The Pima Indians

INTRODUCTION

From November, 1901, until June, 1902, the writer made his headquarters at Sacaton (see pi. i), on the Gila River reservation, in southem Arizona, where he was engaged in a study of the Pima tribe. With the aid of five native interpreters information was obtained from ten Pima men and women," selected because of their intelligence and special aptitude in certain lines. With so many persons engaged in the investigations, the work of one frequently overiapped and served as a check on that of another. This made it possible to obtain a quite full account of Piman ethnology for the time employed. A house-tohouse canvass of the villages, week after week, month after month, led to personal contact with nearly every household on the reservation '^ and visits were made also to the Salt River Pimas and the desert

.'.•s. s Kwahadk's. One valuable result was the collection of more than 300

^...v specimens illustrative of nearly all Piman arts, gathered from among a people whom poverty had induced to dispose of so many of their a The name and a brief sketch of each of the author's informants and interpreters are here given:

Informants. KA'mil tk&k, Thin Leather (pi. xliv, b) , an old man, is said to be the most popular of the few remaining narrators of myths and speeches, or " speakers." He is an intimate friend of the head chief, Antonio Azul (pi. ii, a) , and has always occupied a prominent place in the councils of the tribe. In his prime he exceeded 6 feet in stature and was strong and sturdy of frame. Indeed, his hand grasp is yet vigorous enough to make his silent and friendly greeting somewhat formidable. Intelligent, patient, dignifled, his influence must have been helpful to those youths who formerly came to him for instruction. From him was obtained the cosmogonical myth of the tribe, many speeches, songs, and much general information. He also made a model of a loom and a few other specimens for the collection of material pertaining to the Pimas.

Sala Hina, Sarah Fish, or Hina (fig. 51), as she was called by her people, was recommended as one of the most intelligent of the older women. An earnest Christian, she had no scruples about relating all that she knew concerning the religious beliefs of the tribe. She had undergone a long and exacting training in practical botany which rendered her a valuable assistant in gathering information concerning the economic plants of the region. Taught by gaunt Hunger, she and her kind had learned to know and use a large numlier of vegetal products. She inherited through her father some of the Kwahadk' potters' skill, which enabled her to impart valuable knowledge of the art and to furnish specimens.

Sika'tcu, Dry, an old woman, is the half sister of Antonio Azul and is one of the best known nurses and midwives about the Sacaton settlement. Though unable to speak English, after a few interviews with an interpreter she was quick to understand by means of signs and a few Pima words when to pose for photographs and the like. Among her earliest recollections was the sight of the covered wagons of the emigrant trains that followed the (Jila route in such numbers during the early years of the California gold excitement. Her memory therefore extends over a quarter of a century of the period of bitterest

26 ETH— 08 4 17

old belongings that for a month or two after going into their midst there seemed but little opportunity of securing anything approaching a representative series. Several specimens that were finally discovered are believed to be the very last of their kind among the Pimas, though of course such a statement must be made wdth reserve. Prof. J. J. Thomber, of the University of Arizona, accompanied the party on a round trip of 80 miles along the Gila river and to him the collection is indebted for about 50 herbarium specimens, representing the larger portion of the economic plants of the Pimas that are susceptible of preparation in this way. To him also is due the credit of examining and identifjdng the mass of material gathered by the persons engaged at Casa Blanca and Gila Crossing. As complete a list as possible of the plants used for food, medicine, and the like was made, after which the services of both men and women were enlisted to point out the plants in the course of a trip through the river bottoms or on the hills. Furthermore, a number of sets of seeds was obtained, a portion of which were planted during the summer of 1902 for the purpose of raising plants that could not otherwise be identified. Unfortunately, the season proved too dry for them to germinate and the list is consequently less complete than it should be. The Puna name is given in all cases.

The American people owe the Pimas a lasting debt of gratitude. The California pioneers that traversed the southern route before the warfare between the Pimas and the Apaches. After several months acquaintance with this old woman Mrs Russell obtained from her much information concerning the Pima woman's views of warfare as well as knowledge of facts pertaining to various customs, especially those peculiar to her sex.

Antonio Azul (see pi. ii, o) was the head chief of the tribe, and from him much information concerning war customs and recent history was obtained.

Ki'satc, Cheese, an old Santan pariah, had employed such wit as gnidging miture had ondowo<l him with in practising the arts of the medicine-man. His contributions, while of a minor character, proved to be of interest.

William Blackwater, an elderly Pima, had taken an active part in the later history of the village of Blackwater. which is situated at the eastern end of the reservation. Tie was employed but a short time and gave information concerning history' and customs.

Haliali, or Juan Thomas, a Christian Pima who was formerly a medicine-man, contributed much valuable information concerning the " occult." He also furnished a calendar record and made a number of specimens illustrating the medicine-man's paraphernalia.

Tco'kQt Nak, Owl Ear (pi. ii, 6), an old man, lived at the Salt River village and was the first from whom a calendar record was obtained.

Benjamin Thompson, so far as could be learned, kept the only calendar in the central group of villages about Casa Blanca, and he related the events that are commemorated by it.

K4enul-a, Rattlesnake Head (pi. ii, c\ a chief, is knoi^Ti to the whites as Joseph Head. He gave an excellent specimen of a calendar record and stick.

Interpreters. The principal interpreter, who was employed by the month during the entire period of the writer's stay, was Jos<5 Lewis, a Papago who had lived from childhood among the Pimas. He had once been engaged by the Bureau of American Ethnology to write a vocabulary of his own language and to supply other information, so that he was acquainted with the phonetic alphabet and other approved methods of procedure. He was engaged in linguistic work the greater part of the time.

Melissa Jones, the oflScial interpreter at the agency, was employed to interpret the statements of Sika'tcu, her mother, known to the whites as '• Old Mary. " and also at intervals on the calendars.

Jacob L. Roberts spoke quite as good English as the average white man of the country and was employed to secure Tco'kCit Nak's calendar (pi. ii, b) and for the final revision of the linguistic material.

Carl Smart, of Sacaton, and Thomas AUi.son, of Blackwater. were occasionally engaged as temporary interpreters. In addition to these there were half a dozen others who were employed for from one to three days each at the lower villages.

days of transcontinental railroads often owed their lives to the friendly brown-skinned farmers whom they met upon the Gila." This tribe rendered notable assistance as scouts in the long contest with the Apaches. Even had they remained neutral, they would have deserved friendly consideration on the part of the whites, but as they fought bravely in the latter^s behalf justice requires that their services be accorded proper recognition.

The Pimas live in two river valleys that are strewn with the ruins of prehistoric buildings and other evidences of the presence of a considerable population that had attained probably the highest degree of civilization or culture to be found north of Mexico. Tlie present race has been variously regarded as the descendants of the one that has disappeared, as having amalgamated with it, and as being entirely independent of it. The determination of the exact relationship of the two groups has been held constantly in mind during the course of these investigations. Closely connected with this principal problem are those problems of the extent and direction of the migrations of men and culture toward the Sierra Madre, the Rio Grande, the Pacific, and the plateau to the northward. Was this a center of culture or was it a halting place in the march of clans?

HISTORY

Name

The tribe known as the Pimas was so named by the Spaniards early in the history of the relations of the latter with them. The oldest reference to the name within the writer's knowledge is that by Velarde: '^Th^ ^una^ ation, the name of which has^JbeeBuftdopted by the Spaniards from the native idiom, call themselv ^ Otam j' or in the plural Ohotoma; the word pima is repeated by them to express negation.''^ This ^'negacion'' is expressed by such words as pia, **none,'' piatc, ^'none remaining,'' pimatc, ''I do not know" or '*I do not understand.'' In the last the sound of t^j§.^ten reduced to a faint click. The Americans corrupted this to ^^ Timo sJ? and while this form of the word is now used only by the ilhterate living in the neighborhood of the tribe, it is fairly common in the literature referring to them. They call themselves A'-£l'tam, ''men" or ''the people,'' and when they wish to distinguish themselves from the Papago and other o Sylvester Mowry, lieutenant in the Third Artillery, in an address before the American Geographical Society, in New York, February 3, 1859 (Arizona and Sonora, 3d ed., 30), said: " Much as we pride ourselves upon our superior government, no measures [the United States Government have [sic] since, under urgent pressure of the writer, made some small appropriations for the Pima Indians] have been taken to continue our friendly relations with the Pimos; and to our shame be it said, it is only to the forbearance of these Indians that we owe the safety of the life of a single American citizen in central or western Arizona, or the carriage of the mails overland to the Pacific."

b ''La nacion pima,cuyo nombrc htin tomado los espafioles en su nativo idioma, se llama Otama y en plural Ohotoma, de la palabra Pima repetida en alios por ser su negacion." Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 4th ser., i, 345.

divisions of the same linguistic stock they add the word &'kim(ilt, " river/' " River people" is indeed an apt designation, as evidenced by their dependence on the Gila.

Gatschet has thus defined the Pima linguistic stock in an article entitled ''The Indian languages of the Pacific/' which was published in the Magazine of American History:"

Pima. Dialects of this stock are spoken on the middle course of the Gila river, and south of it on the elevated plains of southern Arizona and northern Sonora (Pimerfa alta, Pimerfa baja). The Pima does not extend into California unless the extinct, historical Cajuenches, mentioned in Mexican annals, spoke one of the Pima (or Pijmo, Pimo) dialects. Pima, on Pima reserve, Gila river, a sonorous, root-duplicating idiom; N^vome, a dialect probably spoken in Sonora. of which we possess a reliable Spanish grammar, published in Shea's Linguistics; ^ Papago, on Papago reserve, in southwestem Arizona.

Villages

During the eariy part of the nineteenth century there were eight Pima villages on the Gila, according to statements made by K&'mfiJ tk^k and other old men of the tribe. The numerous accounts by travelers and explorers contain mention of from five to ten pueblos or villager. The names are usually those bestowed by the Spanish missionaries or unrecognizable renderings of the native terms. The villages were principally upon the south bank of the river, along which they extended for a distance of about 30 miles.*^ Some have been abandoned; in other cases the name has been retained, but the site has been moved. The first villages named by Kino were Equituni, Uturituc, and Sutaquison. The last two were situated near the present agency of Sacaton (pi. i). The first may have been the village of Pimas and Kwahadk's, which was situated west of Picacho on the border of the sink of the Santa Cruz river (fig.l), which was abandoned about a century ago and was known as Aktitclny, Creek a Vol. 1, 166.

& The most valuable publication relating lo the Pima language ia the "Grammar of the Pima or N(vome, a language of Sonora, from a manuscript of the XVI II Centurj'.' This was edited by Buck> ingham Smith, and 160 copies were issued in 1862. It is in Spnnlsh-Nth'ome, the latter differing slightly from the true Pima. The grammar has 97 ociavo pages wth 32 additional pages devoted to a " Doctrina Cristiana y Confesionario en Lengua Nevome, 6 sea la Pimu.*'

c The Rudo Ensayo stateji that " between these Casas Grandes, the Pimas, called Gileftos, inhabit both banks of the river Gila, occupying ranches on Ix^autiful bottom land for 10 leagues farther down, which, as well as some islands, are fruitful and suitable for wheat. Indian com, etc." Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, v. 128.

" The most important of those ranches are, on this side, Tusonini(5, and on the oth«'r, Sudacson or the Incarnation, when^ the principal of their chiefs, called Tavanim6, lived, and farther down, Santa Theresa, where there is a very copious spring." (Il>id., 12^).) This "spring" was probably above the present Gila Crossing where the river, after running for many miles underground in the dry season, rises with a strong flow of water that supplies extensive irrigating ditches.

Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner, writing in lS5f), enumerate the following Pima villagi^s: San Juan Capistrano, Sutaquison, Atitton, Tubuscabor, and San Si^ferino de Napgub (see Pacific Railroad Reports, in. pt. 3, 123).

In IH.'iS Lieut. . B. Chapman, First Dragoons, U. S. .Vrmy, completed a census of the Pimas and Maricopas. The names of the viliagi^s, leaders, and the population of both tribes are here reprinted

BC88BLL]

VILLAGES

Mouth. The site of this settlement was visited by the writer in April, 1902. It is marked by several acres of potsherds that are scattered about the sand dunes on the south side of the dry river bottom that is scarcely lower than the level of the plain. A few Mexican families have lived in the vicinity for many years, pumping water from a depth of a hundred feet and depending upon crops of com and beans raised in the summer when a few showers fall upon their fields. These Mexicans plow out stone implements and bits of pottery, but have never found any burial places.^ There are two medium-sized adobe ruins on the flat river bottom; one of these has walls of the same pis6 type that is exhibited by the Casa Grande ruin (pi. ni), situated 25 miles to the northward.

from S. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, 550, 35th Cong., 2d scss.. 1859. The numher of Maricopaa is included that the comparatively small importance of that tribe may be appreciated.

MARICOPAS [Head chief, Juan Chevereah.]

, , Women }

Villages. Chiefs. I Warriors. and ' Total.

j children.

ElJuezTarado '], ^ [lie! 198! 314

,MuanJo8e { i '

Sacaton J j 76! 128 204

192 , 326 ' 518

PIMAS [Head chief, Antonio Soule [Azul].]

Buen Llano

Ojo de Euro and Yiela del Arispe. . . .

! 132 1 140

i 110 1 102 j 105 1 235

;

250 ^ 503 ! 175 i 425 1 210 1 158 1 535'

Ormejera No. 1

Miguel and Xa\1er

OnnejeraNo. 2

Cabeza del Aquila

Casa Blanea

Chelan

Tabacaro

Cadrillo del Mundo and Ariba Aqua Bolando. .

Francisco

La Mano del Mimdo

Cheroisez

Rl JuesTarado

Arizodel Aqua

Aranca No. 1

Aranca No. 2

Boca Dulco

1,152

2,965

4,117

Mr Browne, a meml^er of Commissioner Poston's party that visited the villages in Jan!iar>', 1864, wrote: **The number of Pima villages is 10; Maricopas, 2; separate inclo8un»s, 1,000." (J. Ross Browne, Adventun»s in the Apache Country, 110.) On a later page (290) he gives the population by villages, of which ho names but seven:

Aqua Baiz 533 | Ilerringuen :a4

Cerrito 259 , Llano 392

Arenal 616

Cachunilla 438 Total 3,067

Casa Blanea 315

"There are 1.200 laboring Pimas and 1,000 warriors.'"

James F. Rusling (The Great West and the Pacific Coast, 369), who visited the Pimas in 18<i7, also states that there were then ten Pima villages. oPont mentions a Pima-Papago village in this vicinity, called "Cuitoa." Manuscript Diary, 3r>.

The villages known to the oldest Pimas are as follows:

1. Peta^kuk, Where the Petal (aah tree?) Stands.

2. Tcupatak, Mortar Stone.

3. TcuVutukawutak, Earth Hill.

4. Os KA^k{im{ik Tco^tciklUn, Arrow-bush Standing.

5. Ko''-okiip Van'^slk, Medicine Paraphernalia, f). K4^mlt. Back.

7. Tco^dtlk Wu^tclk, Charcoal Laying.

8 and 9. Akiitclny, Creek Mouth. One 5 miles west of Picacho and another southwest of Maricopa station. Both depended upon flood waters.

Fig. 1. Map of Pima reservation.

There are two Maricopa villages: IIi'n&m&, Hina Head (hina, a kind of fish) and Tco'titclk Wu'tclk, which is included among the Pima villages, sls it was occupied by them after the Maricopas moved down the river to their present location below Gila Crossing. The ni'n&m& people now reside on the south bank of the Salt, east of the Mormon settlement of I^ehi.

The Pimas have a tradition relating the circumstances of the coining of the band of Sobaipuris," whom they call Rsa'rsavin&, Spotted, from the San Pedro. They are said to have drunk na'vait or cactus liquor together with a village of Pimas of forgotten name, on the north side of the Gila, near the present Blackwater and the Picacho village of Aktitclny, before the time when the Apaches forced them to leave their homes on the San Pedro.

Since the settlement of the Gila and Salt river valleys by the whites and the establishment of peace with the Apaches, the Pimas have again manifested a disposition to extend their settlements, principally owing, however, to the scarcity of water on the Gila River reservation. The present villages are as follows :

Os Kuk, Tree Standing, known as Blackwater.

\Wtcu(r)t, Opposite, North Blackwater.

Ha''r8anykuk, Saguaro Standing, Sacaton Flats.

S*a''opuk, Many Trees, The Cottonwoods.

Tat^sltdk*, Place of Fright, the settlement about Cruz's store.

Ku^-u Ki, Big House, Sacaton.

^o^pohitim, (?), Santan.

Hu^tdlttclk, Round Clearing, village below Santan on north bank of river.

Va^-aki, Ruin or Ancient House, Casa Blanca.

Sta^t&nnjik, Many Ants, a village between the two last preceding, on south bank of Gila.

Pe-ep''tclltk, Concave (from a family with noses of that shape), northeast of Casa Blanca.

Rso^tdk*, Water Standing, northwest of Casa Blanca.

Sk^^k&Ik, Many Rattlesnakes, on north side of Gila, opposite Rao^iiik'.

Rsd^ndk, Beginning, about a mile east of Sacaton station on Maricopa and Phoenix railroad.

Ka^woltdk' Wutca, Hill Below, west of railroad.

Hi^atam, Sea Sand Place, from Hi^akatclk, where the people of this village formerly lived. Hi'^atam was just north of Maricojm station.

Ka^matdk Wu^tdl, K&^'matiik Below, Gila Crossing. K^-'matdk is the Pima name of the Sierra Estrella.

Herm^'ho, Once, or A^md A^imdlt, Salt River, known by last name. This is the settlement on the north side of the river, 3 miles from Mesa.

Prehistoric Ruins

The Pimas have long since grown accustomed to being interrogated concerning the builders of the great stone and adobe pueblos that now lie in ruins on the mesas of the Gila and Salt river valleys. However ready they may have been in the past to claim relationship a "The most warlike among all the Pimas are those we call the Soblarpuris, for they are bom and reared on the border of the Apaches; but they have become tired of living in constant warfare, and have, during the present year of 1762, abandoned their beautiful and fertile valley, retiring, some to Santa Maria Soanca, and some to San Xavier del Bac and to Tucson, thus leaving to the enemies a free entrance to the high region of the Pimas. ' ' Rudo Ensayo, translated by Eusebio Guit^ras, Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, v, 192.

with the Hohokam^ or relate tales of the supernatural origin of the pueblos, they now frankly admit that they do not know anything about the matter.^ As early as the time of Kino and Mange mention is made of the chief of the former pueblo of Casa Grande, who was called 'Siba/' Mange in his Diary of November, 1697, translates this word as '^bitter'' or ''cruel." The present pronunciation is sivan^^ and the same name is given to all Hohokam chiefs; no one now knows the meaning of the word. The query arises. Is the similarity of this term to the native name for the Zufiis a mere coincidence? Mr Gushing states that ''Cibola equals the 'Chi-vo-la' of Fray Marcus, of Nizza, equals the Zufli name for themselves, namely, Shiwona, orShiwina.''=

Each ruin is called va-aki, ancient house, and in the m3rths a name is added to distinguish it from other ruins and to it si'van^ to identify him from other chiefs.

Following is the list of the best known places, with their chiefs:

Tc(/-oltak, Comer, Casa Grande. Ruled by Sla^-al Tcu-vtakI, Morning Blue. A-&t*kam Va-aki, Sandy Ancient House, Santan. Ruled by Kla^-atak, Handle. S'o'^am Nyu^ Va-aki, Yellow Vulture Ancient House. Name of chief not known to my informants.

The following names of chiefs are preserved in the myths, but the ruins are referred to simply as va-aki:

Tcuf^aowo-o, Dipper, was the sivan^ at the ruin situated about 4 miles northwest of Santan. (PI. iv, a, 6.)

Ta^-a, Flying, lived at the Sweetwater pueblo. (PI. iv, c.)

Tco^-otcuk Ta^tai, Black Sinew, at Casa Blanca.<*

Tcu'^naraat, Lizard, at Gila Crossing.

A-'-an Hi'tttp&kl, Feather Breathing, at Mesa.

ViMk I^'alt Ma'^kai, Soft Feathers Rolling, ruled the pueblo between Tempe and Phoenix that is now being excavated by the Arizona Antiquarian Society.

When a single chief is referred to, he is usually called Si'van^", and when the full name is given, Si'van^^ is always added, so that it is not surprising that Mange, Bandelier,* and others should have supa The term Ilohokain, That which has Perished, is used by the Plmas to designate the rare that occupied the pueblos that are now rounded heaps of ruins in the Bait and Qila river valleys. As there is no satisfactory English term, the Pima name has been adopted throughout this memoir.

V I made frequent inquiries of the Pimos and Coco-Maricopas as to the builders of these (Salt River ruins) and the ruins on the Gila, but could obtain no other than the ever ready, Qu.en wjIh?? These, as well as the ruins above the Pimo villages, are known among the Indians as the ' houses of Montezuma,' an idea doubtless derived from the Mexicans, rather than from any tradition of their own. We asked our Indian guide who Montezuma was. lie answered, ' Nobody knows who the devil he was: all we know is, that ho built these houses.' " Bartlett, Personal Narrative, 1854, ii. 248.

<^Congr^s International des Am^ricanistes, 7»" sess., 1890, 155.

d The ruin at Casa Blanca (pi. v, a) is one of the largest south of the Gila. The adobe walls yet show at the level of the surface of the mound. Sedelmair states in his Relacidn that there were two houses standing at Casa Blanca in 1744. This and the ruin in Santan arc the only ones near which the modem villages are built. Casa Grande is 6 miles from the nearest Pima village, which was. furthennore, quite recently established by families from points farther down the river.

• " While in New Mexico the chain of traditional information appears almost unbroken as far down as San Marcial, in Arizona the folk-lore of the Zufli terminates, according to Mr Cushing, with the northem folds of the Escudilla and of the Sierra Blanca. The remarkable architecture prevalent on the posed that the Casa Grande pueblo was under the control of "Siba" or ''Si'van^;" indeed it is now frequently designated ''Si'van^ Ki" by the Pimas. Fifteen miles southeast of the Casa Grande ruin is the mountain ridge that rises abruptly from the neariy level plains which is known as Ta-a'tdlkam or Picacho mountain. Picacho is an isolated peak south of the mountain. The pass between them, through which the main trail ran from the Pima villages to Tucson, and through which the railroad has^ been built, was one of the most dreaded portions of the overiand trail when the Apaches were ''out," as they were most of the time. To the northeast of the mountain is a small pueblo ruin that lies about 15 miles from the river, which is apparently the nearest water. It was probably occupied during a part of the year only. East of the mountain is a ruin called Kis'tcolt Vatclk', Table Tank; on the north is one known as Mo'-ok' Vatclk', Sharp Tank; and at the foot of Ta-a't(ikam, on the west, is A'-alt Vap'tck', Small Tanks. Southwest of the mountain were situated the Pima village of Aktitclny and the two pueblo ruins previously mentioned. There is another small pueblo ruin a few miles northwest of the site of Ak(itclfny, but no others of similar type are known to the writer at any point in Arizona south of Picacho. A personal examination of all the ruins of the southeastern part of the Territory has shown them to be of a different type from those of the upper and lower Gila and the Salt river valleys. The ruins along the San Pedro, it is true, extend to the southward of the parallel of Picacho, and it is believed to be desirable that some of them be explored. Superficially they resemble the ruins about SolomonsviUe, where cremation

Salado, Gila, and Verde has no light shed upon it by their folk-lore tales. *Here th^ statements of the Pimas, which Mr Walker has gathered, are of special value; and to him I owe the following details: The Pimas claim to have been created where they now reside, and after passing through a disastrous flood— out of which only one man, CI-h5, was saved— they grew and multiplied on the south bank of the Gila until one of their chiefs, Ci-v&-nO, built the Casa Grande. They call it to-day *Ci-vft-nd-qi' (house of Ci-vft-n6); also 'V&t-qi' (ruin). A son of Ci-vft-n6 settled on lower Salt river, and built the villages near Phoenix and Tempe. At the same time a tribe with which they were at war occupied the Rio Verde; to that tribe they ascribe the settlements whose ruins I have visited, and which they call *0-6t-g6m-v&tqi' (gravelly ruins). The CJasa Blanca and all the ruins south of the Gila were the abodes of the forefathers of the Pimas, designated by them as 'VI-pI-sH' (great-grandparents), or * Ho-ho-q6m' (the extinct ones) . (Ci-vft-nft had twenty wives, etc. ['Each of whom wore on her head, like a headdress, the peculiar half-hood, half-basket contrivance called Ki'-jo.' Papers Archeol. Inst., IV, 403.]) At one time the Casa Grande was beset by enemies, who came from the east in several bodies, and who caused its abandonment; but the settlements at Zacaton, Casa Blanca, etc., still remained, and there is even a tale [' It is even said that the people of Zacaton made war upon their kindred at Casa Blanca and blockaded that settlement by constructing a thorny hedge around it. Through the artifices of the medicine-men the hedge turned into a circle of snakes.' Papers Archeol. Inst., IV, 464] of intertribal war between the Pimas of Zacaton and those of Casa Blanca after the ruin of Casa Grande. Finally, the pueblos fell one after the other, until the Pimas, driven from their homes, and moreover decimated by a fearful plague, became reduced to a small tribe. A portion of them moved south into Sonora, where they still reside, but the main body remained on the site of their former prosperity. I asked particularly why they did not again build houses with solid walls like those of their ancestors. The reply was that they were too weak in numbers to attempt it, and had accustomed themselves to their present mode of living. But the construction of their winter houses — a regular pueblo roof bent to the ground over a central scaffold— their organization and arts, all bear testimony to the truth of their sad tale, that of a powerful sedentary tribe reduced to distress and decadence in architecture long before the advent of the Spaniards." Bandolier in Fifth Ann. Rep. Archeol. Inst. Am., 1883-84, 80, 81.

was the prevailing mode of disposing of the dead, as it was also on the lower Gila and the Salt river. Nothing was learned to indicate that the Sobaipuris of the San Pedro practised incineration. If some of the clans of the Hopis or Zuflis are to be identified with the Hohokam of the Gila, as is maintained by some of the most able authorities upon Southwestern archeology,** how is the total disappearance of this primal custom to be explained?

There is a strong belief among the Pimas that they came from the east. It is in that quarter that the abode of their dead is located. Their gods dwell there. Their beliefs do not seem to have been influenced in this respect in the least through contact with the tribes of Yuman stock who have sought a paradise in the opposite direction. There are vestiges of a tradition that the Pimas were once overwhelmed by a large force of warriors who came from the east and destroyed nearly all the people and devastated the entire Gila valley. This does not appear to be another version of the account of the invasion by the underworld clans. While the majority of the Pimas declare that their people have always lived where they now are, or that they came from the east, there are some who say that the Hohokam were killed by an invasion from the east before the Pimas came.

The Pimas formerly regarded the ruins with the same reverence or aversion which they felt toward their own burial places. After the excavations made by the Hemenway Expedition on the Salt river, as no disasters followed the disturbance of the dead, they grew less scrupulous and can now readUy be hired as workmen to excavate the ruins or ancient cemeteries.

Contact with Spaniards

From the meager records of the Coronado Expedition of 1540-1542 it has been surmised that Chichilticalli was the Casa Grande, but this statement lacks verification. Aft^r traversing the entire southern and eastern part of Arizona the writer can not but believe that it is extremely improbable that Coronado saw the Casa Grande and the o The earliest mention of the Gila origin of the Ilopi theory is that of Oarers: "Also they knew that I was padre ministro of the Pimas, who likewise are their enemies. This hostility had been told me by the old Indians of my mission, by the Gilej1os,and Coco-Maricopas, from which information I have imagined (he discurrido) that the Moqui nation anciently extended to the Rio Gila itself. I take my stand (fundome, ground myself) in this matter on the ruins that are found from this river as far us the land of the Apaches, and that I have seen between the Sierras de la Florida and San Juan Nopomuzeno. Asking a few years ago some Subaipuris I ndians who were living in my mission of San Xa\ior if they knew who had built those bouses whose ruins and fragments of potter>' (losa for loza) are still visible— as, on the supposition that neither Pimas nor Apaches knew how to make (such) houses or pottery, no doubt it was done by some other nation— they replieil to me that the Moquis had built them, for they alone knew how to do such things, and added that the Apaches who are about the missions are neither numerous nor valiant; that toward the north was where there were many powerful people; * there went we,' they said, 'to fight in former times (antiguamente) ; and even though we attained unto their lands we did not surmount the mesas whereon they lived.' " Diary in Couos, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, New York, 1900, u, 386, 387.

neighboring Pima villages. For a century and a half after that invasion no white man is known to have reached £he territory of the Pimas Gilefios.

The eariiest as well as the most important explorer in the history of Pimeria Alta was Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, who, between the years 1687 and 1710, jomneyed many a dusty, thirsty league in the eager search for souls. In 1694 he reached the Casa Grande in v company with native guides who had informed him of the existence of the ruin. Absolutely nothing is known about this expeditioiT^ except that a mass was said witliin the walls of Casa Grande. However, it may be safely inferred that Kino visited the near-by Pima villages. As the Papagos w^ere at that time also called Pimas it is sometimes difficult to determine what part the true Pimas played in the events chronicled by the padres. Yet it is probable that they are referred to in the account of the religious festival which was observed in 1698 at Remedies, in PimMa Baja. Among the visitors were ' ' native chieftains from as far north as the Gila valley. ' ^ Then as now the Pimas and Papagos were on a friendly footing, and the character and movements of the Spaniards must have been made known to the Pimas before the latter saw Kino or any other white man.

Kino diligently strove to establish missions among the many tribes that he visited, but was much hampered by lack of funds. He succeeded in interesting the authorities sufficiently to induce them to send a military expedition to the Gila in 1697 for the purpose of ascertaining the disposition of the Pimas. The party included 20 soldiers, with 3 officers. Juan Mateo Mange was sent with Kino to WTite the official reports of the expedition. On the upper San Pedro river 30 Sobaipuris joined the party, which followed that stream to the Gila. They reached the Pima villages on the 21st of November, visiting and for the first time describing the Casa Grande. The return was by the more direct route of the Santa Cruz valley. It was by this route also that Kino in September, 1698, again descended to the Pimas with a small party of native guides. He returned by way of ^^^ Quijotoa (?) and the Gulf.

Early in 1699 Kino, in company with Mange, made liis fourth journey to the Pimas l>y way of Sonoita and the lower Gila. The return was by way of the Santa CVuz.

A year later Kino again reached the Gila by a new route. From a point above the Bend, and hence doubtless among the Pimas, he descended to the mouth and returned to Sonora by way of Sonoita.

In 1702 he made his sixth and last journey to the Pimas, going by way of Sonoita and the lower Gila. Among the *^ 40,000 gentiles'' whom he is said to have baptized there were quite a number of Pimas, but as his sojourn among them was never of more than a few days' duration his influence could not have been very great. Nevertheless, he gave away great quantities of beads, and as the people already valued highly those of their own manufacture it is probable that they readily accepted Kino's statement that magic power resided in the new beads of glass. At any rate, the writer has foimd very old glass beads on all Piman shrines and has no doubt that some of them were brought by Kino. The first horses, also, to reach Pimerfa were brought by these expeditions. There is no record of any cattle being brought so far north, though they were generally distributed to the Papago rancherias in Kino's time.

After the death of Kino, in 1711, no Spaniard is known to have reached the Gila or even to have entered Arizona for a period of more than twenty years. In 1731 two missionaries, Father Felipe Segresser and Juan Bautista Grashoffer, took charge of the missions of San y Xavier del Bac and San Miguel de Guevavi and became the first per- ^Ljnanent Spanish residents of Arizona. In 1736-37 Padre Ignacio Javier Keller, of Suamca, made two trips to the Pima villages on the Gila, where he foimd 'Hhat many of the rancherias of Kino's time had been broken up.''** Again in 1743 Keller went up to the Pimas and endeavored to penetrate the Apache country to the northward. Communications by means of native messengers indicated a desire on the part of the Hopis to have Jesuit missionaries come to them from Sonora. The point of greatest interest to us is that any communication should have existed at all. Keller failed in his attempt on accoimt of the hostility of the Apaches, and Sedelmair, who tried to make the joimiey in the following year, was imable to induce the Pimas or Maricopas to accompany him. In 1748 Sedelmair reached the Gila near the mouth of the Salt river and journeyed westward. Of his trip to the Gila in 1750 little is known.

Accounts of these earliest missionaries of course preceded them by means of Papago messengers, who doubtless made clear the distinction between the slave-hunting Spanish adventurers and the Jesuits and Franciscans. Fortunately for the Pimas they were quite beyond the reach of the former and wore so remote from the Sonoran settlements that only the most devout and energetic friars ever reached them.

The first military force to be stationed in Arizona was a garrison of 50 men at Tubac, on the Santa Cruz. This presidio was moved to Tucson about 1776, and in 1780 the garrison was increased to 75 men. Even when at Tucson the influence of this small force on the Pimas could not have been very great. Between 1768 and 1776 Padre Francisco Garc^s made five trips from San Xavier del Bac to the Pimas and beyond. The fifth entrada was well described in Garc^s's Diary (admirabl}^ translated and edited by Elliott Coues under the title ''On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer"), though he exhibited a pitiful waste a Bancroft, xvii, 362.

of opportunities for ethnological observation while among the Pimas.** From this time forward until the American occupancy of the Gadsden Purchase in 1853 the Spanish and Mexican population of Tucson varied from 500 to 2,000, and there was more or less trade with the Pimas either at the post or through small trading parties that went from Tucson to the Gila villages.

a Pfefferkorn, who published his Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora in 1794-95, gives a vexy full account of the southern Pima-speaking tribes, but dismisses the "unconverted Pimas" in the following words:

"Hierauf folgen den 0%la hlnunter die noch unbekehrten Pimas, welcho sich auf beyden Seiten des Flusses ausbreiten. Die/ies Volk ist in drey sahlreiche Gemeinden getheilet: wovon die st&rkeste ein anmdthiges mit B&umen wohl besetzes Land von 14 Meilen bewohnet; welches durch Wasserleitungen, die sich wegen dem ebenen Boden mit geringer Milhe aus dem Flusse auf das umliegende Land ftthren lassexi, befeuchtet, und fruchtbar gemacht werden kann." (Vol. i, p. G.)

