon/da give." Four days upon the hills shall the youths pray, crying. When they stop, they shall wipe their tears with the palms of their hands and lift their wet hands to the sky, then lay them to the earth. This was the people's first appeal to Wako^da.

The closing statement as to "the first appeal" should not be taken literally, for the rite thus said to have been introduced is too com plex, and embodies beliefs that must have required a long time for formulation into the dramatic forms observed in this rite.

The old men, when explaining the rite, said "It must be observed by all youths. After the first time, the youth could repeat the rite until he was old enough to marry and had children; by that time his life was fixed, and he prayed no more unless he was a priest, then he would continue to fast and pray." "In the Non'zhinzhon/' it was further explained, "the appeal was to Wakon'da, the great power. There were other powers — the sun, the stars, the moon, the earth- but these were lesser; the prayer was not to them." The old men added: "The appeal was for help throughout life. As the youth goes forth to fast he thinks of a happy life, good health, success in hunting; in war he desires to secure spoils and escape the enemy; if he should be attacked that the weapons of his adversaries might fail to injure him. Such were the thoughts and hopes of the youth when he entered upon this fast, although he was forbidden to ask for any special favor." The rite Non/zhinzhon was observed in the spring ; never in the summer or winter. The meaning of putting clay on the head has been explained in different ways. Some have said it symbolized humility; others that it referred to the soft clay or mud brought up by the diving animals, out of which the earth was created. In the opinion of the writers the latter seems the more probable explanation.

In preparation the youth was taught the following prayer, which was to be sung during the ordeal of the fast. It was known to every youth in the tribe, no matter what his gens.a This prayer must be accepted, therefore, as voicing a fundamental belief of the entire Omaha tribe. The music is in keeping with the words, being un mistakably an earnest invocation.

a Every male was obliged to pass through the rite of NoD'zhi»zhon when he reached the proper age; whether he should continue to practise the rite was left to his personal choice. The >Jon'zhinzhoo was not obligatory on girls or women but they sometimes went through the fast, for the rite was open to them

83993°— 27 ETH— 11 9

130

THE OMAHA TEIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

OMAHA PRAYER"

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Literal translation : Walconda, the permeating life of nature and of man, the great mysterious power ; thethu, here; wahpathi71 , poor, needy; atonJie, he stands, and I am he — a form of expression used to indicate humility. Wakonda! here, needy, he stands, and I am he.

This prayer was called Wakonfda gikon (gigikon, "to weep from loss," as that of kindred, the prefix gi indicating possession; gikon, therefore, is to weep from the want of something not possessed, from conscious insufficiency and the desire for something that could bring happiness or prosperity) . This prayer and the aspect of the suppliant, standing alone in the solitary place, with clay on his head, tears fall ing from his eyes, and his hands lifted in supplication, were based on anthropomorphic ideas concerning Wakon/da. The Omaha con ceived that the appeal from one so young and untried, who showed poverty and the need of help, could not fail to move the power thus appealed to, even as a man so importuned would render the aid that was asked. The words of the prayer set forth the belief that Wa- kon/da was able to understand and to respond to the one who thus voiced his consciousness of dependence and his craving for help from a power higher than himself.

o The upper line gives the aria as sung; the two lines below translate the aria; so that when played on an instrument like the piano the meaning and feeling of the song become intelligible to us. This trans lation has the approval of the Indians.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 131

Four days and nights the youth was to fast and pray provided he was physically able to bear so long a strain. No matter how hungry he became, he was forbidden to use the bow and arrows put into his hands by his father when he left his home for this solitary test of endurance. When he fell into a sleep or a trance, if he saw or heard anything, that thing was to become a special medium through which the youth could receive supernatural aid. Generally with the sight of the thing came an accompanying cadence. This cadence was the song or call by which the man might summon aid in his time of need. The form, animate or inanimate, which appeared to the man was drawn toward him, it was believed, by the feeling of pity. The term used to express this impelling of the form to the man was i'ihaeihe, meaning "to have compassion on." If the youth at this time saw a buffalo, it would be said: Te i'thaethe, " the buffalo had compassion on him;" if he heard the thunder: Ingt7iunf ithaethe, "the thunder had compassion." The vision, with its sacred call or song, was the one thing that the Omaha held as his own, incapable of loss so long as life and memory lasted. It was his personal connection with the vast universe, by which he could strengthen his spirit and his physical powers. He never gave the details of his vision to any one, nor was it even casually spoken of; it was too sacred for ordinary speech.

When going forth to fast, the youth went silently and unobserved. No one accosted him or gave him counsel or direction. He passed through his experience alone, and alone he returned to his father's lodge. No one asked him of his absence, or even mentioned the fact that he had been away. For four days he must rest, eat little, and speak little. After that period he might go to an old and worthy man who was known to have had a similar vision. After eating and smoking with the old man, when they were quite alone it was per mitted the youth to mention that he had had a vision like that of his host, of beast, or bird, or whatever it might have been. Should he speak of his vision before the expiration of the four days, it would be the same as lost to him. After the youth had spoken to the old man it became his duty to travel until he should meet the animal or bird seen in his vision, when he had to slay it, and preserve either the whole or a part of its body. This trophy became the visible sign of his vision and the most sacred of his possessions. He might wear it on his scalp lock or elsewhere on his person during sacred festivals, when going to war, or on some other important occasions. This article has been spoken of by some writers as the man's " personal totem." When the vision came in the form of a cloud or the sound of the thunder, these were symbolized by certain objects or were typified in designs painted on the man or on his belongings.

Some visions were regarded as "lucky," as giving special and help ful advantages to the man. Hawks were "lucky" — they helped to success and prowess in war. Bears, being slow and clumsy, were

132 THE OMAHA TRIBE [BTH. ANN. 27

"not so good," although possessing great recuperative power. The elk was fleet. Snakes were "not good," etc. To dream of the moon might bring a great calamity. It is said that the moon would appear to a man having in one hand a burden strap, in the other a bow and arrows, and the man would be bidden to make a choice. When he reached for the bow, the moon would cross its hands and try to force the strap on the man. If he awaked before he took the strap, or if he succeeded in capturing the bow, he escaped the penalty of the dream. If, on the other hand, he failed and the strap came into his hand, he was doomed to forfeit his manhood and become like a woman. He must speak as a woman, pursue her avocations, adopt her dress, and sometimes become subject to gross actions. It is said that there have been those who, having dreamed of the moon and having had the burden strap forced on them, have tried to conceal their ill luck for a time, but that few have succeeded. Instances are known in which the unfortunate dreamer, even with the help of his parents, could not ward off the evil influence of the dream, and resorted to suicide as the only means of escape.

The following stories of Osage men who through dreams became as women were given by Black Dog in 1898:

Men who become as women are called Mixu'ga (mi, "moon"; xu'ga, "to in struct" — "instructed by the moon"). The young men who go to fast sometimes remain out many days. This is done to secure dreams or visions which will support them in manly enterprises, in war or in hunting — that is, give them strength. But sometimes it happens that a young man has dreams or sees visions which make him imagine that he is a woman. From that time he takes upon himself the dress and occupations of a woman. He lets his hair grow, parts it in the middle, and wears braids. From days beyond the memory of man the Osage men shaved the head, leaving a roach on the top. Only the women wore the hair long and parted it in the middle. Now many of the Osage men wear the hair long and parted in the middle, in imitation of the Ponca, who, I think, took the fashion from the Sioux.

Once a young man went to fast, and was gone many days. He started home, not having had any dreams or visions, and on his way home he met a matronly woman who addressed him as " daughter. " She said to the young man: " You are my daugh ter, and you shall be as I am. I give to you this hoe. With it you shall cultivate the ground, raise corn, beans, and squash, and you shall be skillful in braiding buffalo hair and in embroidering moccasins, leggings, and robes. " In speaking to the woman the young man discovered that he had been unconsciously using the feminine ter minals of speech. He tried to recover himself and use the speech of man, but he failed. On his return to his people he dressed himself as a woman, and took upon himself the avocations of a woman.

A young man went to fast, and was gone many days. On his way home he came to an earth lodge and entered. There were four men in the lodge, who greeted him very cordially and assigned to him the usual place of a guest. The young man looked about the lodge and saw hung upon the posts bows and arrows, shields and spears. Food was prepared for him, and he ate with the strangers. When he had finished his visit he thanked these people and started to go out. As he was about to pass the doorway he was halted and his attention was directed to two objects which hung one on each side of the door. One was a spear and the other a battle-ax. The young man was told to take his choice. He was long in choosing. The battle-ax is consid ered the manliest of weapons. This the young man remembered, and he finally

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 133

chose that weapon, took it down, and departed. On his way to his village he planned in his mind war excursions, and thought how he would conduct himself in battles. When he was nearing the village he desired to look once more at his battle-ax. He did so, and, behold, it had turned into a hoe! When he arrived home he became as a woman.

There was a young man who had been out to fast many times. He had dreams which he thought were the kind that would make of him a man of valor. He went on the warpath and took with him a number of followers. They found the enemy, defeated them, and returned with many trophies. On the way home he got up a dance one night in honor of his victory. As he was dancing, brandishing his weapons and praising himself, an owl hooted near-by in the woods, and after each hooting the owl would say: "The leader is a mixu'ga!" The people listened in amazement, and at last the leader cried: " I have done that which a mixu'ga could never do! " How ever, on reaching his home the young leader dressed as a woman and spoke as a woman. He married and had children. He was successful as a warrior, but when about to go to war he discarded his woman's clothing and dressed himself as a man.

Among the Omaha, as well as their cognates, there were societies whose membership was made up of men who had had visions of the same object. It has already been mentioned that the object seen in the vision was said to have had compassion on the man when it appeared to him. It was also thought that because the same form could come to certain men and be seen by them there was something in common in the nature of these men — that a sort of brotherhood existed among them. Out of this belief societies grew up based on the members having had similar visions, and the ceremonies of these societies, quasi religious in character, dealt with the special gifts vouchsafed by Wakon/da through the particular form or the animal. The article which was the symbol of a man's dream, as a feather from a bird, a tuft of hair from an animal, or a black stone or trans lucent pebble representing the thunder or the water, was never an object of worship. It was a memento of the vision, a sort of cre dential that served to connect its possessor with the potentiality of the species or class represented by the form seen in the vision, through which the man's strength or faculties could be reenforced by virtue of the continuity of life throughout the universe because of the ever- present power of Wakon/da.

In the sequence of rites just detailed, which began at birth with the announcement to all created things that a new life had come into'their midst, and later, when the child had acquired ability to move about of its own volition, its feet were set in the path of life, and it entered into membership in the tribe, are represented pro gressive steps in the life of the individual from a mere living. form to a being with a recognized place. The entrance into manhood re quired a voluntary effort by which, through the rite of fasting and prayer, the man came into direct and personal relations with the supernatural and realized within himself the forceful power of the union of the seen with the unseen.

IV

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION BASIC PRINCIPLES

The tribal organization of the Omaha was based on certain funda mental religious ideas, cosmic in significance; these had reference to conceptions as to how the visible universe came into being and how it is maintained.

An invisible and continuous life was believed to permeate all things, seen and unseen. This life manifests itself in two ways: First, by causing to move — all motion, all actions of mind or body are because of this invisible life; second, by causing permanency of structure and form, as in the rock, the physical features of the landscape, mountains, plains, streams, rivers, lakes, the animals and man. This invisible life was also conceived of as being similar to the will power of which man is conscious within himself — a power by which things are brought to pass. Through this mysterious life and power all things are related to one another and to man, the seen to the unseen, the dead to the living, a fragment of anything to its entirety. This invisible life and power was called Wakon/da (see p. 597). While it was a vague entity, yet there was an anthropomorphic coloring to the conception, as is shown in the prayers offered and the manner in which appeals for compassion and help were made, also in the ethical quality attributed to certain natural phenomena — the regularity of night following day, of summer winter (these were recognized as emphasizing truthfulness as a dependable quality and set forth for man's guidance) — and in the approval by Wakon/da of certain ethical actions on the part of mankind.

Human conditions were projected upon nature, and male and female forces recognized. The Above was regarded as masculine, the Below feminine; so the sky was father, the earth, mother. The heavenly bodies were conceived of as having sex; the sun was masculine, the moon feminine, consequently day was male and night female. The union of these two forces was regarded as necessary to the perpetuation of all living forms, and to man's life by maintaining his food supply. This order or method for the continuation of life was believed to have been arranged by Wakon/da and had to be obeyed if the race was to continue to exist. In order to keep this belief alive in the minds of the people, it was symbolized in religious rites and in social usages and

134

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL, ORGANIZATION 135

organization. Consonant with this manner of enforcing these cosmic and religious ideas, the tribe was composed of two grand divisions, one representing the Sky people, or the Inshta'cunda; the other, the Earth people, or the Hon/gashenu. Within each of these divisions there were five gentes. While each gens had its designation, its rites, its place, its tabu and its personal names, all these distinctive marks were subordinate to the two grand divisions and membership in the gens became merged in membership in one of these divisions, the Inshta'cunda or the Hon/gashenu.

These divisions were not phratries, as they were not based on ties of blood but on mythic ideas as to how creation came about and how life must be continued on the earth. Myths relate that human beings were born of a union between the Sky people and the Earth people; and, in accordance with this belief, the union of the Sky peo ple and the Earth people was conceived to be necessary to the existence of the tribe. There was a teaching preserved among the old men that the division of the tribe into Inshta'cunda and Hon/gashenu was for marital purposes— a teaching which bears out the mythic symbolism of these two divisions. It is possible that this symbolic arrangement throws light on the force which made possible the artificial practice of exogamy. In this connection it is interesting to note that of the mar riages in existence among the Omaha twenty-five years ago, a good majority represented the union between members of gentes belonging to the two rather than to one of these grand divisions. And it is also important that, amid the wreckage of the ancient tribal organization at the present time, the practice of exogamy is still observed. In short, all the conditions seem to show that the custom is based on fundamental religious ideas.

The duality in the tribal organization was further represented by two principal chiefs, one standing for the Inshta'cunda and the other for the Hon/gashenu. There were also two tribal pipes, which were always kept together and were never separated in any ceremonial use. Both had flat stems; one was ornamented with porcupine-quill work, and had fastened on it the head of a pileated woodpecker, with the upper mandible turned back over the crest of the bird. The stem of the other pipe was plain, but had bound in a row along its length seven woodpeckers' heads, the mandibles turned back as just described. It is not improbable that these pipes pertained to the fundamental ideas on which the two grand divisions of the tribe were based; but which pipe belonged to the Sky people and was masculine, and which to the Earth people and was feminine, the writers have been unable to learn.

The gens a was called in the Omaha tongue, ton'wongihon, "village." The same term was applied to the village in which all the tribe dwelt.

"This term is used to indicate that the kinship group traced descent in the paternal rather than the maternal line.

136 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

When the Omaha visited the towns and cities of the white people, they applied to these Settlements the same designation. St. Louis and Wasliington were spoken of as ton'wongihon. To distinguish the village signifying the gens, from the village in which the tribe dwelt the name of the stream 011 which the latter was situated was men tioned. When the gens was spoken of, to the term ton'wongthon was added uba'non, which means a group of a kind in a given place. While the idea of relationship is not directly stated, the word uba'non added to the term for "village" is understood to indicate a village of people who are kindred, of one kind, between whom marriage is prohibited.