Padre Pedro Font, whoaocomi>anied Garc^s in 1775, wrote an extended diary of the journey, in which he devotes a few pages to the lUmas. Following is a translation from a copy of the original manuscript, pages 48-52:

" First of November: Wednesday.— I said mass, which was attended by some Gilefk>s Indians who happened to be there and who gave evidence of considerable attention, good behaviour, and silence. They sought to imitate the Christians in crossing themselves, which tftey did awkwardly enough, and in other things. We left the Laguna (Lagoon) at half-past nine in the morning, and at one o'clock in the afternoon we reached the town of San Juan Capistrano de Uturituc, after having travelled four leagues towards the west-northwest. This town consists of small lodges of the kind that the Gileflos use. We were received by the Indians, whom I estimated to be about a thousand in mmiber. They were drawn up in two rows, the men on one side and the women on the other. After we had dismounted they all came in turn to salute us and offered their hand to the Commander and the three fathers, men and women, children and adults. Indeed they all gave token of much satisfaction at seeing us, touching their breast with their hand, naming God, and using many other expressions of benevolence. In short, their salutation was most lengthy, for almost every one of them bowed to us, saying: ' ' Dios ato m' busiboy," as do the Pimas Christians of Rmeda alta, which signifies ' ' May God aid us." We, on our part, must needs return their salutations. They lodged us in a largo hut, which they constructed to that end, and in front of it they placed a large cross. Pagans though they were. The river being somewhat distant, the Governor ordered his wives to bring water, which they straightway carried to his lodge for the people. These Pimas Gileflos are gentle and kind-hearted Indians. In order to fdte our arrival they sought i>ermi8sion of the Commander to dance, and soon the women were moving from mess to mess, dancing after their fashion with hands clasped. In short, the whole people gave token of great pleasure at seeing us in their country, and some of them even offered us their little ones to be baptized. This we did not do, being desirous of proceeding with circumspection, although we sought to comfort them with good hopes. In the afternoon I went to the town with Father Garcfis and the Governor, Papago de Cojat, to see the fields. These milpas are enclosed by stakes, cultivated in sections, with five canals or draws, and are excessively clean. They are close by the town on the banks of the river, which is largo only in the season of the freshets. At that time its water was so low that an Indian who entered and crossed it had the water but halfway up his leg. From what they have told me, this is the reason they had not yet made their sowing, for inasmuch as the river was so low the water could not enter the canals. They also told me that to remedy this need they were all anxious to come together fora council, and had already thought of sinking many stakes and branches into the river to raise the water so that it might enter the drains; this industry on their part is a proof of their devotion to toil and shows that they are not restless and nomad like other races, for to maintain themselves in their towns w^ith their fields they themselves have contrived to hold and control the river. I also saw how they wove cloaks of cotton, a product which they sew and spin; and the greater number of them know how to weave. They o>'n some large-sized sheep whose wool is good, and also Castilian fowl. These Indians are somewhat heavy in build, ver>' ugly and dark, the women much more so than the men. Moreover, perchance on account of their excessive eating of pechita, which is the htisk of the crushed mosquito made into a gruel, of screw bean, grass seed, and other coarse foods, a very foul odor may l)e noticed when they arc gathered in groups. This evening the Commander presented them all with tobacco, beads, and glass trinkets, wherewith they were highly pleased. The distribution of these things lasted until night.

2nd Day: Thursday.— We began to say mass very early in the morning, and with the sacred vestments I carried with me and ^ith those which Father Garc^s brought from Tubac to use in Colorado river, we erected two altars. It being All-Souls day, we three Keligious said nine masses. It was, moreover, a most notable and unheard of thing that in the river Gila so many masses should be said. They were attended by a goodly niunber of Indians, who preser>'od the utmost decorum and silence. We left the town of Uturituc at eleven o'clock in the morning, and about three in the afternoon we halted on the

Relations with Americans CIVIL and military expeditions

Early in the nineteenth century American beaver trappers began to penetrate through the Apache-infested mountains that bordered Pimeria on the north and east. Beaver were then fairly abundant in the moimtain streams and down the Colorado Grande to the very end in the burning lowlands. The annals of the Pimas make no mention of these earliest visitors from the United States, but it is known that several parties reached the ^'Pimos Gileflos/' who were found uniformly friendly. The Patties, father and son, journeyed from the Rio Grande to trap beaver in the Gila country between 1825 and 1828, and in the latter year pushed on to Calif omia." Kit Carson, with a party of trappers, returned from his first trip to California by this route during the winter of 1829-30. The famous trapper, Paul Weaver, inscribed his name on the walls of Casa Grande in 1833/

Besides the self-rehant and well-armed trappers, a few parties of settlers made their way to California through the Gila valley while it was yet in the possession of the Mexicans, though the best-known route was then north of the Colorado canyon. With the opening of the new era of American ownership began the journeys of surveyors and explorers. The first military invasion was by General Kearney, with a party of 200 troopers, in 1846. Emory's excellent Notes of a MiUtary Reconnoissance and Johnston's Journal give details of this journey with the first reliable information concerning the Pimas. Kearney was followed by Lieutenant-Colonel Cooke in command of the Mormon battalion, w^hich opened a practicable wagon road to California by way of Tucson and the Pima villages. In his official report Colonel Cooke states:

I halted one day near the villages of this friendly, guileless, and singularly innocent and cheerful people, the Pimos. They were indeed friendly, for they refused to surrender supplies that had been left at the villages to be held for the Mormon battalion, and they threatened armed resistance to the Mexicans who demanded the mules and goods.

banks of the river Gila near the town of the Incarnation of Siitaquison, having journeyed more than four leagues towards the west and a quarter northwest. The Indians of the town came out to receive us and saluted us ^»ith tokens of great joy. Their number I estimated to be five hundred souls. On our way we passed through two other small towns. In this limited territorj* lies almost all the land occupied by the tril)eof the Pimas Gilenos. The soil here is ver>' poor and ralsesa very sticky dust, on account of which and their wretched food the Indians are very ugly, dirty, and repulsive. The river Gila was dry in this n»gion, so they obtained! their water by digging wells in the sand. It is only during the season of freshets that the river is of any 8er'ice for the seed lands and fields of the Indians. The banks of the river are covered ^^ith a grove of undersized Cottonwood trees. In the evening tobacco was distributed among the Indians and glass beads were promised the women for the following day. We asked the Indians why they lived so far from the river, for formerly they had their town on its banks. They replied that they had changed its site because on account of the groves and woods on its banks they could defend themselves but ill against the Apaches, but that by living apart from the river they were able to have a clear field for pursuing and killing the Apaches when they came against their town."

« Pattie's Personal Narrative.

• J. R. Browne, Adventures in the Apache Countn.*. New York. 18«t9, 118.

A battalion of dragoons under Maj. L. P. Graham marched westward to California by way of the Pima villages in 1848. Bancroft states that he has a manuscript diary from Capt. Cave J. Coutts, of this battalion, in which it is recorded that the Pimas were very hospitable and exhibited conspicuous signs of thrift.^

The parties of the Boundary Survey Commissioners passed down the Gila in 1851, and the account of the Pimas by J. R. Bartlett, the American commissioner, is by far the best that has been published thus far.^ Bartlett's party returned eastward through the Pima villages in 1852.

In 1854 Lieuts. J. G. Parke *" and George Stoneman began at the Pima villages the survey for a railroad which was destined to pass through just a quarter of a century later. In 1855 Lieutenant Parke, with another party, made a second survey and again visited the villages.

From the time of the discovery of gold in California, in 1849, parties of gold seekers, numbering in all many thousand persons each year, followed the Gila route, meeting with hospitality from the Pimas and almost equally uniform hostility from the Apaches. The location of the Pimas in the midst of the 280-niile stretch between Tucson and Yuma was a peculiarly fortunate one for the travelers, who could count upon supplies and if need be protection at a point where their journey otherwise must have been most perilous.''

The United States Government first recognized the value of the assistance rendered by the Pimas when by a^t of Congress of February 28, 1859, $1,000 was appropriated for a survey of their lands and $10,000 for gifts.*

a History of Arizona and New Mexico, 479.

6 Personal Narrative, 1854, 2 vols.

c •• Their chiefs and old men were all eloquent in professions of friendship for the Americans and were equally desirous that we should read the certificates of good offices rendered various parties while passing through their country." Pacific Railroad Report, ii, 5.

rf '• Since the year 1849 [they] have acted in the capacity of and with even more efficiency than a frontier military. They have protected American emigrants from molestation by Apaches, and when the latter have stolen stock from the emigrants, the Pimos and Maricopas have punished them and recovered their animals. Yet in all this time [ten yearsl nothing has Ijeen done for them by our Government." Extract from a letter in the Alta California, June 28, 1858, quoted in S. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 1, 550, 35th Cong., 2d sess., 1859.

*• A company of nearly one hundred of their l)est warriors was enlisted into the United States service in the latter part of 1865, which served one year with great credit \o themselves and did much good service in quelling our common enemy. Seventy of them have just been mustered out [1867] of the United States service, after having performed six months' duty as spies and scouts, for which service they ar« invaluable." Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1867, 163.

< Following is a list of the articles distributed among the Pimas and Maricopas, as reported by Mowry : 444 axes. 36 hammers. 3 pairs tongs.

618 shovels. 48 rakes. 1 set stock and dies.

31 hand saws. 48 trowels. 12 file handles.

706 butcher knives. 12 screw-drivers. 36-hatchets.

616 hoes, 1 " carpenter shop." 120 picks.

240 sickles. 15 plows. 7 kegs nails.

48 flies. 15 sets plow harness. 9 gross screws.

270 harrow teeth. 1 forge. 1,400 needles.

48 mattocks. 1 an\il. 1 box sheet tin.

72 whetstones. 1 vise. 4,000 jwunds barley.

15 grindstones. 1 sot sledges. 1 pint turnip seed.

36 hay forks. 1 cast-steel hand hammer.

Mowry explains that a larger number of plows would have been included in this lot of tools and imple-

Maricopa Wells, near the lower villages, became an important stage station when the overland mails began to pass late in the fifties.*

With the advent of the stage, the emigrant and the military trains began the breaking down of the best that was old and the building up of the worst that was new. For a period of thirty years, or from 1850 to 1880, the Pimas were visited by some of the vilest specimens of humahity that the white race has produced. Until 1871 the tribe was without a teacher, missionary, or, to judge from their own story and the records of the Government, a competent agent. Bancroft has thus summarized the conditions prevailing during that period: '

In many respects there has been a sad deterioration during forty years of contact with civilization, notably by acquiring habits of intemperance, prostitution, and pilfering; yet they are still vastly superior to most other tribes. For several years, from 1868, serious troubles with them seemed imminent. Presuming on their military services and past immunity from all restraint, they became insolent and aggressive, straying from the reservation, robbing travelers, refusing all satisfaction for inroads of their horses on the settlers' fields, the young men being beyond the chiefs' control. Swindling traders had established themselves near the villages to buy the Indians' grain at their own prices, and even manipulate Government goods, the illegal traffic receiving no check, but rather apparently protection from the Territorial authorities. Whiskey was bought from Adamsville or from itinerant Mexicans; the agents were incompetent, or at least had no influence, the military refused support or became involved in profitless contn)versie8. Worst of all, white settlers on the Gila used so much of the water that the Pimas in dry years had to leave the r^ervation or starve. General Howard deemed the difficulties insurmountable, and urged removal. Had it not been for dread of the Pima numbers and valor, the Apaches still being hostile, very likely there might have been a disastrous outbreak. ^

As early as 1859 Lieut. wSylvester Mowry, special agent, Indian Bureau, foresaw danger threatening the interests of the Pimas and wTote :

There are some fine lands on the Gila and any extensive culti'B,tion above the Indian fields will cause trouble alniut the water for irrigation and inevitably bring about a collision between the settlors and the Indiana. <^

Again in 1862 Poston j^ave additional warning:

If in the eager rush for farms or em])ryo cities the land above them should be occupied by Americans, and their supply of water be reduced, it might produce disc^onteut.^'

monta had not the Indian Department distributed u few plows a short time previously. (S. Ex. Doc. 2,723,36th Cong., 1st sess., 1850.) The gifts were d'stributed by Lieut. Mowr>' and the survey was made under his direction by Col. A. B. Gray.

This original survey contained 04,000 acres — much less than the Pimas claimed and actually requin^d for their fields and grazing lands. The commissioners who negotiated with them assun»d the tril)e that the present boundaries were but temporary limits to protect the people in their rights, and that the Government would enlarge the reservation later. This promise was made good by a survey In 1809, which added 81,140.10 acres (U. S. Statutes at Large, 18<i0, ii, 401). In 1870 9,000 acres about the village of IJlackwater were adde<l to the eastern end of the reservation.

o " In August and September, 1857, the San .\ntonioand Sun Diego semimonthl5' stage line, under the direction of T. C. Woods, was established, James Burch acting as contractor. This continued till the Butterfleld semiwwkly line was put upon the routes in August, IS-SM, under a contract of six y«'Ars with the Postmaster-General, at $000,000 a year." J. R. Browne, A(iventures in the .\pache Country-, 19. The journey of nearly 2,-500 miles was made in from twenty to twenty-two days.

b Bancroft's Works, xvii, 548.

c S. Ex. Doc. 2, 727, 30th Cong., 1st sess., 1859.

d Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs 1803, 380, 1804.

Agent R. G. Wheeler protested against the diversion of the water of the Gila from the Pima reservation at the time the Florence canal was projected in 1886 and succeeded in gaining the attention of the Department of the Interior which instructed the Director of the Geological Survey to investigate the matter. As a result of the investigation the following facts were established:

(1) That the water supply of the Pima and Maricopa reservations under present conditions is no more than sufficient for the wants of the Indians.

(2) That the construction of a dam by the Florence Canal Company of the character represented in the correspondence will give the control substantially of all the waters of the Gila river.

(4) That if the water supply from the river be shut off, the Indian reservation would become iminhabitable.

Other facts were presented, but these are the essential ones that directly concern us here.** Notwithstanding the above finding, no effective efforts were made to prevent the water from being diverted from the reservation, and the result was nearly as predicted — a result that should bring a blush of shame to every true American. A thrifty, industrious, and peaceful people that had been in effect a friendly nation rendering succor and assistance to emigrants and troops for many years when they sorely needed it was deprived of the rights inhering from centuries of residence. The marvel is that the starvation, despair, and dissipation that resulted did not overwhelm the tribe.

AGENTS

In 1857 John Walker was appointed Indian agent for the territory embraced in the Gadsden Purchase, with headquarters at Tucson. The Pimas were of course within his territory, though his control over them could not have been very great with the agency separated from the villages by a 90-mile stretch of desert in the scarcely disputed possession of the Apaches. Walker presented no report to his superior at Santa F6 in 1858, but in 1859 gave some accoimt of the condition of the Pimas.

In 1864 Charles D. Poston was appointed superintendent of Indian affairs for Arizona, but he resigned that year. He was succeeded by four others during the next eight years, at the end of which period the office was abolished. Abraham Lyons was appointed agent for the Pimas in 1862, and he also lived at Tucson. Ammi M. White, appointed in 1864, was a resident trader. He had built a mill at Casa Blanca, which was destroyed by the flood of September, 1868. Levi Ruggles, appointed in 1866, administered affairs from Tucson. During 1867 C. H. Lord acted as deputy agent. Fairly adequate adobe buildings were erected for the agent at Sacaton in 1870, and the agents a U. S. Oeol. Surv., Water-Supply and Irrigation Papers, no. 33, p. 10. 26BTH— 08 5

thereafter resided at that place. The present commodious dwelling was erected in 1883. Following is a list of the later agents, with the dates of their appointment:

Capt. F. E. GroBsman, 1869.

J. H. Stout, 1871-1875, 1877-78.

Charles Hudson, 1876.

A. B. Ludlam, 1879.

E. B. Townsend, 1881.

R. G. Wheeler, 1881.

A. H. Jackson, 1882.

R. G. Wheeler, 1886. C. M. Johnson, 1888. C. W. Grouse, 1889. J. R. Young, 1893. Henry J. Cleveland, 1897. Elwood Hadley, 1898. J. B. Alexander, 1902.

SCHOOLS

The first school (pi. v, h) among the Pimas was opened by Rev. C. H. Cook, in the employ of the Government, February 18, 1871, in an adobe building about 2 miles west of the present agency of Sacaton. This day school had a good attendance from the first, and much of the present beneficial influence of the missionaiy may be ascribed to the command over the children which he obtained during the seven years that he occupied the position of teacher. The change to a boarding school located at the agency was made in 1881, and a Mr Armstrong was the first superintendent. The school buildings were destroyed by fire in November, 1888, and the mission church was occupied during the remainder of that year. The capacity of the school is now 225, though during our stay at Sacaton more than 300 were crowded in. Two and three children were apportioned to sleep in narrow single beds and even in the hospital the beds were overcrowded. For years the accommodations have been inadequate to receive all the children that desired education. Day schools at Gila Crossing and Salt River take care of a few, and three or four new buildings for day schools have been erected at Blackwater, Lehi, Maricopa, and Casa Blanca.

Annals chronological records

Three chronological records have thus far been preserved from among the many that are supposed to have existed among the American tribes. The first of these to be published was the Walum 01am of the Delawares, the definitive edition of which was published by D. G. Brinton." In 1877 Col. Garrick Mallery brought to light the "Lone-dog winter count ^' of the Sioux and subsequently secured several other records from the same tribe.'' Recently James Mooney a The Lenape and their I/egcnds, Biinton's Librarj' of Aboriginal American Literature, v, 1885. 6 A Calendar of the Dakota Nation, Bulletin U. S. Oeol. Surv., lu, no. 1; also Fourth and Tenth Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.

has published a series of Kiowa calendars that resemble those of the Sioux, but are more distinctly calendric.**

In addition to these published records we have references to yet others that have wholly disappeared; references that can not now be verified. For example, the Iroquois are said ^ to have maintained a record of their exploits in war by means of war posts on which notches indicated the occurrence of campaigns and conventional characters denoted the number of scalps and captives taken. Events of a certain class were thus recorded in chronologic order. Among the Santee Sioux Clark ^ found a notched stick which he was assured represented the history of the tribe for more than a thousand years. Mooney suggests that this must have been used in connection with a chant similar to that accompanying the Walimi 01am. However, it seems extremely improbable that any record should have survived the vicissitudes of an Indian camp for so long a period. The use of notched sticks for mere numeration is common enough in all cultures and among all peoples, but such a use as that made by the San tees is not, so far as known, mentioned elsewhere in the literature.

The writer was therefore greatly interested to discover no fewer , than five notched calendar sticks among the Pimas. Two sticks _J I were ^^toW to him by their possessors. The record covers a period of seventy years, dating from the season preceding the meteoric shower of November 13, 1833, as do the oldest of those discovered among the Kiowa. There are traditions of older sticks that have been lost or buried with their keepers. Juan Thomas, of the village of Blackwater, had lost his stick in some inexplicable manner, but he was continuing the history with pencil and paper, thus rendering it more nearly comparable to the calendars of the Plains tribes. It is noteworthy that the change from stick to paper introduced a tendency to use pictorial symbols rather than merely mnemonic characters, such as are most easily incised on the surface of a stick having clearly marked grain. Among the sticks there is an evident increase in the number and elaboration of characters which may be attributed to contact with the whites, though not to their direct influence, as the existence of the calendars has been almost entirely unknown to them.

The year begins with the saguaro harvest, about the month of June. At that time, also, the mesquite beans are ripening, as well as the cultivated crops. It is the season of feasting and rejoicing. No other annual occurrence can compare in importance with these festivities, so that it is not surprising that the years should be counted by harvests. The Lower California tribes, as described by Baegert a Calendar Illstorj' of the Kiowa, Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 6 J. E. Seaver, A Narrative of the Life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, 70; cited by Mallery. c The Indian Sign Language, 211, 1885; cited by Moondy.

more than a century ago, similarly numbered the years. A space of three years would be expressed by the term "three pitahayas/' *' yet they seldom make use of such phrases.'' *

THE PIMA CALENDAR

It is said that when Elder Brother was leaving Pimeria for the last time he told the people to count the tail feathers of the little bird, Gisap, which are twelve in number, and that they should divide the year into that number of parts. He gave them names for these parts, except for the coldest and the hottest months. The writer is disposed to regard the recognition of the "moons" as of recent origin. Not many have any names for them and these do not agree even in the same village. For example, the list of months given by the chief is quite different from that furnished by K&'m&l tk&k, and also contains references to wheat, which is of course modem.

The months according to KA^niAl tkAk. The numths according to Antonio Azul.

1. Harsany paihitak marsat, Saguaro ■ 1. Peikan' paihitak marsat, WTieat harharvest moon. vest moon.

2. Harsany paihitak, Saguaro harvest.

3. Tcokiaplk, Rainy.

4. Rsopol usaplk, Short planting.

5. Varsa kakatak. Dry grass.

6. Vi-ihainylk, Windy.

7. Ovallk, Smell.

8. Ku-utco s*hupitclk. Big winter.

9. K&maki, Gray.
10. Tcu-utaki, Green.

2. Tcokiaplk, Rainy.

3. Rsopol usaplk, Short planting.

4. Varsa kakatak, Dry grass.

5. Huhokiapk*, Winter begins.

6. 0am, Yellow.

7. KH-^mak, Leavi* falling.

8. Aufpa hi4slk, Cottonwood flowers.

9. Aufpa i-ivakitak, Cottonwood leaves

10. Kol i-ivakitak, Mesquite leav(?s.

11. Kol hisislk, Mesquite flowers. 1 11. 0am, Yellow.

12. Kaitcokollk, Black soodH on waguaroa. 12. Ka-ak, Strong.

As they have no winters the Pimas naturally do not have a ''winter count.^' As there are two rainy seasons and neither is of any consequence as a general rule, while both are sometimes wanting altogether, they could not be expected to mark the flight of years by the recurrence of the rains. There are but two seasons in the Gila valley, one of torrid heat ^ and one of ideal weather throughout the remainder of the year. The onset of the former coincides with the harvest season and the new yeVr is therefore adapted, albeit unwittingly, to seasonal change. The year mark is invariably a deep notch across the stick.

The records of the early years are memorized and there are few minor notches to aid in recalling them. The year notches are exactly alike, yet on asking a narrator to go back and repeat the story for a certain year the writer found that he never made a mistake. Taking the stick in hand he would rake his thumb nail across the year a Tho aboriginal inhabitant s of the Callfomiau Peninsula in Smithsonian Report, 1864, 388. t> Maximum temi>erature recorded (or a period of nim;teen years at Phoenix was 119° F. Report of Chief of Weather Bureau, 1900-1901, i.

notch and begin: ^'That notch means/' etc. The interpreter, either through imitation or because of the same mode of thought, would then take the stick and dig his thumb into the same notch before repeating the story in English. Both seemed to endow the stick and the particular notch with a definite personality in their minds. That notch looked exactly like its neighbors but it stood for sometliing different, which was apparently recalled as much by the sense of touch as by that of sight.

Dots or shallow circular pits and short notches are the most common symbols on the sticks. These have no distinctive meaning, and are used for recording a great variety of events. The human figure is freely used, and may signify that a man killed Apaches or was killed by them, that he was bitten by a rattlesnake, struck by lightning, or, in short, any event relating to a man in any manner may be denoted by this symbol. The date of building railways was recorded by an ideogram, representing rails and ties. Only one symbol had come arbitrarily to designate a single event. This is the T which was used to record the 'Hizwin drunks," or festivals at which saguaro or agave liquor was brewed and freely imbibed.

NATURE OF THE EVENTS

It has been frequently observed that the records of the American Indians contain much that is trivial and oftentimes omit that which is ijnportant. There are obvious reasons for this that have been adequately set forth by Mallerj'^,'* and it must also be borne in mind that the relative importance of an event differs according as it is viewed by Caucasian eyes or by those of the American Indian. Judgmg by the early portions of the records, the conclusion might be reached that the purpose was to secure chronologic sequence, though the Pimas are not known to have had ceremonies that by their infrequent recurrence would require calendric regulation. However, the later years are so filled with events that the primary purpose is clearly narrative. They are therefore to be designated annals, rather than calendars. Moreover, the years are never named. ''In this year the crops failed;" **In this year the floods overspread the whole valley," etc., but never, '*This is the famine year" or *'This is the flood year." U])oii analysis the events recorded are found to be distributed as follows:

IJattloH or skiniiishcH G6

InfnMiuont phenomena, eclipses, flcxwls, eartlHiuakes, etc 14

Famines and years of abundance* 5

Epidemics 11

Accidents, rattlesnake ])ite, lightning stroke, etc 13

Events relating to whites, but not to Pimas 19

a Tenth Annual Keport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 271.

Relations with whites, building churches, etc 21

Number of sorcerers killed 18

Changes of village sites 2

Races, relay, kicking ball, and horse races 7

Festivals in which liquor was brewed 25

Trivial events, including those of personal interest 13

Number of persons killed during drinking bouts 24

THE NARRATIVE 1S33-34:

^^ GHa Crossing, Salt River, During the moon preceding the % meteoric shower the Yumas, armed wdth clubs, bows, and arrows, attacked the Maricopa village. The Yumas surprised the Maricopas and captured their women, whom they surrounded and tried to take away wath them. They were about to cross the Gila wath their captives when the Pimas arrived and attacked them. The women took advantage of the confusion to escape into the chaparral. The Yumas fought bravely, but they were overpowered by numbers and few escaped to tell of their defeat.

In the early winter ° the meteoric shower took place. This event was followed by heavy rains that caused floods in the Salt and Gila rivers. The spectacle of falling stars was to the Pimas an augury of disaster, and the succeeding floods were regarded as a punishment for sins which they had committed. What the sins might be they did not know, but concluded that they must have offended some medicine-man who possessed great magic power. Many thought it must be the medicine-man Kaku who brought this calamity upon them because they had not shown him the respect that he thought was due him. It is said that when the flood was at its height he climbed a cotton wood tree and thence proclaimed in a loud voice that he would perform certain miracles that would prove disastrous to them if they did not listen to him and show him respect.

Others declared that the floods were caused by the two sons of an old goddess, Takwa-artam. When she saw the flood threatening to overwhelm the Pimas and Maricopas she said to her sons: '^Give me back my milk and then you can drown my people. The land is yet what it was w hen it was new.*' This puzzled the two brothers. They knew that they could not return the milk that had nourished them in infancy, so they did not allow the flood to rise any higher, but caused it to go down.

1S34: 35

Salt River. This year was long remembered because of the bountiful crops of wheat, corn, s(juashe&, pumpkins, and watermelons that were raised. The desert mesas were carpeted with flowers and the a November 13, ISO.

bloom of cacti further transformed them into gardens. ^'Our people worshiped the gods in grateful recognition for their protection; we danced unmolested by the murderous Apaches; we looked after the welfare of our households/'

lS35-3e

QUa Crossingj Salt River. One summer afternoon when only women and old men were at home, the Apaches came and killed two Pimas, a man who was irrigating his field and a boy who was hunting doves. That morning the younger men of the village of Rs&n<ik had planned to have a rabbit hunt toward the north, but when the crier gave the final announcement it was to hunt toward the south. Thus it was that one side of the village had been left unprotected, and when the fighting men returned it was too late to follow the raiders and the revenge was postponed.

lS3e-37

Salt River. At the beginning of this year the fruit of the giant cactus was gathered and a large quantity of liquor prepared from it. All the men became intoxicated — too drunk to be on their guard against an attack from the Apaches. Early in the morning a woman started toward the hills to gather cactus fruit. She had not gone far when she saw a man mount a horse and start toward her. She suspected danger and walked backward for some distance before turning to flee. She got halfway to the village before she was overtaken by the Apache, with whom she struggled so desperately as to raise a cloud of dust. Those who were somewhat sober hastened toward the place, but too late to rescue the woman from being roped and dragged to death. However, they overtook the party of Apaches and killed five of them. Upon examining the dead Apaches it was found that their bodies were protected with rawhide armor; then the Pimas understood why their arrows had glanced off or jumped back.

Gila Crossing, Salt River. A year passed without a visit from the marauding Apaches. ''We tilled our fields, danced our war dances, sang songs, kept up target practice, and exercised in the use of the shield.''

1S37-3S

Oila Crossing, Salt River. One cold night in the spring a Pima at Rso't(ik was irrigating his wheat field by moonlight. Without thought of enemies he built a fire to warm himself. This the Apaches saw and came about him in the thicket. Hearing the twigs cracking xmder their feet, he ran to the village and gave the alarm. The Pimas gathered in suflftcient numbers to surround the Apaches, who attempted to reach the hills on their horses. Two horses stumbled into a gully, and their riders were killed before they could extricate themselves. •The others were followed and all killed. "This was the only event of the year, and our people were undisturbed further in the practice of their customs."

1838-3Q

JL Salt River, Late in the spring a party of Pimas went to Tucson J\ to buy clothing and other needed supplies. On their return they were ambushed and barely escaped massacre. The Apaches had concealed themselves on either side of the trail, and when the attack was suddenly made the Pimas were at first panic-stricken, but recovered suflSciently to repel their assailants, with the loss, however, of two men killed and a boy captured. This youth is said to have been a very handsome fellow, skillful in the use of the bow and arrow. Fearing a renewal of the conflict, the Pimas hastened home.

A few months later they obtained their revenge upon a party of Apaches who came to the villages to steal horses. The enemy were seen and chased across the river. On the way they were met by a party of Pimas, returning from a council, who called out to the approaching horsemen to ask who they were; on receiving no answer they shot one of them. An Apache called "Slender Leg" was pushed off his mule and two Pimas jumped off their horses and tried to hold him, but he was too strong for them and they had to tie him. He was taken to the well-swept plaza of the 'illage, ac<;ording to the Salt River calendar, or to an open alkali flat near the villages, as stateid by the Gila Crossing annalist, where the people gathered and danced and sang around him. Two widows of men killed in an ambuscade earlier in the season walked four times around the outside of the circle of dancers, and then j)asso(l inside as an avenue was opened for them. Tliey carried long dubs of mesquite, ^'ith which they beat the captive into insensibility.

1830 -41

There are no events recorded for these two years on either of the two sticks that date back thus far.

184:1 4:2

• Gila Crofisingy Salt River. Tlie Maricopas of the village of Masa-

• kimOlt, accompanied by one Pima, went on a cain])aign against the

• Yumas. The enemy gathered to meet them and sent a messenger to tell them that they should leave aside their knives and bows and fight only with sticks. The Maricopas agreed to this, but tlie Pima said he had made his bow and arrows to use on the enemy and he wo\dd keep them in his own hands. Tne Yuma messenger showed the Maricopas where to cross the Colorado river and cimducted them to the assembled Yumas on the farther side. It was agreed that four from each side should engage in the combat, using sharp sticks about 6 feet long (lances) instead of the customary war club.

Four times each squad ran in a semicircle near the enemy's line; four times they approached each other before the fight began. At the first onslaught three Maricopas and two Yumas were killed; the Yumas killed the surviving Maricopa and retired to their line.

Then Pantat(ik, *' bravest of the Maricopas," ran his horse through the entire party of Yumas, striking many with his lance before being caught in the line of women behind the warriors. K§,(ltci Pai, Hawk-tail, also rode through the Yuma lines, and is living to-day (1902).

Tcuwut Hakiitany, Earth-crack, challenged a Yuma to single combat and was wounded, but recovered.

Then the fight became general, most of the Maricopas being killed. Many Yumas were also killed. The Pima killed so many w^th his arrows that they could not reach him with their lances, and he escaped, as did some Maricopas, and they reached home in safety. A^pap Anton, Maricopa Antoine (pi. xliii, h) also kept his bow and arrows, and when closely pressed by the Yumas exclaimed in the Pima language: "You can not catch me!" which somewhat confused his enemies and enabled him to escape.

Salt River. In the autumn the Yumas again came to attack the Maricopa village, but did not attempt to surprise it. They formed in line of battle opposite the line of Maricopas, who were equally courageous. The war chiefs stood between thf lines. Each man was armed with a club only. The Yuma chief said to his opponent: ^I am ready to have you strike me first if you can." The Maricopa chief answered : ' It is for me to let you try your club on me, because you want to kill me, and you have traveled far to satisfy your heart." In the personal combat which ensuetl the Yuma was killed, the sharp end of his opponent's club piercing his side. Then the fight became general, each attacking the man opposite liim m the line. There were some Mohave Apaches with the Yumas who fought with bows and arrows. When they saw the line of Yumas wavermg, they deserted them. The Yumas retreated some distance and again made a stand, and the fight ended in an indecisive manner, with perhaps a greater loss to the Maricopas than to the Yumas. After the fight the Mohaves want^^tl to scalp the dead enemy, hut the Yuma chief said no, they might scalp some Yumas by mistake, and they must wait until these had been gathered from the field.

Salt River. In the spring the Maricopas, Pimas, and Cocopas went on a campaign against the Apaches. They were scouting through the Verde valley west of the Four Peaks one afternoon when they saw a small band of the enemy. They were unable to overtake the Apaches, who kept sending up signal smokes. The next morning the number of Apaches had increased antl formed a circular line, which attacked the allies, who lost two men, father and son.

Four days later a woman went with her daughter to gather cactus fruit for drying. She was accompanied by her husband, who went as a guard. While she was busy gathering the spiny cactus, she heard a step and, turning, saw an Apache. She screamed for help and told her daughter to run to the village and give the alarm. The husband was hunting near at hand, but was too far away to rescue his wife. The little girl brought the men of the village, but they could find no trace of the enemy.

A few days later the Apaches killed a party of Pimas who had gone to the mountains to gather mescal. The Pimas hati planned to go to the Kwahadk' camp, but changed their minds and camped opposite them. The Apaches sent down scouts from the hills to see how many there were at the place where the smoke from the mescal pits was seen. It was a night attack and many Pimas never wakened to see another day; only one escaped to tell the Kwahadk's of the massacre. They followed the trail of the Apaches but did not overtake them. The dead were buried there by the Kwahadk's, who knew the Pimas well.

In the summer, when the watermelons were ripe, a large force of Yumas came to attack the Pimas and Maricopas. Their coming was heralded by messengers, who said they were advancing in great numbers as gaily as for a dance. The Maricopas were ready to meet them, but the Pimas were not. The Maricopas went out to engage the enemy and check their advance while the women got out of the way. The Yumas were driven back, but the Maricopas lost two of their bravest warriors.