The question "To what gens do you belong?" put into Omaha and literally translated, would be, "In which of the various (many) villag' 3 (of the tribe) are you there (have you a place)?" If the questioner belonged to the Omaha or the Ponca tribe, he would know the names of the gentes, so the reply would be: "Tapa', there I am; " that is, "I belong to the Tapa' gens." But if the question were asked by a stranger, a member of a different tribe, to whom the names of the Omaha gentes were unknown, then the reply would indicate the symbol of the religious rite (the tabu) of the gens of the person questioned, and he might say: "I am a buffalo person" or an "elk person." The reply would not be understood to mean that the man thought of himself as a buffalo or an elk, or as descended from one, but as belonging to a group which had charge of rites in which that animal was used as a symbol. The rites thus spoken of were designated as Ni'kie,a and in them all the people had a claim, although those who officiated at a rite were confined to the particular gens which had charge of the rite.

It wTas the duty of a gens having charge of a Ni'kie rite to take care of the symbols and paraphernalia of the rite, and act as its priests, so to speak; but the claim to take part in the ceremony was not confined to the gens having charge of the rite, for the people of the tribe had a voice in it and a share in its benefits.

Each gens had its distinctive name. Some of the names, as has been already pointed out, occur in more than one of the tribes that are close cognates of the Omaha. These duplicated names may have been names of gentes in the parent organization, and when the Omaha and their cognates organized as distinct tribes the remnants of the former gens may have clung together and kept their old rites and name. An Omaha gens, however, was not a simple but a com-

"Ni'kie is compounded from ni'k (from ni'kashiya, "people"; ie, "words or speech"). From ni'ka- shiga is also derived ni'kagahi, "chief" (ga'he, "thrown upon")— literally, "those upon whom the people are thrown" or "who carry the people." Ni'kie signifies a declaration by the people or their chiefs of consent to a certain proposition.

FLETCHBR-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 137

posite group, made up of subgentes or subdivisions which were some times called ton'wongthonzhinga, "little villages," or ton'wongthon uga'pne, uga'pnemeemmg " that which is split," and implying that the subdivision had been split off, although it still kept with the main body. Each of the subgentes had its name, its rite, which was of the Ni'kie class, its set of personal names, its tabu, and its place when the gens camped with the tribe in ceremonial order. A subdivision differed from a sub- gens in not having a distinctive rite, although it had a particular office in the rite belonging to the gens. A subdivision might have its tabu, wliich would refer to its duties in the rite, and its set of personal names, but it was bound to the gens by a common rite and observed the tabu of the gens. The number of subgentes or subdivisions in a gens does not seem to have been uniform. The common bond be tween the subgentes of a gens was that of kinship, traced solely through the father. Marriage between the members of the subgentes or subdivisions of a gens was forbidden. When a person was asked where he belonged, he did not give the name of the subgens into which he was born, but the name of the gens of wliich his birth group was a part. If more definite information was desired, then he would grve the name of his subgens or subdivision. The gens was regarded as paramount to the subgentes or to the subdivisions, as it contained them all, even as the tribe embraced all the gentes and stood as one body.

There were ten gentes in the tribe. The meaning of the Omaha word for tribe, uki'te, has already been discussed (p. 35). This word is distinct in meaning from Tiu'thuga, the term used to designate the form or order in which the tribal organization ceremonially camped, in which each one of the villages, or gens, had its definite place. Hu'tJiuga is an old term and carries the idea of a dwelling. The order of camping expressed by Jiu'thuga was used when the tribe was away from its village on the annual buffalo hunt. This hunt was a serious occasion, when all the people united in a common effort to secure a supply of meat and pelts, food and clothing, for them selves and for their children; therefore it was initiated and conducted with religious ceremonies. The people were placed under the con trol of men who through elaborate and sacred rites were appointed for the direction of the hunt, and to these appointed men all persons, including the chiefs, had to render obedience. It was while on this hunt that the great tribal ceremonies took place,, at which time the people camped according to their gentes in the form known as hu'ihuga.

This form was circular, with an opening to the east, which represented the door of a dwelling. "Through it," the old men said, "the people weftt forth in quest of the game, and through it

138 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

they returned with their supply of food, as one enters the door of one's home. The warriors passed hence to defend the tribe from its foes, and here they were welcomed when they came back." The entrance was therefore the door through which one entered into the dwelling place of the tribe, in which each gens had its place as had each member of the family within the lodge. There are indications that the hu'thuga embodies the idea of the union of the forces rep resented in the fundamental concept upon which the two grand divi sions of the tribe were based. The opening or door of the hu'thuga was always symbolically to the east, and the five gentes which composed the Inshta'cunda division (Sky people) always, theoret ically, formed the northern half, while the five gentes that formed the Hon/gashenu division (Earth people) in theory made the south ern half. The literal fact is that the opening was actually toward the east only when the tribal ceremonies took place; at all other times it faced the direction toward which the tribe happened to be traveling, but the order of the gentes was always as it would have been had opening faced the east. This was effected by turn ing the tribal circle as on a hinge placed opposite the eastern opening, so that no matter in which direction the opening actually was, the Inshta'cunda and Hon/gashenu divisions were always as they would have been had opening faced the east. This interesting fact, of the carrying out of a symbolism in the manner of pitching the tents of the tribe on the wide unbroken prairie, indicates how deeply rooted in the minds of the people was the importance of the funda mental ideas represented in the Tiu'thuga — the two grand divisions and the orientation of the dwelling. In view of these and kindred ideas connected with the Tiu'thuga, it seems probable that in this form we are dealing with a symbol rather than with an arrange ment for convenience and safety, as has been stated by some writers. That the idea of safety was involved in the form of the hu'thuga is probably true, but the dependence for safety was placed in the help to be derived through the recognition of cosmic forces and religious observances rather than in an advantageous arrangement of tents made in order to protect ponies and camp equipage.

When an orator addressed the people of the tribe he did not say: IIo! Omaha! but Ho! Inshta'punda, Hon'gashenu ti agthon'Jcahon! Ti agthon'kahon means "both sides of the house." This was the only form of speech by which the people of the tribe could be addressed collectively. It bears out the meaning of the hu'thuga as given by the old men.

The hu'thuga regarded as the dwelling of the entire tribe presented the type that was to be reproduced in the dwelling of each member of the tribe, wherein were to be united the masculine and feminine forces drawn from two distinct groups or regions, a union symbolized

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

139

in the liu'thuga by the union of the Earth people and the Sky people. The rending of the natural family by exogamy seems to have been demanded in order to typify what was believed to be a cosmic regula tion. In this way it became possible to interweave the split parts so

FIG. 19. Family group. The parents represent both sides of the hu thuga.

as to bind together by the natural tie of kinship the different gentes composing the tribe. This tie came through the mothers in the tribe. Descent in the gens was traced solely through the father. The fathers held the gens together~and distinct from every other gens.

140 THE OMAHA TEIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Through the father the child inherited his name, his place, and his share in the rites of his gens; but it was through his mother that his kinship relations were extended beyond his birth gens and that he thus became conscious of being a part of a great kinship community. (Fig. 19.)

The Ponca tribe does not present a clear picture of those ideas which seem to have been fundamental to the tribal organization of their kindred, the Omaha; and yet these ideas appear to have been present in the mind of the people when they organized as a distinct tribe. This imperfect form may have given rise to the custom of the Omaha of designating the Ponca as "orphans."

The Ponca camped in a circle with the opening to the east when the gentes were in ceremonial order, and gave to this form the same name as that used by the Omaha, hu'thuga (see p. 42). Each gens of the Ponca had its ni'kie rites and its ni'kie names; the latter were bestowed during ceremonies similar to those observed among the Omaha.

In the Ponca tribal circle the gentes seem to be grouped according to their duties: Those to the south, or left, of the eastern opening, were charged with the care of rites connected with the Thunder and with warfare. The next group to the left administered the rites and ceremonies which pertained to the government of the people and to the securing of food and clothing by means of the annual hunt. The group to the north, or right of the entrance, controlled the rites relating to ice or hail (both of which are symbolically connected with the upper world) and to the serpent, generally symbolic of the lightning. In this order, as in a shattered mirror, one can discern the outlines of the symbolic picture which the Omaha organization also so distinctly presents. From the Ponca tribe taken by itself it would be difficult to discern the presence of those ideas which we have seen definitely expressed in the Omaha tribe; but turning from the contemplation of the Omaha to that of the Ponca, one is able to recognize these ideas in the fragmentary order which obtained among the latter.

The Ponca as well as the Omaha regarded all life and the preser vation of all forms as the result of the union of the sky and the earth forces, and believed the combining of these two opposite and differen tiated cosmic powers symbolically set forth to man a law he must obey, a course he must follow, if he would secure the continuation of Tiis own life and the perpetuation of his tribe— a law which made exogamy a practical expression of this belief.

In the Osage tribe, which seems to be an agglomeration, we find the same ideas fundamental to the tribal organization, but certain conditions have tended to modify their expression.

The Osage were divided into two great divisions. One of these was composed of three kinship groups which shifted their relative positions in accordance with the rite or duties to be performed. The

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 141

other division was made up of two kinship groups which never changed their positions with respect to each other or to the other division of the tribal circle (see p. 58). These two unchangeable groups camped on the north, or to the right of the eastern entrance. They represented the ideas which were symbolized in the Omaha Inshta'cunda half, the Sky people; while the other three, which camped to the left of the eastern entrance, in both position and duties resembled the Hon'gashenu division of the Omaha tribe, arid were the Earth people, on whom devolved the care of the material welfare of the tribe. Here, again, we find the tribal order standing for the union of sky and earth, the masculine and feminine forces from whose union all living things arise.

The Kansa and Quapaw tribes also were divided into two parts each, and from the fragmentary information obtainable they seem to have embodied the same ideas as those found among their kin dred tribes; so that it would appear to be fairly well established that the ideas and beliefs which a study of the Omaha tribe shows were fundamental to the organization of that tribe were basic also in their close cognates, the Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw; and further research may show that these ideas were a common and formative power in other tribes of the Siouan linguistic stock.

THE HU'THUGA— THE OMAHA TRIBAL FORM N

w

FIG. 20. Diagram of Omaha hu'thuga (tribal circle).

A. INSHTA'CUNDA DIVISION. B. HO^'GASHEN-U DIVISION. 1. WE'ZHiNsHTE. Subgens: None. 2. I^KE'gABE. Subgentes: (a) Nini'bato"; (b) Wathi'gizhe. 3. HOX/GA. Subgentes: (a) Wax- the'xeto°; (6) Washa'beto". 4. THA'TADA. Subdivisions: (a') XuTca; (a) Waca'be itazhi; (6) Wa- zhi°'ga itazhi; (c) Ke'i"; (d) Te'pa itazhi. 5. KoN'fE. Subgentes: (a) Tade'tada; (6) Nini'baton.

6. MON'THINKAGAXE. Subdivisions: (a) Xu'be; (6) Mi'ka?!; (c) Mi'xacos (d) NiniTmtO".

7. TECIN'DE. Subdivisions: (a) Te?i°'de; (6) Nini'bato". 8. TAPA'. Subdivisions: (a) Tapa'xte; (6) Thunder rites; (c) Star rites; (d) Nini'bato<>. 9. INGTHE'ZHIDE. No subdivisions. 10. INSHTA'- 5UNDA. Subgens: (a) Lost gens; (b) Nini'bato"; (c) Washe'to". 11. Sacred Tent of War. 12. Tent of Sacred Pole. 13. Tent of Sacred White Buffalo Hide.

142 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

GENTES OF THE OMAHA TRIBE

HON'GASIIENU DIVISION (A)*

WEXZHINSHTE GENS (l)a

The We'zhinshte gens camped on the left of the entrance into the hu'ihuga. The name is descriptive, being composed of we, "by whom," and zliinshte, an abbreviation of wazliin'slite, "to become angry." The meaning of the term We/zhinshte may be denned as those through whom the tribe made known its displeasure or anger, because of some injurious act by another tribe. The Sacred Tent of War(l 1) was set in front of the line of tents belonging to the We'zhinshte gens and was in the keeping of this gens, together with the parapher nalia of the rites pertaining to war and to Thunder. When any ques tion arose as to the policy to be pursued in dealing with another tribe the members of which had committed acts of hostility, such as killing Omaha or stealing their horses or carrying away by force women of the tribe, it was the duty of the keeper of the Tent of War to call the Seven Chiefs and the leading men of the gens to a council. At this council the We'zhinshte presided. The Sacred Pipe of the Tent of War was filled by the keeper of the Tent and when, after due deliberation on the action to be taken, a decision was reached, the Seven Chiefs smoked this Pipe. This was a religious act and through it the decision became sanctified. Then the herald of the We'zhinshte pro claimed to the tribe the decision of the chiefs. If war was deter mined upon, the organization of volunteer war parties generally followed this authorization.

The keeper of the Tent of War and the leaders of this gens officiated at the ceremony of Wate'gictu, when certain prescribed honors were publicly bestowed on successful warriors for acts performed in authorized offensive warfare or in battles fought in defense of the camp or permanent village. It was also the duty of this gens when the tribe was on its annual buffalo hunt, to organize in response to an order from the Seven Chiefs a corps of scouts to spy the country on the discovery of signs of danger.

Rites pertaining to Thunder were also in charge of this gens. These were observed when the first thunder was heard in the spring. This thunder-peal was regarded as a signal of the awakening of certain life-giving forces after the sleep of the winter. In former days a ceremony took place at this time with song and ritual in which the Waca'be itazhi (black bear) subgens of the Tha'tada gens joined with the We'zhinshte gens. It has been impossible to obtain a trust worthy account of this ancient ceremony, owing to the death of the

a This and similar references throughout this section are to be read in connection with figure 20.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 143

men who knew the rites. During severe thunder storms, when life and property were in danger from lightning, sometimes a song said to have been connected with this lost ceremony was sung by one who had a right to do so.

The following act of the keeper of the Tent of War (see fig. 22) may have been a part of this lost ceremony: When the first thunder sounded, he at once took a small pipe and ascended a hill near bv, where he offered smoke to Wakon/da. He then planted a small wand (fig. 21) on the hill so as to point toward the east. To this wand were bound with human hair four small bunches of tobacco inclosed in bits of bladder. The combination of tobacco, bladder, and human

FIG. 21. Wand used in ceremony when first thunder was hsard in the spring. (Native drawing.)

hair on the wand seems to indicate that this act and lost ceremony probably related to Thunder as the arbiter of life and death, as is shown in the ceremony of cutting the lock of hair from the head of the boy. (Seep. 122.)

The tabu of the We/zhinshte was the male elk, and the gens was sometimes spoken of as the Elk gens; this form of speech with refer ence to the tabu of a gens has already been explained (see p. 136). Concerning the connection of the male elk with the rites of the gens the following story is handed down :

When the pipes and the other articles belonging to the rites pertaining to war were made, the people sought for some skin to be used as a covering in which to keep and protect these things which were regarded as waxube, or sacred; but none could be found save that of the male elk. The fact that at that particular time only the skin of the male elk was obtainable was regarded as an indication that the male elk came to their aid by direction of Wakon/da. Therefore, in memory of this act of the male elk, this animal became tabu to the gens.