1844r-45

Salt River, The next year the Yumas and Mohaves came to attack the Maricopa village. The fight was undecided, but the enemy retreated. One Pima and several Maricopas were killed.

Gila Crossing, Salt River. A plague swept through all the tribes

\ during this year. Those stricken with it usually dietl withbi twentyfour hours, but if they recovered they were well again in three days. From 4 to 10 died each day. The people of Akfttclny came to the Gila and the Gila villagers fled into the desert. The [cholera or]

tcoko viMi^, ''black vomit/'* as it was called, brought all the medicine-men not in the best repute under suspicion. Four were killed, and the surviving medicine-men were kept busy guarding the camps against the plague.

O Gila Crossing. During the winter, when ice was on the water and ' snow was evenly sprinkled on the lowlands, the Apaches came to the village of Rstotlk, where one of the marauders was killed.

The Apaches, accompanied by the Pas)^i4 tribe from the north, attacked the Papagos at Kihotoak (Quijotoa) in April as the mesquites were changing from bud to leaf. The Apaches advanced with drums beating and with cries Uke the howl of the coyote. The Papagos were few in number, so they concealed their women in a cave and sought to protect them by fighting outside, but the enemy had firearms and all the Papagos fell in the futile attempt to preserve their loved ones from slavery. There yet lives a Pima who was shot through the leg and left for dead on the field of this battle. Many Apaches were wounded but none were killed.

O Gila Crossing, A party of Apaches was encamped on Mo'hattlk

" mountain, and two of them came to steal com from the fiekls at Gila Crossing. The theft was discovered and three Pimas lay in wait for the thieves. When they again entered the field those lying in wait sprang upon them and killed one; the other escaped.

Salt River. During the winter the Pimas went on a campaign against the Apaches, several of whom were killed. The attacks were made at night and the enemy were killed before they could defend themselves. One Pima was killed and one wounded so severely that he died after returning home.

In the spring the Apaches waylaid a party of Pimas who were returning from a mescal-gathering expedition in the mountains. Nearly all the party were killed and two girls were made prisoners. The Apaches were followed, most of them killed, and the girls rescued by a party from the villages.

^

GHa Crossing. Three Apaches were going toward the Papago village near M4d,tcpat, or Table moimtain, when a Pima, coming to the Gila river, crossed it and discovered their trail. A party went in pursuit and succeeded in killing all three. K&'m^l tk^k's brother was in this party of Pimas and was himself killed a few days later in an o^Aquellas gentes y sua mlnistros gozan por lo general dc buena salud: entrc los naturale^ pasan muchos de cien aflos, excepto los pimas altos que s^un se cree por razon de las aguas y sombrfo cauce de sua arroyos, son eapuestos & diversos achaques. El mas temible entre ellos cs, el que llaman saguatdodo 6 vdmito amariUo." Alegre, Historia de la Compafila de Jesus en Nueva^Espafia, n, 213.

ambush into which the Pimas were lured in the Santan hilb. One other Pima was killed in this engagement and many were wounded, but no injury was inflicted on the Apaches.

The Pima Kwakrs&n was surrounded by the enemy, who clung to him and to his horse and sought to pull him down; but he had spurs on his feet and striking them deeply into his horse's flank he caused the animal to rear and throw the man who was holding its head, high in the air. In the confusion he escaped.

Salt River. The Apaches came one moonlight night to steal horses. Leaving their own mounts tied in the brush, they crept toward the houses near which were the Pima ponies. They were discovered and pursued to the river, where all were killed in a running fight.

1847-48

f) OUa Crossing. The Rs&ntlk villagers went to K&'matflk to hunt ' deer. They were seen coming by the Apaches, who lay in wait at the spring, and two were shot before they could reach cover. Salt River. The Apaches came to Santan eariy one morning and killed four Pimas. They were chased, overtaken, and five of them killed before pursuit was abandoned.

184:8-4Q

There is no record for this year upon either calendar stick.

1840-50

C Gila Crossing. Three Apaches were discovered approaching the villages and a party was sent out on horseback to attack them. They fled to a hill near Tempe, where they hastily built up a wall of stone, behind which they maintained themselves until nearly sunset, when a Pima led his party inside the Apache breastwork and the enemy were killed.

1850-51

6ila Crossing. The Yumas came again to attack the Maricopas They surprised tlie village, killed several, and carried their property to a liill near by, where they sang and danced, saying that they were waiting for the Maricopas to bring their friends, the Pimas, to be defeated next. But they underestimated the number and valor of the Pimas, who soon put them to flight, leaving many of their dead upon the field. One of their chiefs, kno^^l to the Pimas as VlsakikitoAal(t), when he saw most of his men fallen, came back saying he did not wish to escape alone. He had but a knife in his hand and was killed with arrows.

The remnant of the party took refuge in a tliicket near the Estrellas, where the pursuers rushed in upon them with horses and killed all. Many Pimas were wounded but none killed. A strand of hair was cut from the head of each fallen Yuma, but these have since been lost or buried. There were 134 Yumas killed; their bodies were left on the field.

1851-52

I J GUa Crossing. Two Apaches were discovered near the Maricopa village by Whyen&n&vim, a Maricopa warrior, who killed one of them before they could escape.

The Pimas went on a campaign against the Apaches on Salt river, near where the present reservation is located, and one of their number was killed..

I Bldckvxiter, In this year the Apaches raided a Papago village Ai near Quijotoa, called Kol Tatk' (mesquite root).**

1852-53

For three years the Gila Crossing calendar has nothing but the year marks on it, and the keeper could recall no event for that period, f^^ Blachvater. At the hill shaped "like a nose," in the Santans,

^ the Apaches ambushed a party of Pimas and Maricopas. They sent six men to the Maricopa village, near which they discovered and killed some women. The Maricopa and Pima warriors pursued the Apaches, who retreated slowly, thus luring them within reach of the arrows of the waiting Apaches, who killed four Maricopas and one Pima. The survivors retreated to their supports, who were coming up in such numbers that the Apaches withdrew. The dead were burned that day north of the Santan hills.

At about the same time the Pimas killed four Apaches south of the villages.''

When the wheat was ripe [June] the Apaches were pursued north of the Santan hills and four of them killed. Three men are yet living who killed Apaches in this fight.

1853-54=

Blachvater. The Apaches came to steal horses and brought a live vulture with them. They were discovered and several killed.

1854-55

Blackwater. The Apaches were reported by the Papagos to ^ be stealing horses in their territory and the Pimas were requested to aid in driving the enemy out of the country. In the Rmcon mountains, at T^va Kosuwa, Turkey Neck, the horse thieves were overtaken and many of them killed. The horse's head indicates tlie purpose of the Apaches.

oThe figure on the Blackwater stick is intended to represent a mesquite root.

^ At a point about 15 miles from the Gila where the Southern Pacific now runs— Just south of the reservation.

1855-5e

Gila Crossing. SkfiAkoIk was approached one evening by seven Apaches, who were discovered and surrounded. Six escaped in the darkness, but one was tracked into the arrow bushes, where he dropped his bow. He was soon found to have secreted liimself in a hole washed deep in the sand. The Pimas could not see or reach him, so they shook live coals down upon the fugitive, which caused him to yell and suddenly leap out among them. The apparition so startled everyone that no move was made to detain him. As he was passing through their line some asked those around them, **Can we catch him?" but he was such a giant and the peculiar manner of his appearance among them so unnerved for a moment the courage of the men whose deepest instinct was to crush out the life of the Apache, that he made his escape.

o BlacJcwater. The Apaches, whom the Pimas attacked during ^ • a raid of this year, were grinding out mesquite beans from the dry pods when the arrows began to fall into their camp. A blind Apache was killed as his companions fled.

1 see -57

BldckvxUer. The Pimas and Maricopas joined the white soldiers in a campaign against the Apaches under White Hat. Two Pimas were killed and two wounded, but no Apaches were injured. While the Pimas were on their way home still another of their party was killed. The Pimas burned their dead. Later they killed several Apaches who were raising com on Salt river.

1857-58

Salt River. About the end of the year a band of Apaches came to the Pima villages one morning. They were discovered and chased 30 miles to Tempe butte, where they were surrounded. They liid themselves at the summit of the butte, but were all killed except one, who escaped into the brush.

In the summer the Yumas came again, accompanied by the Mohaves. They sent scouts ahead, who found the Maricopa women gathering mesquite beans. They killed all the women except one, whom they kept to act as a guide. She was the sister of a well-known Maricopa warrior, and they compelled her to lead them to her brother^ s home. When they reached it she was killed with a club and the man was chased, but he was as good a runner as he was fighter and they could not catch him. A Yuma told him to stop and die like a man, but he answered that if they could overtake liim he would show them how to die like a man. The Maricopas fled from their village and the Yumas burned it. Messengers went to all the villages that day and under cover of the night the Pimas and Maricopas gathered. They kept coming until late the next forenoon. They found the

Yumas encamped near the river at a spot where they had assaulted some women and a Pima had been killed while defending them. The Yumas had spent the night in singing their war songs. Now and again a medicine-man would come forward to puff whiffs of smoke in order that their cause might find favor with the gods. The Pima-Maricopa council ended about noon and it was decided to surround the Yumas and to make special effort to prevent them from reaching the river to obtain water. Formed in a semicircle, the Pimas and Maricopas shot down the Yumas upon three sides. Soon the Yumas began to waver and become exhausted from thirst in the heat of the day. They made several attempts to break through the line, but failed, and finally gathered in a compact body to make a last attempt to reach the river. At that moment the Pimas and Maricopas who were on horseback rushed in upon the enemy and rode them down. After a hand-to-hand combat the Yumas were all killed except one, who was stunned by the blow of a club and lay unconscious under a heap of dead. During the night he recovered his senses and escaped. This was the bloodiest fight known, and the Yumas came here to fight no more."

Blachwater. During the year Pimas were killed in two places by the Apaches; three south of the river and one north.^

1858-5Q

Pima.

Blachvdter. The meteor of 1859 was observed by the Pimas, who called it pai-ikam ho-o. During a raid into the Apache coimtry three of the enemy were killed and also one a " In 1857, with Mohave, Cocopa, and Tonto allies, they [the Yumas] attacked the Pimas and Papag:os up the river, and in a great battle were almost annihilated." Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 501.

Cremony visited the Pimas as a captain in the California Column in 1862. In his Life Among the Apaches, 148, he mentions this conflict of the Pimas with their old enemies, saying: "The grazing ground to which we resorted during our stay near the Maricopa villages had been the scene of a desperate conflict between that tribe and the Pimos, on one side, and the Yumas, Chlmchuevls, and Amohaves on the other. Victory rested with the Maricopas and Piraos, who slew over 400 of the allied tribes, and so humiliated them that no effort has ever been made on their part to renew hostilities. This battle occurred four years before our advent, and the ground was strewed with the skulls and bones of the slaughtered warriors."

For the Yuma side of the story see Lieutenant Ives's Report'upon the Colorado River of the West, p. 45.

In a letter from an unnamed correspondent living among the Yumas or at Fort Yuma, to Sylvester Mowry, it is stated that the tribes engaging in this battle were the Yumas, Yampais, Mohaves, and Tonto Apaches, with one or two Dieganos [Dieguefios], against the Pimas, Maricopas, and Papagos. One thousand five hundred men were engaged on each side. The Yumas " lost not less than 200 of the flower of their chivalr>'." See 8. Ex. Doc. 11, 588, 35th Cong., 1st sess., 1858.

The Blackwatcr annalist could give but little information concerning the victory over the Yumas, but he had recorded it upon the calendar stick by a fringed line, in itself meaningless.

b The two men in the figure are not meant to represent two killed, but that the events occurred in twoplaoefl.

185Q-eO

Blachvater. The Pimas attacked a party of Apaches and killed a man and a boy. A white man who accompanied the Pimas was slightly woimded with an arrow.

leeo-ei

Gila Crossing. .A plague which killed its victims in a single day prevailed throughout the villages. Three medicine-men who were suspected of causing the disease by their magic were killed, *'and nobody was sick any more."

pp J Blackwater. The one-armed trader sold his store to Ammi ^ M. White during this year and for some reason imknown to the Pimas threw away his grain sacks.*

Two Pimas were killed by Apaches, but the details concerning the event are beyond recall.

^ GHa Crossing, The trader, Ammi M. White, was captured by the ''soldiers from the east.''*

a Probably to avoid contagion.

b " Early in 1862 a force of two or three hundred TexanB, under Captain Hunter, marched westward from Mesllla and in February took possession of Tucson for the Confederacy. There was, of course, little opposition. Union men, if there were any loft, fleeing across the line into Sonora. Not much is really known of Hunter's operations in Arizona so far as details are concerned, even the date of his arrival being doubtfuL Besides holding Tucson, driving out men suspected of Union sympathies, confiscating a few mines belonging to Northerners, and fighting the Apaches to some extent, he sent a detachment to the Pima villages, and possibly contemplated an attack on Fort Yuma. But— to say nothing of the recent floods, which had greatly Increased the difficulties of the route, destroying Qila and Colorado cities— the news from California was not reassuring, and Hunter deemed it best to retire.

" This news was to the effect that California troops were on the march eastward. These troops, about 1,800 strong, consisted of several volunteer regiments or parts of regiments organized at the beginning of the war, and which, on receipt of intelligence that Arizona had been invaded, were ordered to Yuma and Tucson, constituting what was known as the California Column, under the command of Colonel James H. Carlcton. The main body of this army in detachments, whose exact movements now and later I do not attempt to follow in detail, left Los Angeles and was concentrated at Yuma in April, and in May followed the Gila route to Tucson. But previously Lieutenant-Colonel West, commanding the advance, had sent out some parties from Yuma, and the.se were the only troops that came in contact with the Confederates. Jones, in February, was sent with dispatches to Tucson and fell into the hands of Hunter, who released and sent him back by another route, bearing the first definite news that Tucson had Ix'en occupied. Captain William McCleave, of Company A, First Cavalry, being sent out to look for Jones, was captured, with three men, at the Pima villages on the 6th of April and was carried to Mesllla, where he was soon exchanged. Captain William P. Calloway was next sent up the Gila with a stronger force to rescue McCleave. At the Pima villages he heard of a Confederate detachment of IG men, under Lieutenant Jack Swilling, and sent Lieutenant James Barrett with 12 men to cut them off. Pursuing the enemy Into a chaparral, Barrett was killed, with two of his men, one or two of the foe l>elng also killed and three taken prisoners. This was the only skirmish of the campaign with Confederates, and It occurn»d on the 15th of April at a spot known as El Plcacho." Bancroft, xvii, 514.

Both the GUa Crossing and the Blackwater calendars mention the capture of WTiite, but the calendrists can give no definite Information concerning the events related by Bancroft. The trader was of vastly more interest and importance to the Pimas than the whole Confederate or Union army. He was agent for the Pimas, an office which he held until 1805. The writer has not found any account of his capture in the nx?ords of the period, but it is probable he was soon released. As soon as he was taken away, the I'imas took possession of his store and quarreled over the distribution of the stock of wheat on hand.

BlacJcwater. A man named Thomas [whether given name or surname could not be ascertained], who had been trading at Gila Crossing, took charge of White's store after the latter left. The soldiers from the west fought the soldiers from the east at Picacho and were defeated. Then a wliite man known to the Pimas as Has Viakam came from the east and traded wth them. [John] Walker" came from the west with the California Column and learned the Pima language at the same time that Thomas learned the Maricopa.

isea-ea

^ Gila Crossing. The men of Rso'tiik went to the mountains about Prescott in search of Apaches during the sununer of 1862. As they were following a mountain trail they caught sight of a man lying on his coat asleep. From his dress they could not be sure if he were an Apache or a Pima, so two men went to waken him. '^How did you sleep?'' said they. On hearing this the man sprang up and they saw that he was an Apache. One struck him on the head with his club, but he jumped and would have escaped had not the other shot him. Soon afterwards two Apaches came to the village of Akfttclny and their trail was discovered by two Pimas who were hunting for their horses. They followed the Apaches, who ran toward the Estrellas. The elder Pima was some distance ahead of the other when the leading Apache climbed the mountain and the other turned back to fight. The two men used their bows, each endeavoring to protect himself behind a clump of bushes. Finally, as they were chasing each other around the same clump of bushes, the Apache getting the better of the conflict, having wounded the Pima in the elbow and side, the other Pima came up and killed the Apache, who was called by the Pimas Whaiem^&.

Two Maricopas dragged the body of the Apache to a hill near Gila Crossing and tied it to a post, where it remained for some time. A friend of the dead Apache led a party of six to the place where he had fallen and followed the trail of the dragged body to where it stood tied. The friend wept and went away without attempting to remove the body. As the party returned up the river they entered an isolated house in which there were two old Maricopa men. They warmed themselves at the fire, but did not molest the old men.

Salt River. Two Apaches came near the villages and were seen by a man working in the fields; he called to his friends to helj) him and at once set off after the enemy. Wlien the Apache who was farthest away saw that his companion was in danger he turned back and attacked the first pursuer. The other Apache escaped, but the braver one was killed. The Pimas returned home, but the Maricopas dragged a Sco p. 33 for list of Pima agents. 26 BTH— 08 6

the body to the buttes at the point where the Maricopa and Phoenix railroad now crosses the Gila and left it tied to a post. The Apache who ran away led a party of his people to recover the body, but it was afteiwards ascertained from the tracks that they turned back just before reaching the spot.

A Pima was killed by the Apaches while the California Column was at the villages and a squad of soldiers accompanied the pursuing party of Pimas as far as the Estrellas, but the enemy escaped. The raid was in the saguaro fruit season **as shown by the red on the dead Pima" [or the month of June, 1862].

e ^ e^iJH^^ Blachvater, Two med icine-men, father and son, were • ** • A/\ killed during the year because of their supposed machinations against the people.

I8e3-e4

fl.A Gila Crossing, Salt River. For a short time there was peace between the Pimas and Apaches. During this period the Maricopas killed two old men and captured a boy from a party of Apaches who came to the Maricopa village. The boy was sold to a halfbrother of the trader A. M. White [named Cyrus Ijennan], known to the Pimas as Satclny V&, Chin Beard.

This man took the boy with him on an expedition against the Apaches. There was a Mexican in the party who imderstood the Apache language, so that communication was opened with the enemy as soon as they were discovered. The whites placed flour, sugar, and other rations on blankets, and the Apaches, believing that the food was intended as a peace offering, came up to them. The soldiers were accompanied by three Pimas, but they had concealed them under blankets. They had stacked their guns, but retained their side arms concealed. At a signal from the leader of the party the Apaches were fired upon and nearly all of them were killed. Lennan was killed while following the escaping Apaches, but the Pimas killed the man who had thrust a lance into his breast." The place has since been known as Yat^kit ku Kfi,k(ita, Place where the snare was set.**

a Owl Ear states that Lennan shot the man who struck him and they fell dead together.

b As we have independent white testimony, it is interesting to compare it with the Piman account. In his Adventures in the Apache Country J. Ross Browne describes the engagement in which Cyrus Lennan was killed. It was at the *' Bloody Tanks" and is known in history as King Woolsey's (infamous) "pinole treaty." A party of 26 whites had been pursuing a band of Apaches with stolen stock for several days until they ran out of pro\isions and sent to the Pima villages for supplies. They were joined by 14 Maricopas under the leadership of Juan Chivaria and Cyrus lennan. The entire party under the command of King Wooisey camped on the Salt river in a small valley which could not have Ibeen far from the upper end of the Salt River canyon. As soon as the smoke of their camp fire arose they were approached by Apaches to whom "Wooisey sent Tonto Jack, an interpreter, to learn what they had to say, and at the same time to tell them it was not the wish of his party to fight them; that he wanted them to come down and ho would give them some pinole." The Apaches were finally prevailed upon to enter the camp to the number of 30 or 35. After the display of some insolence on the part of the Apache chief Wooisey drew his pistol and shot him dead. "This was the signal for the signing of the treaty. Simultaneously the whole party commenced firing upon tho Indians, slaughtering them right and left. Lennan stood in advance of the Maricopas and was warned by

SdU River, While peace prevailed between the tribes a party of Apaches came to the Pimas to trade goods for ponies. When near the villages they divided into two parties, one of which came on to trade and the other went around to try to steal horses. The thieves were followecl antl when it was found that their tracks joined those of the party at the villages the Pimas went back and killed many of those who were trading. Some of the Pima warriors overtook the horse thieves and killed several of them.

o^ Blackwater. A Pima was killed by Apaches wliile looking Jk for his horses near Kfi,'mat(ik, the hill between Blackwater and the Sacatons.

JL Gila Crossing, Salt River. This was the first year in which the Pimas were supplied with firearms (by order of General Carleton) and aided the United States soldiers.**

Salt River. The Pimas and Maricopas went on a campaign against the Apaches and met a band that had probably ambushed some American soldiers, for they had arms and other army property. The allies rushed the camp of the enemy and captured all that had been taken from the soldiers. When they returned with their spoils to the villages some whites accused them of having killed the soldiers. They told how they obtained the things, but the whites would not believe them. ''That is why I do not think the white man is good enough to trust us/' said Owl Ear. When several guides took the whites to the battle ground they were satisfied when they saw the dead Apaches there.

Pjf>^ Blackwater. In a raid in this year two Apaches were killed I V and their ears cut off and nailed on a stick.

In an effort to establish peace with the Apaches, the soldiers and Pima scouts took a wagon loaded with rations to the Superstition mountains. The Apaches took it to be a hostile move and attacked the party, killing the driver of the wagon. The Apaches were pursued and several were killed before the trail was lost.

Woolsey to make sure of a lame Indian with a lance, who was eyeing him suspiciously. 'I'll look out for him,' was Lennan's reply, and the slaughter became general. ♦ * ♦ The fight, if such it could be called, lasted seven or eight minutes. Lennan had incautiously closed upon and shot an Indian near him, forgetting the lamo one against whom he had l)ecn cautioned, who the next moment ran him through the body with his lanciv Dye (a mncher) coming up, killed this Indian. The only person wounded was Tonto Jack, who was shot in the neck with an arrow. ♦ ♦ * Twenty Tontos and four Finals lay dead upon the ground. Others wen» seen running off with the I)lood streaming from their wounds, and it Is suppo8<>d some of them died." (P. 121.)

o John Walker, the first agent for the Pimas, in his report for the year 1860 stated that the tribe petitioned for more guns, as theirs were "few and old." See Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs 1860, 168. In the report of J. L. Collins, 8upt»rinteHdent of Indian aflairs in New Mexico, It is stated that 100 muskets and 10,000 rounds of ammunition had Just been given the Pim&s. In ibid., 1862. 239, 1863.

\

lees-ee

C^ GUa Crossingj Salt River. The Pimas went on a campaign \ against the Apaches and one of their number was killed. His fellows burned the corpse with the bow and war gear. Dry ironwood was used in the cremation.**

In the same engagement another Pima was wounded and came home to die.

Gila Crossing, The Pimas soon afterwards went to the mountains north of Tempe to seek Apaches. Two of their party were killed and a third came home mortally wounded. •••• Blackwater. Another war party attacked an Apache camp, described as the one at which the children were playing and piling up gourds, and killed several of the enemy.

isee-eT

Gila Crossing. Many died this year of a sickness characterized by shooting pains that resembled needle and knife pricks. One day the three medicine-men who were accused of having caused the disease came home drunk from the Gila Bend stage station and were set upon by their fellow-villagers. Two were killed and the other was seriously but not fatally wounded.

Gila Crossing, Salt River. This year was marked by a devastating fever at Rso'tiik and three medicine-men were killed there in the hope of stopping it.

J Blackwater. A party of Pimas accompanied the soldiers to the Verde region and there killed a number of Apaches, among whom was a man with a very long foot.

iseT-es

A» Gila Crossing. During this year a disease prevailed that from the description would seem to have l)een malaria. Many died, and the medicine-men were blamed, as usual, for the calamity. Two were killed before the disease abated.

Blackwater. The Pimas went raiding in the Superstition Mountain region and killed one Apache who was running away with his shield but who stumbled and fell.

ises-eo

Gila Crossing. A heavy rain caused a flood which destroyed the \ store at Casa Blanca.^

This was knowTi as the Vamati Tcoki, Snake rain.

a This custom of burning the dead is occasionally n^fornni to in thos*' annals, though my informants always insisted that this method was never resorti^d to by their p<?ople except in the case of those killed in war.

6 The store was more than 2 miles south of the channel of the river, ])iit it had lK>en built at the foot of a little rise upon which the present village is located and was within the reach of the flood. This is but one of many instances where the white settlers of Arizona have not profited by the experience

JBlackwater, The Pimas went on a campaign against the Apaches with the Papagos, but the parties quarreled and separated. The Pimas killed an Apache woman near Salt river while on their way home.

18eQ-70

^ GUa Crossing, A man at Rso'ttik was killed by the accidental discharge of a revolver in the hands of a companion.

o Blackwater, An unusually he^vy rain occurred during the ^^ winter, which gullied the hills deeply. The Apaches were making tizwin when the soldiers and Pima scouts attacked them; they took the alarm and escaped, leaving the liquor in the hands of the allies.

1870-71

GUa Crossing. The first canal " at Tempe was buiU by the Mormon settlers [1870].

yL^/2 Blachwater. The Apaches had come to the river at Santan A A for water and some Pimas discovered their trail and set off ^ V in pursuit. They failed to inflict any injury upon the enemy and retired with one of their own number mortally wounded.

At tliis time a Pima was killed at Ta-atftkam by the Apaches. These two corpses were burned.

Another Pima was killed during the year at Tempe by the Apaches, and his body was buried.

1871 72

OUa Crossing. An epidemic of measles prevailed in all the villages during this year. The Indians knew absolutely nothing about treating the disease, and many died.''

Salt River. In the winter the Kwahadk's went on the warpath against the Apaches and were accompanied by Na-aputk't'. They tried to surprise the enemy at a tank near Picacho, but found no one there. They followed the trail, however, until they came to a point near the present station of Red Rock, where they sent out scouts in the night,. who discovered the whereabouts of the enemy by hearing one of them cough. They surrounded the camp and attacked it at of the natives, ancient and niodom. who have located their homes Iwyond the reach of the freshets that transform the shallow lK»ds of blistering sand into irresistible torrents that overnm ihe bottom lands which may have Ijeen untouched by flood for many years. "The flood of Septemljcr, 1868, was perhaps the most destructive ever known, destroying three of the Pima villages and a large amount of prop(?rty on the lower Gila." Bancroft, xvii, .WO.

a The main canal is less than 2 miles in length. It has l:>een enlaiigf.Kl several times, so that its capaoity is now 325 cubic feet per second, irrigating over 30.000 acres.

6 The experienct* of the agency physicians in after years show that the high rat<» of mortality from this disease has not Ixwn due to the lack of acquired Immunity, but to the ignorance of the Pimas as to the proper care of patients, and esptx^ially t^ose convalescing. The youth who was the only victim at Sacaton in 18i)9 took a cold water shower bath a^' soon as he was able to be about and paid the penalty for his rashness.

daylight. The Apaches ran confusedly about without their weapons; fifteen were killed and many guns, bows, and quivers were captured.

^ Blackwater. At the hill, KA'matdlk, somewhat detached ly^ T from the Sacatons on the northeast, a man was bitten by a rattlesnake and died. At about the same time the Pimas killed an Apache who was known as Vakoa, Canteen, near the Superstition moimtains.

1872-73

GUa Crossing f Salt River. For several years the Pimas had had little \ water to irrigate their fields and were beginning to suffer from actual want when the settlers on Salt river invited them to come to that valley. During this year a large party of Rso'ttik Pimas accepted the invitation and cleared fields along the river bottom south of their present location. Water was plentiful in the Salt and the first year's crop was the best that they had ever known. The motive of the Mormons on the Salt was not wholly disinterested, as they desired the ^ Pimas to act as a buffer against the assaults of the Apaches, who were masters of the country to the north and east.^

Salt River, It was during this winter that the United States soldiers and the Pima, Maricopa, and Apache scouts surroimded the Superstition Mountain Apaches at the "Tanks" and rained bullets into their ranks imtil not a single man remained aUve. ''It was a sight long to be remembered,'' said Owl Ear, in narrating the circumstances.*

1873-74:

X

Gila Crossing. Ku-ukflmtikam, the Apache chief, and his band were killed by the soldiers and Pima scouts. K&mtik Wutcfl, A-atam, People-under-K4'mat(ik, or the village at Gila Crossing, was settled during this year.^

^ " piPIP-lp---'^ Gila Crossing, Salt River. The telegraph line was " W V f run through from west to east during the winter.**

a By Executive order of June 14. 1879, the land occupied by the Pimas on Salt river wan set apart m the Salt River reservation. It embraces about three townships on the north side of the river about 30 miles north of the original Pima villages. There are several laige ruins and at least one laige canal upon the reservation that were built by the Ilohokam. By an arrangement with the canal companies the Pimas have insured for themselves a constant supply of water, and the Salt Rivercommunity is regarded as the most prosperous among the Pimas.

b This sharp engagement took place on the 28th of Decemlx>r, 1872. in the canyon of the Salt river, south of the Mazatzal mountains. It has been graphically described !)y Capt. John G. Bourkc in his On the Border with Crook, 191-200. Tie states that 76 Apaches were kiUed and 18 captured. One wounded man was overlooked and made his escape. "Lead poured in by the bucketful" and an avalanche of bowlders was hurled down hundreds of feet from above upon the enemy.

c There is an unfailing supply of water at this place: the Gila, after flowing 75 miles beneath the bupface, rises to form a stream large enough to irrigate several hundred acres.

<* This was a military telegraph built from funds obtained by special appropriations from Congress. Arizona was fairly well provided with telegraph lines liy the time the railroad reached Yuma, in 1877, as there were more than 1,000 miles in operation in the Territory.

The Pimas went on a campaign against the Salt River Apaches soon after a heavy rain. When they reached the Salt river it was too high to be safely forded, so they built a raft and tried to take their saddles and blankets across upon it. The raft sank and they lost all their effects. Some of the party who had not engaged in the raft enterprise found a safe ford and continued on their raid, in which they killed several of the enemy, and near Four Peaks captured an Apache lad."

1874:-75

1^j_^ 11 GUa Crossing, A man trying to catch his pony approached (I from the rear so that he could reach its tail, which he probably thought it advisable to lay hold on until he could fasten the rope around the animaPs neck. One end of the lariat was attached to his waist, the other he tied to the horse^s tail. The animal broke away and dragged him to death.^

BlacJcwdter. The Apache White Hat killed a Pima.

1875-7e tGila Crossing. In this year sickness prevailed in the village of Rs&niik, apparently the same as in 1866, when the principal symptom of the disease was shooting pains through the body. Two medicine-men were suspected of having caused the trouble by magic means, and they were killed to stop the plague.

• I i Bldchvater, For a short time the Pimas were free from

• " ' Apache attacks, and they ventured into the mountains to gather mescal. While there, a race took place between a man and a woman, in which the woman won.

Later in the season there was a general gathering of the villages to witness a race with the kicking-ball.

187e-77

^ Gila Crossing. There was an Apache village called Hftvany ^ Kks at the junction of the Gila and Salt rivers while a truce existed between the Pimas and Apaches. During this year an epidemic of smallpox prevailed in that village, as well as in all those of the Pimas and Maricopas.

a He afterwards became known as Doctor Montezuma, now a prosperous physician practising in the city of Chicago.

t> This, the only event of the year in the Gila Crossing record, is unimportant in itself, and yet it illustrates a phase of Pima character that is worthy of notice. In handling horses they exhibit a patient subtlety resembling that of the snake creeping upon its prey, until they have gotten a rope or halter on the animal, when their gentleness disappears. Yet in all their harnessing or saddling they manifest an innate tendency toward carelessness. They always work up on the right instead of the left aide of a horse, and they also mount from that side.

In the spring of 1877 the Gila Crossing Pimas and the Gila Maricopa villagers were pitted against each other in a relay race, the first between the two tribes.**

Blackwater. While a party was gathering mescal just before the wheat ripened a mare gave birth to twin colts.

1877-78

mL« ^ Gila Crossingy Salt River, During the winter a man who had <^^ gone a long distance to search for his horses perished from the cold, and his body was found in a sitting position imder a tree.**

Gila Crossing. A party of Pimas went to the Kwahadk' village to drink tizwin, and in the quarrel which ensued the Casa Blancas killed two men of Santan.

Some time afterwards the Gila Crossing people drank tizwin, and one of their number was killed by a man from Salt River.

Blackwater. A man of Blackwater who was with a party that went to gather mescal sickened from some unknown cause, and died. The corpse was brought back to the village.

1878-7Q

y(y Gila Crossing^ Salt Rivera Elackvmier. The principal event A/ of the year was the building of the Southern Pacific railroad ^^ along the southern border of the Gila River reservation.

Salt River (a), Blackwater (6). A feud that had originated in the quarrel at the Kwahadk' ^^^lage during the preceding year reached an acute stage in February, 1879. The majority of the people of Blackwater and the lower villages, which were then known as Santan, conspired to kill the men of a certain faction during a night determined upon several days in advance. A guard was set at Blackwater, who was to watch their movements without giving them any hint of his purpose. One of those who were preparing for the attack at Blackwater had a brother at Casa Blanca, and he feared that this brother might be included in the list of victims at the lower villages, so he went one night to warn him or to get him to return with him to Blackwater. The next day the brother's conscience began to act, and he finally decided that if these men were killed and he did not warn them he would be answerable for their death. He therefore sent a runner to Blackwater, who told one of the intended victims of the conspiracy formed against them.

o Tcfrfkils. one of the Maricopa runners, afterwards won a six-day race in San Francisco and was % close sFCond in a similar endurance race in New York.

fr The Pimas believe that he froze to death, and if this be true it indicates an unusually low tcmpemture and that one man at least had verj- slight power of resistance to cold. The lowest temperature recorded at the Phoenix meteorological station for a period of sixteen years is 11® F. Bept. of Chief of Weather Bureau, 190Q-1901, i.

The recipient of the news sent one of his family to inform another of his party, and so the news was spread so quietly that the guard scarcely noticed what was going on until the men began slipping one by one into the mesquite thickets. Before he could reach his friends, who were out in the fields, the whole proscribed party had escaped and w^re on their way toward Santan, where they and their friends attacked their Santan opponents eariy the next morning.

Juan Thomas, his two brothers, father, and uncle were in the party attacked. The old man, II^, was the bravest, and fought openly with bow and arrows until they succeeded in driving off their assailants. He was slightly wounded with a bullet in the abdomen and an arrow^ in the arm, but no one was killed. One of the brothers was irrigating his field when a runner came with the news that his family was being killed and that he was in danger also. He ran toward the Double butt^s and soon saw another man running in a course parallel to his own. The other saw him, and both began dodging to escape from the two clumps of mesquite behind which they had halted. Then they discovered that they were brothers, and they debated long as to what they should do. It is also said that they shed tears at the peril of their relatives, to whose aid they could not go without weapons. It was also a cause of grief that their fellows should rise against them. They decided to return to the village, but by that time the fight had ended.

II&s had come out of liis house and chased those who were trying to shoot him. They fired several shots and some arrows at him, but when he came near they ran away. He called his enemies by name, inviting them to come and get satisfaction if they were bent on killing him. When the attacking party withdrew, the Thomas family went to the Double buttes, and on finding that they were not pursued they went to Blackwater, where their story so aroused their friends that an expedition was organized to seek revenge. They secured two boxes of cartridges from the trader at Blackwater and came down the river.

They formed a skirmish line as they approached the lower settlement and met their opponents at the Government school building. The Santan party hastily knocked a few loopholes in the adobe walls and gathered in and around the building, to withstand an attack. The Blackwater men killed three among those outside the schoolhouse and could have killed many more with their superior weapons, but their thirst for revenge seemed to be satisfied with that number, and they did not pursue those who fled across the mesa like frightened rabbits.

187Q-80

Gila Crossing. During this wint<?r there was a heavy fall of snow.* Bldchvater. At an abandoned store above Casa Blanca, the walls of which are yet standing, a white man was killed by two young men, who were caught before they secured the money of the victim, robbery being the motive for the deed. The one who did the shooting was taken to the county jail at Florence.

1880-81

Gila Crossing. At the beginning of the year a man was bitten and killed by a rattlesnake at Gila Crossing.

Blachwater. The murderer mentioned in the record of the preceding year was hanged at Florence.

1881-82

Jl GUa Crossing. During a tizwin drunk at Salt River two young men killed each other. The Casa Blanca people went to Gila

Crossing to participate in a feast and dance.

^V/jJ^ Blackwaier, The Pima police were sent from Sacaton to

A /V arrest some Kwahadk's living at their village about 50 miles south of the agency. Two were killed.*

1882-83

y f=?^ (rila Crossing (a) , Blackwater (b) . An epidemic of measles ^S prevailed among the Pimas and Maricopas, causing the death of many persons.

a An event of such rarity that it is mentioned but twice in these records of seventy years.

6 The Kwahadk's had Ixjcn drinking tizwin. and as they had never Ikhju interfered with by the agent they were not conscious of having traugressed any laws. Furthermore, dnmkcnncss was the rule among the few whites with whom they came in contact, and it was a privilege that the Kwahadk's indulged in but once or tvrico a year. Old inhabitants at Sacaton tell me that the agent was working prisoners upon a reservation farm and soiling the crop for his o^i'n profit. The Pim&s had been committing no misdemeanors or crimes ttiat ofTcred any excuse for imprisoning them and the crops needed attention, but nevertheless he ordered his police to bring in the Kwahadk's dead or alive. One of the young Kwahadk's frankly declared his innocence of any intentional transgrcsition and defied the police to take him from his home, lie was promptly shot. As tho polloi* were returning to Sacaton they were overtaken by the father of the murdered man. who told them tiiat he had nothing to live for. as they had killed his son and they might as well kill him. The police obligingly complied with his request. ' ' Innocent and unoffending men were shot down or bowio-knifed merely for the pleasure of witnessing their death agonies. Men walked the streets and public squares with double-barreled shotguns, and hunted each other as sportsmen hunt for game. In the graveyard of Tucson there were 47 graves of white men in 1860. and of that number two had died natural deaths, all the rest having been murdered in ballroom quarrels." Life Among the Apaches, by John C. Cremony, 117.

0=@

1883-84:

T^ Gila Crossing. The Salt River Pimas went to a fiesta at Gila Crossing.

Blackwater. A drunken Pima while riding on a box car on the Southern Pacific was run over and killed.**

1884-85

Gila Crossing, An epidemic during this year among the Kwahadk's caused the execution of two medicine-men who were suspected of bringing the visitation upon the tribe.''

Blackwater, The first wagons issued by the Government to the Blackwater people were received this year.

1885-88

^ Gila Crossing, Hwela, named for the agent Wheeler, was baptized this year as the first Christian convert among the Pimas.*" It Two youths were thrown from their horses during a rabbit hunt and killed.^

Blackioater. Two prominent men of Blackwater died.

1888-87

k Gila Crossing. Tizwin was made at Gila Crossing in such quantities that it was passed around in bowl-shaped baskets. One man w^as killed.

Ky The first adobe houses were built at Gila Crossing, and their ^ owners were thereby entitled to one wagon each/ /\ A man at Salt River was shot by a white man; the particulars were not known to K&.em&-&.

oThe practice* of allowing the Indians to ride free upon freight trains was established when the road was first built and is yet continued. The object of this generosity is said to be the procurement of the good will of the natives, who in return would give warning of washouts, or obstructions intentionally placed on the track and, perhaps, give concessions of rights of way across the reservations in the event of future extensions. Agent Jackson in his report for 1883 stated that six Pimas had been killed that ^ year by falling from trains when dnmk.

ft It will be noticed that such common events as this among the Kwahadk's arc recorded by the calendrists, thus showing how closely related the tribe is to the Pimas.

c Mr C. H. Cook, a Ci\il War veteran, had come as a teacher and missionary among the Pimas at the close of the year 1870. A sincere and devout Christian, he labored for nearly fifteen years before the people to whom he has devoted his life l)egan to understand the message that he brought to them. lie informs the writer that three or four other men had accepted his teaching Vwfore Hwela, but it is probable that this year marks the beginning of the conversion, which thereafter advanced ver>' rapidly. Mr Cook has descril)ed his experiences among the Pimas and Apaches in a small volume of 136 pages, entitled. Among the Pimas, 1893. The chapter on " The Pima Indians, their manners and customs." by Rev. Isaac T. Whittcmore, is inaccurate and inadequate.

d These hunts were frequently made and resulted in the destruction of large numbers of hares and \ rabbits, two species of the former and one of the latter. They were simply drives by a company of ' mounted men who surrounded the area to be beaten over and then advanced toward the center, where the animals were shot with arrows or killed with clubs. Such hunts are yet continued.

e These wagons were issued to such men as were willing to cut their long hair, build adobe houses of N. reasonable size, and provide suitable sheds to shelter the wagons from the scorehing heat of summer, which is exceedingly severe on vehicles.

r

Gila Crossing J Salt river. The Maricopa and Phoenix raiboad was built during this year, and thus connection was established between the fertile districts of the Salt river and the Southern Pacific railroad."

Salt River. The medicine-man Staups gave a great dance at Santan, which was accompanied by races and other ceremonies which attracted many visitors, among whom were a Yuma and his wife. • o o o Blachvater, Juan Thomas was employed as a scout by ^ ® ^ the troops who pursued Geronimo during his last flight into Mexico. The eight dots on Juan's stick represent the soldiers whom the Pimas accompanied. The minor leaders of the Apaches had entered the Pima camp thinking that they were friends, and had been captured, except seven who broke away. The commanding officer having ordered a fresh party of Pimas who had come up, to pursue the escaping Apaches, thirty-one Pimas ,and eight soldiers tracked the Apaches for two months, until they doubled back to the White mountains, where they were captured by the white soldiers before the Pimas overtook them.

1887-88

Gila Crossing, Salt river. Special mention is made by two annalists of the severe earthquake of May 3, 1887.^ Owl Ear '/ <{ declared that *4t was noticed by many of our people, if not by all, who wondered why the earth shook so." ^JJ GHa Crossing. The stage station at Gila Crossing, no longer needed after the railroad was built from the Southern Pacific to Phoenix, was moved during this year to Maricopa junction.

The Gila Crossing settlement was prosperous, and the Casa Blanca people went down to dance and share the products of their brothers' industry.

1 1 During a tizwin carousal which took place later in the year, two Gila Crossing men killed each other. ^^ It was at this time that ^^a Mexican (sic) counted the bones of the people." ^

y The Maricopas were all living together at Mo'hattlk mountain when a quarrel arose in which a medicine-man was killed. His friends retaliated by killing a medicine-man of the opposite faction.

This resulted in a division of the tribe, some going to the Pima settlea The road was completed July 2, 1887.

t> This is known as the ' * Sonora earthquake. ' * The shocks were so severe in that state as to be destructive to property and human life. At Tombstone, -\riz.. the severe shocks lasted ten seconds, and the %nbrations continued for a full minute. The earthquake was felt throughout the southern part of the Territory, and many ranchmen firmly believe that the drought of the last few years, which has transformed the grassy mesas into a desert waste, is due to that earthquake. Sec Goodfellow in Science, New York, Aug. 12. 1887.

r This is the Pima view of the somatological investigations of Dr Herman F. C. ten Kate, who measured 312 Pimas, l)esides many others among the Maricopas. Papagos, Zufiis, etc. His results are briefly summarized in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, iii, 119.

X

ment on Salt river and the remainder going to their present location on the Gila below the crossing.

Salt River, A white man killed an unknown Pima some time after the earthquake for some unknown reason.

1888-8Q

^ GUa Crossing, The American settlers at Tempe invited the Salt ^ River Pimas to a feast.

5J An eclipse of the moon was observed by the Pimas, and as usual was spoken of as the "time when the moon died.'***

TA prosperous season enabled the Salt River people to hold a dance festival. O Tizwin was made at Gila Crossing, but no one w^as killed in the resulting debauch.

t\ Blachvater, A Papago who knew the bluebird series of songs J sang for the Santan people during the festival held by them. •o© The captain of the native police and the calendrist went

I \ to Fort McDowell with three other men to act as scouts for the soldiers stationed there. During the year an epidemic carried away three prominent men at Blackwater.

188Q-QO

/% Gila Crossing, Two tramps killed a man near the Maricopa and Phoenix railroad. O The Salt River people made tizwin, and during the carousal which followed a man was shot and killed. The nmrderer was sent to Yuma. a The Hi'atam villagers who formerly lived at AkQtcIn}^, south of

Maricopa station, went to Gila Crossing to join in the dance festival held there.

TSalt River, In a tizwin drunk at Salt River Santco was killed. Soon afterwards another general debauch resulted in the death of Hitiraki. These events caused the order prohibiting the Pimas from making tizwin.

til

Blarkwater. The wife of the head chief died.

18QO-Q1

I GUa Cross^ing. During a tizwin drunk at Gila Crossing a man put poison into the liquor of an enemy, who died in great agony after drinking it.

a Notwithstanding the fuct that several score of partial and total eclipses of the moon were visible In Pimeria during the period covered by these annals, which in that clear atmosphere must have been seen, they are mentioned but twice, and thiit in recent times. As it is known from American testim9ny that the Pimas were profoundly impressed by such phenomena, the failure of the annalists to note them can be accounted for only by their aversion to even a mention of supernatural events supposed to be threatening in character.

^ At the Salt River settlement a Mexican under the mfluence of whisky killed a Pima, but the Indians "were good enough not to want to kiir^ the murderer.

^ KJ Oila Crossing (a), Salt River , Blachvater (6). In the spring of

(a) 1891 occurred the last and most disastrous of the Gila floods.

e^ The Maricopa and Phoenix Railroad bridge was swept away and e^ the channels of both the Gila and Salt rivers were changed in

^^^ many places. The destruction of cultivated lands led to the change of the Salt River Pimas from the low bottoms to the mesas.

18Q1-Q2

^ Ttn Oila Cussing, A boarding school ° for Indian children was established at Phoenix.

1 1 Two men died at Gila Crossing during the autunm, and it was ' " supposed that they were poisoned by the tizwin which they had been drinking.

^s^ In a tizwin drunk on the Salt River reservation a Papago ^^ shot a Pima and fled to escape the consequences, leaving his wife at the village.

/|C^^ Blachvater. The chief and one of the headmen at Black- /\ A ^^^^ ^^^d during the year.

18Qa-Q3

^ Gila Cussing. Two friends went to Maricopa and got drunk ^ on whisky. One cut the other's throat; he then went to the villages on the river above Gila Crossing and in maudlin tones said he thought he saw himself striking someone under him.*^ fTJT The schoolhouse was moved out of Phoenix to a point 3 miles north of the city during the summer of this year (1892). ^ A woman was struck by lightning at Hi'atam, the village above Gila Crossing. '11 A dance at Salt River occurred in which two men, drunk

II

with whisky, killed each other. I In the spring of 1892 the Gila Crossing chief, Ato'wftkam, died.

The Government issued barbed wire for fencing at Gila Crossing, and directed the people to make a road across the fields, which should be fenced to form a lane.

Blachvater. A woman was gored to death at Blackwater by a cow.

The chief, who had been bitten some years before by a rattlesnake but had recovered, died in the spring of 1893.

a It was opened In a leased hotel building in Septemlwr, 1891. Owing to lack of facilities only boys, to the number of 42, were admitted.

b The passion for distilleti liquor had arisen within the last quarter of a century. Lieutenant Emory wrote, in Novemlxr, 184e, "Aguardiente (brandy) is kno^vn among their chief men only, and the abuse of this and the vices which it entails are yet unknown."

18Q3-Q4:

^T^ GUa Crossing, The village of Hi'atani and the Gila Maricopas had a dance together, but no one was killed. Tizwin was made secretly at Gila Crossing, but no fatalities occurred. I The '^prettiest woman in the village" died at Gila Crossing, and her husband was suspected of having caused her death.

y A man was shot by another, who was drunk with whisky.

Blachvater. This year the first horse race ever held by the Pimas took place at Blackwater.*

18Q4:-Q5

XL Gila Crossing, The Gila Crossing Presbyterian Church was VI 3) built at the beginning of the year — that is, during the sunmier of 1894. It was dedicated in December of that year.^ i A woman was found dead on the Phoenix road. It is supposed that she had been killed by a Maricopa or a Chinaman. Tp The Gila Crossing people held a dance festival.

/

The Santa Y4s railway reached Phoenix.

^o There was an eclipse of the moon during this year.

Blachwaier. The chief at Gila Crossing favored tizwin drinking and resisted the progress that was beginning to manifest itself. He died in jail at Sacaton.

In a horse race between animals owned by the Sacaton flats and Blackwater villages, that of the former won.

18Q5-Qe

^ Gila Crossing, The Maricopas living on the Gila came to Gila

Crossing to attend a dance festival. g K4em4-& was elected a chief at the Gila Crossing village. The ^ line is drawn ''crooked because I was crooked in my mind whether ^ or not I should accept the responsibility."

Salt River, Two brothers-in-law got drunk together and in the quarrel that ensued one was seriously injured.

Soon afterwards Juan made some wine and invited a number of his friends to come and drink with him. All became drunk and Luigi kiUed a man whose name was not known to the calendrist. Luigi was sent to the Territorial prison at Yuma, where he died a year later.

o However, this sport has not become popular among them, partly owing to their poverty, which prevents them from feeding a horse well enough to enable it to run and from accumulating property with which to bet on the race, and perhaps partly owing to the growing influence of the church party in the conununity.

b This church was established by the veteran missionary, Mr C. H. Cook, who successfully awakened an interest in Christianity among the Gila Crossing villages and had a number of converts at the time when it was considered that, owing to its isolation, the settlement should have a resident missionary.

Blackwater, Two Christians died in this year, one at Blackwater and the other at the Cottonwoods."

During this year a Blackwater youth at the Phoenix school committed suicide by shooting himself.

Gila Crossing. The Kwahadk's indulged in a tizwin drunk in which one man was killed.

t iV Gila Crossing J Salt River, The Gila Crossing chief fell dead in the prisoner's chair when on trial at Sacaton for selling whisky.

18Qe-Q7

crH Gila Crossing, An epidemic of smallpox prevailed and the V whites established a quarantine which the calendrist interprets as, "the Pimas were ordered to stay at home."

Blackwater, Square indicates the Gila Crossing church.

Salt River, The Maricopa and Phoenix railroad was extended from Tempe to Mesa [a distance of about 8 miles] during this year.

18Q7-Q8

Gila Crossing, At the beginning of this year the Gila Crossing Catholic and the Casa Blanca Presbyterian churches were being built.

A Papago chief was killed at Maricopa by a companion who was drunk with whisky.

I

TThe Rs&nikam people went to AkQtctoy to dance and run a relay race.

In various ways the Spanish-American war was brought to the notice of the Pimas and Kftemft--^ made a record of the event by the sign which might be supposed to be a bush or a yucca plant.

Blackwater. Juan's brother 'and another man' died.

18Q8-QQ

g Gila Crossing. Many children died this year of measles at the Phoenix Indian boarding school.''

o Professing Christians among the Pimas wore not so rare at this time that the death of two need have been recorded. This was the time when the long labors of the missionary were beginning to take effect and the converts numl)ered hundreds each year.

b The disease also prevailed at Sacaton. Nearly all the children in the school, about two hundred, were siclc, but the indefatigable efforts of the agency physician saved all but one, who disolwyed his orders.

There was a heavy fall of snow that could be rolled into great balls I as it was melting.

Elackwaiev, There was no crop this year."

18QQ-1QOO

Gila Crossing, During the summer of 1899 a Catholic mission school was established at Gila Crossing.

A Papago was killed by Ughtning at Gila Crossing.

Barbed wire was issued from the agency at Sacaton.**

/q\ The Indian Department established a day school at Gila Cross- ^^ ing at this time.

t Victor Jackson was struck by lightning as he was returning 4j to Sacaton on the stage road from Casa Grande.*^

tBlackvxUer, A woman at Blackwater was fatally bitten by a rattlesnake.*'

a The water of the Olla had lxM>n so far utilized by white settlers above the reservation, for the most part more than a hundred miles above, tliat there was none left for the Pimas. It is difficult to obtain aocurate Information at this time of the number who perished either diroctly or indirectly by starvation. Daring this and the following year five persons are known to have died from this cause, and it Is probable that thei« were others. Most of the IMmas will not beg, however desperate their need may be, so that not all cases were reported.

In one case a wood chopper tried during the hot season tocut mesquite for sale, but he was too weak to withstand the heat and the exertion and was found dead in the chaparral. An old couple were found dead in their house with no food of any kind in their storehouse, and it is supposed that they preferred to starve rather than beg. A man riding to Salt River was too weak from hunger to keep his saddle and fell and perished.

b The agent wisely stipulated that if they received free wire they must leave a lane for a road through the fields. The ^idth was not prescril)ed and they made the lane so narrow that two teams can scarcely pass each other in it, and it Ixxiomes churned Into mud when the adjoining land is flooded for purposes of irrigiition. The Hmas have not manifested any striking road-building instinct that would lead an enthusiastic admirer to relate them to the Aztecs or Incas. Year after year they plodded through the slough between the agency and the river without making an effort to put in a bridge or filling. When one of the (Jovemnient employees was'building a bridge for them several passing teamsters preferred risking their t<'ams and wagons in the sea of mud to assisting for a few minutes to put the bridge in place.

The soil of the reservation is well adapted for road making, and a little ca re would make the thoroughfares as hard and smooth as those to )e found anywhere. However, those upon the tillable lands of river silt readily cut into light dust that rises in clouds when disturbed. In a few placed this condition has been n*medied by resorting to the U^mporary and shiftless expedient of the white settlers, who cover the road with straw or corral n>fu.s«». The mesa roads, which inchide all those leading any distance from the Oila. pass alt«»mately over loose soil containing coarse sand that gradually acctmiulates in the ruts and renders the road "heavy," and over "adobe" soil which is hard and firm in dry setisons, and which makes an ideal roadb«»d. Ilill roads are unknown and there are very few traveling sand dunes to be crossed near the res<'rvation.

c lILs horse was killed and its bones are certain to \ie pointed out to the stage traveler by the loquacious driver, John McCoy.

d It may l)e presumed that such occum»nces are rare or they would not l)e deemed worthy of record. This woman had gone far out on the desert to search for mesquite lx»ans, as she was without food; indeed the whole community was star'ing lM»cause of the failure of the crops owing to the lack of water in the river for their ditches. Rattlesnakes sometimes make their way into the houses and bite the occupants. Repeated inquiries failed to (»licit information that would indicate that any remedies were used for snake bites. A common weed (golondrina?) is called snakewivd by a few whites, and is supposed to be OBed as a remedy by the Pimas, but I have not yet found a native who ever heard of its being so used*

26 ETH— 08 7

N

II

IQOO-lQOl

GUa Crossing. It was during this year that the President came to Phoenix.**

GUa Crossing, Salt River, During the spring the man employed to cany the mail between Phoenix and Scottsdale became insane and shot a white man and a Pima youth whom he met on the road near the latter place.

■ ■ Gila Crossing, In September, 1901, the day school was ^ started at Mas&'kim£ilt, the Gila Maricopa village.

TECHNOLOGY The Food Supply

The Pimas subsist upon a mixed diet in which vegetable food predominates. In the past it would seem probable that the proportion of meat was greater than at present, though they have long been tillers of the soil. Certain articles of their diet appear to be markedly flesh producing, and this tendency is at least not diminished by the habits of life resulting from the semitropical climate of the Gila valley. They are noticeably heavier than individuals belonging to the tribes on the Colorado plateau to the north and northeast, and many old persons exhibit a degree of obesity that is in striking contrast with the ^Hall and sinewy '' Indian conventionahzed in popular thought. (Fig. 2.)

About every fifth year in primitive times the Gila river failed in midwinter, the flow diminishing day by day xmtil at length the last drop of water that could not gain shelter beneath the sands was licked up by the ever-thirsty sun. The fish gathered in the few pools that were maintained by the underflow, the ducks and other water birds took flight, but the deer and antelope could the more readily be stalked because of their resorting to known watering places. Without water in the river and canals there could be no crops, and necessity drove the people to seek far afield for the native plants that in some degree produce fruits or seed,s even in dry seasons. The fruit of the saguaro and the seed or bean of the mesquite were the most abundant and accessible resources. When even these failed the Pimas were driven to make long journeys into the Apache coxmtry —

oThe visit of President McKlnlcy to Phoenix," in May, 1901, made a profound impression upon the Pimas. KAemA-A lives but 20 miles south of the Arizona capital, and was present at the time of the President's visit, lie made no mark upon the calendar stick to commemorate the event, but related the circumstana's as a part of the history.

It is not surprising that the Pimas, who had heard for many years of the Great Chiefs in Washington, should l>e desin)us of seeing one in the flesh when the opportunity presented itself. The official interpreter at the agency fn^quently, during the winter of 1901-2, expressed her desire to obtain a good biography of the late President. After commenting upon the hideous crime of the assassin at Buffalo she made the truthful and suggestive remark that ' no Pima would do such a thing; he would never kill his chief."

THE FOOD SUPPLY

and whenever they got a mile from their own villages they were in the land of the Apache — in search of animal food, roots, berries, and especially the edible agaves,

At other times the very abmidance of water proved disastrous;

Fig. 2. Fat Louisa.

floods destroyed the canals and swept away the crops. As early as 1697 Padre Kino reported that owing to the fields havmg been overflowed the Pimas could offer him no pinole,^ but gave mesquite meal instead.** The resort to uncultivated products such as their Papago a Manuscript, Hemenway Collection, x, p. 6, copy by Bandelier from Doc. Ills. Mex.

f> Made by grinding parched com into meal and mixing it with water to form a thin gruel; wheat is now similarly treated. Pfefferkom gives the following appreciative description of pinole in his Beschrelbung der Landschaft Sonora, the second volume of which was published in 1795: "Auch auf dem Felde, und auf der Reise, wo keine Bequemlichkeit zum Kochen ist, haben die S<>norer ihre Nahrung von dem Mats. Sie nehraen denncithigen Vorrath mit: dieser bestehet in dem Pinole, den Ihnen die Weiber auf folgende Art bereiten. Nuchdem der Mais im Wasser etwas geweicht.und hemach getrocknet ist; rosten ale denselben in einer irdenen Schilsscl, und riihren ihn bestAndig heruni. damit er nicht anbrenne. Wahrendera Rosten. springen die Komer auf; und das Mark bricht. gleich einer schnecweisscn Blume, hervor. Dieses wird Esquita genant und 1st nlcht iftangene^im zu essen. Der auf diese Art gerostete Mais wird auf dem M elate gemahlen; und bekdmmt alsdann den Naraen Pinole. Diese Feld und Reisekost filhrt der Sonorer In dem Balge von einer wilden Katze, oder einem andem Thiere, mit slch. Sogar die Soldaten, und andere Spanier, haben auf der Reise keine andere Nahrung. Weun sie essen wollen; so werfen sie zwei oderdrei handvoU Pinole in eine Corita, welche ihnen zu dem Ende allezeit «ur Seite h≯ schtitten Wasser dazu, riihren l>eides durcheinander; und nehmen also aus einem Oeschiere, zur seibigen Zeit, Speise und Trank. So sehr der Pinole von den Amerikanem gesch&tzet wird; so wcnigen Beifall flndet sein Gcschmackbei dem Europ&er; nur Zlmmet, und Zucker, k5nnen ihm denselben angenehm machen." (Vol. u, p. 132.)

cousins to the southward wholly subsisted upon did not prevent the Pimas from attaining proficiency in agriculture, as will be seen later, and it must many times have preserved them from total extinction. With what success they sought for edible plants may be judged from the subjoined list, which is believed to be fairly complete. It contains 22 plants of which the stems, leaves, or flowers were eaten, 4 that furnished roots or bulbs, 24 with seeds or nuts, and 15 that supplied fruits or berries. And this in a region that appears to the casual visitor to be a desert with but a few thorny shrubs and but one tree that he would deem worthy of the name.

PREPARATION OF FOOD

Very few articles of Pima diet are eaten raw, and many of them are of such a nature as to necessitate thorough cooking; thus the agave and the fruit of some of the cacti are baked for many hours. It may be well, therefore, to describe the methods, so far as they could be ascertained, of preparing the various plants for use. The art of cooking is not well developed among these people ; no such elaborate preparations as Mr Gushing found at Zufti tempt the Pima palate.

In the olden time maize was ground upon the flat metates and formed* into loaves, which must have been *'sad" indeed, to judge from their modem counterparts. With the advent of the whites came the introduction of a new and quickly accepted cereal, wheat; and the bread made from it also, without leavening agent, is heavy and indigestible. One loaf was obtained (pi. vi, a), said to be a comparatively small one, that weighed 14 pounds and yet was only 3 inches thick and 20 inches in diameter. No knowledge of the pueblo wafer bn»ads exists among the Pimas, who confine their treatment of mesquit<^, com, wheat, and other flour to baking as tortillas or'as loaves in the ashes, frying in suet, or boiling, either in wat^r to form a gruel or mush, or with other foods in the shape of dumplings.

A large part of the cereal food of the Pimas is parched before it is ground.

The process of parching on, or rather among, the coals is dexterously carrieil out. The coals are raked into the parching pan (pi. XIX, a) and after the grain has been thrown upon them it is given a series of tosses with a quarter-tum to each which redistributes the light but bulky coals and the heavier grain. A frequent puff of bn^ath curries away the quickly gathering flakes of ashes. The contents of the pan art^ sc^parated by a few short jerks that cany the coals in a mass to the edge of the dish, whence the larger particles are scnuHHl otr and the smaller blowni out. Another method of parching seeds is to place over the fire an olla that has been broken so that at least one siile is wanting, thus admitting the hand to stir the contents as they are broN\iied.

Meat is roasted on the coals, a favorite method of cooking dried meat or that of small rodents, or it is boiled mitil well done. In the latter method, according to one informant, it is put on the fire in cold water. The broth is then thrown away lest it cause consumption. A coarse-grained flour is sometimes boiled with the meat to make what a Canadian voyageur would term.rubabu.

Occasionally a housewife will be met with among the Pimas who is scrupulously neat and clean in cooking and in the care of the home. Most of the women, however, carry traces of dried dough on their fingers from week^s end to week's end, and the cooking vessels know no cleansing except the scraping that seeks the last particle of food that may cling to them, the rasping tongue of the starving dog, or the hasty slopping of a little cold water into them just before using again. The evil effects of slovenliness are reduced, however, by the peculiar conditions, such as the dry air, which saps the moisture from all organic matter, even in the shade; the outdoor cooking place exposed to a sun that withers all germs; and the habit of eating all the food prepared for each meal, which includes the rule of etic^uettc prescribing that one nmst eat all that is set before liim.

The kitchen is an arrow-bush inclosure, about 4 or 5 meters in diameter (pi. VI, 6), containing its set of half a dozen pottery vessels. In the center are the three stones on which the cooking pot rests. Such an inclosure is ((uite common at the present day, though many have adoped the oval fireplaces of adobe (pi. vi, c), some obtain iron kettle stands from the agency blacksmith, and a few (cliiefly those who live in adobe houses) are using modern stoves.

PLANTS USED FOR FOOD

A^nHik i'avaA:,. Atriplex bracteosa var. ; A. coronata Wats. ; A. elegans Dietrich. These saltbushes, with a few others as yet unidentified ^ arc sometimes boiled with other food because of their salty flavor. They are cooked in pits with the fruit of the cactus, Opuntia arborescens, the method of roasting them being described below. The young shoots of some of them are crisp and tender. Coimnonly known as '^sagebrusli,'^ these saltbushes are among the most abundant plants in that region. There are botli herbaceous and woody species, the former being eaten by stock and the latter being useful for fuel.

A'opa hVdslky Populus deltoides Marsh. The cottonwood occurs in a thin fringe, with here and there a grove along the Cfila and Salt rivers. In Febniar}^ and March the women send some of the barefoot boys into the tree tops to throw down the catkins, which are then gathered in baskets and carried home to be eaten raw by stripping them off the stem between the teeth.

Aot, Agave americana Linn, (possibly a few related species also). Mescal was gathered in times of famine, and it would have been much more extensively used had it not been for the danger from '^ the enemy/ ^ the Apaches, that attended even the shortest journey away from the villages. The plant has ever been a favorite, not only among the Pimas but also with the Papagos, the Apaches, and a score of other tribes. The first day^s work after reaching the liills where this plant grows was to seek suitable wood and make digging sticks. Then the men gathered the mescal heads by prying them out with the sticks, and trimmed off the leaves with a knife, leaving one or two, so that the heads might be tied i^ pairs and slung on a rope for carrying. Thin-leaved specimens were rejected, inasmuch as they not only contain little nourishment, but blister the mouth when eaten. While" the men were bringing in the mescal, the women gathered wood for fuel. Pits were dug, and after the fire built in them had died down small stones were placed on the coals. The mescal was then placed on the stones and the whole covered with earth. When it had roasted for twenty-four hours, a small opening was made in the pit and its contents examined ; if the cooking w as not yet complete, the opening was closed and the pit left undisturbed twelve hours longer. If the roasting was not done when the pit was first opened, it was believed that the incontinence of some members of the party was the cause. The heads of the fruit were opened by removing the envelope on one side ; the center was cut out and dried in the sun, when it was ready for use or for storing away.

Mescal is now obtained from the Papagos. It is eaten by chewing until the juice is extracted and rejecting the fiber. It is used alone or together with pinole. Sirup is extracted from the prepared mescal by boiling until the juice is removed, which is then thickened by prolonged boiling until it becomes a black sirup, somewhat similar to sorghum. It is inferior to saguaro sirup.

A'pdTij Monolepis chenopoides. The roots are washed, boiled in an olla, and cooled in a basket. The water is squeezed out, and they are again put into the olla with a little fat or lard and salt. After cooking for a few moments they are ready to serve with tortillas. This plant is also used in a similar manner by the Mexicans, who are supposed to have learned its value from the natives. The seeds are boiled, partially dried, parched, ground on the metate, and eaten as pinole.

A'taftakj Cucurbita foetidissima H. B. K. The seeds of this wild gourd are roasted and eaten.

E'ikdfi, Th^ root of this small plant is gathered, boiled, and eaten without peeling.

Haitf'lcamj Olneya tesota. The nuts of the ironwood tree (pi. vii, a) axe parched in an olla, or, what is more usual, the broken half of one, and eaten without further preparation. The tree grows on the mesas on all sides of the villages, where it is very conspicuous for a few days in May, when it is covered with a mass of purple flowers.

Ildflcowat, Phoradendron californicum. The berries of the mistletoe that grows on the mesquite are gathered and boiled without stripping from the stem. They are taken in the fingers, and the berries stripped off into the mouth as eaten. Various species of mistletoe are very abundant on the trees along the Gila, but this one only is eaten.

Ilaltj Cucurbita pepo Linn. The common species of pumpkin growTi by the Pimas, as well as by the whites and Mexicans, is cut in strips and dried, when it is known by a number of different names, according to the manner of cutting and the particular variety. This species includes the pumpkins proper, the bush scallop squashes, the summer crook-necks, and the white or yellow warty squashes. The club-shaped, pear-shaped, or long-cylindrical smooth squash is Cucurbita moschata Duchesne. It is extensively groA\Ti by the Pimas. The seeds of the pumpkin are parched and eaten. When the dried pumpkin is used, it is softened in water and boiled.

Ila'nUm, Opuntia arborescens. The fruit of this cactus (pi. viii, a) is gathered with an instrument that resembles an enlarged wooden clothespin. It is collected in large quantities and carried home in the ki^h^, or carrying basket. A pit is dug and a fire built in it, on which stones are heated. As the fire dies dowoi the stones are removed and a layer of the saltbush, Suseda arborescens, is placed over the coals; above this is placed a layer of cactus fruit, then hot stones, and so alternately to the top, over which a thick layer of saltbush is laid with earth outside. The pit is left undisturbed over one night, then its contents are spread out, dried, and the fruit stirred with a stick until the thorns are rubbed off, whereupon it is ready to store away for future use. In its final preparation it must be boiled. It is then salted and eaten with pinole. The acid flavor is usually relieved by the addition of various plants cooked as greens.

Ha'rsanyj Cereus giganteus Engelm. The fruit of the giant cactus, or, as it is more generally known in the Southwest, the saguaro (pis. VIII, 6, and ix, c?, d), is gathered in June, and so important is the harvest that the event marks the beginning of the new year in the Pima calendar. The supply is a large one and only industry is required to make it available throughout the entire year, as both the seeds and the dried fruit may be preserved. Seeds that have passed through the body are sometimes gathered from the dried feces, washed, and treated as those obtained directly from the fruit, though there would seem to be some special value ascribed to them as in the case of the ^'second harvest'^ of the Sen.**

a Cf . W J MoO«e In Seventeenth Annual Report of Bureaa of American Ethnology, 212.