144

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

No member of the We'zhinshte gens would eat the flesh of the male elk or wear moccasins made of its skin, such acts being con sidered sacrilegious on account of the service believed to have been rendered the people by that animal. At death moccasins made of the skin of the male elk were put on the feet of the departed We'zhinshte, that he might be recognized by his gentile relatives in the other world. The boy name Nuga'xti, "the real male/' refers directly to the tabu of the gens.

FIG. 22. Mo"'hinthinge, last keeper of the Tent of War, and his daughter.

Any violation of the tabu of a gens was regarded by the people as a sacrilegious act, the punishment of which took the form of the appearance of sores or white spots on the body of the offender or of the hair turning white.

There were no subdivisions in this gens.

The following are the names belonging to the We'zhinshte gens. They are classified as ni'~kie, " dream," "fanciful," and "borrowed" names, and nicknames. The word ni'kie has been already translated and explained (see p. 136); as stated, a ni'kie name always referred to the rites and tabu of the gens. These names were bestowed on the child at the time the rite of initiation into the tribe was per formed. (See p. 121.) The name then given generally clung more or less closely to a man, although later in his career he might take another name, either a ni'kie name or one commemorative of a dream, a deed, or an event, or he might have a nickname bestowed

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on him. All female names were of the ni'kie class and were never dropped or changed, nor did a woman ever have more than one name. After the performance of the initiatory rite and bestowal of theni'kie name, thefather cut his child's hair in the manner which symbolized the tabu of his gens. This cutting of the hair was repeated every year until the child was about 7 years old, when it was abandoned, never to be resumed.

In the We'zhinshte gens, the symbolic cut of the child's hair was as follows : All the hair on the boy's

FIG. 23, cut of hair, we'- head was cut close or shaved except a bunch or tuft at the forehead and a long, thick lock left at the nape of the neck (fig. 23). The tuft represented the head of the elk; the lock, its tail.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE WEXZHINSHTE GENS (1)

Ni'kie names

Ane/gontha An-e' '. success; gon/tha, desire.

Bincextigthe Binge', sound of the elk's voice; tigthe, heard at a distance.

Bthonti/ Bthon, smell, scent; ti, comes. Scent borne by wind, dis covering game. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Qexconcnede pe'qon, from <p'qaqa, trot; piede, long. Refers to elk.

Qin/dedonpa Qin'de, tail; donpa, blunt, short. (In Monkon/ subdivision,

Pon/caxti, Ponca.) Refers to the elk.

HeVthinlce Hefqi, yellow horn or antler; ihinke, sitting. Refers to the

yellowish color of the velvety skin of the new growth of the antlers of the elk. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Hexconton He, antler; fo», white; ton, standing. Refers to the tower ing antlers of an elk.

Hexshabe He, antler; shabe, dark.

Hexshtonga He, horn, or antlers; shtonga, soft. Two of this name.

Refers to the new growth of the antlers of the elk.

In/gthunhongasha In'gthun, thunder; hon, night; agasha, to travel. Refers to

Sacred Pipe of War.

In/gthuntha In'gthun, thunder; tha, from the, to go. Refers to Sacred Pipe

of War.

Kixbaxthagthithon Ki'baxtha, to face; gthi, return; thon, suddenly; to turn and

face suddenly (elk). The elk suddenly brought to bay by the hunter.

Kuxkuwinxe Turning round and round. Refers to a bewildered elk when

surprised.

Kuxwinxaxa Turning round in bewilderment (elk).

Mon/geshabe Mon/ge, breast; shabe, dark. Refers to the dark coloring of

the breast of the animal.

Monxhinthinge (fig. 22). . Mon'hin, stone knife; thinge, none.

Nonmon/montha Non, action with the feet; monatha, walking with the head

thrown back. The repetition of mon signifies that the action is repeated. Refers to the peculiar manner in which the elk holds its head in walking.

Nugaxxti (pi. 24) Nuga' ', male; xti, real, virile. (In Pon/caxti, Ponca.)

OnXpon Elk.

83993°— 27 ETH— 11 10

146 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

On/poncka Onpon, elk; (;ka, white. The Ponca have Qn'ponqabe.

(Hi'qada gens.)

On/ponnonzhin On'pon^ elk; no^zhin, standing. The Ponca use the Dakota

form.

On/pontonga On/pon, elk; tonga, big. Appears in Omaha treaties of 1815,

1826, 1830, 1836. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

On/ponzhi"ga Young elk. (In Pon/cazti, Ponca.)

Shi'beko" Shi'be, intestines; kon, a string. Refers to the intestine of

the wolf used as a string in the Honor Pack, Tent of War.

Tahe/zhonka Ta refers to deer; he, horn; zho^ka, forked.

Wakon/dagi A mythical being; a monster.

Xaga'monthin Xaga', rough; monthin, walking. Refers to the jagged out line of a herd of elk, their antlers rising like tree branches. Borrowed names

Hexa/gatonga Big male elk. Archaic with Omaha; used by Dakota.

Hi'daha Meaning unknown.

Fanciful names

Inshta'monce Metal eye.

Waxbadondon Meaning unce/tain.

Wexbthonaji Not satisfied although he has many things.

Valor name We^h^shtewashushe. . Brave AVe'zh^shte.

Female 'names

Aye'xube Ape', paint; xube, sacred. Three of this name. Refers to

the paint used at sacred ceremonies. (InWazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Qin/dewin Qinde, tail; win, feminine term. Three of this name.

Maxzhonwin Ma'zhon, fox; win, feminine term.

Mi'dashoMlri" The moon moving.

Mixgashonthin The moon moving. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Ni'dawi" Ni'da, mysterious animal; feminine term, win. Three of

this name.

Nonce/ince Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha'zhe, Thi'xida, and Hi'qada,

Ponca.)

On/ponmiga Female elk.

Pahixci Pahi', hair on the head (elk); fi, yellow.

Tacaxbewin Ta, deer; f-abe, black; win, feminine term. Five of this

name. (In Wa'zhazhe, Ponca.)

Wihe/tonga Wihe, younger sister; tonga, big. (In Washa'be and Wazha' zhe, Ponca.)

Zhon/inwathe Zhonin, carry wood; ivathe, to cause. Two of this name. (In

Hi'qada and Pon'yixti, Ponca.)

INKE^ABE GENS (2)

The Inke'$abe camped next to the We'zhinshte on the left. InTce'- pabe is an archaic word of doubtful meaning. It may refer to the black shoulder of the buffalo (inke, an abbreviation of inTce'de, "shoulder;" pabe, "black"). From the myths and traditions it would seem that the leadership accorded to this gens during certain move ments of the people when engaged in the actual pursuit of the buffalo on the annual tribal hunt began at an early period when the people took up the custom of following the buffalo. The particular authority

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and leadership vested in this gens were regarded not only as sacred but as absolutely necessary, so much so that it was said: "If the last Inke'cabe was an infant in its mother's arms it would be carried to lead the people in the wanon'pe" (the surround of the herd). This ancient and hereditary office came to an end at the last buffalo hunt in the winter of 1875-76, with Inshta'thabi, "He who is eyes" (for the people). At that time he served as director or leader of the sur round, and was the last waihon' of the wanon'fe. (PI. 25.)

The following legend is said to have given rise to a series of names in this gens:

The buffalo were underground. A young bull browsing about found his way to the surface of the earth. [This is a figurative expression referring to the birth of the species buffalo from mother earth.] The herd followed him. As they went they came to a river. The water looked shallow, but it was deep. As the buffalo jumped in, the water splashed and looked gray in the air. The herd swam on and over the stream, where on the other side they found good pasture and remained on the earth.

The name Niga'xude refers to this experience of the new-born buffalo ; the word is compounded of ni, " water ; ' ' ga, " to strike ;' ' xude, "gray." Niga'xude was the name given to the first born son. The second son could be called either Heba'zhu, "knob horns," referring to the protuberances on the head of the calf, or Gthadin'gthithon, " the hungry calf running crosswise in front of its mother and stop ping her progress." The third son could be named (pikon'xega, "brown ankles," the color of the ankles of the buffalo calf. When these boys became adults, the eldest could take the name Pe'thonba, " seven;" the second could have Mon'getonga, "big chest;" the third, Nonzhi/hatonga, "big hair." When these men became old, they could take the following names: The eldest, He'ubagthonde, "worn horns of the old buffalo bull;" the next, Mone'gahi, "arrow chief;" and the youngest, Monzhon/wakithe, "land of the buffalo."

The Inke'cabe had two subgentes, Nini'bato11 and Wathi'gizhe.

(a) Nini'batoD (nirii'ba, "pipe;" ton, "to possess or keep"). The following fragmentary legend is connected with this subgens and its tabu, the red ear of corn:

The Inkex5abe were the first of the Omaha to exist. There were one man and one woman. They lived together and children were born to them. The woman went out one day and found little mounds on the ground. In a few days she went again, and saw that out of the mounds plants were growing not known to her. From time to time she went to look at these plants. They grew tall, and by and by ears grew on them. These she gathered and took to her husband and children. They roasted the, ears by the fire and ate them. These were the people to whom the corn was sacred; so to this day they do not eat the red ear of corn.

It was the duty of this subgens to provide the ears of red corn, which were considered the sacred corn, and to give them to the Hon'gaxti division of the Washa'beto" subgens of the Hon/ga. When the time for planting arrived, the ceremonial distribution of this sacred corn took place. The Hoa/gaxti sang the ritual of the maize

148 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

and then gave the sacred kernels to this subgens, who acted as servers and distributed four of the kernels to each family in the tribe.

To a family within this subgens was given the hereditary charge of the Sacred Tribal Pipes. In this connection it is noteworthy that the custodianship of these Sacred Pipes was bestowed on those to whom belonged rites in connection with the cultivation of the maize, whose tabu was the sacred corn. This indicates that the group who con trolled the rites of the maize were regarded as the proper persons to have the care of the symbol of tribal authority because of their con nection with ancient sacred rites which secured food for the people. The symbolic cut of the hair of the children of this subgens was peculiar. All hair was cut off the head except two small bunches, one on each side of the crown (fig. 24). This style was observed in all the Nini'bato11 subdivisions of the other gentes of the tribe. These two little tufts of hair may refer to the little mounds, spoken of in the legend, from which the corn grew.

There were two subdivisions of the Nini'bato11 subgens, the Nonxthe'- bitube and the I'ekithe. To the first was given the hereditary right to prepare the paint for the decoration of the pole used in the He'dewachi ceremony. The name Non- xthe'bitube was descriptive of their duty (nonxthe, " charred box elder wood;" bitu'be, "to pulverize by rubbing"). This group not only observed the tabu of their subgens, the red ear of corn, but had an additional tabu, the charcoal, which referred to their office of painting the Pole and preparing the FiG.24. cutofhair.Nmi'- paint for the ceremony. As the painting on the

bato" subgens. -,-> , , ,. . ,. . . ,

role was symbolic, it was religious in character.

I'ekithe signifies " he who speaks or proclaims." The hereditary office of tribal herald belonged to this subdivision. The herald had to have a strong, clear voice, as his duty was to proclaim the decisions of the chiefs and to give out orders to the people when the tribe was on its annual hunt. If by any chance the official herald was inca pacitated, his substitute had to be chosen from the same subdivision. The Fekithe observed the tabu of the subgens to which they belonged, the red ear of corn.

(6) Wathi'gizhe. The name of this subgens was also the name of the hoop used in a ceremonial game which, it is said, was formerly played by the chiefs alone, and was connected with the following story, which belongs to the class designated hi'gon, a word meaning "the story is not literally true:"

The people were without food, and no game could be found to keep the people from starving. Outside the village lived an orphan boy with his grandmother, and these two consulted together as to how they could help the people to procure 'food. At last they agreed upon a plan, and the boy set to work and made a hoop. After it was made he gave it to his grandmother, and according to their plan she took it to the top

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 149

of a hill near by while the boy stationed himself halfway up the hill. When all was ready, the grandmother started the hoop down the hill. As it began to roll she called out: "There goes a young bull with straight horns !" The hoop rolled on and when it reached the place where the boy stood it suddenly turned into a buffalo, which the boy shot and killed. He butchered the animal and gave the flesh to the people to eat. A second time the grandmother took the hoop to the top of the hill and rolled it down and called out to her grandson what kind of buffalo was coming. He was at his station halfway down the hill, and there the hoop turned into a buftalo, which he shot and gave to the people for food. A third and a fourth time the grand mother and the orphan played this game, and after the fourth time great herds ot buffalo came and the people had plenty of food. As a mark of their gratitude they made the orphan a Chief.

The office of wathon/, director of the wanon'pe, the surround of the herd, was hereditary in a family of this subgens. The custody of the songs belonging to the He'dewachi ceremony and the singers in this tribal ceremony were taken from this subgens. The bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pipes used on that occasion were of the Xini'bato11 subgens.

The tabu of the Wathi'gizhe was the tongue and head of the buffalo.

The Wathi'gizhe cut off all the hair from the

child's head except a tuft over the forehead, one on each side of the crown, and a short lock at the riape of the neck, to represent respectively the head, horns, and tail of the buffalo (fig. 25).

In the Jiu'thuga, the Nini'baton subgens camped next to the We'zhinshte. The left part of the line of the Nini'baton was occupied by the subdivi-

sion of the Nonxthe'bitube families. On their FIG. 25. cut of hair, wa-

left camped the Wathi'gizhe subgens, and left of

these and next the Hon/ga the subdivision of I'ekithe pitched their

tents.

PERSONAL' NAMES IN THE ^KE'fABE GENS (2)

Nini'baton subgens (a) Ni'kie names

Athu/hagemonthin Athu'hage, last; monthin, walking. Refers to buffalo.

Chon/niniba Chon, said to be tonthinnonba and to refer to the pipe- bearer at the He'dewachi ceremony; niniba, pipe.

Cihi'duba £ihi', feet; duba, four.

Ediaxinonzhin Edi, there; ai an act; the name given the last ceremonial

pause when approaching a herd; nonzhin} standing.

Edi'to" From that place; referring to the place of the pipes.

Gahi'ge Chief. (In Waqa'be, Ili'qada subdivision, Ponca.)

Gahixgeynede Tall chief.

Gahi'gexti Real chief.

Gahi/gezhinga Young chief . (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Gaxa'tanouzhin Gaxa'ta, apart from (the herd); nonzhin, stands.

Ginon/xthe Gi, again; nonxthe, black, like charcoal. Refers to the new

hair of the buffalo after shedding.

Gion/sethinge Gion'qe, to teach; thinge, none. None to teach him.

150 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Gthadin/gthithon Gthadin/, cross; gthi, returns; thon, suddenly. The hungry

calf runs in front of its mother and stops her progress.

He/akathinge Meaning uncertain.

Heba'zhu He, horns; ba'zhu, little knobs.

He'benika He'be, a portion; nika, a person.

He'ubagthoMe The worn horns of an old buffalo.

Inshta'pede Inshta' ', eyes; pede, fire. (Also in I'ekithe subdivision.)

F'uhe /, from ie, speech; 'uhe, obey. Refers to the performance

by the people of the commands of the chiefs, or the sub mission to their authority.

Ki'kontonga Curlew. (Numenius longirostris. Hudsonian.)

Mone/gahi Mo^e, arrow; gahi, from gahi'ge, chief. (In Waqa'be, Hi'qada

subdivision, Ponca.)

Mon/getonga Mon/ge, breast; tonga, big.

Monzhon/gabthon Monzhon' ', land ; gabthon, scent remains.

Monzhon/wakithe Land of the buffalo.

Na'gu Meaning uncertain.

Ni'ashiga A person. Refers to those who were chiefs in the organiza tion of the tribal government.

Niga'xude Ni, water; ga, to strike; xude, gray. Refers to animals stirring

up the water.

Niu'bathide ATi, water; u'bathide, overrun, swarm. Refers to masses of

buffalo swimming.

Nonba't'ewathe Nonba/, two; t'e, dead; wathe, to cause.

Nonixca Swaying motion, as made by buffalo walking.

Non/kaethonbe Non/ca, back; ethonbe, appears.

Nonzhi/hatonga Nonzhi'ha, hair; tonga, great.

Pahon/gamonthi" Pahon/ga, first; monthin, walking. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Pe'thonba Seven. Refers to the seven original chiefs.

Sha'genonba Sha'ge, hoofs; nonba, two: cloven hoofs.

She/thugthito" She'thu, there; gthi, returns; ton, stands.

Ta'hesha Meaning lost.

Tecon/ho"ga Tegon/, white buffalo; honga, leader; used also in the Dakota.

Te50n/monthin Tegon/, white buffalo; monthin, walking.

Tenua/xanonzhin Te, buffalo; nu, from nuga, bull; axa, from gaxa'ta, apart

from; no^zhin, stand.

Ti'zhebegtho" Door flap. In Omaha treaty of 1825.

'Ton/thinnonba The two who run.

Uga'e Spread out. (The herd as it runs spreads out.)

Ugthi'to" Refers to handling the pipes when making them ready for use.

Uxnizhabi Meaning uncertain.

Utha/xadongthe Meaning uncertain.

Uthi/.«honmonthin Walking around.

Wadaxthinga Refers to the peaceful office of the chief. (In Thi'xida,

Ponca).

\Yaki7de Wa, action; ki'de, to shoot. One who shoots.

\Yazhi n/texi Wazhin/, will, disposition; texi, difficult. Refers to office of

the chiefs. Anger is made difficult because of the Seven Chiefs, who must enforce peace in the tribe.

Xitha/wahi Xitha' , eagle; wahi, bone. Refers to pipe. Not liked, as

children of this name are apt to die.

Borrowed names

Ish/kadabi Borrowed from the Kansa gens in the eighteenth century.

Pudextha Meaning unknown. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

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Fanciful names

Taxie/wathezhinga Taxi, knocking sound; wathe, to cause; zhfrga, little.

Uxkica Empty lodge, or country.

Ukonaxdigthon Ukona'di, separate, alone; gthon, from gthin, sits.

Female names

^Ii/tonin New moon.

Pon/cayon Pale Ponca.

Tewa'u Te, buffalo; wa'u, woman.

Ton/ingi New moon coming.

FIG. 21). Du'bamonthi". Nonxthefbitube subdivision

Male names

Cicixkazhinga Little turkey.

Gashka'wongthe Meaning uncertain.

Tahexzhinga Little buffalo horns.

Wathi'gizhe subgens (b) Ni'kie names

Bacon/nonge Baqon/, in the midst of bushes or people; nonge, to run.

Qikon/xega Qikon, ankles; xega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo

calf. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca). Two of this name.

Du/bamonthin (fig. 2(i). Du'ba, four; monthi™, walking. (In Nu'xe, Ponca) Ginon/zhi "wathe Gi, again; nonzhin, to rise, to stand; wathe, causes them. He

causes them to rise or stand. Gthedon/monthin Gthedon/, hawk; monthin, walking.

152 THE OMAHA TEIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Hin<;i/zhiI1ga 7/in, hair; ft, yellow; zhinga, little (child's name).

Hin/xega IIin, hair; xega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo.

IMe'ubthi11 I^de/, face; ubthin, twisted.

Inshtaxthabi Inshta/, eye; tha, cause; bi, he is. Appointed eyes. Refers

to the appointed leader of the chase. This name belonged

to one who was hereditary leader of the chase. Mounon/kuge Mon, from monthinka, ground; no", action of the foot; kuge;

hollow sound, like a drum. This name refers to the

rumbling sound made by the herds of buffalo with their

hoofs when fleeing from the hunters. Monshtin/onca Monshtin' , from monshtin/ge, rabbit; onqa, swift. Refers to

the use of rabbit hair on the pipes.

Nion/bathin Ni, water; onba, day; thin, from monthin, walk, or travel.

Nonkerna Non implies action with the foot; kena, an old word signifying

good.

No^hki'gthe Tracks of buffalo calf (child's name).

Nonzhin/thia Nonzhin, to rise; thia, to fail. Unable to rise.

Nuga' Male, bull. (In Pon/caxti, Monkon' subdivision, Ponca.)

Pa'xehashuga Thick skin of buffalo neck.

Tade'ta Modified from tonthinton- refers to the running of the pipe

bearers in the He'dewachi ceremony. Two of this name.

Tewa/konnonzhin Sacred buffalo. (Dakota also.)

The'cecabe The'ge, tongue; qabe, black. Refers to the tip of the buffalo's

tongue. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Tixzhebegthon Tent door flap. In Omaha treaty, 1826.

Uthi/shonmonthi11 To walk around.

U'thixide To look around. Probably refers to the runners. Two of

this name. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.) Wanon/gewathe Wa, action with purpose; nonge, to run; wathe, one who causes.

Causes them to run, or to stampede.

Washu'she Brave. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Wate'xi Wa, action with purpose; texe, difficult

Wi'thugtho" Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names

Tewa/konnonzhiu Te, buffalo; wakon, the Dakota wakan, mysterious; nonzhin,

standing. Said to be borrowed from the Dakota; equiva lent therein to "medicine cow."

Dream names

Hon/monthinzhinga Little night walk.

Fanciful names

Giu'ka Meaning unknown.

Monthe/gahi Refers to arrow.

Mon/thihi Refers to arrow.

Nicknames Wa'xupagtho" Wa'xe, white man; pa, head; ugthon, to put in.

Female names

Hamate Refers to the child, Hon/ga, in Wa'wa" ceremony.

I'nikashabi Refers to tribal pipes — objects by which the tribe is identi fied as a people.

Mi/gthedonwin Moon hawk, feminine. (In Ni'kapashna, Washa'be, and

Thi'xida, Ponca.)

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Mi'gthito11!11 (pi. 26) . . . Moon returning.

Mi'huca Loud voice moon. Two of this name.

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain.

Mi'mo^hihathi" Moon moving on high.

Mi'texi Sacred moon.

Te'mitexi Te'mi, buffalo cow; texi, sacred. Two of this name.

Ton/ingthihe Sudden apparition of the new moon. (In Wqzhafzhe; also in

Waqa'be, Hi'qada subgens, Ponca.) Wextonna Meaning uncertain. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

I'ekithe subdivision Ni'kie names

^ikon/xega £ikon', ankles; xega, brown. Three of this name. (In

Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Qin/demuxa £in/de, tail; muxa, cluster.

Gthadiu/gthithon Gthadin' ', cross; gthi, return; thon, suddenly. A wounded

buffalo turns sideways on his hunter. Child's name. Re fers to a hungry calf crossing its mother's path to nurse.

Heba'zhu He, horns; bazhu, a little lump or knob. Three of this name.

(Also in Arini/baton subgens.)

Hinton/zhinga 7/i«, hair; ton, possess; zhinga, little.

Inshtaxpede Inshta, eyes; pede, fire. (Also in Nini''baton subgens.)

Ton/wanzhinga Taiwan, village; zhinga, small.

Wa/bakunga Wa, action; ba, push; kunga, jostling. Buffaloes crowding

and pushing each other.

Wazhin/hongu First of birds. Refers to the eagle down put on the head of

Hon'ga in Wa'wan ceremony.

Xitha'pahi Xitha' ', eagle; pahi, neck.

Dream names

Xu'ga Badger.

Nicknames Ta'thacapa Wood tick.

Female names

Ace'xube A<;e, paint; xube, sacred.

Mi/gashonthin Traveling or moving moon. (In Wa^beand Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mixgina Moon returning.

Mi7gthitonin Return of the new moon.

Mi'oabatihin The moon that travels by day.

Te/mitexi Te'mi, buffalo cow; texi, sacred.

HON/GA GENS (3)

The Hon/ga gens camped next to the Pke'cabe on the left. Hon/ga means "leader," or "first," and implies the idea of ancient, or first, people; those who led. The probability of Hon/ga being the ancient designation of the tribe has been discussed. (See p. 40.) This probability suggests a possible reason for the position of this gens and the duties devolving upon it. The gens occupied the center of the southern half (Hon/gashenu division) of the Jiu'fhuga. The place of the Hon/ga corresponded to that set apart for the father of the family within the tent and the Hon/ga filled a directive position toward the gentes within the Jiu'thuga, or dwelling of the tribe, somewhat similar to that of the father toward the members of the family under his care.

154 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Upon the IIon/ga devolved the leadership in the governing power of the tribe (see p. 201) and in the rites connected with the quest for food.

There were two subgentes, the Waxthe'xeto11 and the Washa'beto". These had charge of the two Sacred Tents, their contents, and the ceremonies pertaining to the objects kept in them. The tents were pitched in front of the place where the two subgentes came together, and were set about 30 feet in front of the line, toward the center of the Jiu'thuga, about 25 feet apart.

The two tents represented "both sides of the house," the Jiu'ihuga. From the rites connected with the White Buffalo Hide, lodged in the tent (13) set in front of the Washa'beto11 subgens, it is probable that this tent represented the Hon/gashenu division, to which were commit ted the physical welfare of the people, the rites pertaining to the quest of food, and the control of warfare. The tent (12) pitched in front of the Waxthe'xeto" subgens contained the Sacred Pole, which was allied to Thunder and the supernatural Powers, and symbolized the authority of the chiefs — an authority believed to be derived from Wakon'da. This tent probably represented the Sky people, the Inshta/9unda division, which had charge of the rites pertaining to the people's rela tion to the supernatural.

Waxihef xcton subgens (a)

Waxthe'xe (waxthe'xe, "mottled, as by shadows," "a mottled object" — the name of the Sacred Pole (see pi. 38); ton, "to possess or have charge of") implied that the object thus described had the power to confer distinction, as the xthe'xe, " the mark of honor.' ' The tabu of this subgens was a double one, the tezhu' and the crane. The tezhu' was a particular cut of meat from the side of the buffalo (see p. 273) , that was brought as an offering to the Sacred Pole at the great tribal ceremony when the Pole was anointed. The feathers of the crane were used on the divining arrows that had a part in this same ceremony.

A group of families belonging to the Waxthe'xeto11 subgens was set apart as servers; these were called wafhi'ton (from thiton', "to work"), "workers". Their duties were connected with ceremonies pertaining to the Sacred Pole. They prepared and distributed the meat brought as offerings by the people at the anointing rites. The tabu of this group was the same as that of the subgens of which they were a part — the tezhu' and the crane. This group camped next to the I'ekithe of the Inke'cabe gens, and at their left camped the remainder of the Waxthe'xeto11 subgens.

Washa'beton subgens (6)

The Washa'beto11 (washa'be, "a dark object," the word "dark" referring not to color, but to the general appearance of an object at a distance— the name of a peculiar staff (fig. 27) belonging to the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27

SACRED TENT OF THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

155

leader of the people when on the annual tribal hunt; ton, to "possess") had the official duty of making and decorating this staff, though it did not belong to this subgens to provide the materials required for the staff. The Washa'beton had charge of the Tecon'ha (te, "buffalo;" fon', "pale" or " white;" M, "skin "or "hide")— White Buffalo Hide, and its tent. (PI. 27.) The tabu was the buffalo tongues which were brought to the sacred feast. A subdivision of this subgens, called Hon'gaxti (xti, "original," as a parent stock) had charge of the ceremonies connected with the maize. They preserved the sacred corn, chanted its ritual, and fixed the time for planting. Their tabu was the liatu' (the word Jiatu' is from Jui, "skin," and tu, "green," referring to the outer husk of the ear of corn). In this connection the decora tion painted on the Sacred Tent in charge of the Washa'be subgens, which was the full grown stalk of corn, becomes signifi cant. It is probable that the Hon/gaxti was the original subgens, but when the people came into the buffalo country, the rites relating to hunting the buffalo overshadowed those pertaining to the maize; hence the subdivision that had charge of the hunt became the more important body, the group who pos sessed the rites of the corn the subor dinate. This probability bears out a tradition of the tribe that the people in f |r- 2"- washa'be.

the course of their migrations west and northwest became more strictly a hunting people and that the cultivation of the maize fell into abeyance or was temporarily abandoned.

The Washa'beto" subgens camped to the left | of the Waxthefxeto11 subgens.

The symbolic cut of the hair of children belong ing to the Ho"'ga gens consisted in cutting off all the hair close to the head except a ridge which stood up from the forehead to the nape of the neck (fig. 28). This is said to represent the line of the buffalo's back as seen against the sky, but it is equally applicable to the appearance of grow-

Fio.28. Cul of hair.

ing corn viewed in the same way.

156 THE OMAHA TEIBE [ETH. ANN. 27.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE HON/GA GENS (3)

Wax(hefxeton subgens (a) Ni'k'.e names

A^geda From every direction. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide,

p. 294.) Two of this name.

Bishu'deki Refers to the dust made by the herds as they move.

Edi/ton Edi' ', there; ton, stands. Refers to Sacred Pole.

E/thonthonbe To appear repeatedly. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Gain/bazhi Ineffectual striking.

Kaxe'giu11 Kaxe, crow; giun, to fly. Flying crow. Two of this name.

The crow is used as one of the symbols in making the washa'be. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide, p. 300.)

Kaxe/nonba Kaxe, crows; nonba, two. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.) (See

Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide.)

Mixa'to" Mi'xa, swan; ton, standing. Refers to the down on the

Sacred Pole.

Monchu/ha Grizzly-bear skin. In Omaha treaty, 1836.

M"onchu/no"tide Monchu, grizzly bear; non, action with the feet; tide, rum bling sound.

Mo"chu/pa Monchu, grizzly bear; pa, head.

Mon/pezhi Mon, arrow ; pezhi, bad . Refers to the divining arrows used

in the ceremony of the Sacred Pole. (See Ritual of Sacred Pole, p. 242.)

Mon/umizhe On Omaha treaty of 1826.

Neka'hanoNge Neka'ha, edge of a lake; nonge, running.

Nia'dishtagabi Ni, water; adi, there; shta, from inshta, eye; gabtha, to open.