The fruit is eaten without preparation when it ripens. It is of a crimson color and contains many black seeds about the size of those of the fig, which fruit it resembles in taste. By a process of boihng and fermentation an intoxicating liquor is obtained from the fresh fruit which has been more highly esteemed than the nutritious food and has rendered this new-year a season of debauchery."

The fruit is dried and preserved in balls 15 or more centimeters in diameter (fig. 3). From either the fresh or dried fruit sirup is extracted by boiling it 'all day.' The residue is ground on the metate into an oily paste which is eaten without further preparation. The seeds may be separated from the pulp at the time of drying the fruit and may be eaten raw or ground on the Hietate and treated as any meal — put into water to form a pinole or combined with other meal to bake into bread.

Ha'valtj Yucca bacatta. The fruit is boiled, dried, ground on the mealing-stone, and boiled with flour. It is also eaten raw as a cathartic. The stems are reduced to pulp and used as soap. Y. elata is also used as soap.

Uo'ny, Zea Mays. Com, the most important crop of the Pueblo tribes, has, in recent years at least, been of less value to the Pimas than wheat. The numerous varieties are all prepared in about the same manner. As the husked com is brought in by the women, it is piled on a thin layer of brush and roasted by burning the latter, after which it is cut from the cob, dried, and stored away for future use.

o •• I arrived at the Pimas GUeftos, accompanied by the governor of the Coco-Maricopas. There was great rejoicement, for there had spread thus far the report that they (the Moquis) had me kliied. The governor of the Pimas toid me that all the relatives were wrii content, and wishing to make a feast, all the pueblos together. I agrred to this, but on condition that it should be apart from me, foreseeing in this what would come to pass. In a little while I heard that they were singing 'a heap' (d« monton) ; this was stopped presently, but was followed by* a great uproar of discordant voices, and shouting, in which they said, *We are good! We are happy! We know God! We are the f^owB to fight the Apaches! Wo are glad the old man (as thoy call me) has come, and not been killedl' This extravagant shouting {exorbUarUc grUcria), a thing foreign to the seriousness of the Pimas, I knew came from drinking, which produced various elTects. Some came and took me by the hand, saluting me. One said, I am padre de I'edro.' Another said to me, 'Thou hast to baptize a child.' Another, 'This is thy home— Ijetake not thysolf to st»e the king, nor to Tucson.' Others made the sign of the cross, partly in Spanish, so that though I felt very angry at such general drunkenness, there did not fail me some gusto to hear the good expressions into which they burst, even when deprived of reason. The next day I complained of these excesses to the governor, who told me that it only happened a few times and in the season of saguaro, and adding that it made his people vomit yellow and kept them in good health. What most pleased me was to see that no woman got drunk; instead of which saw many of them leading by the bridle the horse upon which her husband was mounted, gathering up at the same time the clothes and )Nads that the mon scattered al>out, in order that none should bo lost." (Garc^'s Diar>', 438.) "The thR-e pitohaya months," says Father Salva-Tierra [describing the saguaro harvest in California], " resemble the carnival in some parts of Europe, when the men are in a great measure stupified or matl. The natives here also throw aside what reason they have, giving themselves up to feastiiigs, dancings, entertainments of the neighboring rancherias, buffooneries, and comedies, such as they are; and in these, wliole nights arc spent to the high diversion of the audience. The actors are selected for their talent of imitation: and thoy execute their parts admirably well," (Vem>gas, History of ralifornia. I, 82.) "The gathering of this fruit may W considered as the harvest of the native inhabitants. Tliey can ^jat as much of it as they please, and with some this food agrees so well that they Ix-comc corpulent during that period, and for this reason I was sometimes unai)lc to recognize at ftrst sight individuals otherwise perfectly familiar to me, who visited me after having fed three or four weeks on these pitahayas." (Jacoi) Baegert, The Al)Original Inhabitants of the Callfomiau Peninsula, in Smithsonian Ileport, 1863, 303.)

THE FOOD SUPPLY

The shelled com is ground on the metate and baked in large cakes in the ashes. Corn is also boiled with ashes, dried, and the hulls washed off, then thoroughly dried and parched with coals or over the fire. It is then made into a gruel, but is not so highly regarded as the wheat pinole.

Fsavik, The thorns of this cactus are removed as soon as gathered, and it is eaten without further preparation.

rtany, Atriplex sp. The heads of this saltbush are pounded up in the mortar and screened to separate the hulls. The seeds are washed, spread to dry, parched in a piece of olla, and ground on the metate. They are then ready to be eaten as pinole, or dry, in the

Fig. 3. Dried saguaro fruit.

latter case a pinch of the meal being taken alternately with a sip of water.

Ka'ifsa^ Cicer arietinum Linn. The chick-pea is raised in small quantities and is also purchased from the traders. This is the garabanzo of Mexico. The name chicos is sometimes applied to this pea as it is to anything small, especially to small or, rather, sweet com that is just old enough for roasting.

Kafj Chenopodium murale. The seed is gathered early in the summer and prepared by parching and grinding, after which it may be eaten as pinole or combined with other meal.

K&'meiLvat. After the August rains this seed is gathered, parched over coals in the parching pan, ground on the metate, and eaten as pinole.

THE PIMA INDIAN8

Kan'yOj Sorghum vulgare Pers. Sorghum is cultivated when the water supply.permits. It has been obtained recently from the whites, who raise it extensively in the Southwest.

Ki'ak. The heads of this annual are gathered and the seeds beaten out with the kiAhft stick used as a flail. The seeds are moistened, parched, wliich makes it resemble pop com, ground on the metate, and eaten by taking alternately pinches of meal and sips of water.

Kol, Prosopis velutina. Mesquite beans ^ formed nearly if not quite the most important article of diet of the Pimas in primitive times (pi. X, a). They are still extensively used, though the supply is somewhat curtailed by the live stock which feed avidly upon them. As already stated, the crop sometimes fails, *' especially in

Fio. 4. Sheds with caches on roofs.

hard times,' ^ as one of our informants naively remarked. The mesquite harvest takes place somewhat later than that of the saguaro. The beans are gathered and stored in the pod in cylindrical bins on the roofs of the houses or sheds (fig. 4). While yet on the trees, the bean pods are bored by larvae of the family BruchidaB. ^

a Analysis of mesquite beans, including the pod:

Per cent.

Moisture 596

Dry matter 94.04

Crude ash 5.20

Crude fat '. 5il2

Per cent.

Crude cellulose 32. 63

Albuminoids 14. 03

Nitrogcn-froe extract 37. 13

Nutritive ratio 1: 6.8

** The amount of celluloso, or woody fiber. Is very much larger in the bean, and the amount of nitrogenfree extract considerably smaller; but the albuminoids and fats compare very well indeed. The bean pod is 4 to 8 inches in length , and grows in bunches from six to eight pods to the bunch . ' ' Third Annual Report, 1888, Texas Agricultural Exx)eriment Station. Reference kindly supplied by Mr Ewell, Bureau of Chemistry, Department of Agriculture. b '* There are two species of Bruchus which are especially common in mesquite seeds in Arizona— both L xnMqttite and the screw bean, namely, Bruchus prosopis Lee. and Bruchus desertorum ^liininilfy other speciea breed in the seeds." Dr L. O. Howard, Department of Agricoltore,

The beans are prepared for use by being pounded up in a mortar with a stone pestle, or, if a large quantity is required, with a large wooden one. The pods may be ground with tlie beans. Another method of preparation is to separate the beans from the pods, parch them by tossing them up in a pan of live coals, and reduce them to meal by grinding, whereupon they may be eaten as pinole. This has a sweetish taste and is reputed to be very nourisliing.

The catkins of the mesquite are eaten \nthout preparation by stripping from the stem between the teeth.

The white gum which exudes from the mesquite Umbs is used in making candy.

The inner bark is employed as a substitute for rennet.

Ko'Tdtc vhHtaJdy Parkinsonia microphylla (in the foothills) ; P. torreyana (on the mesas) (pi. x, i). The paloverde bean was formerly eaten either as gathered or after being pounded m the mortar. It was not eaten as pinole, but was sometimes mixed with mesquite meal.

Ko'rtMt, The heads are gathered and washed, sometimes twice, then boiled in an olla with a little water. Wheat flour and a seasoning of salt are added and the whole is stirred until the heads fall to pieces.

Ko'-oku'paU'tik. According to tradition the seeds were eaten in primitive times, but no one now knows how they were prepared. The plant is now boiled with meat as greens.

Ko'HtcUt, Prosopis pubescens. Screw beans are abundant along the banks of the Gila. They are cooked in pits which are lined with arrow bushes set on end. The beans are placed in layers alternating with cocklebur leaves, the whole covered with earth and left to stand three or four days, after which they are taken out and spread to dry. They are then ready to use or store away in the arrow-bush basket bins on the house tops. They are further prepared for food by pounding up in a mortar, the fine flour then being ready to be eaten as pinole. The coarser portion is taken up in the hands with water, the juice sucked tlirough the fingers, and the remainder rejected.

Kwafaoltj Licium fremontii var. The red hervy is boiled and eaten.

Md-atatilk, This is described as resembling asparagus. The stems may be eaten raw or boiled or roasted in the ashes.

Me'la, Citrullus vulgaris Shrad. Watermelons are among the most important crops of the Pimas and are eaten during at least six months of the year.

Naf\ Opuntia engelmanni. The thorns are brushed off the fruit of the prickly pear before it is gathered. It is then peeled and eaten, the seeds being throwni away. The Papagos make a sirup from the frurt (which is said to cause fever in those not accustomed to its use)

and dry the fruit as they do that of the saguaro, but the Pimas make no further use of it than to eat it raw.

Nyi'diam, Malva sp. This plaAt is boiled and the liquid used in making pinole in times of famine.

O'-opat, Acacia greggii. The beans of the cat's-claw (pi. vii, h) were eaten in primitive times, but no one of the present generation knows how they were prepared.

Ositcc/wiipat, Zizyphus lycioides. The black berry of this thorny bush is gathered in the basket bowls after it has been beaten down with sticks. It is eaten raw and the seeds are thrown away.

Pap'l'am. The heads are tied in bunches and dried in the sun. They are then shelled, screened, the seeds parched, ground on the metate, and eaten as pinole. They are "not sweet."

Pavfi^j Phaseolus vulgaris Linn. At least one variety of the common kidney bean, pole bean, bunch bean, etc., was known to the natives before the advent of the Spaniards. Venegas states** that "red frixoles, or kidney beans" [Phaseolus sp.], were cultivated by the natives of lower California, and this may have been the variety known in Pimerla.^

PeVMany, Triticum sativum Lam. Wheat is the principal crop of the Pimas, and four varieties are known to them. It is ground on the metate to make the flour used in cooking the great loaves that weigh from 10 to 20 pounds. Tortillas resembling those of the Mexicans are now more commonly used than the heavy loaves of former days. A light and toothsome doughnut is fried in bubbling hot suet (pi. VI, a). One of the commonest methods of preparing wheat is to parch it, grind it on the metate, and eat it as a sort of thin gruel called hak(I) tcol; or the wheat may be boiled before parching, in which case the product is known as p&rsAj tcol. Both are known to the whites by the Mexican term '^pinole."

Rsat. Tlie bulb of the wild onion is eaten. It is common on the slopes at the foot of the Estrellas.

Rso^-owHL The fine reddish seed is boiled with flour as a mush.

Rsvr^sr-vllk, Tliis is used as greens with similar plants.

a History of California, 45.

• The entire region occupied by tribes of the Piman stock, extending over the larger part of Sonora as far northward as the Kio Oila, was known to the Spanish as Pimcria. That portion between the Yaquis and the Gila was called Pimerla Alta. The Papagos occupy nearly all this territory, and of late it is commonly called Papagueria. For an undetermined number of centuries the Pimas proper have occupied the middle Oila district. Their habitat differs, therefore, from that of the other tribes of the stock, and for convenience their territory' will be here designated by the term Plmeria.

Buschmann states in Die Pima-Sprache that " Duflot de Mofras {exploration du territoire dc I' Oregon, des Califomics ct de la mcr vermeille T. I.. Par. 1844, p. 208.) setzt die Pimeria alta von den Fliissen Colorado und Gila an bis zur Stadt lUrmosillo und zum rio de los Ures;'Me Pimeria baxa von da anl)iszuni rio del Fuerte, wolcher die Granze von Sonora und Cinaloa blldet. Er setzt beidc, zu grosse Pimeriaa g^eich Ober- und Nieder-Sonora : ' La Sonore se divise en luiute et basse, et prend aussi, b, cause des Indiens Pimas, le nom de Pimerin alta y baja.' Arricivita (p. 39C) bestimmt die Pimeria alta so: ' Die ganze Pimeria alta dehnt sich aus vom Presidio de Temate bis zu den playasde 6'n6orra,ui>cr 100 leguas; and von der Mission S. Igmuio von S imch N bis zum Oi7a-Flus.se. wieder 100 leguas; ihr grosster Theil liegt unter dem 30ten Breitengrade. Toda la Pimeria (397) estti, habiiada de Indioi.' " P. 321, 322.

Sai'tHikavi iavik. The leaf of this thorny plant is eaten raw or boiled.

Si'etcUj Cucuniis melo Linn. The muskmelon is extensively raised by the Pimas.

Si'vitcUt, Rumex hymenosepalus. The canaigre is cultivated by the whites in the Gila valley for tannin, yet it is eaten by the Pimas. The stem is roasted in the ashes or, recently, stewed with sugar. We have seen the children greedily devouring the raw roots in March. Doctor Palmer states that the roots are used to tan deerskin and also as soap.

So'-oaotj Sophia pinnata (Walt) Britton. The seeds are parched, ground, and mixed with water to form pinole. The Mexicans of Arizona use the leaves of this plant in preparing a drink. An infusion made from the leaves is also employed as a remedy for sores.

TdJciy Gosypium sp. The cotton plant is no longer raised, but from pre-Spanish days down to the last quarter of a centurj^ it was cultivated both for the fiber and the seeds. The latter were pounded up with mesquite beans in the mortar or they were sometimes parched and eat^n without grinding."

Tapk\ These seeds resemble those of flax in appearance. They are eaten either raw or boiled and are yet extensively used.

Tapkali. This is one of the varieties of squash that is cultivated by the Pimas at the present time.

Ta'ta d'niiky Atriplex nuttallii. The stems of this saltbush are boiled with wheat. They are cut in short lengths and used sometimes as a stuffing for roast rabbit.

Tela, Salvia columbaria Benth. The seeds when infused in water form a pleasant mucilaginous beverage, very popular with the Pimas.

Tci'&ldi, The fruit of this cactus is brought by the Papagos and traded to the Pimas. It is cooked in the same manner as Opimtia arborescens.

Tda^iolty Echinocactus wislizeni. The pulp of the visnaga is considered valuable in lieu of water to those suffering from thirst. It is also eaten after being cut in strips and boiled all day. It is sometimes boiled with mesquite beans, a layer each in the cooking olla. It is occasionally boiled with sugar. It is quite a popular confection among the whites, who, in some places, obtain the raw material from the Papagos.

Tnf-itkwatalc, Lithospermum sp. The leaves are eaten without preparation.

a r. D. Poston stated in 1804 that be had recently furnished the Pimas with 500 pounds of cotton seed, though he did not give any reason for doing so. It is fair to pre«ume that the Pimas had sufficient seed from the plant that they had raised from time immemorial.

TciVtipin (Sp.). This pepper is raised by the Fapagos and brought to the Pimas.

Tco'Tiokia. The leaves are gathered in spring and sometimes baked in tortillas. In summer the seeds are gathered, ground on the metate, mixed with meal or squash, or they may be parched and ground to be eaten dry.

Tco'tcik d'n{tk, Suseda arborescens; S. suffrutescens. These are added to greens or cactus fruit to give flavor.

To'a, Qiiercus oblongifolia. The acoms of this oak are traded from the Papagos. After the hulls have been removed they are parched and ground into meal.

£1 rtarrij Atriplex lentiformis. The seed of this saltbush is cooked in pits which are lined with Suaeda arborescens and the papery inner bark of the cottonwood moistened and mixed together. The roasting requires but one night, then the seeds are taken out, dried, parched, and laid away for future use. When eaten, it is placed in a cup and water added until a thick gruel is produced.

Vakwai'TiaiAndHimj Solanum eleeagnifolium. The berries are put in the milk from which cheese is made to serve as a substitute for rennet.

Vak'wandam, Rumex berlandieri. This plant is used with the cactus fruit, Opuntia arborescens, in the same manner as the saltbush, Suseda arborescens.

Vi'pinoi, Opuntia versicolor. The fruit is sometimes eaten raw, but it is usually prepared in the same manner as Opuntia arborescens.

Dr Edward Palmer, who collected among the Pimas in 1885, obtained some nuts of the *' quinine plant,'' Simmondsia califomica Nutt., which he says are eaten either raw or parched. Professor Thomber states that the Mexicans use the oil as a hair tonic. He also describes an '^Indian potato,'' Ilofi'manseggia falcaria Cav., which, when roasted, tastes like the cultivated Irish potato. However, this is a member of the pea family and not a potato. A true Solanum is foimd native to Arizona, but we have not learned that the Pimas know of it.

At least three kinds of chewing gum are in use. That most highly esteemed is called vi-ipam, '* milky ; " it is obtained from a plant which somewhat resembles a sweet-potato vine. The pointed pods are gathered, their milk poured into a squash stalk and heated in the ashes, whereupon it is ready to chew. A bush, Encelia farinosa, called tohafs, exudes a clear gum; and that on the stems of some of the Compositae is sometimes gathered and chewed by children.

MEDICINAL PIJINTS

A'tafiak. The root of the wild gourd ^ is pounded up in mortars, boiled, and the extracted juice put into the ear to cure earache. It is poured into a hollow tooth to stop aching. ''It kills maggots in open sores."

Ha'tuniy Sphferalcea angustifolia. The leaves are boiled and used as a remedy for diarrhea. Another infonnant states that the root is boiled and the liquid extracted is used as a remedy for biliousness.

Ka^Jcaitco i-us, ''quail plant," Heliotropium curassavicum. The upper part of the light yellowish root is dried and ground in mortars, dried again, and ground very fine upon the metate, when it is ready to be applied to sores or wounds after they have been washed.

Kakpitdm. The leaves of this bush are boiled and the extract used as an emetic.

Kdly Prosopis velutina. The black gum of the mesquite is boiled and the dilute liquid used as a wash for sore eyes and open wounds. The inner bark of the mesquite is boiled and the liquid used as an emetic and cathartic.

KditcUt, Prosopis pubescens. The bark of the root of the screw bean is pounded up in mortars, dried, and again ground into a fine powder on the metate; or it may be boiled without pounding or grinding and the liquid used as a dressing for wounds. After a few days, as the wound heals, the dry powder is substituted.

Osikakajniik, Pluchea borealis. The bark of the arrow-bush root is separated by pounding between stones and then placed in water for a few hours to extract a liquid for washing the face and for sore eyes.

O^sitcivrdtpGtj Zizyphus lycioides. The root of this bush is pounded up in mortars and boiled, the liquid extracted being used as a remedy for sore eyes.

Pihoi. An evil spirit that lives in the east is called Pihoj. lie causes certain diseases, which have their appropriate songs. One informant declared that a tree that grows near the Maricopa village on the Gila was also called pihoj, and from it a medicine stick is made that will cure diseases of the throat. The writer was unable either to verify or to disprove this statement.

Rsios. Two unidentified species of Bigelovia are used as a dressing for scarified wounds. The bruised leaves are applied to bleeding surfaces that have been cut with broken glass.

Rsukaikokukf Larrea mexicana. The leaves of the creosote bush (pi. LX, a) are boiled and the liquor is allowed to cool a little, when it is drunk as an emetic. The boiled leaves are also used as a poultice.

oin pioneer days the whites used the roots of two species of wild gourds, Cucurbita palmata and C. digitata, as a cathartic, Doctor Palmer stating that they were " very much beliked by the soldiers."

SivitcUt, Rumex hymenosepalus. The root of the canaigre is dried, ground and the powder applied to sores.

So' am hi'dseikkamj "yellow flower." An infusion made from the flowers of this plant is used as a remedy for sore eyes.

jjrtam, Atriplex lentiformis. The root is powdered and applied to sores.

jJTto, Krameria parvifolia. Used in the same maimer as the preceding.

Vai'evxi, Xanthium canadense. Cocklebur pulp is combined with soot as a remedy for sore eyes.

Va'vaish, Houttuynia californica, called "yerba mansa" by the Mexicans. The roots are crushed and boiled. The extract is used as a tea for consumptives, according to one informant, and as an emetic according to another.

VipOJcam, Alba marginata. The root is chewed as an emetic.

Teamsters' Tea, Ephedra antisyphilitica Berland, is a native of Arizona, and is used by the Pimas in making a beverage. It is also used by both the Pimas and Mexicans as a remedy for syphilis.

A composite, Perezia wrightii, is used as a styptic.

Thamnosma montanum is said to be used as a decoction for the cure of gonorrhea by the Pimas and Apaches. (Dr Edward Palmer, manuscript.)"

ANIMALS USED FOR FOOD

Kd'-dtcij or tSLsi'-ikaU, Tayassu angulatum sonoriense. The peccary is yet found in the larger mountain chains that were formerly reached by the hunters of Pimeria, though the Gila river is about the northem limit of the range of this animal in the West. It could never have been an important article of diet, and is practically unknown to the younger generation.

Kafj Taxidea taxus (subspecies?). The badger is occasionally seen along the Gila, but is not abundant and is no longer eaten. It is one of the animals that cause disease among men, and a badger tail is an essential part of the medicine-man's equipment.

Ka'Tcatco, Lophortyx gambeli. The handsome topknot quail is the most abundant of the feathered inhabitants of the Gila thickets. It is tabued to the women, though no explanation for this could be discovered.

Kdfsdn. A "raf was formerly eaten, but it was found impossible during my stay to get specimens for identification.''

a This is similar to, but not identical with, the "cordoncUlo" of the Arizona Mexicans, from which an infusion is made that ia used as a tonic and blood purifier. (Thornber.)

6 Mr Fisher, of the Biological Survey, lists the follo>^■ing species of mice and rats for Pimeria: Mus alexandrinus, Introduced; Mus musculus, introduct»d; Mus norvegicus, Introduced: Orychomys torridus; I'eroniyscus, 2-3 species; Slgmodon hlspidus arlzonse; Relthrodontomys (sp.?) ; Neotoma (sp.7) ; Fiber dbethlcus pallidas.

Kd'vij Castor canadensis frondator. The beaver was common along the Gila, and was esteemed highly for food."

Ka'viyOy Equus caballus. The horse is seldom eaten by the Pimas. In times of famine, however, horses are sometimes used, although the more than half -starved condition of the animals suggests anything but nourishing viands.

Ko'-oviky Antilocapra americana mexicana. The antelope is now unknown in Pimeria, but the hunters of former centuries successfully stalked these , animals upon the mesas, particularly upon the Iiigher grassy plains to the eastward.

Ma'kUm, These unidentified worms (?) are plentiful when a rainy season insures a heavy crop of desert plants. They are gathered in large quantities, their heads pulled off, and intestines removed. The women declare that their hands swell and become sore if they come in contact with the skin of the worms. The worms are then put into cooking pots lined with branches of saltbush and boiled. The skins are braided together while yet soft and dried a day or two in the sun. The dry and brittle sticks are eaten at any time wdthout further preparation.

Ma^vity Felis hippotestes aztecus. The puma is yet abundant in the mountain ranges of Arizona, and in former times one was occasionally secured by the Pimas when in quest of other game.

Rsiflllc. There are at least six species of ground squirrels in this region,^ but in the absence of specimens the writer could not learn if the Pimas distinguished among them. When water was obtainable it was poured into the burrows of these squirrels until they were driven out, whereupon they were killed wdth clubs or shot with arrows. They were tabued to the women under penalty of nosebleed or deficiency in flow of milk for their babies.

Si'-U:, Odocoileus couesi. White-tail deer are yet fairly common in the mountains and two deerskins were seen among the Pimas during the period of six months spent with them. Perhaps one in two or three years would be an excessive estimate of the number killed by the men of the Gila River reservation. The deer figures largely in their traditions and religion.

Ta'maiMt During the winter months these birds are caught at nearly every house by means of traps. The trap commonly used is described on page 101.

a The earliest American Invaders of Pimerfa were beaver trappers who descended the Gila early in the last eentur>'. One of the first Americans that the oldest li\ing Pimas rememl)er was Kft'vi V&'namam, " Beaver Hat," who told the Pimas that the buildings now in ruins along the Oila and Salt rivers were destroyed by waterspouts. He lived several years among the Pimas, and was finally killed near Prescott by Apaches.

ftEutamias dorsalis (?), Spermophilus canoscens. S. granunurus, S. harrisl, S. spllosoma macrospi* lotus (Oracle), S. tereticaudus (Fort Yuma).

26eth— 08 8

Tdpi, Lepiis arizonas. The small cottontail is fairly common in river bottoms and on the mesa throughout the Pima country. It is shot with arrows made with a straight point without stone or metal head. It is included in the list of victims that result from rabbit drives in which the hares, Lepus texianus and L. alleni, are the principal desiderata.

Tcirsdnyf Ovis nelsoni. The mountain sheep has served as food when obtainable, though it has been many years since they have been abundant."

TcoJc tcof, Lepus texianus. There are two sp>ecies of large hares along the Gila, where they are termed "jack rabbits" by the whites, very few of whom distinguish them apart. The Pimas, however, recognize the difference and call this species the daik or gray, and the other the white, tcof.

Tcu'tcuU, Gallus domesticus. During the late Spanish and the Mexican regime a small breed of fowl was introduced, probably by the Papagos, which in turn gave way to the large varieties brought by the Americans in the last half century. Hens' eggs are eaten either fried or boiled. One of the interpreters confided to Mrs Russell that she economized time and labor by boiling the eggs in the coffee.

To' a tcof Lepus alleni. These are common and utilized for food to a considerable extent. There seems to be no preference for one species of hare over the others, but "none are so good as beef." The stomachs of this hare and of Lepus texianus are used in making cheese.

Va'ov)6kj Procyon lotor. The raccoon is said to be used for food, though the writer did not see any of the animals or any of their skins during a stay of a year and a half in Arizona.

VA'prsaj Thomonys cervinus. Gopher hunts are occasionally arranged in a manner similar to those in which the hares are driven. The animals are poked out of their retreats with sticks and without preparation thrown upon the coals to roast.

a " Having traversed 4 leagues, we arrived at a town, Tusonimon, which is so named from a great heap of horns, from the wild or sylvan sheep, which appears like a hill, and from the numbers that there are of the animals, they make the common subsistence of the inhabitants." (Juan Matio Mange: Diary extract translated for Schoolcraft, ni, 303.) This visit of Mange to the Pima towns was in November, 1607. The discovery of this statement by Mange and also a letter of inquiry from Mr Hodge directed the writer's attention to the significance attaching to the horns of the mountain sheep after he had returned from his sojourn among the Pimas. Inquiry was then made of a number of Pima correspondents and of Mr C. H. Cook, at Sacaton. The latter ascertained from Antonio Azul, the head chief, that the horns of the mountain sheep wore never brought home by hunters, which does not agree with Mange's statement. Each man had a place set apart where he deposited them in order that they might exert no evil influence upon the winds or rains. At times the Papagos held rain ceremonies, during which the medldne-men deposited the tails of mountain sheep together with eagle feathers at springs. The same tribe at one time sacrificed some children in their efforts to increase the supply of water, but "instead of bringing them water this dried up all the springs." A few mountain sheep remain in the Superstition mountains and in the other high ranges near and on the reservation. When climbing the Sierra Estrella, in March, 1902, the writer saw a flock of five which did not manifest any such fear at the sight of man as do the mountain sheep of British Columbia and the more northern Rockies. Indeed, the Pima chief at the foot of the mountains expiattied the reason for their indifference very adequately when he declared the sheep were game fit only for the Papagos, who had no fields to look after.

Vatop. There are occasional references to fish in the traditions of the Pimas and the notes of Spanish and American travelers sometimes mention them. It is certain that at times they caught large numbers of fish, but in seasons of drought the river, then as now, becoming wholly dry near the villages, could not be relied upon to furnish such a convenient supply of food. Either the long series of dry years and the absence of fish have caused the people to forget former classifications or else they never distinguished one species from another, for they now have but one name for all fresh fish. However, there were several species in the Gila and adjoining streams that were large enough for food."

Wh^aiy Odocoileus hemionus (subspecies ?) . Information concerning this species was very vague and unreliable, though it seems certain that the black-tail deer was sometimes killed by the Pimas, at least before the growing power of the Apaches prevented the former from roaming through the mountains that border Pimeria on the north and east.

Wo^poldoj Equus asinus.^ The burro (donkey) is not in high repute among the Pimas, where the distances to the white settlements and between villages necessitate a more speedy animal for draft or riding purposes. Few in number, they could not be very important as an article of diet. They have been eaten in the past, but are rarely so used at present.

Snakes are not eaten, even in times of famine, and the idea of eating lizards is repudiated wnth scorn.

« Qarc^s, who traversed the Pima country in 1775, wrote: "There Is found in this river no other fish than that which they call mat alo'ce,wliich is so very savory to the taste, but is troublesome on account of the many bones that it has/' (On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, n, 142.) Jordan says: "Oarc<^s's remarks settle the matalo'te. There are no large fish in the Qila except the two large, bony chubs called, by Baird and Oirard, Gila robusta and Oila elegans. In the very mouth of the river there is also a big, rawboned sucker of the same build, called Xyrauchen cjrpho, the Razor-back or Hump-back Sucker. The Oila is a humi>-back chub, about a foot and a half long, with a low, large mouth and a long, broad tail. It is popularly known as Bony-tail, Gila Trout, and Round-tail, and is about as poor eating as a fish can be." The Land of Sumihinc. xiii, 436.

In The Fishes of the Colorado Basin, Evermann and Rutter enumerate sevek'al species that must have been accessible to the Pimas. Their names and the localities where they were collected are as follows:

Pantosteus arizonae Gilbert. Salt river, Tempe.

Pantosteus clarkii (Baird and Oirard). Oila river. Fort Thomas.

Catostomus latipinnis (Baird and Oirard). Rio San Pedro and Fort Thomas.

Catostomus gila Kirsch. Fort Thomas.

Catostomus insignls Baird and Oirard. Rio San Pedro and For^ Thomas.

Xyrauchen e3rpho (Lockington). Mouth of Oila and Fort Thomas.

Ptychocheilus lucius Oirard. Various stations on the Oila. Called Oila trout by Emory in 1848.

Oila elegans Baird and Oirard. Taken from several places along the Oila by collectors.

Oila robusta Baird and Oirard. Also described from several Oila stations under various names.

Cyprinodon macularius Baird and Oirard. " Rio Oila."

In addition to these may he included the species collected in the San Pedro and Santa Cruz rivers, which are both tributaries of the Oila above Pimeila and within reach of Pima hunting parties: Leaciscus niger (Cope), Tiaroga cobitis Oirard, Agosia oscula (Oirard), Agosia chrysogaster Oirard, and Meda fulgida Oirard.

b It is uncertain whether the burro of the Southwest is 1^ descendant of the Asiatic species of wild a, Equus hemionus, E. heniihippus, and E. onager, or of the African, E. africanus and E. somaticus.

Domestication of Animals

Dogs, The only domesticated animal which there is any certainty that the Pimas possessed at the time of the discovery is the dog. The old people say that in their youth the dogs were all alike and resembled coyotes. At present there are many small mongrels, obtained principally from the Mexicans (pi. vi, c). The dogs have shared with their masters the misfortunes of the last few years. Scarcity and want has left them gaunt and weak. They formerly served a useful purpose in giving warning of the presence of enemies about the villages. There are now no enemies and little within to tempt the thief to enter and steal. Dogs are called by the word *Hoot/' ^Hoot," 'Hoot/' uttered rapidly in a falsetto voice,. the individual at the same time holding out a morsel of food to lure the animal within reach. A dog that has been bitten by a mad dog is saved by having a cross burned on its head.

Horses. The horse may have been seen by the Pimas in the sixteenth century, but it is doubtful if they obtained this animal before the seventeenth. They have been known so long that their origin has become accounted for by myths without a shadow of historic truth in them. The only individual who ventured to dispute the commonly accepted mythical origin assured me that they came from the West. Font, who visited the Gila in 1775, stated that his party was met by 18 mounted Pimas; so that the horse was evidently in use at that time.

There were very few horses among the Pimas until the last quarter of a century. The statements of the old persons agree with the calendar records, which make it evident that there were horses enough for but a small proportion of the warriors who engaged in conflicts with the Apaches. Horses stolen in Mexico were sold to the Papagos, who in turn sold them to the Pimas at much less than their true value. As the number in Pimeria increased, the thieves began to operate in both directions, selling Sonoran horses on the Gila and Piman mounts in Sonora. However, this practice has been abandoned, and the tribe has quite as many horses as are needed. They are rather undersized animals, as may be seen from the pinto pony in figure 5. As the fields now yield an insufficient supply of food for their owners, it follows that there is Uttle grain for the horses, which grow poor and thin in winter; indeed, many die of starvation. Their principal food during that season is saltbushes."

The once famous grassy plains that made the Pima villages a haven of rest for cavalry and wagon-train stock are now barren, a Professor Thomber says that " the native saltbushcs, arranged In the order of their Importance, that are eaten by range stock arc as follows: Woody species, Atrlpiex canescens, A. nuttalUi, A. polycarpa, A. lentlformis, A. confertlfolla. The herbaceous species that are grazed by stock are: Atrlpiex coronata, A. elegans, A. bracteosa. The true greasewood, Sarcobatus vermlcalaris, a species otoaely allied to the saltbushes, is also browsed to a consideiable extent.

DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALS

and it is not until the mesquite leaves appear in April that the horses can browse upon food sufficiently nourishing to put them in good condition. As the mesquite beans ripen, in June and July, live stock fattens rapidly. A few owners gather and store the beans for stock feed. Very few are able to buy hay or rolled bariey.

Catile,°^ Sala Hina declared that her father and his brother, two Kwahadk's, brought the first cattle to the Pimas about 1820. The Spanish missionaries throughout Papagueria brought live stock to their stations for at least two centuries before the date given, so that

Fio. 5. Men and women in modem costume, and pinto pony.

the Pimas were at least aware of the value of cattle for a long time. The custom of killing and eating the cattle at the death of their owners contributed materially toward preventing increase in Pima herds. Oxen were very scarce for half a centur}^ after their introduction, and the old men and women speak sadly of the weary waiting for their turn to use the single ox that dragged the wooden plow for perhaps a whole village. Oxen are now no longer used; with their head yokes and the wooden plows they are of the past, a In 1846 Emory foimd that "they have but few cattle, which are used in tillage, and apparently all iteers, procured from the Mexicans. Their horses and mules are not plenty, and those they possessed were priced extravagantly high." Notes, 84.

and of that period of the Pimas' past that it is best for them to forget.

Cattle are driven and ''roped" with the lariat, but no conventional mode of calling them is in vogue. Like the horses, they are branded and run at large. Their range is almost unlimited in some directions, but the entire absence of water away from the river prevents them from straying. With horses, cattle formed a great attraction to the Apaches during the last century until peace was declared in 1879, and the Pimas suffered frequent losses, for some of which, it must be added, the marauders paid dearly. To guard against the thieves it was customary to corral all stock within the village at night. When it strayed away across the mesas during the day it was sought by tracking or by waiting at the water holes, and while so engaged the men had many encounters with the enemy, who were ever on the lookout for such an opportunity to attack.

Mules, A few mules are raised, but, like the horses, they are small and of little value. .

Donkeys, While the burro has been used for some time, it is not a popular animal among the Pimas. It is too slow for traveling across the wide, waterless plains of Pimeria and is not adapted for farm work.

Poultry, Until the recent introduction of large American breeds a small breed of poultry had been kept for several years." This had been obtained from the Mexicans, from whom also the maimer of calling '*pul," ''pul," ''pul" was derived. With the new breeds came the American custom of calling *'peep," ''peep.''

Eagles and red-tailed hawks were kept for their feathers. All the inhabitants of a village assisted in catching lizards and in furnishing other suitable food for the village bird. The feathers were regularly plucked for the paraphernalia of the medicine-men.

Sonora doves were and are yet confined in log-cabin cages built up of arrowwood rods.

Agriculture

METHODS

Irrigation*

The Gila river carries an unusually large amount of suspended matter when in flood. As shown by the tests made during the surveys for the dam which is intended to supply Pimeria with water, it carries on an average 10.5 per cent of mud, with a maximum of 20 per cent.^ The entire bottom land upon which the fields are located has been built of this material. It is so light that wagons cut readily into it during the dry seasons and work it into fluffy dust several a "A few chickens and dogs were seen." Emory, Notes, 86. 6 Water-Supply and Irrigation Papers, no. 33, p. 36.

inches in depth. The Pimas do not practise rotation of crops, the soil being so rich from silt which is periodically deposited by the river at flood stage that the idea of exhausting it has never occurred to them.

Irrigation was practised for imknown centuries by the Hohokam, and the course of their great canals can yet be traced for miles,** not only along the river bottoms, but also across the mesas where the large water- worn pebbles boimd together with caliche ** or deposited lime must have required infinite labor for their construction. At the first appearance of the Pimas it may be presumed that they used the canals already constructed by their predecessors, hence they would be dull indeed if they could not maintain irrigation systems sufficient for their needs. The testimony of the early writers is to the effect that they possessed canals larger than they required and that the water flowed away from the fields in volimie scarcely diminished from that at the head gates. The Gila has a uniform fall of 8 feet to the mile at this place, while the canals need not have more than 2.

As the water of the Gila and Salt rivers is strongly impregnated with alkali it tends under certain conditions to deposit salts in such quantities that the land is rendered unfit for use. The alkali rises to the surface in an efflorescence that resembles snow in appearance. From early descriptions of the coimtry we learn that alkaline deposits were known while the tribe was yet imder purely aboriginal conditions.*'

The Pimas knew, however, how to deal with this difficulty — they flooded the tract repeatedly and in this way washed the alkali out of it. They declare that they never abandoned a piece of ground because of it.

No very reliable estimate of the total amoimt of land cultivated by this people has been made.** Each family cultivates from 1 to 5 acres. With an abimdance of water and the new needs of the tribe it is probable that the size of the individual holdings will rapidly increase. The farms are rectangular, arranged with reference a "The mode of canal construction employed by these pueblo builders [Ilohokam] was another indication of their patience and Industry. Their canals are models for the modem farmer to imitate; yet they could have lx«n dug in no conceivable manner save by the laborious process of hand excavation with stone or wooden implement^ the earth being borne away by means of blankets, baskets, or rude litters. Notwithstanding this, the outlines of at least a hundred and fifty miles of ancient main irrigating ditches may be readily traced, some of which meander southward from the Salt river a distance of fourteen miles." P. W. ITodge, "Prehistoric irrigation in Arizona," American Anthropologist, vi, 324.

6 For an account of this formation see P. Blake, "The caliche of southern Aiitona: an example of deposition by vadose circulation," in The Genesis of Ore Deposits, 710.

e " We continued [from Casa Orando] toward the west, over sterile plains. On all the grounds about these buildings there is not a single pasture; but appear as if they had been strewn with salt.'* Mange's Diary, in Schoolcraft, in. 303.

d Oarc^, writing in 1775, stated that * * Todos estos pueblos hacen grandes siembras de trigo, algunat de maiz, algodon, calabazas y otras semillas, para cuyo ilego tienen formadas buenas aoequias, oercades las ndlpas con ceroo comun, y divldidas las de distintos dueflos, con oeroos partioulares.'' Doo. Hla. ICex., 2d ser.. i, 235.

\ to the supplying canal, and are always fenced with some care (pi. XI, a). Before the Pimas obtained barbed wire from the Government the fences were of willow wattling or the tops of mesquite trees and various kinds of brush. When a tract was newly brought under irrigation a committee of six men was chosen to make allotments to those who had assisted in digging the ditches. They chose the best land for themselves, which seems to have been taken as a matter of course, in a measure coiripensating for their trouble. The plots were from 100 to 200 ''steps'' (see p. 93) in width, according to the number in the family to whom they were allotted. The brush was not difficult to remove even with the primitive implements at their command; the mesquite trees were not cut down, but their lower branches were trimmed so that they did not shade the ground to any considerable extent.

The canals were dug with the digging stick and shovel (fig. 10, \ a, b)j the former being also used to prepare the easily pulverized ground and to plant the seed. In addition to the digging stick and shovel the primitive agriculturists also used a wooden implement which served the purpose of a hoe, though it resembled a weaver's batten in appearance (fig. 10, c). In comparatively recent times the "^ wooden plow (fig. 11) was added to the Ust of implements. From the Mexicans they also obtained a hybrid implement (fig. 10, d) that combined the functions of spade and hoe. At the present time the tribe is supplied with modem agricultural implements by the Government. The crops, however, are stored in much the same way that was followed in prehistoric times, in circular bins of willow, arrow bush, and wheat straw, the last having been used since the introduction of wheat.

One of the Pima villages (pi. xi, b) situated southwest of the Maricopa wells was too far from the river to obtain water from it and depended, as do their kinsfolk and neighbors, the Kwahadk's, already referred to, on flood irrigation. To secure the benefit of this, they cleared fields on mesa slopes, over which water from the surrounding hiUs might be conducted whenever there were summer rains. Around the lower sides of the diminutive fields low dikes were raised to catch and retain the water. On the slopes of the Santan hiUs north of the present Pima village of Santan there are several hundred acres of stony mesa that have been cleared and cultivated (pi. iv, a, 6). The rocks have been gathered in rows that inclose rectangular areas of but a few square yards in extent. There are about six clumps of creosote bush inclosed in it.« This locality adjoins a large ancient canal and o At various places in the Southwest the writer has seen extensive areas over which the loose bowlders that were originally thickly scattered on the surface had been gathered in rounded heaps or in rows that divided the ground into rectangles that average about 5 meters to the side. The largest of these "fields" personally in8X)ected is north of the town of Pima, nearly 200 miles cast of the Pima reservation. On a lava-strewn mesa that is too high to be irrigated and too far from the hills to be flooded

AGRICULTURE

an extensive ruin of a stone pueblo. Learning that the chief had declared that these fields had been cultivated within the memory of living men, the writer sent for him, but learned on questioning that neither he nor any other Pima knew aught about them. All the fields, canals, and cleared roads over the lava hills that appear in plate xi, c were the work of the Hohokam.

Division op Labor

The work' of clearing the fields, planting, and irrigating devolved upon the men. The women harvested the crops, carrying the products in their ki&hfts. The men thrashed the wheat — with horses after those animals were introduced. Prior to that time, and even now when the crop is small, the women beat out the grain >\ith straight sticks. As it was thrashed, the women winnowed it in baskets and piled it on a cotton cloth, the comers of which were tied together, forming a sort of sack that was thrown upon a horse and taken by the men to the storehouse or brought in sacks on their heads by the women (fig. 6). Pumpkins and all crpps except wheat were carried by the women in their ki&h&s. Considering the fact that the Pimas were constantly harassed by the Apaches, so that the men could not safely lay aside their bows during any waking moment, this distribution of labor was not discreditable to them.

there are a half dozen of these tracts. The largest is a little more than half a mile in length by nearly a quarter in width. There are no signs of human occupation on the surface other than the disposition of the stones. Five miles east of Solomonsville there is a similar field and on the Prieto plateau 40 miles northeast of the last is another among the pine«. These fields are distinctly different from the terraces that one sees on the north slope of Mount Graham and elsewhere.

Fio. 0. Burden V)carer.

90 THE PIMA INDIAN8 [eth.axn.26

PRODUCTS

Possessed of the foremost American cereal, maize, at least one variety of legume, and the cotton plant, as well as species of Cucurbitaceas and other plants, the agriculture of the Pimas was well beyond the initial stages before the arrival of the whites.*

Cereals

The Pimas distinguished half a dozen varieties of maize, to which they have now added the large com brought by the Americans. The first crop is planted in April and the second in July, the first being gathered in June and July and the second in October. When gathering com the women lay aside the best ears for seed ; they are stuck in pairs on sticks and carried in the hand. Wheat is now the principal crop, and when a wet season insures sufficient water several million pounds are raised. It is sowed in December and reaped with hand sickles in June. Of the several varieties ''Sonora'' and ''Australian" are favorites. One called skaofkutco was raised before K&'mfll tk&k's father was bom. Wheat is ground for the Pimas at the Government mill at Sacaton (pi. i), but a great deal of it is yet parched and ground on the metates to be made into pinole.

There have been at least half a dozen trading stores on the Gila River reservation for a nxunber of years whose principal trade has been in wheat. The traders have naturally encouraged the growing of this cereal as much as possible and assisted in the introduction of suitable varieties. They have also profited in a legitimate way from the contracts awarded by the Government in times of famine for the support of the natives.

a " In the year 1858, the first year of the Overland Mail Line, the surplus crop of wheat was 100,000 pounds, which was purchased by the company; also a large quantity of beans called taperis, and a vast quantity of pumpkins, squashes, and melons. In 1859 Mr St John was sent among them as a special agent with a supply of seeds and some agricultural implements. That year they sold 250,000 i>ound8 of wheat and a large supply of melons, pumpkins, and beans. In 1860 they sold 400,000 pounds of wheatall the Mail Company would purchase. They had more, and furnished the Oovemmcnt and private teamsters all that was necessary for transportation from Fort Yuma to Tucson. Beyond this they had no market, except for about 40,000 i>ounds of wheat which Mr White purchased for the supply of Fort Breckenridge. In 1861 they sold to Mr White 300,000 pounds of wheat, 50,000 pounds of com, 20,000 pounds of beans, and a large amount of dried and fresh pumpkins, which was all intended for the sup- ];>ort of the California Column. The greater part of this crop was destroyed or given back to the Indians by the Texans under the guerrilla. Hunter, who arrived at the Pimo villages that year, robbed Mr White of his property, and took him prisoner in their flight to the Rio Grande. The Plmos sold, during the same year, 600 chickens and a large amount of other stuff, showing a graduid increase of production under the encouragement of an increased demand. In 1862 they sold to the Government over a million pounds of wheat, included in which was a i>ortion of the previous year's crop, returned to them by the Texans. They furnished pinole, chickens, green peas, green com, pumpkins, and melons for the entire California Column, subsisting nearly a thousand men for many months." (J. R. Browne, Adventures in the Apache Country, 110.) Browne's statements about the Pimas, though not grossly inaccurate, are not generally reliable, but as he was intimately M^quainted with A.M.White, with whom he traveled from California, it is probable that the above estimates are as nearly correct as circumstances pennltted.

BUSSELL]

AGRICULTURE

Oats are seldom raised in that region. They are called "white tassels^' by the Pimas. Barley is the universal grain feed of Arizona, and there is a ready market for the small quantity the Pimas raise.

Vegetables

Watermelons, muskmelons, pumpkins, and squashes are extensively cultivated. The watermelons are preserved until after the 1st of January by burying them in the sands of the river bed. The pumpkins, squashes, and muskmelons are cut in strips and dried, the best-keeping varieties being left in the storehouses until midwinter (pi. XXXV, /). According to tradition the first pumpkins, called rsas'katftk. were obtained from the Yumas and Maricopas.* There are three species of wild gourds that are quite common I along the Gila, namely: Cucurbita foetidissima H. B. K., C. digitata Gray, and Apodanthera imdulata Gray. Cultivated gourds have been known to the Pimas for a long period — how long it is impossible to say. The Papagos have a tra- I dition that this plant was introduced by Navitco, a deity who is honored by ceremonies at intervals of eight years — or, if crops are bountiful, at the end of every four years — at Santa Rosa. The gourd is used as a canteen (fig. 7), and if it becomes cracked a rabbit skin is stretched over it which sluinks in drying and renders the vessel water-tight again. Dippers and canteens are occasionally made of gourds, but the chief use of gourds seems to be in the form of rattles (fig. 8) which contain a little a When Garcos was among the Yumas In 1775 they were raising "countless ' ' calabashes and melona— "calabazas y melones, perhaps better translated squashes and cantaloupes, or pumpkins and muskmelons. The Piman and Yimian tril)e8 cultivated a full assortment of cucurbitaceous plants, not always easy'to identify ])y their old Spanish names. The sandia was the watermelon invariably; the melon, usually a muskmelon, or cantaloupe; the calabaza, a calabash, gourd, pumpkin, or squash of some sort, including one large rough kind like our crook-neck squash. * * * Major llelntzelman says of the Yumans, p. 3G of his Report already cited [H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 1867]: *They cultivate watermelons, muskmelons, pumpkins, corn, and beans. The watermelons are small and indifferent, muskmelons largo, and the pumpkins good. These latter they cut and dry for winter use [they were brought to Pimerfa before the Maricopas came to Qila Bend].' " Note In Coucs' On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, New York, 1900, 1, 170.

Fio. 7. Gourd canteen.

Fig. 8. Gourd rattle.

92 THE PIMA TNDIAN8 [eth.anx.26

gravel and are mounted on a handle. Gourds are never used as forms over which to mold pottery.

At least five varieties of beans are now cultivated. The first known, the tatcoa pavfi, ''white bean," is said to have been brought in some forgotten time from the valley of the great **Red river," the Colorado. Considerable quantities are raised and the thrashing is done by horses driven in a circle on the same hard floor that is prepared for the wheat thrashing.

Not with the withering drought alone has the Gilefto planter to contend, but also with the myriads of crows that are extravagantly fond of a com diet, and with the numerous squirrels and gophers that thrive apace where protected in a measure from the coyotes, which are themselves a menace to the fields. From the birds and predatory animals the fields are guarded during the day by the boys, who amuse themselves meanwliile by a dozen games that develop skill in rmining, and shooting with the bows and arrows which scarcely leave their hands during their waking hours. Scarecrows, *'men artificial," are used, but a fluttering rag was never as effective as a feathered shaft hurtling from a well-drawn bow. Night marauders were in olden times kept at a distance by the rings of the terrible cholla cactus, Opuntia bigelovii Engelm., that were laid up around the individual plants. Plate xii illustrates this cactus as it grows on the hills about Sacaton. It is recognized as the most effectually armed of the many cacti and is the symbol in Pima lore of impenetrabihty.

Trade standards of value

For purposes of trade or in gambling the following values were recognized: A gourd was equivalent to a basket; a metate, a small shell necklace, or the combination of a basket and a blanket and a strand of blue glass bead6 was equivalent to a horse; a string of blue glass beads 4 yards long was equivalent to a bag of paint; and a basket full of beans or com to a cooking pot.

MEASURES

The principal linear measurement w^as the humakA os, ^*one stick," equal to the distance from the center of the breast to the finger tips. The writer is inclined to regard this as a primitive Pima measurement, notwithstanding its resemblance to the yard of the invading race. This corresponds with the Aztec cenyollotli, the Cakchiquel ru vach qux, and the Maya betan." It was the basis of a sort of decimal system, as follows: Ten ''sticks" made one ''cut" of calico, equivalent to a ''load" of wheat, or about 150 pounds. Ten cuts or loads were equivalent to a D. O. Brlnton, The Lineal Measures of the Seml-civlllzed Nations of Mexico and Central America.

one horse in value. Two units were employed in measurement of distances. One of these is an ancient measurement which it will be of interest to apply to the Hohokam ruins of the region. It is humaka kuirspa, '^one step'' — that is, one step with the same foot, equal to about 5 feet. Land is divided into plots 100 or 200 '^steps'' in width, according to the size of the family. Long distances were measured in terms of a day's journey on foot ; thus it is said to be seven days to Zufti. The term '* step " is also applied to the English mile, but they have had as yet little opportimity to acquire a definite knowledge of the meaning of the latter term.

BARTER

For a long period prior to 1833 the Maricopas lived at Gila Bend and came at harvest time to trade with the Pimas. Soon after that time they settled beside the Pimas, living upon such intimate terms with them that barter between the tribes was of no more consequence than between two Pima villages." With all other tribes they were perpetually at war, except with their Papago kinsfolk to the southward. These people live in a vast territory of cactus-covered plains, here and there interrupted by up-thrust barren peaks that, with striking outlines, form good landmarks and yet offer little to those that hunger and are athirst. The Papagos are a dcvsert tribe, and yet so well had they mastered their all but hopeless environment that the trade which they carried on with the Pimas was by no means one-sided, as may be seen from the following list of products that wer^ formerly brought to the Gila at the time of the June harvest. Of vegetable products - there were saguaro seeds, the dried fruit and sirup; tci'aldi, a small hard cactus fruit; agave fruit in flat roasted cakes; agave sirup; rsat, an unidentified plant that grows at Santa Rosa; prickly pear sirup; wild gourd seeds; a small pepper, called tcll'tipin; acorns of Quercus oblongifoUa; baskets of agave leaf; sleeping mats; kifth^ and fiber to make them; maguey fiber for picket lines. They brought the dried meat of the mountain sheep, deer meat, deer tallow in small oUas, buckskins, dried beef, tallow, cheese, and cords of human hair. Cattle were formerly traded ^^sight unseen," but the modern *'education" of the Papagos led them to exaggerate the good qualities of their stock and even to deal in '^fictitious values," or cattle that the new Pima owner sought in vain to find, until finally the Pimas would consider no proposition to trade stock unless the animals were exhibited. Of mineral products they brought red and yellow ochers for face and body paint, and the buff beloved by Pima weavers. They o The author of the Rudo Ensayo, who wrote in 1762, stated that "theae very numerous nations (Opas and Maricopas] inhabit both sides for a distance of 36 leagues down the river, and at the far end of their territory there is a very abundant spring of hot water a short distance from the river to the north." This spring is now known as OJo CaUente; it is at the southern end of the Bighorn mountains. Oult^ras translation in Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, v, 129.

/

made religious pilgrimages to the salt lakes below the Mexican boundary to obtain the sacred salt. They lived on pinole during the journey and walked with their eyes fixed upon the traO, looking neither to the right nor to the left.

As they approached the shore of the lagoon in which the Great Spirit resided they ran at topmost speed and circled four times around the salt deposits before those who understood the proper ritual began to coUect the salt. Even on the homeward journey there was magic power in the salt, and if a horse died the whole load was thrown away. As the salt gatherers approached the home village they were given a noisy welcome but were compelled to remain outside for four days, and for a long time thereafter they must abstain from certain acts that need not be detailed here. For four days those who remained at home sang for those who journeyed, and then all might eat the salt and were free to bring it to the Pimas.* The latter sometimes made journeys to the lake for salt, being two days on the way to Quijotoa and two days on the trail beyond.

In exchange for the objects of barter brought to them the Pimas gave wheaty which was also given the Papagos for aid in harvesting it; com; beans; mesquite beans; mefsquite meal, roasted in mud-lined pits; cotton blankets and cotton fiber, with the seed; dried squash, pumpkin, and melon; rings of willow splints and of devil's claw for baskets; besides articles of lesser consequence.

In recent years there has been some trade carried on in colored earths and salt with the once hostile Yimias and Mohaves.

From the seventeenth century the Pimas sent well-armed bands through the Apache cordon to trade at the Spanish and Mexican settlements of Sonora. The latter also sent trading parties from Tucson and other towns to barter with the Gilefios. Lastly, American traders appeared about 1850, and for many years there have been half a dozen stores on the reservation. These are under bond to limit their profit to a maximum of 25 per cent, though it is supposed that this rule was never enforced until the present year. Some Pimas sometimes try to turn the tables on the traders by offering damp wheat that of course overweighs. More frequently they put a quantity of sand in the middle of the wheat sacks, which are furnished by the trader and not ordinarily emptied when the wheat is brought in. Rarely, the best wheat is put on top and an inferior quality lies concealed beneath.

a "Those Papagos regularly visit a salt lake which lies near the coast and Just across the line of Sonora, from which they pack large quantities of salt, and find a ready market at Tubac and Tucson. Mr. Lpathrop, superintendent of the Sonora Mining Company, told me that he had bought some twenty thousand pounds annually from them." (John Walker In S. Ex. Doc. 2, 720, 36th Cong., Ist sess., 1860.) It would soem from this rather extensive traffic that the Papagos did not allow their religious scruples to Interfere seriously with trade.

Artifacts

The manufactures of the Pimas were few in number and simple in character. It is interesting to compare the number of implements and weapons that are of wood with those made of stone, as this is a people classed as belonging to the Stone Age. It will be noticed that the articles of stone are of little consequence in point of number as compared with those of wood, but the stone objects are of the utmost importance from a cultural standpoint. The metate admits of no wooden substitute, and without it the full food value of maize could not have been utilized nor could wheat raising have been so readily taken up as an agricultural pursuit. Without the stone ax and knife there could have been Uttle done in wood working; architecture would have been modified; agriculture, dependent upon irrigation, would have been all but impossible. In short, these three simple implements, made by striking one stone against another, have suflSced to transform the Pimas from the slaves of a harsh environment, compelled to rend their prey with tooth and nail, into an agricultural people who adapt the environment to their needs and make some provision, however slight, for the future.

WOOD

Weapons

Bcv). First in importance among weapons must be placed the bow and the arrow. Pima bows are simple, undecorated, and not very carefully made. Those which exhibit weakness through splitting or otherwise are bound with fresh sinew in bands which shrink around the arms at the point where reenforcement is needed. Warriors made their bows of mulberry wood <* obtained in the Superstition and Pinal mountains. A bow that has been long used, especially in successful warfare, becomes a highly prized possession with which its owner is loath to part. The writer was so fortunate as to secure such a specimen (pi. xiii, a) which has the graceful compound curve of the conventional bow; it is of mulberry wood and has a neatly twisted, two-strand sinew string.* Hunting bows*" (pi. xiii, h) are frequently made of osage orange wood, a material that is now obtainable from the whites along the Salt river. When mulberry wood was not available willow was used, and most of the hunting bows which men as well as boys continue to make for hunting hares and similar small game are of that wood. The primary type of arrow release prevails, the bow being held as in plate vii, h.

a "The mulberry plays an important part in the domestic economy of the Apaches; the branches are made into bows, and the small twigs are used In the fabrication of baskets." John G. Bourke, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, iii, 210.

f> Length 1.350 m., width at grip 26 nmi., thickness 18 mm.

c Length 1 .365 m., width at grip 26 mm., thickness 22 mm.

Arrows. The arrows of the Pimas are made from the straight stem of the arrow bush. The Kwahadk's and Papagos sometimes sold arrows of yucca stem to the Gilefios, but these were scarcely equal in quality to those made of wood. The hunting arrows** (pi. XIII, c) have two split feathers, two hand's breadths in length. War arrows ^ have three feathers, less than half as long and slightly curved. All arrow shafts are measured t^ - ^j- and cut the length from tip of forefinger t .■ Wt to nipple of breast of the maker. Both bows and arrows are sometimes stained with the blood of the jack rabbit, and war arrows may be dyed at the ends with the cochineal which makes its home on the Opuntias. The quiver is made of wild-cat skin (pi. XIII, d).

War dub. The club was of scarcely less importance than the bow, and it was customary for a portion of each band of warriors to fight with shield and club alone.*"

Lance. A short sharpened stick was sometimes used by the Pimas, who adopted it from the Yumas and Maricopas after the Spaniards supplied steel heads for the weapon. The sticks were colored red with mineral paint."*

a There are eleven hunting arrows in the collection; length 0.785 m., sharpened to blunt points but having neither head nor foreshaft. There are 3 bands of sinew 4 cm. apart, the first at the point. Ttie seizing at the forward end of the feathers is 5 cm. long. The feathers vary from 12 to 22 cm. in length between the seizing at ends. They project 1 cm. from the shaftment. There are 10 bands of sinew very neatly laid on to hold the feathers in place. The notches are 4 mm. deep.

b The single war arrow In the collection is unusually long, 0.8S0 m. It is stained with cochineal for a distance of 0.117 m. from the point. It carries a small obsidian point 2 cm. in length, with the sinew seizing continued from the point 3 cm. along the shaft. The feathers are 0.10 cm. long and project 7 mm. from the shaftment. The butt is stained for a distance of 5 cm.

c Bartlett, usually an admirable observer, failed to notice that the irar club was a popular Pima weapon. He says: "The only weapon used by these tribes is the bow and arrow. Xhe short club of the Yumas and the long lance of the Apaches I never saw among them." (Personal Narrative, n, 237.) The clubs were made of mesquite root or of ironwood, weighed about 2 pounds, and in general appearance resembled the old style potato mashers of New England kitchens. (Fig. 9.) The handle was brought to a sharp point, which was almost as effective as a dagger in a back-handed blow. The club was carried thrust point downward through the belt. One club was obtained from Its owner and another found in a cache of personal property that had been made in the hills at the death of the owner. The former is 42 cm. long, the head 10 cm. long and 9 cm. in diameter; the point is 9 cm. long. A club in the National Museum, (no. 27846) that was collected some years ago at Sacaton is 0.385 m. long. 7 cm. in diameter. Doctor Palmer secured three In 1885 and believed that none remained among the Pimas. These clubs, now in the Museam, are of the following lengths: no. 76023, 48 cm.; 7G024, 44 cm.; and 76025. 46 cm.

dThe collection contains a wooden lance, made from a giant cactus rib, that was carried in sham battles near the Double buttes. It Is 1.505 m. long, the larger end colored black to represent the Iron head, which is represented as 0.365 m. long, 24 mm. wide, and 10 mm. thick. The handle is stained a light red. •

Fio. 0. War clubs.

BU8SELL]

Agricultural Implements

Digging stick. The earliest agricultural implement was the digging stick. It was used in planting maize and other crops, as a lever to pry out bushes when clearing the ground, as a pick when digging irrigating ditches, and in case of surprise it made an effective weapon of defense. It was made of ironwood or from the spiny tree, Zizyphus lycioides.^ The short handle necessitated a crouching or sitting position by the operator. (Fig. 10, a. )

Shovel. Wooden shovels were used to throw out the earth that usually required loosening by the digging stick when constructing the irrigating canal. They were of cottonwood, in the case of the larger, lighter ones, or of mesquite. The handle and blade were in one piece, the former being very short and the latter having the natural curve of the trunk from which it came.** (Fig. 10,6.)

Hoe. Another implement of early adoption by the Pimas combined the functions of spade and hoe. It was used to loosen the soil around plants and to cut away weeds. It was made of ironwood and was tliin, hard, and heavy. As it was quite short and curved but slightly it could be used only when the workman was in a kneeling or sitting position. It was sharpened along the convex curve at the wider end. The entire implement was so thin that it must have chafed the hands. But one specimen was found on the reservation (fig. 10, c).^

Dibble. The implement described above was superseded by one obtained from the Mexicans who frequently came to trade with the Pimas. The new implement more nearly resembled the primitive digging stick than it did the flat '*hoe" (fig. 10, d). It was furnished

« No genuine spei'imen being now obtainable, the writer had a digging slick (fig. 10, a) made, which measures 1.140m. In length. It Is 40 mm. in diameter, andis flattened at the lower end.

b The old i)eople yet remember how the wooden shovels were made. Whether the Pimas have directly descended from the Hohokam or not, It is very probable tliat the former have used the same form of shovel that was used by the latter when constructing the great irrigating canals of that region. The specimen figured here (fig. 10,6) may therefore \ye accepted as a representative of the shovel that was probably the instrument that made those canals a possibility. It is 0.850 m. long; the blade is 0.276 m. long and 0.167 m. wide.

« It is 0.680 m. long and 0.083 m. wide; the cutting edge is 17 om. long.

26 ETH— 08 9

Fio. 10. Agricultural implements, a, Digging stick; b, shovel; c. hoc; d, dibble.

with a steel blade that was straight on one side and rounded on the other.**

Plow. Of comparatively modem introduction, the wooden plow is of but passing interest in our present researches. It is. a survival of European culture that effectively influenced the Pimas for but one generation, or from 1850 to 1880, when the influx of Americans created a demand for wheat which the Pimas were able to supply in part as they could not have done without this implement. By the end of

Fio. 11. Wooden plow.

that period they received steel plows. The wooden plow was made of mesquite or ironwood with a cottonwood tongue that extended to the ox yoke. The rear end of the tongue was beveled imdemeath to an edge which engaged with a transverse notch in the handle. The bottom dragged at a considerable angle, so that the point alone came in contact with the soil. The cutting face was usually supplied with an iron or steel covering resembUng the single-shovel cultivator of the Americans. The bottom and single handle were of one piece, the

Pio. 12. Yoke.

latter being a branch that set at a convenient angle, about 70 degrees, with the trunk of the tree from wliich the bottom of the plow was cut (fig. 11).^ The tongue was held in place by a mesquite pin passing through the bottom and a slot in the butt of the tongue and tightened by two wedges which were adjusted by means of a mesquite mallet carried for the purpose.*^

a Length, 1.090 m.; length of blade, 0.215 m. to top of socket; width, 0.115 m.

t> Two specimens were collected; only one other was seen or heard of on the reservation. The laiger one is complete, with tongue. It is 0.900 ra. long; handle, 0.850 m., and tongue 3.490 m. c A mallet in the collection measures 0.380 m. in length and 5 cm. In diameter.

Yoke, With the introduction of cattle the Pimas obtained their first draft animal. They were used principally in plowing and were fitted with yokes (fig. 12) of cottonwood or willow which were attached to the horns of the animals as in southern Europe to the present day. The yokes themselves ace the best evidence that the burden upon the animals was light, for these small sticks of brittle wood would snap at the first strain if on the shoulders of an ox team with a heavy load. There are a few yokes yet to be found, though they have not been used for several years. The specimens collected are fairly well made, straight, but with sections hollowed to fit the necks of the team. **

Household Utensils

Mortar. Perhaps the mortar should be placed first in importance among the utensils of this class. There are two forms, one (fig. 13, a) with the hole sunk in the end of the log, and which may be either sharpened at the other end and set permanently in the ground or cut flat at the opposite end so that it will stand upright and may be moved about. The other style (fig. 13, h) lies horizontal, with the hole in the side of the log. This is always portable.''

Two or three stone mortars, rounded and well shaped, were seen ; they had been obtained from the ruins and were httle used. At the Double buttes, near the center of the Gila River reservation, there are a few mortar cavities in the solid rock ledges. There is also one in a large bowlder wliich is regarded with superstitious reverence. Mortars in solid stone are not uncommon in Arizona. The writer saw a row of them at the end of a cliff ruin of eight or ten rooms in Aravaipa canyon. There are several in a rough hillock in Ilarshaw canyon, Patagonia mountains. The base of the conical hill at Tucson is well o There are two specimens in the collection. The larger is 1.450 ra. long; 10 cm. in diameter at the middle, with notches for ni<!ck8: 30 cm. wide. The second specimen is 1.200 m. long.

ft The mortar ol the horizontal typo in the collection is perhaps a trifle smaller than the average. It measures 40 cm. in length, 27 cm. in height, and 22 cm. In thickness. A heavy specimen of this tyjM in the collection measures 37 cm. in height, 32 cm. in diameter; the cavity is 17 cm. deep.

FlQ. 13. a, 6, Mortarn; c, wooden pestle; d, bread tray.

pitted with them. They are occasionally met with almost anywhere in the eastern half of the Territory. With that portion west of the Rio Verde the writer is unacquainted. Reference to the pages devoted to a description of the plants that furnish food for the Pimas will show how extensively the mortar is. used in grinding seeds.

Pestle. For pounding up mesqtdte beans in the mortar a large wooden pestle is sometimes used. It is simply a mesquite club with rounded head (fig. 13, c).^

a b e

Fio. 14. a, Doughnut fork; b, ladle; c, unflnishf'd ladle.

Bread tray. Neatly made trays of mesquite, rarely of cottonwood, are used, and appear to be among the most prized of the household utensils (fig. 13, d). They are employed for a variety of purposes besides that of mixing bread. '^ Smaller trays and plates — circular, elliptical, and rectangular — are sometimes obtained from the Papagos.

a One specimen, the only one seen, was secured. It is 1.210 m. long and the head is 0.335 m. in diameter.

b The specimen collected is 0.615 m. long, 0.355 m. wide, and 0.071 m. deep. The legs are 24 cm. long; they are three in number and of the same piece of wood as the body of the tray. There is one round shallow tray, no. 76051, in the Nationai Museum that is 46 cm. in diameter.