(See Legend of Sacred Pole, p. 70), where the name appears without elision.

Ni'k'umizhe Ni'k'umizhe, resting on a human being. Probably refers to

the resting of the Sacred Pole on a scalp.

Non/gazhi Non/ga, to run; zhi, abbreviated form, not. Not able to run.

Non/kaethonbe Non'ka, back; etho^be, to appear.

Nudon/honga Leader, principal. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Sha'beno^hi11 Shabe, dark, as an object; nonzhin, to stand. Refers to the

Sacred Pole. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Shon/ge Horse. Old name for wolf.

Shu'denacL Shu'de, smoke; na, action by fire; tf, yellow. Refers to the

smoke stain of the Sacred Pole.

Shu/kamonthin Shu'ka, groups; monthin, to walk. Walking in groups. Ref erence uncertain. (In Washa'bc, lli'qada subdivision, Ponca.)

Teba'gizhe Te, buffalo; bagizhe, crooked, uneven. Refers to the uneven

line of a herd of buffalo as seen against the horizon.

Tehon/monthin Te, buffalo; ho™, night; monhin, walking.

Texhutonbi Te, buffalo; huto^bi, bellowing. Two of this name. (See

ritual, p. 298.)

Tehu'xthabe Te, buffalo; hu'xthabe, the leaf fat.

Tenu'ga Buffalo bull. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Tenu/ganonpewathe Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; nonpewathe, fear inspiring. Fear- inspiring buffalo bull.

Tenu'gawazhi "pezhi. .. Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; wazhin, powerful in will, angry; pezhi, bad.

FLETCHER^LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 157

Tezhe'btho11 Tezhe? , buffalo dung; bthon, smell.

Thicpon/bi To feel of . Refers to corn. (See ritual, p. 266.)

Thigi'ce The sound made by corn husks when pulled apart. (See

ritual, p. 266.)

Ushkon/bitega Ushkon, wallow; bitega, making anew or afresh.

Uthu/shinonzhin Uthu'shi, at the front; nonzhin, to stand. Refers to the Sacred

Pole.

Wanon/shekithabi One who is made soldier.

Washin/une Refers to the selection of fat for the anointing of the Pole.

Wathi/inge Braided ears of corn.

We'kushto" W^ku, to give feasts; shton, frequent. Appears in Omaha

treaty of ] 830.

Xtha'gaxe To blossom. Refers to corn. (See ritual, p. 266).

Zhoncon/. ._ White wood.

Fanciful names

Monchu/no°ba Two grizzly bears.

Shaaa/ Name by which Dakota are designated.

« Female names

Inshta/mon5ewin Inshta, eye; monqe, metal, iron; wi», female term. Two of

this name.

Mi/gashonthin The traveling moon. Four of this name.

Mi/gthitoni" Return of the new moon.

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mi'mo^hihathi" Moon moving on high.

Mi'waco" The white moon. Three of this name. (lnPon'caxti,Hi'qada

subdivision, Ponca.) No^he'gito11 Meaning uncertain. Two of this name. (In Thi'xida and

in Wazha'zhe, Ponca.) Ton/inthin New moon moving. Three of this name. (In Thi'xida,

Ponca.) We/tonbethin One who gives hope. (From utonbethe, to hope or to wish for.)

(In Tapa' gens also.)

Wathi'tnn (hereditary servers) subdivision Ni'kie names

Gacu'be Appearance of buffalo running against wind. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.)

Ha'xigi Name of the first man, mythical.

Hon/gaxti Xti, real. Real or original Ho^ga.

I nshta'pa Meaning uncertain.

Kage/zhinga Kage1 ', younger brother; zhinga, little. Child's name.

Ni'kadathi" Ni'ka, man; dathin, crazy.

Nonshton/azhi Nonshton, to stop; azhi, not. He does not stop.

ShoD/gehonga Horse leader. Old meaning, Wolf leader.

Uthu/shinonzhin Uthushi, in front; nonzhin, stands. Refers to the Sacred

Pole.

Fanciful names

J'kiho^gatha Meaning uncertain.

158

Mixako"da ......

Mi'mo'Vhihathi1

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Female name*

TETH. AXX. 27

We'co^ithc..

Mi, moon; akonda, part of Wdkonda.

Moon moving on high. Three of this name.

Two of this name. (In Wazha'zhe and Thi'xida, Ponca.)

To come together in an order, as a society or brotherhood.

FIG. 29. Monxe'wathe.

Washa'beton subgens (b) Ni'kie names

Insh'a/gewahitha Insh'a'ge, old man, venerable; wahitha', lame. Refers to the

herald, who leans on a staff as he shouts his message.

Inshta'bacude Inshta, eyes; baqude, to shed. Refers to the shedding of

the hair about the eyes of the ouffalo. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Monshtin/ge Rabbit.

On/geda From every direction. (See ritual, p. 294.)

FLKTCHEU-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 159

Pahi'cka Pa, head; hi, hair; $ka, white. Refers to the appearance

of the shoulder of the buffalo when the hair is shed.

Tenu'gacka Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; qka, white.

\Ve/nonxitha Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names

Tenu'gagthinthinke .... Sitting buffalo bull. Said to be Dakota na*ne. Wakonmonthin Mysterious walking. Said to be Dakota name.

Female names

A'onwin Meaning uncertain. (In. Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mi'tena Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha'zhe, and Po^caxti, Hi'qada

subdivision, Ponca.) Te9on/dabe White buffalo. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred

White Buffalo Hide. Tecon/win Te, buffalo; gon, white; win, feminine term. Two of this

name. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred White

Buffalo Hide. Wihexzhinga Wihe'', younger sister; zhinga, little.

Honga'xti subdivision

Hongaxxti Original Hon/ga.

Monxe/wathe(fig. 29) .. Victorious.

THA'TADA GENS (4)

The Tha'tada presents points of difference from all other gentes in the tribe. It has no common rite or symbol. The rites of three of its subgentes were connected with the growth and care of the maize; the Waca'be shared in rites observed at the awakening of spring; the Wazhin/ga assisted in the protection of crops from devastation by birds; the Ke'in rites were connected with rain. While there was this general association in the purpose of the respective rites of these subgentes, their symbols or tabus and their ni'leie names were different. The Te'pa was the Nini'bato" subgens of the Tha'tada; this subgens seems to indicate the change that had taken place in the principal food supply of the tribe, in a manner somewhat similar to that noted in the case of the Washa'beto" subgens of the Hon/ga, but reversed. The tabu and the name of the Te'pa subgens refer to the head of the buffalo, but the symbolic cut of the hair and the ni'kie names refer to the eagle, which was probably prominent in rites that were superseded by the buffalo when the people became estab lished in the buffalo country. The choice of this subgens for the Nini'baton division and the duty assigned it in connection with the ceremonial use of the Sacred Tribal Pipes seem to indicate that this subgens held an important place in the tribe and its ceremonies prior to the present arrangement of gentes, and that this impor tance was recognized by the "two old men " of the Sacred Legend.

160 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. AXN. 27

The Tha'tada gens camped on the left of the Hon'ga. The word Tha'tada is probably a contraction of the phrase tha'ta tathishon- ihonlca (tha'ta, "left hand;" tathishon, "toward;" ihonka, " those sitting ") — that is, "those whose place in the hu'thugaw&s to the left of the Hon/ga." The name is not an ancient one, probably having been given when the tribe was organized in its present form.

There were four subgentes in the Tha'tada: Wapa'be itazhi, Wazhin/ga itazhi, Ke'in, and Te'pa itazhi.

Waqa'be itazhi subgens (a)

(Wapa'be, "black bear;" itazhi, "do not touch.") The rites con nected with the black bear, which were formerly observed in this subgens, have been lost. Only the memory remains that this sub- gens used to join with the We'zhinshte gens in rites observed when the first thunder was heard in the spring.

Xu'ka subdivision (a')

Xu'ka means teacher or instructor in mystic rites. The name was given to a group of families who were designated to act as hereditary prompters to the Hon/ga gens during the singing of the rituals per taining to the White Buffalo Hide and to the Sacred Pole, to insure

against mistakes when the sacred ritual songs

were given.

In the hu'thuga the Xu'ka subdivision camped

next to the Hon'ga on the left, and on the left

of the Xu'ka camped the remainder of the

Waca'be subgens.

The tabu of the Waca'be subgens was the black bear. Its flesh could not be eaten nor its

FIG. 30. Cut of hair, skin touched. Waca'be subgens. * j.i_ i_ • c .1 i M i

Ihe symbolic cut or the hair or the children

of this subgens consisted in the removal of all except a broad lock over the forehead, to represent the head of the bear (fig. 30).

Wazhin/ga itazhi subgens (b)

The name of this subgens is derived from wazhin/ga, "bird;" itazhi, "do not touch." The rites that once were practised by the subgens pertained to the protection of the crops from the depredation of the birds. These rites have long been disused and are traditional only. It was said that one of the acts was to scatter partially mas ticated corn over the fields — a symbolic appeal to Wakon'da to prevent the small birds from attacking the corn and thus depriving the people of food. The rites of this subgens evidently referred to

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

161

the period when the people depended more on the cultivation of the maize than they did after they entered the buffalo country.

The tabu was all small birds. Even the boys of this subgens, in their games, while they would shoot their arrows or strike with sticks at the birds would never touch one with their hands.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted in the shaving of the head, leaving a fringe of hair around the base of the skull, a short lock in front, and a broad lock behind (fig. 31). The fringe represented the feathered outline of the bird's body, the front lock its head, and the broad lock behind, its tail.

The Wazhin/ga itazhi camped next on the left of the Waca'be itazhi.

Kefin subgens (c)

FIG. 31. Cut of hair, Wazhin'gu Itazhi subgens.

The name Ke'in is compounded of Ice, "turtle;'" in, "to carry" — ''the turtle carriers or bearers." The rites that were once in the keeping of this subgens have long since fallen into disuse and are known only by tradition. It is said that the form of the turtle was outlined en the ground and the sod cut out so as to make an intaglio of the animal, and that ceremonies were connected with this figure which pertained to the securing of rain and also to the dispelling of storms. The rites of the Turtle-bear-

rers may have been associated with those that be longed to their neighboring subgens, the Wazhin/ga itazhi, and became obsolete for the same reason, the superseding of agriculture by hunting.

The tabu was the flesh of the turtle, which could not be eaten.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shav ing off all but a short fringe around the head, one small tuft over the forehead, two on each side, and a small lock at the nape of the neck (fig. 32). The short fringe outlined the shell of the turtle, the tuft over the forehead represented its head, the two on each side its feet, and the lock at the nape its tail. The Ke'i" camped on the left of the Wazhin/ga itazhi.

Te'pa itazhi subgens (d)

The derivation of the name of this subgens is: te, "buffalo;" pa, ."head;" itazhi, "do not touch." The rites pertaining to the buffalo head, which once belonged to this subgens, have been lost and there remains no trustworthy tradition concerning them. A pipe was given to this subgens to insure to it, as representative of its gens,

FIG. 32. Cut of hair, Ke'in subgens.

83993°— 27 ETH— 11-

-11

162 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. i_>7

a place in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs, when that body was instituted. The names in this subgens which refer to the eagle refer also to this ceremonial pipe. The head of the subgens had an official position as one of the bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pipes when they were ceremonially smoked.

The tabu was the head of the buffalo. Xo member of this subgens would touch a spoon made from the horn of the buffalo.

The symbolic cut of the hair of children of this

subgens did not refer to the tabu of the gens, but to the eagle, which was connected with the pipe. The hair was cut close to the head except a square tuft over the forehead, a similar one at the nape of the neck, and a broad lock over each ear (fig. 33). The head, tail, and two wings of the eagle were thus represented.

FIG. 33. rut of hair, Tne pipes used in the Wa'wa" ceremonv could

Te'pa itazhi subguns. , . , j, e , « , "

be painted on the tents of members or this gens, one on each side of the entrance and one at the back of the tent. This subgens camped next on the left of the Ke'i".

I'KRSONAI. NAMES IN THE THAXTADA (JENS (4)

Waqa'be, itazhi subgens i«i JJi'kie names

Qidaxmonthi" Meaning uncertain.

Gada'ka Meaning uncertain.

Giha'zhi Probable meaning: Unkempt.

Gi/thikonbi He to whom a place is yielded.

I "shta'duba I^shta, eyes; duba, four. (In Waga'be, Ponca.)

Kaxe'katithe Kuxe', crow; ka, sound made by the crow; tithe, parsing.

Ku'w^xegthitho" Whirling around.

Mon/shkaaxa .}fon'shka, crawfish; axa, to cry for. (In Ni'kapashna,

Ponca.)

Monlhixuke The digger of the ground. (Real name of Xa'rlebano".)

Non/kaxude Nonka, back; xude, gray.

Non/pabi One who is feared. (In Hi'rada, Ponca.)

Pi'cithinge Pi'qi, gall; thinge, without, none. Appears in Omaha

treaties of 1815, 1836.

Shui'na Meaning uncertain. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Tepa'uthixaga Meaning uncertain.

Te'thiti Buffalo ribs. In Omaha treaties of 1826, 1845.

Tongaxgaxe Pretentious to greatness, self-importance.

IFxthetego" Meaning uncertain.

Waca'apa Meaning uncertain. (In Nn'-.re, Ponca. )

Waca'be Black bear.

Waca'bezhinga Black bear; zhin/ga, young, little. (In Wa^u'be, Ponca.)

Wawe'xa.. To laugh at. He who laughs.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28

HU'PETHA

FLETCHKK-I.A Fi.KsrHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 163

Dream name/s

Ni'daho11. . . .- Ni'da, mythical being or auirnal (see note on this name,

p. 194); hon, night.

Hu'petha (pi. 2K) Meaning uncertain.

Niu'gashude Xi, water; u'gashude, to make turbid. Refers to bears

pawing in the water.

Valor names

A'gahawashushe 1'gaha, apart from, as outside a crowd; washushf, brave.

Distinguished for bravery. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Pa/thi"nonpa/.hi I'n'thin, Pawnee; no npa, fear; zhi, not. Fears not Pawnee.

(In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Nicknames Xa'debano" Hunch grass.

Don'abi Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

Don/ama Meaning uncertain.

Ma/zhonwin Ma'zhon, mazho^ha. fox: ?/;i«, feminine term. Two of thia

name.

Mirbthiwin Meaning uncertain, (in i-'on'caxti, J/o»X-o«' subdivision,

Ponca.)

Mi'hupegthi" Meaning uncertain.

Mi'noMabi The only sun.

Mi'o^athi" Moon that travels by day.

Mixtoningi New moon returning.

Nixdawin Ni'da, mythical being; (/•{'"", feminine term.

Noncexince Meaning uncertain.

Ton/ingina Refers to the new moon. Three of this name.

Wate'wi" Victory woman.

Wextonna Meaning uncertain.

Xu'ka (hereditary prompters) subgens(a/) Ni'kie name"

A/gahamonthin A'guha, apart from, outside a crowd; monthin. moving,

traveling, walking.

Qixxude £i, feet; xude, gray.

Ingthon/xepa Wild cat undersized.

Ka'xepa Ka'xe, crow; pa, head.

Keon/hazhi Ke, turtle; o^ha, to flee; zhi, not. (In Pon'caxti, Ponca.)

Kextongainshage Ketonga, great turtle; inshage, venerable, also old man.

Mon/gezhide Mon/ge, breast; zhidf, red. Refers to the breast of the

turtle. Monxpixaxaga Mo^xpi, clouds; xaya, roug%.

164 THE OMAHA TRIBE TETH. ANN. 27

Ni/ctumonthin •. . . Ni'qtu, backwards; monthin, walking. (In Waqa'be,

Ponca.)

Pahe'tape Seeking the hills.

Sha'gecka Sha'ge, claws; qka, white.

Watha'wajigthe Watha'wa, count; ji, then; gthe, sits. Refers to the office

of prompter, holding the counting sticks of the songs.

Dream names

Tenu'ga zhonthin/ke Sleeping buffalo bull.

Female names

Mi'gthitonin Return of the new moon.

Mi'hupagthi" Meaning uncertain.

Mi'toninge.-. Returning new moon.

Tha'tadawi" Tha'tada, name of gens; win, feminine termination.

Ton/iuthin New moon moving.

Wazhi^ga itazhi subgens (b) Ni'kie names

A'bthuzhide A'bihu, wing, an old word; zhide, red. Refers to the red- winged blackbird.

A/hinxega A/hin, wings; xega, brown. Two of this name.

A'hinzhide A'hin, wings; zhide, red — red-winged blackbird.

Axi'abaha Meaning uncertain.

Qi'mikaci £i, feet; mikapi, wolf, coyote.

CVxude fi, feet; xude, gray.

Gamon/xpi Ga, to strike; mon/xpi, clouds. The wind strikes the

clouds until it rains. (In Waga'be, Ponca.)

Gion/habi Gi, from him; o^ha, to flee; bi, who is. One who is fled

from.

Gthedon/nonzhin Gthedon, hawk; nonzhin, standing. (In Ni'kapashna, Pon ca.) In Omaha treaty, 1854, 1865.

Gthedon/xude Gthedon, hawk; xude, gray. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Gthedon/zhinga Little hawk .

Inshta/cka Inshta' ', eyes; fka, white. Refers to blackbirds.

Ke'k^ga Ke, turtle; tonga, big. (In Xu'ka; also in Wa^a'be,

Hi'pada subdivision, Ponca.)

Ma'azhi^a Ma' a, cottonwood ; zhfaga, little, young. (In Xu'ka; also

in Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mi^e'shage Minke may be mika, raccoon; shage, claw.

Monshtin/cka Rabbit; fka, white. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Nixkuthibthon Smelling human being.

Nonba/monthin No^ba', two; monthin, walking. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.) In

Omaha treaty, 1830.

No^e'duba No^be, hands; duba, four. Refers to the bear (?).

Non/nonde Non, mature; nonde, heart.

Non/pewathe One who is feared. (In' Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Nonzhin/monthin Nonzhin, rain; mont.hin, walking. Refers to the sand

martins which do not retreat before the rain.

Pixdaega Meaning unknown. Old name.

Shu/zhinga Little prairie chicken.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

Tawa'i"ge Meaning uncertain.

Tegon/ Te, buffalo; po«, white. In Omaha treaties of 1830,

1836, 1865. (In Hi'sada, Ponca.) U/honnonba Uhon, cook, one who prepares a ceremonial repast;

nonba, two. (In Washa'be, Ponca.) U'wethate TJ'we, field; thate, eats. Refers to eating of the corn by

blackbirds.

Wa'backaha Meaning uncertain.

Washkon/monthin Washkon, strength; monthin, walking. In Omaha treaties

of 1815, 1826, 1836, 1865. (In Washa'be, Ponca.) Wa'thidaxe Sound as of tearing with claws, as when a bear claws a

hollow tree to get at honey. (In Wazha'zhc, Ponca.)

Waton/i Conspicuous, plainly visible.

Wazhin/ga Bird. (In Waqa'be, Hi'gada subdivision, Ponca.)

Zh^do'^athi" He who moves in the dew.

Dream names

Ho^'kipa IIon, night; akipa, to meet.

Tenu'gagahi Tenuga, male buffalo; gahi, chief. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Tenu'gawazhi" Angry buffalo — male.

Uha/hi Meaning uncertain.

Wazhin/agahige Bird chief. (In Waqa'be gens, Ponca.)

Fanciful names

Pe'degahi Fire chief. (In Waga'be, Ponca.) In Omaha treaty of

Umon/hontonwongthon. . . . Omaha village.

Nicknames

Iti/gonnonpin Medals worn on the neck.

Wabthu'ga Hominy.

Female names

Gixpe'axa Meaning uncertain.

Mixakonda Moon power.

Mi/dashont.hi" Refers to the moon.

Mi/onbat,hin Moon travels by day. Four of this namo.

Mi'tena Refers to the sun.

Mon/shihathi" Moving on high. Six of this name.

Ni'dawi" Nida, a mysterious or fabulous being; win, feminine ter mination.

Tlu^tadawi" Thn'tada; ivin, feminine termination.

Thaxtawecon White Thaxtada woman.

Ton/ingthihe Sudden return of new moon.

We/tonna Meaning uncertain.

Wihe/tonga Big younger sister.

Ke'in subgens (c) Ni'kie names

Ezhno^zhuwagthe Ezhno™, alone; zhugthe, with; ira, them.

He'ga Buzzard .

Hegardi Meaning uncertain.

166 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

He'katho" He, horns; kathon, rattle, clatter, as the horns strike the

brush. (In Wazhin'ga subdivision.)

I"ku'shige Meaning uncertain.

Ke'chu" Ke, turtle; chun, plenty. Two of this name. (Doubtful if

ni'fcie.) Ke'gaxe Kc, turtle; gaxe, to make. Refers to the drawing of the

figure of a turtle on the ground in the ceremony pertaining

to the turtle.

Kegthe/cei"shtazhide . . Ke, turtle; gtheqe, spotted; inshta,eye; zhide,red. The sand hill turtle.

Ke'honga Ke, turtle ; honga, leader, or ancient.

K!e/'illzhinga Little K^'i".

Kethi'hi Ke, turtle; thihi, to scare animals. Two of this name.

Kezhin/ga Ke, turtle; zhin'ga, little. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Mi'xabaku Mi'xa, goose; buJcu, bent, crooked. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca).

Mon/cedon Meaning uncertain.

Na/ethonbe Na, by heat; ethonbe, appear. Refers to the hot days when

the turtles rise to the top of the water. Nia'kibano" Ni, water; a, for; kibanon, to run, as in a race. Refers to the

flight of the turtle to the water.

Nia'tagigthe Ni, water; a, for; to, towards; gigthe, goes home.

Nitha'shtage Ni, water; tha, action with mouth; ahtage, tepid.

Non/nonde Non, mature; nonde, heart.

Non/pewathe Non/pe, afraid; wa, on; the, to be. One who is feared. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Shkonshkou/tithe Shkonshkon, to move with the body; tithe, suddenly.

Shurzhinga Prairie chicken.

Tenu'gawazhi" Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; wazhin, means here, anger.

Uga'hatithe Ugaha, to float; tithe, by.

U/namonthin U'na, to borrow; monthin, walking.

Wanon/cabe The scratcher. This refers to the scratches inflicted by the

turtle in his struggles to escape when caught . Xae/monthi" Xae, rustling sound; monthin, moving, walking. Refers to

sounds made by birds.

Dream names

Wathi'shnatigthe Wnthi'shna, plain to the sight; tigthe, suddenly.

Valor names

Ka'xebaha Ka'xe, crow; baha, to exhibit. Refers to the badge of

bravery. Wa/to11nonzhi" Wo.' ton, upon; nonzhin, to stand.

Nickname*

Iti/gonnoup*in Tti'gon, grandfather; «,o»/)'i«, to wear around the neck.

Refers to wearing medals.

Female names

Don/ama Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.

Mixakonda Moon power.

Mi/gashonthiu The moon that travels. Four of this name. (In Washa'be

and Thi/xida, Ponca.) Mi/gthedonwin Mi, moon; gthedon, hawk; wi«, feminine. Two of this name.

(In Washa'be and Thi'xida, Ponca.) M^mo'^hihathi" Moon moving on high. Two of this name. (In Pon'caxti,

Monkon' subdivision, Ponca.)

FLETCHKK-LA FLE8CHB]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

167

Mi'tena Refers to the moon. Seven of this name. (In Wusha'be,

Hi'qada subdivision, and Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ni'dawi" Ni'da, imps, mysterious lit.tle beings; vin, feminine. Seven

of this name. (See footnote, p. 194.)

Non(-e/ir'(,'e Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name. (In Wuzha'zhe.,

Thi'xida, and Washa'be, Ili'qada subdivision, Ponca.)

Toa/i"gthihe Sudden apparition of the new moon.

Wate'wi".. . Wate, victory. Three of this name. (In Thi'.rldit. Ponca.)

FIG. 34. Cha'cathinge. Te'pa itazhi subgens (fJ> Ni'kir name*

Agthin/duba Fourteen.

Axhincka A'hi*, wings; qka, white. In Omaha treaty of 1S30. (In

Washa'be, Ponca.)

A/hinynede A' hi*, wings; qnede, long. Refers to the eagle.

A'zhidonto" A'zhidon, bedewed; to™, stands. Refers to the eagle upon

which the dew has fallen.

Cha'cathi-'ge (fig. 34) . . C'ha'qa, unkempt, ruffled; thi"ge, not. Refers to an un usual appearance of the tidy eagle.

Qi'ci Yellow feet .

(yi'ha Soles.

Ci'to^a Big feet.

Ezhnon/hoaga Ezhnon, only; ht>"ga, leader.

168 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

<

Gaha'gthi" Refers to eagle sitting on tree. Appears in Omaha treaty of

Gahi'ge Chief. (In Wa^a'be, IH'pada subdivision, Ponca.)

Gaku'winxe Ga, action by striking; ku'winxe, to turn. Refers to the

soaring of the eagle. (See ritual of hair cutting.) (In

Wazha'zhe and Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Gap'on/dithon Eagles jar the branch when alighting.

Hin/xpeagacnede Hinxpc, downy feather; aga, drooping; pnede, long. Refers

to the downy feather taken from the eagle and used as a

symbol in the pipe ceremony. I'gaehizhe 7. with; gachizhe, to fall with a crash on dry leaves or limbs.

Refers to the lighting of the eagle.

Ingthon/ga Wild cat. (Also in Xu'ka.}

Mon/ceguhe Meaning uncertain.

Mo"gexci Monge/, breast; $i, yellow.

Mongthi'xta Blackbird.

Nini'ba Pipe. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Nini/bai"sh'age Nini'ba, pipe; fosh'age, old, venerable.

Non/nonde Non, mature ; nonde, heart.

Nonzhin/monthi" Nonzhin, rain; monthin, walking.

Pacon/ Pa, head; pon, white or whitish. Bald-headed eagle,

Pacon/nonzhin Papon/, bald-headed eagle; nonzhin, standing.

Pexhinxte Tuft on the head of the eagle.

Pi'daega Meaning uncertain.

Shon/toncabe Black wolf.

Tia'gito" Ti, house; a'gi, his own; ton, stands. Refers to eagle stand ing on his nest.

Waca'apa Meaning uncertain.

Waje/pa Old name for the tribal herald.

Wa'thishnade (pi. 29) .. One who grasps. Refers to the eagle.

Xitha/insh'age Xit?ia/, eagle; insh'age, old, aged.

Xitha'wahi Xitha', eagle; wahi, bone. Probably refers to the eagle-bone

whistle used in ceremonies with the pipes.

Xitha'xega Xiiha' ', eagle; xega, the color of dried grass, yellowish brown.

Xithaxxti Xiiha' ', eagle; xti, real. Two of this name.

Xithaxzhinga Xitha', eagle; zhinga, little, young. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

i11 Gaki'e, scattered; monthin, traveling. Refers to flocks of

birds.

Female names

Gixpexaxa Meaning uncertain . Eight of this name.

Mipix Meaning uncertain ; probably mi, moon ; pi. good.

Mo^shihathi11 Moving on high. Refers to the eagle. Nine of this name.

NiMawi11 Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

No11fe/inthe Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

Tha'tadawi" Tha'tada; win, feminine termination.

Thartawicon Tha'ta, tha'tada; wi, win, feminine termination : fon, white or

pale.

Ton/ingthihe Sudden apparition of the new moon. Seven of this name.

Wextonna Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name.

Wihextonga Wih^, younger sister; tonga, big.

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FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 169

The name of this gens is an ancient and untranslatable word. It belongs to one of the tribes (Kansa) of the cognate group of which the Omaha is a member. From this tribe the State of Kansas takes its name.

In the Jiu'ihuga the Kon'ce gens camped on the left of the Tha'tada.

There were two subdivisions in the gens: (a) Tade'ata (fade, "wind;" ata, "in the direction of" — "in the direction of the wind"); the name is said to refer to the clouds. Rites connected with the wind were formerly in charge of this subgens, but they have been lost. In memory of the connection of these people with the wind was the following jesting action: when the mosquitoes were thick, a Kon'pe man was beaten witJi robes; this would call up a breeze to drive away the pests. (6) Xini'baton.

The tabu of the entire gens, as well as of its subgentes, was ver digris, which the people were forbidden to touch.

The symbolic cut of the children's hair represents a design which it is said used to be cut upon the earth after the sod had been removed when the ancient rites relating to the wind were practised. All the hair was cut off except a tuft over the forehead, one at the nape of the neck, and one on each side over the ear. From each of these four tufts, represent ing the four points of the compass, a narrow line of hair extended upward, terminating in a round tuft on the top of the head (fig. 35).

When the Hethu'shka society formerly was led around the tribal circle by the Kon'ce the act may have been in recognition of the power of the wind to befriend the warriors, as certain customs prac- FIG. 35. cut of hair, tised during warfare suggest. (See p. 39.) The Kon/ce also had the office of starting the ball game which was played by the two grand divisions of the Jiu'thuga. (See p. 197.)

The Tade'ata subgens camped on the left of the Te'pa itazhi of the Tha'tada, and on the left of the Tade'ata was the Nini'baton subdivision.

PERSONAL XAMES IX THE KON/fE GEXS (5)

Tade'ata subgens (a) Xi'kie names

Da/donthinge Da'don, possessions; thinge, not, nothing. He has nothing.

Refers to the invisible nature of the air or wind. (In

Wazha'zhc, Ponca.)

Ko^edathi11 dathin, crazy — Crazy Kon/ce.

Kuge/ , The sound made by a drum.

170 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Ma''axude .............. Ma^a, cottonwood ; xude, gray.

Mu'xanonzhi" (pi. 30). . . Refers to the clouds. Ni'kagahi .............. Chief.

Nonxtha/demonthin. . . . The creeping sensation of a bug crawling.

Tagi'ha ................. Old name, meaning uncertain .

Tade/umonthi" ......... Tad</, wind; u, in; monthin, walking. (See ritual of hair

cutting.) (In Wazha'zhe and Ni'kapashna, Ponca.) Thixthr'gazhi ......... Thixthiga, old; zhi, not (abbreviated) never old. Two of

this name. Waxcicinde ............ Flapping with a quivering motion, as when the wind blows

the tent flaps.