Fig. 15. Pottery paddle.

Fork. In frying doughnuts it is necessary to have some instrument with which to remove them from the fat. A slender sharpened rod of arroww^ood is used for this purpose (fig. 14, a).« Ladle, Ladles arc said to be of recent introduction, the Pimas having obtained them from the Papagos, who in turn had derived the art of making them from the Mexicans. They are commonly made of mesquite, though the Papagos make them of paloverde wood. The bowls are not rounded, but are made in the shape of a flattened cone, as they can be more readily worked into that form with a straightbladed knife.^

Pottery paddle, A paddle of cottonwood is used to shape the outer surface of pottery. It is hollowed to fit the convex surface of the vessel, and is now frequently made from a barrel stave, which has the proper curvature. The paddles are of varying sizes, according to the sizes of the vessels on which they are used, but the handles are always proportionately short .^

Shelves, There is a class of objects that are used indifferently for doors ^ of sheds and houses, for shelves <^ that are suspended in the arbors, and for bird traps, f They are usually made of large arrowbush rods, which are quite straight and of uniform diameter. The rods are tied to cross pieces, as shown in figure 16, a, or are held by twisted cords of hide, as in figure 16, h. The latter specimen was o The specimen collected is 45 cm. long.

t The finished sptx-imen in the collection is rather smaller than the average (fig. 14, 6) . It is 0..'W4 m. long. The bowl is 94 nun. in diameter and 42 mm. deep. The unfinished specimen (fig. 14, c) is a large one, measuring 0.570 m. in length. The National Museum contains a specimen, no. 76050, which measures 56 cm. in length, with bowl 15 cm. In diameter.

c The collection contains one w hich is 0.268 m. long and 0.112 m. wide (fig. 15).

«iThe door (fig. 16, h) is 1 m. long and 0.850 m. wide. The rods are from 1 to 2 centimeters in diameter and are held by 5 hide strands, 2 at each end and 1 in the middle. The stiffening of the rawhide has warped the upper portion.

• The shelf (fig. 16, a) is 1.050 m. long and 50 cm. wide.

/When used as traps they are tilted at an angle of 20° or 30** from the ground and supported in that position by a short stick to which a long cord is attached. Wheat strewn under the trap lures small birds, which arc caught when a jerk on the line removes the supporting stick. One of these tnp8 was seen at nearly every house during the winter of 1901-2.

FiQ. 16, o. Hanging shell.

serving as a door when purchased, and the fact that a "Melicano" wanted it caused its owners great astonishment and amusement. Indeed, the Pimas manifested a lively interest in our purchases of household articles and never failed to laugh at the spectacle presented by the little wagon half buried beneath its load of unassorted objects.

Bird cage. The cages made by the Pimas are all of the same character, whether they are made for the large eagle or for the small Sonora dove, as in the case of the specimen" figured (fig. 17). They are of arrowwood, laid up in log-cabin style or tied to transverse bars, as in the house doors. Kidhd frame. It is to be remembered that the peculiar form of carrying basket is made possible by the use of the wooden frame. It is fully described on page 140. Fire driU. In primitive times fire was kindled by the Pimas by means of a two-part drill (fig. 18, a),* the simplest and most widespread form of fire drill. The operator knelt upon the ends of the hearth stick and twirled the upright stick between his palms. The hearth was of saguaro wood or of any other soft wood if that were not obtainable. Tinder was not used, the flame being developed in any inflammable material as soon as the smoke began to arise from the dust accumulated at the point of the drill. With the advent of the whites flint and steel were used to kindle fire. The men carried these, with a little ^'°''- b»'^^^-

cotton for tinder, in leather pouches (fig. 42). Fire was preserved at each village or camp in an old stump whenever practicable.

a This specimen has an arched top and a single piece of pine Ijoard for a floor. It is 32 cm. long by 23 cm. wide and 15 cm. high.

b The drill hearth in the collection is 0.315 m. long and 21 mm. wide. The spindle is 68 cm. long and 9 mm. in diameter.

Fia. 16, b. Door.

BUSSBLL]

s

Miscellaneous

Sagvuro hook. The fruit of the giant cactus grows at so great a height" that it can not be reached without the aid of some longhandled implement for dislodging it. Hooks ^ are made by attaching, by means of maguey fiber, a straight piece of wood to the end of a long cactus rib. Doctor McGree has called the writer's attention to the fact that the angle at which the hook stands is of great ceremonial importance among the Papagos, but there would seem to be no significance attached to it by the Pimas, who have not been so dependent upon the cactus in the past as have their nomadic neighbors.

Tweezers. The spiny fruit of Opuntia arborescens is picked by means of willow tweezers (fig. 18, c). The arms are flexible and sufficiently elastic to spring back into place readily .'^

Tree. It was formerly the custom to erect a branched post in the space before the house door, on which to hang vessels or bags containing food. Of late a few (three were seen) 'Hree animals'' are set in the ground near the buildings to serve as seats and for the children to play upon. They are sections of mesquite trees that have each a branch perpendicular to the plane of the trunk at a point where the latter bends in the opposite direction slightly, so that when the branch is set in the ground the trunk is horizontal with the exception of the end which curves upward in a manner somewhat resembling a vaulting horse.

Cradle. The frame of the cradle is of willow, in the form of a narrow bow with from 5 to 10 cross bars (fig. 19, a). It closely resembles the Mohave trellis frame, but is more rudely made.^ The frame was formerly covered with shredded willow bark to a depth of 3 or 4 inches and a bit of cotton cloth covered the whole. Now the willow bark is not so thick, and much more cloth, no longer of native make, is used. The cradle (fig. 19, 6) is provided with a detachable

A See pi. IX, a, where the saguaro appears in flower in the background.

b The specimen illustrated in fig. 18, b was cut short for convenience of carrying. The handles vary in length from 2 to 5 m. The hook is 165 mm. long and 8 mm. in diameter. c The specimen collected is 31 cm. long; natural spread of jaws, 65 mm. 4 Sac Mason in Report National Museum, 1894, 524.

I

Fig. 18. a, Fire drill: 6, saguaro hook: c, ha'ndm tweezers.

Fio. 19, a. Cradle frame.

hood made of willow bark in the checker style of weaving, the surface being ornamented in geometric patterns colored black and red. Over the hood a loose piece of cloth may be thrown to protect the occupant from flies. The babies when strapped closely in the cradles are frequently carried on the heads of their mothers, who may at the same time have no insignificant burdens in their hands. When the children are about a year old they are carried astride the hip, unless upon a journey, when they are shifted around to the back, still astride,** and there supported by a shawl or large cloth bound around the waist.^ The writer has seen women with children of 2 or 3 years on their backs, each carrying a sack of wheat on her head and Ughter bundles in her hands.*'

Paint brush. The lines of pigment with which the face was formerly ornamented were applied by means of slender bits of arrowwood two or three inches long. The Kwahadk's were accustomed to gather the tufted ends of the arrow -bush branches and carry them southward into Papagueria to be used as paint brushes.

Calendar sticks. The Pimas keep a record of passing events by means of sticks carved with arbitrary mnemonic symbols. There are five such records in the tribe to-day — or were a year ago. The oldest of these sticks bears the history of seventy years. There were other sticks before these, but the vicissitudes of war, fire, and the peculiar burial customs of the people made away with them.'* There are three sticks in the collection, which have been designated Gila Crossing, Blackwater, and Casa Blanca calendars,* from the names of the villages whence they came. The Casa Blanca stick (fig. 20, a) is of willow, peeled, a Doctor Palmer says that as soon as a child is old enough to stand alone the mother carries it on an immense cincture of bark worn on her back. The author saw no such cinctures in use and believes that their use has been abandoned.

6 Mason, Cradles, in Heport National Museum, 1887, 184.

c The frame of the cradle figured is G7 cm. long by 20 cm. wide. The hood is 38 cm. high.

d See p. 36. They are mentioned here merely for the purpose of describing the sticks as products of the woodworker's skill.

« The Casa Blanca calendar is not recorded in " The Narrative," p. 38.

Fio. 19, b. Cradle.

slightly flattened, but otherwise bearing no signs of preparation for the vsymbols that occupy the greater part of one side.^ The

Gila Crossing calendar (fig. 20, h) is a pine stick on which the record was copied several years ago from a stick yet in the same village. The record begins on the back, passes over the lower end in the figure,.

and extends again to the back over the upper end.^ The Blackwater stick (fig.

20, c) is of saguaro wood smoothed and carved for the writer by the keeper of the record, who lost the original some years ago and who has since been using paper

•and pencil, but the same symbols.*

Spurs. Wooden spurs were made from crotched limbs of mesquite of suitable size. They were attached to the foot by a deerskin thong fastened to form two loops of equal size, one passing over the instep and the other under the heel of the foot. So rare have they now become that the writer spent six months on the Gila River reservation without discovering any, and therefore hired an old man to make a pair for the collec tion. Soon afterwards a single old spur was found, which diflFers from those made to order only in having deerskin instead of maguey fiber fastenings (fig. 21).*'

Saddle. . Wooden saddletrees are sometimes made, both for riding and pack saddles. The former are covered with rawhide, shrunk on, and provided with stirrups of mesquite or wallow wood.

They are not common and are at best but crude imitations of the saddles made by the whites. Saddle blankets for use with them are of matted grass or maguey fiber.

Calendar sticks, a, From Casa Blanca; 6, from Gila Crossing; c, from niackwater.

Fig. 21. Wooden spur.

o Length, 93 cm.; diameter, iftmm. b Length, 96 cm.; diameter. 18 mm.

c Length, 1.395 m.; diameter. 20 mm.

d Length, 0.152 m.; spread across fork, 9 cm.

Fio. 22. AwL». a, Wooden handle; b, gum handle.

Awl. There would seem to be no tradition of the former use of bone awls among the Pimas. They declare that awls of mesquite wood were used in making baskets before the introduction of steel. At present the points are of pieces of umbrella rib set in wooden handles of native manufacture (fig. 22, a).^ It will be observed that the upper end of the handle is provided with a button, so that it may be held between the third and fourth fingers while the thumb and other fingers are engaged in the manipulation of the basket spHnts. Handles of round balls of creosote gum* are also used (fig. 22, 6).^

II Rope twister. This apparatus is probably

I of Eiu-opean origin. It consists of a pin or

I handle of hard wood, such as mesquite or will low, which is thrust through a hole near the

^^^k end of another stick, which acts as a spindle ^^^H whorl. The latter piece has a button at the ^^^V short end, to which are attached the maguey fibers or horse hairs (fig. 23). The operator, by a slight rising and falling motion of the handle, causes the spindle to revolve rapidly, thus twisting the fibers into a cord which lengthens as he steps backward. A second person meanwhile adds fresh fibers to the other end.**

A^mlna. Among the most important of the sacred objects in the paraphemaUa of the medicine-men were the It'mJna, or medicine sticks. They are usually of arrowwood; always bound together with cotton twine of native spinning, either with or without feathers attached to each separate stick. There are six &'mXna bundles in the collection. One was made by Kd'm&l tk4k, to be used ex-

1 • 1 • xi _ FiQ. 23. Rope twister.

clusively m the exor- ^

cism of the Tcu'nylm, a spirit of disease. The bundle contains four groups of sticks: Two pairs, one bundle of 4, and one of 6. All are plain, being unmarked in any way (fig. 24). <^

a Length of specimen (fig. 22. a) 0.103 m., of which 56 nun. is handle.

b Deposited on the branches of the creosote bush by the minute scale instrt, Carteria larnw.

c Length, 3 cm.; diameter of handle, 24 mm.

d Length of pin, 0.254 m.; diameter, 8 mm.; length of spindle, 32 cm.

« Length, 0.167 m.; diameter, mm.

BDSSELL]

FiQ. 24. A'mlDa with reed cloud blower and attached feathors.

The second bundle is painted green. Each stick is whittled to a blunt point at one end and has two short, downy turkey feathers attached (pi. xiv, 6).«

The third bundle contains two sets of 4 sticks each, which were originally painted blue. They are sharpened to tapering points at one end. To each stick is tied two of the tail feathers of some small bird (pi. xiv, a).^

The fourth bundle contains three sets of 4 sticks each and the remains of another set which probably contained 4, though it is so old that it is in a fragmentary condition (pi. XIV, d).^ A bundle of feathers attached by strings is bound in with the A'mlna, each one of which also bears two feathers, all the feathers being from a red-colored bird.

The fifth, bundle contains three sets of 4 sticks each, but they are so old and broken that their original length can not be determined. They also have red feathers bound to them (pi. xiv, c).

The sixth bundle is very small and very old and it is probable that the unusual number of sticks — 5 — is due to the fact that a portion of the bundle has crumbled with age (pi. XIV, e).

Animal efiigies. Wooden images of reptiles and the like are used in the medicine-men's efforts to cure certain diseases. Two such specimens were collected. One is intended to represent a homed toad (fig. 25, a),^ the other a lizard (fig. 25, h) .* They are either carelessly or clumsily made. Mask, During his stay among the Pimas the writer heard of but two wooden masks being in their possession. One of these was collected and is here depicted in figure 26/ Doctor Hough called his attention to the fact that it resembles those

FiQ. 25, a. Homed toad effigy.

FiQ. 25, 6. Lizard efflgy.

made by the Yaquis of Sonora, and it a Length. 0.155 m.; diameter, 21 mm. The feathers are a trille shorter than the sticks.

f> Length. 0.136 m.; diameter, 10 mm.

c Length of sticks, 17 cm.; diameter, 7 mm.

d Length, 10 cm.; width. 42 mm.

« Length, 28 cm.; width, 4 cm.

/Length, 0.206 m.; width. 0.153 m.

is probable that the conception, if not the mask itself, was imported from the southward along ^ith the masked Xavitco ceremonies, despite the assertion of its former owner to the contrary, because it represents a liigher degree of skill in woodworking than any piece of carving that the writer has seen done by a Pima. It is of Cottonwood, perforated for the insertion of horsehair eyebrows, chin whisker, and two tufts on the center of each cheek, and is ornamented by an interrupted scroll and other lines unmistakably intended to be decorative. The mouth contains a half dozen pegs, giving a verj- realistic representation of teeth.

Wand. There are two wands or ceremonial sticks in the collection (fig. 27).® The longer is of greasewood, Sarcobatus vermicularis, the material prescribed for ia'kita, or ceremonial paraphemaUa of this class. It is spotted \nth black and red paint. The shorter wand is 6f willow, spotted with red. Both were made to be held in the hand during ceremonies intended to bring rain, to cure disease, and for kindred purposes.

Fig. 26. Navltoo mask.

STONE Metatk

The metate is the most abundant of the stone implements of the Southwest, or, if arrow points exceed them in numbers, the former is at

Fig. 27. Ceremonial wands.

least the most noticeable. About nearly every ruin one sees the fragments of broken nie tales, in some cases to the number of several score, as at the niin near Patagonia, in the Sonoita valley, where sixty a Length of the longer figure, 76 cm.; of the shorter, 28 cm.

rdssell]

metates were counted on the ground (every one had been intentionally broken), and there must have been a much larger number beneath the surface. Some of those found in the Hohokam ruins are of lava and have legs several inches in length. Most of these are hollowed out, as are those of the Hopis, whereas the metates of the Pimas are

Fig. 28. Grinding wheat on nictate.

perfectly flat on the top from side to side, being slightly concave form end to end (fig. 28). They are of coarse-grained rock from the surrounding hills and never carved or provided with legs. They vary in weight from 20 to 200 pounds and are carried about the premises as needed, never being set in bins, as among the Pueblo tribes. Their grinding surface is sharpened or roughened by pecking with a stone ax, or with a similarly shaped stone if an ax is not obtainable.

MULLER

The muller is of lava or of stone similar to that of the metate itself. It is longer than that used by the Hohokam, so that the entire upper surface of the metate is worn down. It is not shaped into a rectangular bar, as is that found in the ruins. Indeed, the writer saw few that showed any evidence of having been shaped in any manner except through use.

Pestle

The stone pestle** is used in every Pima household to crush the mesquite bean and other seeds in the wooden mortars. The pestle varies in size from the small stone the size of one's finger to the great

Fig. 29. Stone pestle.

a An average-sized specimen in the collection weighs 4) pounds; it is 253 mm. long and 76 mm. in diameter (fig. 29).

cylinder weighing 20 pounds that requires both hands to wield it. Many of these are obtained from the ruins, but some are shaped by pecking. This is not all done at once, but, a suitable stone having been selected, it is shaped little by little, day by day, as the owner has leisure for the work. This suggests that much of the stonework of primitive peoples which excites our admiration for their patience has been done in this manner, the implement being in use continually and the task of pecking it into more convenient or more pleasing shape being taken up from time to time as ''knitting work/'

kkkkkfk

Ax

Fig. 30. Arrowheads.

The stone axes of the Pimas were obtained from the ruins that are far more extensive than the Pima villages in the Gila and Salt River valleys. Most of these axes have each a single blade, many are double-bitted, and some are of the adz form. Others are so large and finely poUshed as to render plausible the supposition that they were intended for ceremonial use. All are of hard, fine-grained igneous rock called hatovik by the Pimas, some of whom assert that the material comes from near the Gulf of Cahfornia, where they have seen it when on journeys after salt. Others declare that there is no such stone on the surface of the earth, and that all the axes we find now were made from material that was brought from the underworld when Elder Brother led the nether-world people up to conquer those then living above. However, no particular religious significance is attached to the axes, as might be expected, considering their origin. They are sold readily enough, though when a suitable ax is kept for sharpening the metate of the household it is sometimes difficult for a collector to secure it. There is an abundance of suitable stones along the Salt river below where it breaks through the Superstition mountains, and it is probable that all the axes in the valley were obtained from that immediate locality. The few that were seen hafted were fastened with sinew in the fork of a Umb of suitable size.

Fio. 31. Arrow-shaft straightencr.

BCSSELL]

Arrowheads

A great portion of those used by the Pimas were made by the Hohokam. However, the Pimas always had a few arrowhead makers who worked in obsidian, shale, or flint. They produced small heads varying from 1 to 2 J cm. in length by 1 in breadth. Those represented in figure 30 are old points. The heads are stemless, sometimes having shoulders for the sinew seizing. One man was found who continues to make arrowheads, which he sells to the whites.

Arrow-shaft Straightener

The Pimas had very little need for grooved stones for straightening arrows as the arrowwood is naturally as straight as could be desired. It is probable that the stones of this kind found in the ruins were used merely for polishing. The Pimas used them scarcely at all.**

Hammer Stones

These are frequently seen around the ruins of Arizona, but the Pimas seem to have little use for them.

Fig. 32. Crystals from medicine basket.

Firestones

Three stones, each about 15 cm. in diameter, were used to support the cooking pots over the fire. They have been largely supplanted by an iron frame obtained from the agency blacksmith. These stones were picked up when needed and little effort made to preserv^e them.

Crystals

Crystals and curiously shaped stones of all kinds were preserved in the outfits of the medicine-men. Several such specimens were purchased and some were found in a cache among the hills (fig. 32) .'^

o A specimen ( Ilohokam) in the colloction (ftg. 31) has ]>een shapt'd to represent some animal (?). It is 92 mm. long and 60 mm. wide.

b Compare Gushing: ** In this connection it is interesting to add as of possible moment suggestively that associated with the ultra mural remains [in the Salt River valley], both house- and pyral-, were found small, peculiar concn»tion-8tones and crystals evidently once us<»d as personal fetiches or amulets, as is the case at Ztifii to-day." Congr^ International des Amdricanistes. yii>B« sess. , 1890, 170.

Hi

THE PIMA CTDIAXS

: tTH. A3C5. 2«

Magic Tablets

Th^ ^olkrtv>a contains two tablets which were obtained from nMdknxv^'-men and half of one which was found in the cache above f^^TTPii to ^fi^. 33, a, J, r). Two hare ornamental borders, while the third is quite smooth to the rounded margin; it has the figure of a horse scratched on one side and that of a man on the other.*

TVKQl'OISE

This stone, which is so common in some parts of the Southwest that ever>' Indian has it hanging from ears, neck, or arms, seems to be rare in Pimeria. But one pair of ear pendants was seen. It was somewhat more abundant in early days. It was believed that if a man lost a turquoise the mishap was due to magic, and as a result he would be afilicted iKnth some mysterious ailment which could be cured only by a medicine-man skilled in the cure of the "doctor's disease." He would use another piece of tiu> quoise or a slate or a crystal, placing the stone in water and giving the latter to the patient to drink.

Pipe

A stone cylinder (fig. 34),** probably a pipe, was ol>tained from a Pima, who said that he had '^ found it long ago.'* It seems short for such a purpose, yet it is longer than a cane cylinder the writer found in iMjtual use. The smoke is blown outward in certain ceronionicH and in others drawn in. These tubes were also used by the Pimas in sucking and blowing the bodies of the sick for the purpoHo of expelling disease.

» Till' Innt tiibli't In 122 nun. long by 50 mm. wide; It is 6 mm. thick at one side and tapers to 2 mm. Ml III*' othi-r. 'V\w lurK«'iit niMcimon la 151 mm. long by 94 mm. wide and 10 mm. thick; the border is 10 iiuii. widi'. iiiarkrd thus: XXXX. The l)roken specimen ia87 mm. wide: its length can not bedeteriiiliH'd, Tin* .X patt«<m at the ituirgin runs over to the surface of the reverse side.

'• I^'MKlli. 4M nun.; liitiTmil diameter, 16 mm.; maximum external diameter, 26 mm.

c b

Flo. 33. a, 6. c. Magic tablcto.

Fio. Si. Stone pipe.

\

FIBER AND LEATHER

Saddle I

In addition to the wooden saddletrees already mentioned the

Pimas made them each of two rolls of grass or straw, inclosed in blue denim or canvas and bound with a network of rawhide. A specimen <*

in the collection (pi. xv, a, h) has two such rolls fastened together with both horsehair and maguey cords. The top is covered vritl\ leather taken from two old boot legs. One stirrup is wanting; the one that remains is of native manufacture.

The accompanying cinch (pi. xv,c)**

is of horsehair neatly twisted and quite strong and serviceable. When used, it was passed over the saddle instead of being attached to it. A

Pima is rarely seen riding bareback, and most have good saddles of

American manufacture. Bartlett states that those who rode bareback at the time of his visit in 1850 thrust one foot under a loosely fastened surcingle.*^

Saddlebag

A coarse net of maguey fiber is made to carry bulky objects upon either pack or riding saddles. The fibers are twisted into two strands, which are united to form a rope 5 mm. in diameter; with this the meshes are made about 12 cm. in length by an interlocking knot of the simplest character. The bag in the collection is about 1 m. in length (fig. 35). fig. 35. saddubag.

Head Kings

The round-bottomed water jars and many similar heavy burdens besides were borne upon the heads of the women with the aid of the rings of willow bark in the early days, and now with rings of rags wrapped with cotton cloth.** Of less common use are the agaveleaf rings, which should be classed as twined basketry.^ They are o Length, 60 cm.; diameter of rolls at the middle, 10 cm. They are tliickened slightly at the ends to form pommel and cantlc t> Length, 75 cm.; width, 7 cm.

c Narrative, ii, 237.

dThc bark head ring (fig. 3(. a) is ir>5 mm. In diameter and the opening In the centiT is 42 mm. in diameter.

« Diameter of specimen collected, 10 cm.; height, 1(>5 mm. 26 ETH— 08 10

folded at each margin so that a ring is made up of three thicknesses of matting. This ring is smaller than the other types and is used for lighter burdens (fig. 36, J). Almost any cloth (fig. 36, c) may be improvised into a head ring, and aprons are especially convenient for such use.

a h e

Fio. 36. Head rings, a, Willow bark: b, agaye leaf; c, cloth.

Rope

Picket ropes of maguey fiber (figs. 37, J and 38) are brought by the Papagos to trade to the Pimas. They are about 10 m. long and 1 cm. in diameter, made of four 2-ply strands. They are strong, but a h

Fio. 37. a, Horsehair halter; b, maguey rope.

the harsh and coarse fiber renders them disagreeable to the touch of any but a hardened hand. The prepared fibers for rope making in this collection measure 60 cm. in length. With such material and a rope twister the process of manufacturing rope is a rapid one.

Human hair is both twisted and braided into cords for tightening ki&h& frames. The cords are usually made of four strands of 2-ply twisted threads. They are about 5 mm. in diameter when finished.

Halters

Horsehair is quite popular as a material for the manufacture of halters. The halter here illustrated (fig. 37, a) has a loop of light cord, 45 cm. in length, to be passed over the horse's head. The rope

Fio. 38. Mjiguey fiber.

has a loop 26 cm. long that passes over the nose. The length of the rope from the knot of this loop is 3.150 m. It is of four strands of 4-ply threads, one of the strands being wliite.

BRrDLEB

Bridles are also made of horsehair, vicious looking l)its being sold by the traders for them.

Fetish

The collection contains a fetish (fig. 39, a) and a hair ornament made of seven wing feathers of a hawk (fig. 39, h) which have been joined by laying a strip of cotton cloth on the quill of each feather

THK PIMA INDIANS

and binding it there with sinew, then braiding the loose ends of the strips together into a cord 15 cm. long. In this way the feathere are permanently fastened to one another and may be easily attached when it is desired to wear them as a fetish, or they may be readily attached to the hair to form a portion of the headdress.

War Headdress V

At Gila Crossing we were so fortmiate as to secure a specimen of an old Pima headdress made from the hair of an Apache and the wing feathers of three species of large raptorial birds (fig. 40). The hair is about 45 cm. long and is gathered in strands 1 cm. in tliickness, which are held by two strips of cotton that are twisted or twined on each other a half turn between each pair of hair strands." Viewing the headdress from the rear there are on the left four owl feathers, symboHzing keenness of vision by night; next are three hawk, then one owl, and again hawk feathers to the nimiber of five, symbolizing keenness of vision by day; on the right are two eagle feathers, the symbol of swiftness. Thus the wearer of this headdress possessed the courage and cunning of the hated enemy, the keen sight by day and by night of the birds that have great magic power, according to Pima belief, and the s\dftness as a trailer of the king of birds, which occupies a prominent place in Piman mythology.

Hairbrush

Using their fingers as combs, the women become very skillful in straightening out tangled locks. They frequently smooth the hair with a brush which was formerly made of the roots of the *Sacaton grass,'' Sporobolus wrightii (fig. 41, a),'' but as this no longer grows along the river, where the majority of the villages are situated, they now make use of maguey fiber, Agave lecheguea. Yucca paccata, etc. (fig. 41,6).^

a The general use of human hair for cords and in headdresses by the Pimas suggests Lower Califomian affinities, as we are told by V^enegas that the natives ol that peninsula were accustomed to adorn themselves on ceremonial occasions w.th "a large cloak covering them from their head to their feet, and entirely composed of human hair." 1 1. story of Callfom a. i, 99.

6 Length of specimen florurcd. 22 cm.; diameter, 37 mm.

e Length of specimen flguied, 17 cm.; diameter, 18 mm.

Fio. 39. a, Fetish; b, hair ornament.

These fibers make very satisfactory brushes, but they are not so stiff as brushes made of bristles. The fibers are not set in a handle but are tied in a round bundle a little below the middle, tlien folded outward from the center so that the upper end or handle is round and smooth while the lower end includes all the free fiber ends. Twine is then wrapped in a coil around the upper end downward until the brush end remains just long enough to give the fibers play in passing through the hair. The wrapping may be either of fiber or of horsehair; in the latter case pleasing geometric patterns are often worked out with contrasted black and white threads. The specimen illus-

«-j^P9^H^^^^H|^ j^^^

iA.

JS^^^^mmKlM ^ ' iJ^H ^B^^^lr r m

I

— ^Ji^

^«,

FiQ. 40. War headdress.

trated in figure 41, 6 is bound with maguey fiber which has been decorated with three lines of purple dye, put on after the wrapping has been completed.

Skin Dressing

The use of leather in the manufacture of clothing was reduced to a minimum among the Pimas. For sandals, rawhide sufficed, and if this was not to be had there was an abundance of yucca fiber, wliich made a fair substitute. For the shields, with the use of which they became adept through training from childhood, rawhide was employed. So the needs which dressed leather alone could satisfy were but few,

I jrrH. ANN. 26

and it is probable that GilefLo women did little more than enough skin dressing to keep the art alive among them. At present there are very few who know anything about it; and this is the method which they say V'long ago make it."

A skin was soaked in water for two or three days to soften it; then it was laid on an inclined log and the hair scraped off with a deer^s rib. Two tanning media were used — brains and saguaro seeds. The former were kept dried into a cake with dry grass until they were needed; when they were softened in water. The seeds were available at any time, as they were always kept in store as an article of food.

The roots of the plant known as urto, Erameria parvifolia, were used to dve leather red.

Fire Bag

Fig. 41. UalrbruBbea. a, Sacaton grass roots; b, maguey fiber. Leather bags were used to carry flint and steel, and a specimen of these comparatively modem articles is shown in figure 42. It is ornamented with tin bangles and glass beads.

Tobacco Pouches

Tobacco was not recognized by the Pimas as a narcotic that would stunt the growth in youth or injuriously affect the heart as age advanced, nor yet as a solace for leisure moments. It was to them a plant of divine origin that in its death (burning) released a spirit (odor and smoke) that was wafted by the breeze to the home of the magi<' beings that shape man^s destiny. Throughout Pimeria one may find sacred places where large numbers of cane cigarottf^s have been deposited by worshipers. It is uncertain how far thLs form of

Fio. 42. Fire bag.

AKTIFACTS

cigarette was in use by the Pimas. Most of those found were made by the Hohokam."

To carry this sacred powder it was necessary to have something more than an ordinary receptacle, and so pouches were made of buckskin, ornamented in vivid colors with symbols of the sun and provided with rattles that tinkled with every motion of the wearer. Both in shape and in ornament they closely resemble the tobacco pouches of the Apaches. There are two specimens in the Natioi^al Museum. No. 27840 (fig. 43, a) is of buckskin,'' doubled so that the opening of the pouch on the unomament^d half is covered by the fold. The margin is ornamented by a fringe of short strings of buckskin passed through holes along the edge of the pouch, most c

\

MKwfc^

^^m

«^^»

^^

Fig. 43, a,b, c. Tobacco pouches.

of them having cylinders of tin, slightly bell-shaped, arranged in pairs and pinched into place around the thongs by pounding. The front bears a conventional symbol of the sun in red and blue. There is a short loop with which to suspend the pouch from the belt or to hang it up when not in use.

Another pouch, no. 27839 (fig. 43, 6, c), is of soft deerskin, with a red fringe made by parallel cuts along the edge. There are a few o At the present time most men and some women smoke cigarettes rolled in corn husks or paper, obtained, as is much of the tobacco, from the whites. The native tobaccos a re : Nicotiana trigonophylla, known as vi'opal vi'offl, "like tobacco." gathered near Babcquivari by the l*apagos and brought to the Pimas; N. bigelovii, known as pan vi'offl, *■ coyote tobacco," and N. attenuata. called rsukai AU'tcA vi'ofil,'- iinder-the-crcosote-bush tobacco." Boys lejim to smoke at an early age. though the use of tobacco is not encouraged. The father's favorite saying In reply to a request for tobacco is. •• I will give you some when you kill a coyote."

& I/cngth, 10 cm.: width, 11 cm.; 114 bangles.

tin bangles at the bottom. The margin is ornamented inside the fringe with a herring-bone pattern burned on. One side of the pouch has a human figure and the other bears two sun symbols. These are very similar to some seen by the writer upon the walls of caves in the Chiricahui mountains, an old Apache stronghold." The pouch is sewed with cotton thread and secured at the top by an American button. The cord for suspension has 4 clusters of 6 bangles each upon it.

Sling

Slings were used by Pima youths before the advent of the whites. They were of the usual elongated oval shape. The National Museum contains a sling, no. 76031, that was obtained from the Pimas half a c-entury ago. It is of leather, probably cut from a boot leg, with strings 68.5 cm. long. The imperforate center is 18 by 7 cm. (fig. 44).

Shield

The fighting men were divided into two parties — those who used the bow and those who fought with club and shield. When advancing upon the enemy, the warrior crouched so that the comparatively small shield protected his entire body. He also leaped from side to side for the double purpose of presenting a more difficult target, and of bewildering the enemy and thus unsteadying their nerves through the suggestion of magic, which plays a larger part in the warfare of the American Indian than is generally known. The preparation for a war expedition is an invocation to the gods and the ceremonies during the journey are incantations for the development of magic power that shall not only render the party invincible but shall induce its magic power, on its own account, to overwhelm the magic power of the enemy. It is not the strength nor the intelligence of the Apache that they fear, nor his arrow with its sting, but his magic — a creation*, of their own imagination. And so the shield, with its magic symbols in brilliant colors, is kept in rapid motion not only from side to side but also revolving by the reciprocal twist of the bearer's forearm.

A long and careful search failed to disclose the presence of a single old shield among the Pimas, but there is a specimen in the National Museum, no. 27830, that was obtained several ^ears ago (fig.45, a, h). It is a rawhide disk 49 cm. in diameter, provided with a cottonwood

Fig. a. Sling.

o Length, 17 cm.; width, 16 cm.

AKTI FACTS

handle of convenient size for grasping. The handle is slightly concave on the side next to the shield. It is attached by means of thongs, which pass through two holes for each end of the handle, at the center of the disk. When not in use, it was carried by a sling strap that

Fig. 45. o. Shield; b, reverse of shield.

passed through two holes at the border 24 cm. apart. It is ornamented by an ogee swastika in blue, red, and white.

There are also two models of Pima shields in the National Museum. One is a small painted disk of rawhide; the other is a hoop with

Fig. us, a , b. Models of shields.

muslin stretched over it. The former, no. 76073 (fig. 46, 6), is ornamented with a cross in white, blue, red, and yellow. The latter, no. 76028 (fig. 46. a), is 225 mm. in diameter, or about one-third the full size. The design in red and yellow is also in the form of a cross.

A similar shield decorated with swastika in red and white (fig. 47) was collected in 1887 by Mr F. W. Hodge, of the Hemenway Expedition, and by him presented to the Free Museum of the University of Pennsylvania.

Sandals

Some protection for the feet was necessary when on journeys across the stony mesas and mountains that surround the Pima villages.