Borrowed names Chon/chonxepa ......... Dakota.

Mi'chaxpe ............. Omaha.

Dream namex

Waba'hizhinga ......... Waba'hi, to graze; zkinya, little — little nibbler. (In Wnzha'zhe,

Ponca.) Zhon5i/monde ......... Zhon, wood; qi, yellow; monde, bow.

Female name.i

A.ce'tonga ............... Meaning uncertain. (In Pon'caxti. Mr>nl*on' subdivision,

Ponca.) Mi'akonda ............. Mi, moon; akonda, power.

Mi/monshihathi" ....... Moon moving on high.

Mi'texi ................ Sacred moon.

Mi'to^go ............. New moon returning.

Mi'xube ................ Mi, moon ; xubc, sacred .

Mo^shathi nke .......... Mon'sha, on high ; ihinke, sitting (moon).

Tade'wi n ............... Tade, wind ; win, feminine term .

Ton/inthin .............. New moon moving.

Xu'degi ................ Xu'de, gray ; gi, returning. Refers to the mist blown by the

wind.

Nini'baton subdivision (b) Ni'kie names

Ezhnon/githabi ........ Ezhnon/> only; githabi, who is favored — gi, possessive sign;

tha, favored; bi, who is. The favored son(?) Gah^zh^ga (pi. '31 ) ____ Gahi' ', gahi'ge, chief; zhinga, little. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Micharxpezhi nga ....... Little star — old name.

Mon/shewakude ........ Meaning uncertain; probably, old man who shoots an arrow.

Monzhon/hathin ........ Monzhon/, the earth; ha, over; thin, from monthin. to walk or

travel. Travels over the earth. Refers to the wind. The

bearer of this name was a herald. Mon/zhonkidc .......... Watches over the land. Refer.-; to wind. (In Osage.)

Appears in treaties of 1815 and 1826. Paei'duba. .... ........ Four buffaloes. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Wami "' ....... .... ..... Blood . (In Thi'xida, Ponca. )

Zhaxbezhinga ........... Zha'be, beaver; zhinga, little.

Kou(;ewi u ............... Kon$e; win, feminine termination. Five of this name.

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Namts unclassified as to sabgentes

Ni'kie names

Heba/dizhon Heba'di, half; zhon, sleep. Sleeps halfway.

Koncegahige Kon^e, Kansa chief.

Kon/cezhinga Little kon'qe.

Non/dethinge Nonde, heart; thing?, not any.

Pahi'thagthi" Good hair.

Pa'nuhu Owl.

Tade'ta To the wind. Also in Inke'yib? ritual of hair cutting.

Tadexun<;a Tade' ', wind ; unqn, swift .

Waba'shetho" Meaning uncertain.

Wate'wahi Meaning uncertain.

Xage'wathe One who causes weeping.

Zhega/nonba Zfiega, legs; nonba, two.

Female iiamt* Tade'waha<re Meaning uncertain.

INSHTA^'UKDA DIVISION. REPRESENTING THE SKY PEOPLE (A)

MON/THIN~KAGAXE GEX.S (B)

The significance of this name (monthinka, "earth;" gaxe, '' to make") is somewhat obscure, but the rites committed to this gens seem to have been connected with the rock or stone and with the gray wolf. What these rites were is not now known. They have long since fallen into disuse and become lost. In myths that deal with the creation of the earth, with the contention of man against strange monsters that con trolled the animals, with the interdependence of various forms of life, and with the persistent mystery of death we find the idea of perma nence, of length of days, of wisdom acquired by age, to be symbolized by the rock or stone; while man's restlessness, his questionings of fate, his destructiveness, are frequently symbolized by the wolf. These two, the rock or stone and the gray wolf, are in myths represented as brothers and in the ancient rites belonging to this gens they were symbolically united, in some way now unknown, a fact that makes it not unlikely that the name of the gens, "earth makers," preserves the purpose of the rites once committed to these people — rites that not only dramatized the myth of Creation, but were believed to insure the continuance of that which had been created.

According to tradition there were formerly in the keeping of this gens four sacred stones, which were painted, respectively, white, black, red, and green or blue. These stones were ceremonially placed in a circular hole made in the ground, and over them was spread the dowrn of the swan ( Gygnus americanus) . As late as the last century one of these stones was in existence, in charge of Ton'wongaxe. It is said that at the meetings of the Pebble society he would "place it on the ground and make it walk." There is a tradition that in the

172

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

ancient rites pertaining to the stones water or rain was represented. This tradition is borne out by the use of the down of the swan, a water bird, to cover ceremonially the stones. The connection with water rites is probably also indicated by the statement that the old keeper of the stones could take them to the Pebble society, whose rites per tained to the element water. All four stones are now lost. The last one was probably buried with Ton'wongaxe. The connection of the stones with the water adds to the probability that the lost rites of this gens dealt with the Creation.

There are no subgentes in this gens. Within the last century the groups of families to whom were formerly assigned certain duties connected with the ancient rites have taken names referring to their ancient hereditary office, and as a result these groups have been mistaken for subgentes. The Xu'be (sacred) group had direct charge of the sacred stones. Another group, whose office pertained to that part of the rites which related to the wolf, called themselves the Mi'kaci (wolf). Still another, to whom belonged the duties relating to the water and the swan, called themselves Mi'xacon (swan).

All of the above-mentioned groups had the same tabus as the gens, namely: The swan, the clay used for making the colors with which to paint the stones, and the soot from the kettle em ployed in preparing the black paint used on the stones.

The cut of the hair of the children of these groups was peculiar. The hair on the right side of the head was shaved off, while that on the left side was allowed to grow (fig. 36) . It has been impossible to obtain a general explanation of this symbolic style of cutting the hair. Some have said it rep resented the bare rock and the falling rain. At the organization of the tribe in its present form a group of families wTas set apart in the gens as Nini'bato11, keepers of the pipes, and a chief from this group was given a place in the Council of Seven Chiefs. In this group occurs a name found nowhere else in the tribe: Nini'ushi, filler of the pipes; this may refer in some way to the rites which once belonged to this gens, and which, as they probably pertained to the Creation, may have had a significance in the Council of Seven Chiefs, that ruled the tribe.

The cut of the hair of the children belonging to the Nini'baton group was the same as that used by the other Nini'bato11 subdivisions in the gentes of the tribe.

In camping, the Xu'be (a) pitched their tents immediately on the left of the Kon'ce; then came the Mi'kaci (b) ; next, the Mi'xapo11 (c) ; and on their left the Nini'bato11 subdivision (d).

FiG.Sfi. Cut of hair, thinkagaxe gens.

\

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TON'WONGAXEZHINGA (LITTLE VILLAGE MAKER)

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 173

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE MOX/THINKAGAXE GENS (6)

Xu'be subdivision (a) Ni'kie names

A'xabazhi A'xa, to cry for; ba, they; zhi, not. One who is not cried for.

Gachi'zhitho" Gachi'zhi, to fall with a crash; tho™, contraction of ithon,

suddenly. Refers to the noise made by the eagle when

alighting.

I'gasho" Wanderers; refers to wolf. Two of this name.

Mon/gthithon Standing up suddenly. Refers to a little animal that

suddenly rises to an upright position. Non/gemonthin Non'ge, to run; monthi™, walks or travels. Travels running.

(In Waga'be, Ponca.)

Nonzhin/monthin Nonzhin', rain; monthin, travels. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Shon/gecka (pi. 32) Shon'ge, horse (old name for wolf); fka, white. Appears

in treaties of 1826, 1830, 1836, 1854. (See Shonge'cabe,

Tapa' gens.) (In Nu'xe, Ponca and Osage.)

Uga/shonzhinga Uga'shon, traveler; zhi^ga, little. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Waba'hici Waba'hi, to graze; ?i, yellow. Yellow object grazing; refers

to yellow wolf. (In Pon'caxti, Monkon' subdivision,

Ponca.) Wahu'thabi One of whom permission is asked. Appears in treaty of 1815.

Dream names

£igthe/nonpabi pigthe, footprints; nonpabi, to fear. One whose footprints,

even, are feared. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Waca/betonga Wafa'be, black bear; tonga, big. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Wa'dupa Old dream name. Two of this name.

Wahe'he Easy to break, tender to the touch.

\Vakon/da Power. Refers to sacred stones. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Wakon'daukie Talks to Wako^da.

Washi'shka Shell. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Borrowed names

Hexa/ganonzhin Hexa'ga, elk (Dakota); nonzhin, to stand. (In Washa'be,

Ponca.) Kon/cehonga Kon'qe, name of gens and tribe, Kansa; ho»ga, leader. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Mixa'cka White swan.

Wazhin/gacabe Wazhin'ga, bird; qabe, black. (In Wa$a'bc, Ponca.)

Fanciful names

Ton/wongaxe Ton'won, village; gaxe, maker.

To^wo^axezhi^a (pi. Zhinga, little. Little village maker. 33.)

We'thishku We, to do something for another; thishku, from thishkuda, to

dig with the fingers.

Valor names

Monga/azhi Mon, arrow; ga'azhi, not afraid. (In Waqa'be, Ponra.)

Wace'athi" Waqe', paint; athin, have. Refers to war parties.

Waahi1Tainonhin Washi'bi, to ask one to work; nonhin from inonhin, willing.

Willing to serve.

174 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

Female namts

Mi'mitega The new moon. Four of this name.

Mi/monshihathin Moon moving on high.

Mi'texi Mi, moon; texi, sacred. Two of this name.

Mi'tonin New moon. Two of this name.

Nonzhe/giton Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.) Two of this

name. Pon/ca£on White Ponka. (In Pon/caxti, Monkon/ subdivision, Ponca.)

Three of this name.

Pon/cawin Ponca feminine. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Ton/ingina New moon returning. Three of this name.

We'tewi" Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.

Nini'baton subdivision (d) Unclassified names

£e/cethinke The trotter; indicating the characteristic gait of the wolf.

Cin/dezhinga Little tail.

Gahi/gewadathinga Refers to the peaceful office of the chiefs. This name

appears among the Osage, and is sometimes misleadingly

translated as Saucy Chief or Crazy Chief.

Gthedon/no"pabi Hawk who is feared.

Gthedon/win Gthedon, hawk, win, feminine termination. Two of this name.

Gu'dahi There-he-goes! An exclamation of hunters who scare up a

coyote.

Huti'gthe Voice heard at a distance. Refers to wolves.

I ^co11 White rock . Refers to the sacred stones .

Inke'gaxe Refers to pipes.

Inzhi'de Red rock. Refers to the sacred stones.

Mi/gthedonwin Mi, moon; gtht-don, hawk; win, feminine termination.

Mixa'cka Mixa, swan; pka, white. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.) Two of this

name. Mon/gthithon Mongthe, to stand; ithon, suddenly. The last vowel in mo*-

gthi is dropped. Refers to sudden action of gray wolf.

Two of this name. Ni'kaftuwathe The gatherer. Refers to the Sacred Tribal Pipes and their

unification of the people into one social bodv.

Nini'ushi Nini', pipe; ushi, to present. Refers to ceremony of pipes.

Shon/tongacka The white gray wolf.

Shon/tougamonshiadi . . . The tall gray wolf.

Shon/tongatu The blue gray wolf.

Shon/tongawathihuya. . . The mad gray wolf.

Shon/tonzhinga ShoWo™, gray wolf; zhinga, little or young.

Thata'xitigthe Crunching of bones. Refers to wolf .

The'dewathatha Refers to the frequent cautious looking backward of the

wolf as he trots along.

Ugac'innon , . . . The peeper. Refers to the coyote.

Uga/shonnonzhin The wanderer. The restless habit of the coyote.

Uga/shonton The wanderer. The restlessness of the wolf.

U'shkadazhi Dauntless, rushing into battle without hesitation. (In

Nu'xe, Ponca.) Utha'gabi Refers to wolf.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 175

Wa'gawinxe ............ The soarer. Refers to the eagle.

Wathi/gtho"thiage ...... No mind.

Borrowed names

Ki'shtawagu ........... Said to be Pawnee. (In Wa<;a'be gens, Ponca. )

Waxuaxtainge ........... Said to be Oto.

Dream names

Hon/hemonthin ......... Night walker.

Monchu/wakonda ....... Bear god.

Valor names Inke'washushe ......... Brave soldier.

Nicknames Inshti/thi"ke .......... Name of a mythical mischievous being.

Female names

Ace'xube .............. -Afe*, from icape, paint; xube, sacred.

Gixpe'axa .............. Meaning lost. Old name. Two of this name.

Mi'ashteshto" .......... Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

TECIN/DE GENS (7)

The name of this gens has reference to the buffalo (te, "buffalo;" finde, "tail"). There are no subgentes.

The rites anciently committed to the people of this gens have been lost. Nothing but a tradition remains, which states that the ceremony pertained to the crow. In certain myths that speak of the Creation it is said that human beings were at first without bodies; they dwelt in the upper world, in the air, and the crow was instrumental in helping the people to secure bodies so that they could live on the earth and become as men and women.

The tabu of the gens favors the tradition that the rites under its charge referred to the birth of the people in bodily form. They were forbidden to touch the unborn young of an animal. In later days the tabu applied especially to the buffalo young, and also to the lowest rib adher ing to the backbone, as the head of the fetus was said to rest against this part of the animal; con sequently the meat from this rib could not be eaten.

The symbolic cut of the hair referred to the young of the buffalo. All the hair was cut off FIG. 37. cut of hair, except two small tufts on the side of the crown, indicating the coming horns, and a lock at the nape of the neck representing the tail of the calf (fig. 37) .

When the tribe was organized in its present form, a Xini'bato" group of families was chosen in this gens and the leader of the group was given a place in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs.

176 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

The tabu of this subdivision was the same as that of the gens itself. The symbolic cut of the hair was like that of all the children belonging to Nini'baton subdivisions.

The Tecin/de (a) camped on the left of the Mon/thi"kagaxe, the j\ini'baton subdivision (b) being at the extreme left of the gens.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TECIN/DE GENS (7)

Teqin'de subdivision (a) Ni'kie names

Heba'zhu He, horns; bazhu, knobby.

He'xude He, horns; xude, gray.

Hinci/ziiinga, Hin, hair, of an animal; fi, yellow; zhinga, little. Refers to

the young buffalo. (In Washa'be, Ponca; also in Inke'<;abe.)

Fshibazhl The name of an old hero whose deeds are preserved in song

and story.

Ka/xenumpin Crow necklace.

Kigtha/zho"zho11 Kigtha, himself; zhonzhon, to shake — shakes himself. Refers to

a buffalo. (In Pon'caxti, Monkon/ subdivision, Ponca.)

Tamon/xaga Ta, a corruption of te, buffalo; mo», arrows; xaga, bristling.

Two o'f this name.

Uma'abi Cut into pieces and spread (scattered?).

Wahon/thi"ge (pi. 34) . Wa, a prefix by which a condition is generalized and expressed as a noun; hon, from ehon, mother (general term); ihinge, none. Hence, wahon'thinge, orphan. The loss of the mother makes an orphan, according to the Omaha idea. (In Wa sha'be, Ponca.)

Mi'akoMa Mi, moon;akonda, wakonda. Four of this name. (In Pon'caxti,

Monkon' subdivision, Ponca.) M^gthito"!" Mi, moon; gthi, return; to«i", new. The new moon returns. (In

Inshta^-unda gens.)

Mi'xube Mi, moon; xube, sacred.

Tecon/win White buffalo, feminine term. Three of this name.

Ton/ingi Ton/in, new moon, gi, coming. (In I^shta' runda gens.)

Umon/agthin Meaning uncertain.

Uthe'amoPthi" Three of this name.

Uzhon/geagthin Uzhon'ge, trail; agthi™, to sit on. Refers to buffalo sitting in

the buffalo path. Wihe'gthedo" Wihef, younger sister; gthfdon, hawk. Two of this name.

Nini' baton subdivision (b) Ni'kie names

Cin/dethihon Qin'de, tail; thihon, to lift. The father (now dead) bore same

name. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Inshtaxshabe Inshta' ', eye; shabe, black. Two of this name. (In Wa^d'he,

Ponca.)

Mona'xaga Mon, arrow; a'xaga, bristling — bristling with arrows.

Mon/s1ionhonga Refers to feathers on the pipe leaders.

Non/dewahi Bone heart.

Non/gethia Non/ge, to run; thi'a, not able. Probably refecs-to the new born calf. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34

WAHON'THINGE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 177

Nonon/bi ............ JVo«ow, to hear; bi, who is. One who is heard. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.) Pe'zhexuta ......... Wild sage (artemisia).

Shu'degina .......... Shu'de, smoke; gina, coming. Refers to the smoke-like

appearance of the cloud of dust raised by the herds of buffalo

as they approach. Ta/monha ............ Ta, deer; mon, monge, breast; ha, skin.

Taton/gashkade ....... Taton/ga, tatanka, Dakota for buffalo; shkade, to play — Dakota,

ska'ta. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.) Tenuxgazhinga ....... Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; zhinga, little. (In Wazhafzlic, Ponca.)

Texe/unonzhin ....... Texe, marsh; u, in; nonzhin, to stand. Standing in buffalo

wallow. Thixa'bazhi .......... Thixa', to chase; ba, they; zhi, not. Two of this name. Refers

to the calf that no one chases. Uzhna'gaxe ......... Uzhna', clear space; gahe, to make. Refers to the wallow. (In

Nu'xe, Ponca.) Waba'xe ............. The many layers. Refers to the fat about the stomach of the

buffalo. Two of this name. Zhu/gthethinge ...... Zhugthe, companion; thinge, none.

Female names

Mi'cebe. ............ Mi, moon; <;ebe, dark or shadowy. May refer to the shadowy

part of the moon seen when the moon is new. Two of this

name. Mi'gthito"!11 ......... Mi, moon; gthi, return; tonin, new, applied to the new moon.

Three of this name. Mon/(;epewi" ........ Ax; win, feminine termination.

Tecon/win ___ ........ White buffalo, win, feminine termination. (In Ingthe^zhide.)

Six of this name. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.) Uthe/amonthi" ...... Uthe, a route usually taken; a, over; monthint walking. May

refer to the migrations of the buffalo. Six of this name.

Unclassified names

Heba'chage ......... He, horns; ba'chage, crumpled.

Nonhe/gazhi ......... Running hard.

Non/kapai .......... Non/ka, back; pai, sharp.

Shu'kagthi11 ......... Shv'ka, a'group; gthin, agthin, to sit.

Nicknames W'au'xtawathe ........ Admirer of women.

Fanciful names Mon/cepetonga_ ...... Mon'qepe, ax; tonga, big.

TAFA' GENS (8)

Tapa', "head of the deer," is the name given to the Pleiades. The rites formerly in charge of this gens are lost, but there are tradi tions that point to the strong probability that they related to the stars and the night skies. These rites seem to have been connected with myths dealing with the Creation. In them the wild-cat skin and the fawn skin were used, their spotted appearance having a symbolic reference to the heavens at night. The thunder and zigzag lightning 83993°— 27 ETH— 11 - 12

178 THE OMAHA THII5K [BTH.AXN. 27

were also typified, and were connected with the ceremonies pertaining to the cutting of the child's. hair, ceremonies in which this gens formerly took part, and represented the father, the sky. Of the ancient rites only a few vestiges now remain, such as the painting of spots on the child along the sides of its spine, when a few days after birth the child received its baby name. This was done by an old man of the gens, who dipped three fingers into the paint and with them made the symbolic spots on the child. These spots had the double significance of the fawn — the young or newborn of the deer — and the constella tion known by the name of "the deer's head.'' Names in the gens refer to the lightning, and it is said that red lines were sometimes painted on the child's arms, typical of it.

There were no subgentes in the Tapa' gens, but formerly there were groups in charge of certain duties connected with the ancient rites. These groups continued to cling together, although their duties became obsolete with the loss of the rites. They still exist and are known as the group under Mike'nitha or (^in/dexonxon. The members of this group sometimes speak of themselves as Tapa'xti ("the real or original Tapa"') ; the group under Pa'thingahige seems to have had charge of that part of the ancient ceremonies which referred to the thunder; to the group under Zhinga/gahige seems to have been committed the symbolic faw^n skin. Pa/thingahige and Zhinga'gahige were not chiefs but leading men. These groups have sometimes been mistaken for subgentes.

Tabu : charcoal and verdigris could not be touched by this gens. The verdigris by its color was said to symbolize the sky, and the ^ association of charcoal with the verdigris would in

dicate that the dark, or night, sky was symbolized in the tabu.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shaving the head, leaving only a tuft over the forehead and a thin lock at the nape of the neck. The signifi cance of this style is uncertain (fig. 38).

At the organization of the tribe in its present

FIG. ss. cut of hair, form a group of families became the Nini'baton subdivision, and its leader had a seat in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs. The Nini'bato" observed the tabu of the gens, but the hair of the children was cut in the style of all the Nini'bato" subdivisions in the tribe.

This gens affords another instance of the change that takes place in the general significance of the name of a gens when the rites intrusted to it have become obsolete and lost. The star cult rites of the gens being no longer practised, the deer's head ceased to be regarded merely as symbolic and took on a literal interpretation.

KI,KTCHER-LA FI.KSCHE] TRIBAL ORGAN I/AT1ON 179

This is evidenced in the personal names where the stellar significance has been largely lost sight of.

In the Tiu'ihuga the group under (^in'dexonxon (a), or Mike'nitha, camped on the left of the Tecin/de people; next was the group under Pa'thingahige (/>) ; on their left the group under Zhinga'gahige (<•) ; and at the left end of the Tapa' was the Xini'baton subdivision (d).

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TAPA' <i ENS (8)

Group under r/n'r/f.ro"ro'i < Mike'nitha) (a) Ni'kie names

Bachi'zhithe. . _ Bachizhi, to rush in in spite of obstacles; the, to go — as the deer

rushing into the bushes. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

(y'igthu/nonge (^igthu, trail in; nonge, running.

(^"'deyka (^'inde, tail; c,ka, white. (In Pon/caxti, Mon/co"' subdivision,

Ponca.)

^in/deyontigthe (Jin/de, tail; qon, pale; tigthe, sudden. Refers to the sudden

flash of the white tail of the deer as the animal leaps into the cover. Four of this name.

£in/degabizhe ...... ^'in/de, tail; gabizhe. wagging. Two of this name.

Cin/dexonxon(fig. 39)_ (Jin'de, tail; xonxo", glittering.

Hethi'axe He, horn; thiaxe, rattling. Refers to the rattling sound of the

antlers against the bushes as the deer plunges into a thicket.

Hexa'gazhinga He, horn; xa'ga, rough; zhinga, little.

Hezha'ta He, horn; zhata, forked. Two of this name. (In Thi'xida,

Ponca.)

I'ingabi I'inga, rejected; bi, who is.

Keba'ha Ke, turtle; baha, to show — turtle showing himself. (In Thi' xida, Ponca.)

Mika'xage Mika, raccoon; xage, to cry — crying raccoon. (In Po'i'caxti,

Monkon' subdivision, Ponca.)

Mike'nitha Old name; meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Monnon/xaxa Mon, earth; non, action by the feet; xaxa, to scrape, to tear up.

Refers to the rutting of the deer.

Non/co"da/,hi Non/qonda, to dodge; zhi, from on/kazhi, not. (In Wusha'bt,

Ponca.)

Non/kahega Nonka, back; hega, brown. (In Wazha'zhe, Pouca.)

On/hazhi On/ha, to flee; zhi, from on/kazhi, not. Makes no attempt to

escape.

Pahi'cka Pa, head; hi, hair; (;ka, white.

Shage'duba Shage/, hoofs; duba, four. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Sha'gezhi^a Sha'ge, hoofs; zhinga, little. Two of this name.

Shkon/shko"tithe. . . . Shkon, to move; shkoishko", continually moving; tithe, sud denly. Two of this name.

Tatou/gamonthin Ta, deer; tonga, big; mo1* thin, walking. (In Ni'kapashna,

Ponca.)

Ta'xtiduba Ta'xti, original deer; duba, four.

Texhego" Te, buffalo; he, horn; go", like. Refers to the stage of growth

when the antler resembles the horn of the buffalo. Two of this name.

Thiti'bitho" Bounding up.

180

[ETII. ANN. 27

Tide/mo"thi" Tide, noise, rumbling; monthin, walking, moving.

Uwon/citithe Uwon/c,i, to jump up; lithe, suddenly.

Wa'xanonzhi" Wa'xa, in advance; nonzhin, standing. (In Pon'caxti, Mon

subdivision, Ponca.) iVaxpe'sha Old name,, meaning lost. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.) Appears in

treaty of 1830. Xitha'nika Xiiha' ', eagle; nika, from nikashiga, person. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.) Zhidoto"' Zhide, red; ton, stands.

FIG. 39. Qi»'dexo"xo" (Mike'nitha;.

Female names

Gthedou/shtewi" Meaning uncertain. Nine of this name.

Hin/xudewin Hin, hair; xude, brown; win, feminine termination.

M^gthedo'^i" Mi, moon; gthedon, hawk; win, feminine termination. Seven

of this name.

Mi/monshihathin Mi, moon; moving on high.

Mo^^epewi" Mon'qepe, axe; win, feminine termination. Three of this name.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

No"5e/in5c Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Po'^caco11 Pale or white Ponca. Nine of this name.

Poncawi" Ponca woman.

Tecon/wi" Te, buffalo; 50", white; win, feminine. Belongs also to

Ingthe'zhide gens.

Group under Pa'thingahigc (6)

He/90nthinke He, horn; con, white; th-fake, to sit. Refers to the deer when

sitting in the grass so that only his white horns are visible.

Hezhon/ka He, horn; zhonka, forked.

Hu/hazhi Meaning uncertain. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Inchun/gacka Inchun/ga, weasel; qka, white. (In Ni'lcapashna, Ponca.)

Inshta/bashonshon. . . . Inshta', eyes; bashonshon, zigzag.

Kaxe'cabe Kaxe, crow; qabe, black. (In Ni'lcapashna, Ponca.)

Non/kagthezhe Nonka, back; gthezhe, spotted. Refers to the fawn. Two of

this name.

TVshkahiagtho n Refers to the oak struck by lightning.

Wapa'de One who cuts up the carcass. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Weco"githe Old name, an organizer. Name of Pa/thingahige.

Borrowed names

A'shkamo''^!11 A'shka, near; monthin, walking. Dakota name.

Pa/thingahige Pathin, Pawnee; gahige, chief. (In Wazha'zhc, Ponca.)

Female names'i

Ezhnon/monhe '. . . Ezhnon, lone, solitary; monhe, one who is dwelling in another's

house. Five of this name.

Gthedo^shtewi" Refers to hawk difficult to handle. Three of this name.

Gthedon/wintexi Gthcdon, hawk; win, feminine term; texi, sacred. Four of this

name.

Mi'huca Meaning uncertain. (In I^shta' qu^da gens.)

Pon/cacon Pale Ponca. Six of this name.

We/to"bethi11 Two of this name.

Group under Zhinga' gahige (c) Ni'kie names

Qiha' Ci, feet; ha, skin. Soles. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Te/cehincabe Teqe, belly; hin, hair; qabe, black. (In Washa'be. Ponca.)

Tem^gaiiQ'^ Te, buffalo; nuga, bull; nonba, two. Two of this name. (In

Thi'xida, Ponca.) Thaexgithabi Thae, from thaethe, liked or beloved; gi, passive; bi, who is.

Refers to a calf that is caressed by its mother. (In Pon'caxti,

Ponca.)

Female names

HeVegaca lie, horn: we, with; gaqa, cut.

Mi'giunthe Mi, moon; giun, to fly; the, to go.

Pon/cacon Pale or white Ponca. Three of this name.

Ton/ingthihe Meaning uncertain.

Umon/agthin Meaning uncertain.

182

A'kidagahige

THE OMAIEA TKJBE IKTII. AXX. 27

Nini'balo'1 subdivision (d) Ni'kit names

A'kida, to watch over; gnhiye. chief. Chief who watches. (In Ni'kapashnn , T'onca. ^

J-'IG. 4(). llcthi kuivi"xt' (son of !Shon JIIM/ a !«.•;.

Hethi/kuwi"xe(tig.4U). He, horn; thi'kuwnxe, turning around. Refers lo the twisting

of the antlers before shedding. Hexu'ga He, horn; xaga, rough. Refers to the rough antlers of the deer.

Two of this name. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ki.HTCiiKii-LA Ki.KsciiKl TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 183

Shage/dubazhinga. . . . Shage', hoofs; duba, four; zhinga, little. (It ia said that zhinga has been recently added to distinguish this name.)

Shon/ge<;al>e (see fig. 8honge, horse; <;abe, black. (It is said that this name was 40). originally Shagecabe ("black hoofs") and that it has been

changed since the introduction of horses.) (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

TatoM/ga Great Male Deer; old name. (In TM'xida, Ponca.)

Wazhi'^kidc Wazhin, will power, anger; kide, to shoot. Refers 1i> a chal lenging male animal.

Xitha/yka Xitha', eagle; qka, white. (In Thi'xidu, Ponca.)

Xitha'gahige Xitha', eagle; gahige, chief. Two of this name. (In I'on'mxti,

Mo^kon' subdivision, Ponca.)

Xitha'gaxe Xitha', eagle; gaxe, maker. Three of this name. ( I n I'on'ca.rti,

Monkon' subdivision, Ponca.)

Barrmrtd nnniex

Xitlu/giu" Xitha', eagle; giun, to fly. Flying eagle. Dakota name.

Female nctmtx

Gthedon/wi"texi Gthedon, hawk; u>in, feminine termination; texi, sacred. Five

of this name. (In Waqa'be and in Pon'msti, Mo^ko*' sub division, Ponca.)

Mo"'cepewi" Mo'nqepe, axe; win, feminine term. Seven of this name.

Po'Vaco" £'o", pale. Pale or white Ponca. Twelve of this name.

We'tonbeci" (In Hon'yn gens. ) Six of this name.