Rawhide was the most widely used material and the sandal was the form of foot gear. It was kept in place by a single thong, which passed through two holes in the front of the sandal, so as to go between the first and second and the fourth and fifth toes, then backward obhquely across the foot, so that the two parts crossed each other over the instep, down through a hole in the end of a heel plate and aroimd behind the heel, where it was doubled back and forth two or three times before passing through the hole in the opposite end of the heel plate, and so on forward again. The heel plate passes transversely through two longitudinal sHts in the heel of the sandal and is of the same hard and stiff rawhide. The doubled thongs behind the heel are usually woimd with softer material to preajrent chafing (fig. 48).

Fio. 47. Shield.

Yoke Straps

' Ox yokes were bound to the horns of the animals by long strips of hide that had been roughly dressed without removing the hair. The two straps collected were the only ones seen. It is some years since they were last used for this purpose, and it is not surprising that most such straps should have l>een employed for other needs (fiij. 49).

Fio. 48. Sandals.

T.AKTAT

The use of the lariat was, of course, learned from the whites and was developed gradually with the tardy introduction of live stock. Tho ''rope.'' as it is universally known in the Southwest, is of rawhide

BU88ELL.]

'1^^' -«r^ -*-

i^iir

Fig. 49. Yoke straps.

made in a 4-ply braid, rounded by poundin^:: when wet. The sHp nooso at the outer end is supplied with an ingenious loop made by folding a heavy piece of rawhide three or four times and bringing the ends together to form an oval ring. The end of the rope is passed through a longitudinal slit in one end of the ring and by a braided enlargement prevented from being pulled out again. A strip of rawhide about 1 cm. in width is rolled in the interior of the ring, and passing through a transverse cut close to one end it is continued around the outside, being itself slit where the rope enters the ring, and also passing under two loops made by catching up the outer layer of hide on the ring it then passes through a transverse slit in the outer and overlapping end of the ring and is knotted. It therefore passes twice around the ring and is the only means of uniting the ends of it. When hardened the ring is large enough to permit free play of the rope through it."

IIoRNKi) Toad Effic.y

Among the most highly prized objects made of leather by the Pimas, found by the writer, was a life-sized elligy of a horned toad. It is of deerskin, ornamented with white heads, ns shown in figure 50, a. It was used in the cure of the toad disease by being passed over the alTected part. This act and the singing of the toad songs effected a complete cure, our informant believed. Figure 50, b, is a photograph of a living horned toad.

o Length of lariat, 13.93 in.; diameter, 9 mm. Length of loop ring, G cm.; width, 4 cm.

Fio.50,a. Horned toadelligy, of (liMfskin.

[ETIi. ANN. 1!6

As a tribe the Pimas are

Fio. 50, 6. Living homed toad.

POTTERY

not skillful potters. Their work is decidedly inferior to that of the Kwahadk's, whirh in turn appears to be improving as a result of a modem demand for it. It is probable that the best potters among the Pimas are of Kwahadk' descent, or have learned the art from that tribe. A great part of the Pima ceramic ware is plain and undecorated. The cooling ollas in which water is kept about

' their homes are the only vessels that are generally decorated. The potters aver that the designs are copied from the Hohokam potsherds that bestrew the mesas and that the symbolism is absolutely unknown to them. Furthermore, many of the smaller decorated pieces are traded from both the Kwahadk's and the Papagos, the latter bringing them filled with cactus

The vessels here illustrated were made sirup to exchange for grain by Sala Hina (fig. 51), one of the best potters on the Gila

Material

The common ware that is intended to be subjected to heat is generally made from clay obtained among the Sk&s5wallk hills, which lie on the southern border of the Gila River reservation. The material is a dry granular clay combined with quartz pebbles and feldspathic detritus. The place where it occurs looks much more like a stone quarry than like a clay pit ^^^ ,j g^^^ ,j,^^

(pi. XVI, a). Indeed, a great part of the mass is sharp, angular stone, which must be winnowed out by hand in the shallow baskets.

99.90

The process is well illustrated in plate xvi, 6."

Another well-known clay pit is situated on McClellen's branch, at the northeastern base of the Sacaton hills (pi. xvi, c), whence a whitish clay is obtained. The villages about the Casa Blanca ruin obtain clay from pits within a stone's throw of the ruin itself and from the river bottom near the village of Rso'tdk.

The tempering materials used in the clays last mentioned are sand and ground potsherds. The clay from the Ska,s6wallk hills is so coarse that it requires no tempering.

Red ocher is employed as a slip, which is applied to the surface of the common utensils just before the drying that precedes burning. The water coolers are usually made without this coating of ocher.

Black gum is used for decoration. This is obtained by boiling in a small earthen pot, or in a segment of a large one, mesquite chips o Samples of this clay wore submitted toDoctor Wiley, Chief of the Bureau of Chemistry of the Department of Agriculture, who aacertained the percentage composition of the material to >e as follows:

Percent Ferwnt

Silica, SiOj 59. 04 Combined water, organic matter, and other

Alumina, AltO, 18. 55 | volatile constituents ( loss on ignition ). . . 4. 94

Ferric oxide, FejOj ti. 72 Sulphuric acid, SOa 45

Manganous oxide, MnC) Trace Carbon dioxide, COj Trace

Lime, CaO 2. 35 I

Magnesia, MgO 1. 44

Alkalies, KjO and NaaO 5.81 , lie also explains the general method of determination.

For industrial purposes an attempt is made to separate the proximate constituents of a clay by what is called a " rational analysis." For this purpose the clay is tn'ated with sulphuric acid, which is supposed to dissolve the clay substance proper and leave insoluble quartz sand and sand composed of feldspar or other minerals.

In order that the composition of this clay might he compared with analyses of other clays made upon this plan, a determination was made of the matt^^r insoluble in sulphuric acid in sample 24881, with the following results:

Percent

Clay substance 35. 33

Quartz sand, feldspathic detritus, etc 04. 57

99.90 The sand insoluble in sulphuric acid is composed approximatt^ly as follows:

Per cent

Feldspathic detritus, etc 28. 57

Quartz sand 3a 00

Comparison of these results with analysi^s given by Langenl)eck indicate that the material mpresented by sample 24SS1 ri'sembles the clays used for the production of so-<::alled " n>d ware" more than any other class of clays used in i)otter>' manufacture by civilized peoples. The following analysis of a tj'pical clay used for making " ri'd ware" is quoted from Langenbeck for purposes of comparison (The Chemistry of Pottery. IWJ.'i, (W):

Tola I a nalysis Katiomil a nttlyftis

Percent ! Percent

Silica 74. 75 i Clay substance 39. 12

Alumina 12. '>.'» ^ Quartz '.2. 54

Ferric oxi«le 5. 28 i Feldspathic detritus s. 55

Lime 1.28

Magnesia 8.') IW). 21

Alkalies 2. 27 ;

Combined water 3. 23

I

ioa2i I

from portions of the tree on which black gum has dried into hard scales. After boiling, this dye is in the form of a very thin liquid which is so pale that it is scarcely distinguishable on the dark clay, but after the vessel has been given a slight binning the pattern appears in deep black.

Implements

As the new vessel is built up the outside is struck with a paddle (pi. xvn, 6), and the inside is supported by a flat circular stone about 10 cm. in diameter. A smaller stone is used to polish the outer surface. Long, smooth, finger-shaped stones are used in polishing the necks of vessels or in places where there are sharp curves.

Method

The fictile ware of the Pimas is made by coiling. The clay is first thoroughly dried, a condition that is easily and quickly brought about by spreading it on blankets in the sim. It is then sifted to remove the larger particles of stone. It is next mixed with water and kneaded a few minutes, formed into lumps the size of the fist, and laid aside to ''ripen" over night. The base of the new vessel is begun by spreading a layer of clay over the bottom of an old vessel of suitable size and smoothing it down with the paddle until it extends out several centimeters from the center (see pi. xvn, a, where the vessel shown in the potter's lap has just been taken from the olla over which it was molded). The new bottom is allowed to dry an hour in the sun before it is removed and the process of coiling begun. Dipping the fingers in water, the operator moistens the edges of the new vessel, which has dried enough to retain its shape. Then taking one of the prepared balls of clay she rapidly rolls it between the palms until it is lengthened into a cylinder about 20 cm. long, wliich is laid on the margin of the vessel and pinched into shape. One or perhaps two more rolls are laid on to complete the circuit and then the paddle is applied with the right hand in quick taps to the outside while the circular stone is held on the inside with the left (pi. XVII, 6). The handle of the paddle is held downward so that the transverse concavity of the instrument is adapted to the horizontal convexity of the growing vessel, which is held in the lap and the coils applied only so fast as they dry sufficiently to cause it to hold its shape. For this reason it is customary for a potter to model three or four vessels at the same time so there need be no delay by waiting for the last layer to dry. As each coil is finished it is placed where the sun can shine upon it and the work progresses much faster than it could in a less arid climate. As soon as the vessel has been l)uilt up a little way so there is room for the paddle to be used above the plane of the bottom it is placed on the ground and a little loose soil is drawn up to serve as a support and in this it is turned slowly with the hands as required (pi. xvii, c). As the lower coils become dry they are smoothed with a polishing stone with strokes made from below upward; if a part has become too hard to be easily rubbed down the hand is dipped into the vessel of water that is within reach, and applied to the spot.

When the last coil has been shaped a dark red shale is ground in water until the liquid has become quite thick; this is applied to the outer surface wnth the hands. As the slip dries it is rubbed with the polishing stone imtil it becomes hard and smooth.

After drying over night the vessel is ready for burning. A very shallow pit is dug and a fire is kept in it for some time to dry the earth thorpughly, then a little dry mesquite or decayed willow wood is spread in the depression, and the vessel is laid on its side upon the wood and entirely covered with sticks laid up "log-cabin fashion." In the specimen shown in figure 52 the wood had burned away in about twenty minutes. The photograph was taken as the burning brands fell from the sides.

The final step, if the vessel is to be decorated, is to apply the black mesquite pigment with a sharpened stick (pi. xvii, rf), made from Baccharis glutenosa, which has a large pithy center. The vessel is again subjected to heat for a few minutes until the decoration has assumed a deep black color, when it is finished.

Finished Products

Water reservoirs or coolers (fig. 53, a, I) are the largest and finest pieces of fictile ware made by the Pimas and Papagos. The latter carry on a thriving trade with the whites by supplying each house with one or more of these big round-bottomed pots, which are so porous that the evaporation from the outside measurably cools the water within. Although the term "olla^* is applied to all Indian pottery in the Southwest, the word generally refers to this particular class of vessels. One will be found set in a three-forked post under the arbor at every Pima home." An oUa was secured which had been hidden away among the rocks in the hills for many years (fig. 54). It is among the smallest of those used for water coolers, and may well serve here to illustrate the minimum size and also a variation in decoration.^

Ollas with angular profile are not uncommon (fig. 55).

Cooking pots (pi. xviii, a) are more numerous than the water a The larger specimen (fig. 58. 6) coUeotod is 0,387 m. high, 0.275 in. in diam«'tor at the top, and l.lfil m. in its maximum eimimforence. The decoration is derived from the llohokam pottery of theCasa Blanca district.

f> Height, O.aaO m.: diameter at top, 0.175 m.; maximum cinrimiference. O.JJiV) m.

coolers. Every kitchen contains several; some of them broken in halves or smaller fragments, yet retained for use in parching wheat or corn over the fire, or for other purposes. They are undecorated and not carefully smoothed and polished "because they would be slippery to handle when they became wet." "

Fxo. 52. The burning.

Bean pots are made with handles as represented in pi. xviii, h. They form a distinct type unlike any other aboriginal ware known to the \vTiter.^

Canteens were formerly made of pottery^, but they have been oThc sjKX'iTnon shown in pi. xviii, a. is 0.285 m. high, 0.255 m. in diameter at the top. 0.950 m. in maximum circuinfcri'nce.

ftPl.xvin.fe. reprTson!8 0Tirof t heso vessels, which Is 0.159 m. high, 0.195 m. in diameter at the top, 0.748 m. In maximum cin-umfcrence.

BUSSELL]

superseded by the cheap and scarcely less fragile metal ones of American manufacture. They were globular in form, and not provided with projections or loops for the attachment of straps. In fact, they were intended to be carried in the w^oman^s ki&h^; men on the warpath or traveling far from water must learn to endure thirst, but the women when compelled to go far for wood or cactus fruit were accustomed to carry water in these canteens. The vessels were sometimes broken, and Sala Hina told us of such an experience in which she nearly perished of thirst before she reached the river, though she had gone but a few miles from home. Canteens were decorated in a variety of patterns, including human figures.**

What'may be termed a parching pan (pi. xix, a) is mide for roasting grains preparatory to grinding them for pinole. It is a large oval shallow dish with margin extended at ends for handles.''

Fig. 53, a, b. Water eoolora.

A tortilla baking plate (pi. xix, h) is sometimes seen. It is nothing more than a sUghtly concave undecorated disk.^

Cups were seldom made of clay; dippers of gourd or bowls of basketry were ligliter and less perishable. It is probable that most of the few cuj)s of Indian manufacture now to be found among the Pimas were obtained from tlie Kwahadk's or the Papagos. They are so highly polished as to appear to be glazed and are usually decorated with geometric designs to which no meaning can be ascribed by their makers.^

o There are three specimens in the collection. PI. xviii, c is 0.195 m. high, O.GOO in. in circiiaiferenco, with an oixmlng ut the top 31 nun. in diameter. PI. xviii. d is 0,135 m. high, O.Sii.') m. in cireumferenee. and has an opening 29 nun. in diameter. PI. xviii. e is a douhie-neeked canteen.

i Represents a pan that is 0.445 m. long, 0.354 m. wide, 0.117 m. high.

c The collection contains one of these plates, which is 0..'i50m. in diameter and stands 63 mm. high.

d PI. XIX. e. represents a cup which was made by the Kwahadk's and traded to the Pimas. It is 84 mm. high and 84 mm. in diameter.

26 ETU— 08 11

FiQ. 54. OUa found hidden in the hillK.

Plates (pi. XIX, Cj f) are now obtained from the Kwahadk's, but it is doubtful if the latter made them before the advent of the whites.

They are polished and decorated in a manner similar to the cups. ^

Fanciful figures of a variety of shapes are made by the Kwahadk's in imitation of American crockery, and the like, and are traded to the Pimas, who sometimes sell to gratify the desires of tourists for souvenirs, the seller being as ignorant of the fact that the buyer wishes to get specimens of Pima handiwork as the latter is of the fact that the ware is packed on the heads of women from the villages of another tKbe 30

to 50 miles to the southward.

Two specimens (pi. xix, d) were obtained from a Pima woman at Casa Blanca, who had "made them to sell," which have not the characteristic- polish and the decoration of Kwahadk' ware. They are of interest because they show the Pima method of treatment of the human figure in clay modeling, and also the manner in which the face was painted. The larger effigy'' has light brown lines on the body, both front and back, which represent a necklace, belt, skirt (perhaps), and what would seem to be the V-shaped opening at the neck of an upper garment. The face is painted in vertical stripes of red and blue, as was the custom with this tribe a few years ago. The front hair is represented on the forehead by prominent ridges.

The smaller effigy* has fewer lines on the face, and the body is undecorated.

From the ruins pottery spoons or ladles are sometimes taken which have apparently acquired magic import from the character of their source. These spoons are used in feeding the sick, and for no other

Fio. 55. Olla with whitish designs on red ground.

a The larger specimen figured is 264 mm. in diameter and 73 mm. high. The amaller iaai2mm. in diameter and 43 mm. high. ^Height, 212 mm. e Height, 20 cm.

kusskll]

purpose, so far as the writer is aware. The collection contains one very old spoon of Pima manufacture," which is practically an elongated bowl (pi. XX, a). Another specimen^ was made for us to illustrete the t>'pe, which, though rare, is well recognized (pi. xx, b). The collection contains also a bowl (pi. xx,c), two coiled bowls (pi. xx,(f), and two decorated bowls (pi. xx, e).

Pottery was mended with gum from the creosote bush, Larrea mexicana (pi. ix, a) . This bush grows abundantly on the driest plains of the Gila watershed, but its leaves ere so bitter that it is not touched by stock, however extreme may be their hunger.

BASKETRY

The art of basket making is practised in nearly every Pima home. The more skillful basket makers produce wares that are useful, durable, and handsome. The work, which is done by the women, requires much time and patience. Owing to the poverty of the tribe since the river water has been taken from them, some women have been induced to begin the manufacture of baskets without having received the necessary training in girlhood and without any prido in the finished product, as it is possible to dispose of them at once at a fair price, no matter how WTetchedly bad they may be.

Materials

There are three materials which surpass all others in importance, and quite a number that play a minor part. First of all should be named the willow, Salix nigra (fig. 56), twigs of which an* gathered in March just befon* the leaves appear. The Yavapais who now live at old Fort McDowell use the willow for the white j)art of the outside of baskets and for the inner coil as well; but the Pimas employ the willow for the weft only. The twigs are about 50 cm. in

FiQ. 56. WlUow tree.

a Length, HS mm.: width. 74 mm.: dopth, 25 mm. 6 Length, I'M mm.: width, 25 mm.: depth, CO mm.

length. The bark is removed by catching it at the middle of the twig in the teeth and raising it far enough to insert the thumbs of both hands between the bark and the wood, and then running the thumbs outward to the ends of the twig. Two such movements a b e

FiQ. 57. a, Willow splints; b, nutrtynia; e, cottonwood.

suffice to strip the twig, which is then spHt into three or four strips at the smaller end with the teeth and the splitting carried to the other end of the twig by careful manipulation with both hands, so that the

Flo. 68. Bundles of raart>niia pods.

strips may bo as even as possible. These strips arc kept in coils, which are from 10 to 15 cm. in diameter (fig. 57, a). Willow bark is also used in basketry, both alone (cradle shields) and in conjunction with other materials (grain baskets).

The stems of the cat-tail, Typha angustifoHa Linn., are used as foundation in the common baskets. They are gathered in July when green, and are split and dried. The stalks curl inward along the split surface while drying, so that they have the appearance of round stems with a mere line running along one side to show where they were split. These stalks are from 1 to 2 m. long and are kept in bundles, sometimes 25 cm. in diameter, but usually much less.

The pods of the devil's claw, Martynia fragrans l^indl., furnish the third material necessary for the ordinary basket. The supply of wild plants is not large enough, and a few martynia seeds are planted each 3^ear by the basket makers. These are gathered in the autumn at any time after the plant has dried. They are made into bundles (fig. 58) for storing or for barter by tying a few hooks together and then pushing other hooks down into the center and allowing the pods to curve over one another. Each half of a pod is provided with one of these long recurved hooks, from 15 to 20 cm. in length (fig. 59). They are black on the surface, and hence desired for the purpose of contrasting with the whit^ willow to form the designs. Their central portion is pithy, but the outside is very tough and woody. To prepare for use, the devil's claw is soaked over night and then buried in moist earth for a day or more. It is then dug out, usually by a i)arty of women, who make a *bee'' of it, and the outer fd)or of each claw is removed by breaking the hooked end and holding it in the t(»eth while the split fiber is pulled off with the fingers. Figure 00 shows such a party stripi)ing the fibers, which appear in a coil at the knees of the second figure from th(» right. In the foreground is a heap of stripped pods. A small board in front of each woman is to lay the splint on when thinning nnd shaping it. Instead of soaking and burWng the devil's claw, some have begun to hasten the process by pouring hot water over it and })rocee(ling at once to strip off the fiber. The strips are kept in coils (fig. 57, h) similar to those of willow. They are valued somewhat more highly than the willow splints, and

Flo. 59. Mart>Tiia pod.

[ETU. ANN. 2Q

hence a higher price is sometimes demanded for baskets in which a large amount of devil's claw is used.

Loaves of the agave are sometimes used, but baskets of this material are obtained chiefly from the Papagos. Wood from the slender branches of cottonwood is sometimes used to take the place of willow, but it is less durable and soon becomes yellow. It is prepared in the same manner and kept in the same sort of coils as the willow (fig. 57, c).

Wheat straw is extensively used in the manufacture of the jarshaped grain baskets. It is of modem introduction, and has not fully supplanted the ancient style of grain bin.

Fio. 60. Stripping martjmla.

The arrow bush (Pluchea borealis) was the principal material employed in the construction of storage bins or baskets. It is everywhere abundant along the river, and is one of the few shrubs of Pimeria that is not armed with thorns, its slender, graceful stalks being easily manipulated (pi. xxi, a).

Reeds, Phragmitis communis, were formerly common along the Gila, but continuous seasons of drought caused them to disappear. Sleeping mats were made from them, but such mats an* now rarely seen, agave leaf being us(m1 instead.

Plate XXI, c illustrates the crucifixion thorn, Holocantha (^inoryi, surrounded by saltbushos.

Implements

The only implements used in the manufacture of the conmion baskets are awls and knives. The awl was formerly of bone or mesquite wood. Now it is of steel vdih a wooden or gum handle (fig. 22, a, b). Common case knives or light butcher knives, well sharpened, are used to trim the strips of willow at the time of use.

Method

The ordinary baskets are made by the process known as coiling. The center is of devil's claw^, wliich is generally started as a coil, but is sometimes made by the process called checker weaving for a few centimeters before beginning the coil. The half stalks of the cat-tail are again split before being used and about a dozen of these splints are taken to form a foundation. The other two materials, willow and deviFs-claw splints, are kept in water at the time of use to render them flexible. One end of each splint is held in the teeth while the knife is rapidly scraped along the rough side and while the edges are trimmed smooth and made parallel. Upon this part of the operation depends much of the evenness and fineness of the finished basket. The details of the work do not differ from those of coiled basketry everywhere, wiiich have been so fully and entertainingly described by Professor Mason. The margin was left with the splint wrapped smoothly aroimd it until a few years ago when ^'some man," supposed to have been a Papago,*told them to braid it;' the tops of baskets are therefore usually finished by passing a single devil's-claw splint in and out and backward and forward over the margin, to w^hich it gives a braided appearance. When the w^eaving is complet^^d the ends of the splints project on the exterior surface, making it very rough. It is also soiled and stained from having been Mng about during the intervals when it was not in the maker's hands for the weeks or months that have elapsed since it was begun. By means of a knife the longer and tougher ends are cut away, wliile the others are broken and the stains are removed by thoroughly rubbing the surface with leaves and twigs of the saltbushes, Atriplex lentiformis, A. canescens, A. polycarpa, etc.

liASKKT H<>\NLS

This term may be accepted in lieu of a better one, for the tray- or bowl-shaped baskets, which are shallow tmd have their sides sloping at a low angle from the horizontal. They range from a perfectly flat disk to a bowl with rounded bottom having a depth of 20 cm.

The designs upon these old-style baskets are often very pleasing and even remarkably good. When (questioned as to the meaning of the elements of these patteirns, the basket makers invariably replied: ** I don't know; the old women make them in tliis way. They copied the patterns long ago from the Hohokam pottery." While these statements are true in the main, some of the elements will be seen to be of wide distribution and some are peculiar to the Pacific coast. There are three common designs: Those embodying the fret, the equal-anned cross, and the spiral. Nearly all that do not represent these directly are more or less evident modifications of them. The fret, which the Pimas probably with truth called the oldest motive, leads almost directly into the swastika and suavastika pattern, as shown in the illustrations. The flower design based upon the cross is apparentl}^ the same as that on the necks of water jars made by the Hohokam, and such vessels are similarly decorated to the present day by both Pimas and Papagos. On the pottery the design is laid upon a convex surface, while in the baskets it is worked upon the interior, or concave, side. The elements of the design are, first, a series of four radiating arms of black separating the petal-like areas which are usually in the shape of spherical triangles. The second element is a series of encircling lines that lie parallel to the radiating bars and follow their outline entirely around the basket, having also rectangular enlargements where they change direction to cross the ends of the bars or to follow along their sides. It is just such a design as might easily originate in pottery decoration where a complete line may be traced continuously, but it is not one that can be easily explained if it is assumed that it originated in basketry, especially when it is remembered that these people prepare no pattern whatever beforehand, but develop the designs upon the baskets as previously conceived in the mind.

The volute, or whorl, is a common motive in primitive art, and is especially frequent in Southwestern basketry. As the angular weaving necessitates irregularities in the lines of curvature, they are not infrequently modified by terrace-Uke enlargements. Terraces are used in combination with nearly all the other elements known to the basket maker.

It will be observed that the decoration of Pima baskets is in black on a white groimd for the most part, yet^ the proportions vary greatly. Brown, and more rarely some other color, may be seen in perhaps one basket in a thousand. Occasionally a basket is made with a dozen or more blue glass bearis fastened on the border at equal intervals by weft splints passing through them. Rarely, work or trinket baskets are made to sell that have open spaces in their sides.

Description op Plates

The fret is a common motive in Pima basketry. In the small — and usually badly made — baskets it is commonly single and of iiniforni width. In the first of our series (pi. xxii, a) it appears as a double line with five folds. Had there been but four the effect of the whole

would have suggested the swastika. The large basket, 6, has three parallel lines, a larger number of folds, and an unusually large center of unrelieved black. Baskets c, d, and e exhibit slight modifications of the fret, in c the parts of the inner circle being four in number and in e five. The design in / is a fret of four folds, and the fret is the principal motive also in some of the upright baskets shown in plates XXIX and xxx. Basket g shows an equal-armed cross in white and a series of four broken lines that pass, in the form of a whorl, from near the center to the margin after each taking one and a half turns around the basket. Basket Ti combines the fret and whorl, there being seven radiating lines that reach the margin after half a turn each.

In plate xxiii, a, is shown a rare fonn — a flat disk, ornamented w4th a whorl of six broken lines, an intermediate form between the fret and the whorl. In h there is an unusual treatment of the dark center, elsewhere invariably a solid disk of black. It looks as if the maker had changed the design after starting the six rather irregular bars of black from the center. In c the six radiating lines advance toward the periphery by the interpolation of an indei)endent motive that will be seen later in upright shapes. Baskets d and e are ornamented with five pairs of whorled lines that contain squares of black, which may also be regarded as an independent motive. In / the number 5 again reappears and also the simple motive of c, but this time in white on a black ground. This is called by some the ** coyote track.'' It is well shown in plates xxix and xxx.

Plate XXIV, a, illustrates a combination of the broken whorled lines of the preceding plate with a pattern obtained by the children at school in an earl}^ stage of their instruction in drawing. At the margin is the diamond pattern that has the effect of netting. In 6, although the lines do not radiate from the center, they have something of the whorled effect, and they unite with the fret of the preceding illustrations a new element — the terrace — which is so common on the ancient pottery of Arizona. The parts are in five, there being two reduplications of the unit in the outer row to one m the inner. In c the parts are again in six. The central portion is difficult to analyze, but the outer repeats the terrace, together with a fret that by its l)readth of line at the center suggests the form of the cross known as the swa^stika. Basket d has the fret combined with the terrace, being similar to the first basket in the last figure. The parts of the design in this plate are in four, five, and six.

Plate XXV, a, depicts a form of equal-armed cross that we shall later see passes into another type of design that is complicated, yet pleasing, namely, the flower pattern. Ba^skets with the design shown in a are quite common. In h the attenuated arms may be likened to the limbs of some giant spider. They will be seen to be nearly the reverse of the white arms of the design in basket c. Basket d represents a

THE VTMA INDIANS

Fio. 61. Basket with scroll decoration.

variant that was seen in a few shallow baskets and which occasionally appears in the upright forms, as in plate xxx, ;. It resembles a gigantic pictograph upon an ancient altar near Sacaton, the largest pictograph the writer has seen in Arizona. Baskets e and/, and also a, h, and c, plate xxvi, contain designs that are perhaps the most abundant to be f oimd in Pima basketry. The patterns are whorled frets with many modifications. The decorative effect is enhanced by the addition of the triangular element, to which the same name, mo^ilmvltcka, ** triangle," is applied as to the terrace. It is seen to be an independent element completed by an extended hook. In plate XXVI, a, c, the triangle at the margin is relieved with white, but in h it appears in its more common form. In plate xxv, /, the mode of origin of the triangle is seen in the terminal enlargement of a segment of the terrace. The triangle gives color balance to the whole, as in 6, and also fills space due to the elements of the main figure being carried as a whole nearly straight to form an equal-armed figure on a spherical surface. These designs are usually in fours, though sometimes in threes and fives. Figure 61 includes two designs with dissimilar elements which adapt equally well rectangular designs to a hemispherical surface. The design, while clumsily made and unsymmetrical, is yet pleasing by the at least partial harmony of design and form. The motive in tliis design will be recognized by students of CaUfornian basketry. The basket shown in figure 62 is a rarely beautiful one, having simplicity of design pleasing by its rhythm or repetition and colors well proportioned.

Plate XXVII contains several examples of good baskets. The second has many triangles, those along the margin suggesting a mode of origin of what is known as the ''top-knot" design. The outer band on this basket has tlu^ appearance of having been added as an afterthought, but such was not the case, as the device is not unconunon and occurs in the unusually fine basket shown in c. The latter is the

Fio. 62. Kaskot with scroll-feot d<«oratlon.

largest basket in the collection, yet it is so well proportioned, notwithstanding the reduction of the number of repetitions to three, that an artistic design is produced. The warp coils grow successively narrower from the center, thus making the walls thin and flexible. Figures d and e contain modifications of the ecjual-armed cross, with an apparently new element in d, which is shown in c to be a derivation of the triangle. These two baskets are examples of one of the oldest designs. It is also seen in the upright basket, plate xxxii, c. The white in /suggests the rattlesnake rattle design.

Plate XXVIII introduces a new design which the Pimas call si'sitcutci'flfk, 'Wery much figured '' or '^complicated.'' Analysis shows c and d to be much simpler than they appear at first sight. The elements in d are an equal-armed cross and parallel lines around it, with enlargements wherever they change direction. The effect of the whole is suggestive of a flower wdth four petals. In a the petals appear largely in white. This flower design is said to be of recent origin. Sala Hina, who is perhaps 70 years of age, declares that it was unknown in her girlhood days.

Plates XXIX, xxx, xxxi, and xxxii include a series of baskets from photographs representing basket collections in Sacaton. Many have the upright waste-paper basket form, and are recent. Nearly all the Pima baskets made during the winter of 1901-2 were of these shapes. Many are decorated with simple motives that depend for their effect upon repetition. A notable feature of the ornament is the introduction of badly executed human figures. Certain traders urged the basket makers to put as many human and animal figures as possible on the baskets. Truly we need a society for the protection of American art. The most successful of these designs seen by the writer is the Gila monster shown in plate xxx, n. However, it is but a sorry substitute for the old-time simple motives. These baskets serve also to illustrate the varied treatment of the geometric elements met with in the shallow baskets as applied to the convex surfaces of the upright forms.

In conclusion, it is believed to be advisable to add the names of the elements of the designs which the Pima basket makers regard as divS- tinct. But two in the list refer to natural objects, namely, numbers 3 and 7 below. It is worthy of note that th(» continued inciuiries of visitors have arousc^d the interest of the natives to such a degree that they have begun to deWse plausible interpretations to symbols the meaning of which is absolutely unknown to them.

1. Atc'uta, the black center of all baskets.

2. Ka'kioplns, ''crossed lines" (pi. xxii).

3. Kam'ketcit, ''turtle," applied to a square design (pi. xxii).

4. Mav'spltchita, "locked together," the intemipt^d fret (pi. xxvi, e).

5. Mo'timvltcka, '*triangidar," all triangles and terraces.

fETH. AXX. 2(5

6. O'pdmusult, ''parallel lines doubled on themselves'' (pi. xxiii).

7. Pan ika'klta, "coyote tracks'' (pi. xxix).

8. SA'-ai, ''figured," plain design with radiating black bars (pi. XXVIII, e).

9. Si'hitalduwutclm, "spiral," wliorled or spiral designs (pi. xxiii).

10. Si'sitcutcijftk, "very much figured," the flower pattern (pi. xxviii).

11. Stoa, "wliite," having a few narrow lines.

12. SAp'epAtcIm kakaitoa, "striped with black and white," a general term for designs in alternating black and white lines.

13. Ta'sita, "set" or "prearranged," the swastika and suavastika.

14. Tco'ho-otcllt, "crooked lines," the fret.

Fig. 63. KUlhli.

KlAHA

In the Golden Age of Pimeria all burdens were borne by the women, either upon their heads with the aid of the head ring or upon their ' backs with the unique contrivance which they call ki&ht, (fig. 63), a name that it may be well to retain for the purpose of precise description, as the term "carrying basket" suggests the conical receptacle of other tribes, which is an entirely different affair. The ki&hA, thougli un>yieldy in appearance, is yery light and strong, and heavy loads of wood and other bulky articles may be piled upon the framework, as may be seen in the series of pictures (pi. xxxiv a, 6, c, d), which illustrate the manner in which the kikhk is loaded wliile sot on the ground with the two long front frariie sticks and a separate helping stick (fig. 64), forming a tripod. After loading the kialul, the old dame is seen in h rising to lier feet witli tlie aid of tlie lielping stick. Had she had to carry a l)ab^ in its cradle she would have placed it in a horizontal position on the top of the heap of mesquite wood; as it was, her load weighed nearly 100 pounds, yet she knelt down, engaged her head under the canying strap, and struggled to her feet without assistance (c). The method of unloading is shown in (Z, whore, by bending forward, the entire burden is thrown off clear of the head. Figure 65 illustrates the manner in which a ki&h& net is mended.

As the kiaha is distinctively a woman's utensil, so is it closely associated with her life history. The young girls of 8 or 10 begin to use small ki&hfts made especially for them or that have been cut doAMi from old ones. They learn the methods of loading so that the burden may be stable and of proper bulk, they acquire the necessary nerve and muscle coordinations that enable them in later years to lift loads weighing more than do they themselves, they become inured to the fatigue of long journeys, and they learn to preserve their kiAh&s with care from rain. The maiden must have long and gaily-spotted frame sticks at the front of her ki&h&, which are wound with long hair cords. She uses a helping stick that is ornamented with a long deerskin fringe pendent from the binding at the crotched end (fig. 64). As she walks along with the sharpened end of the stick thrust into the load the fringe hangs above and fon^^ard of her head, swinging at every step or fluttering with every breeze. It is indeed a conspicuous object, and it is not surprising that it should have caught the attention of every passing traveler, whose illustrations of it are uniformly bad.**

As the age of the owner advances she becomes careless of the appearance of her ki&h&, the spots on the frame are less frequently renewed, the cordage grows short and worn, and tlie foresticks of the frame are cut down in length. However, her burdens do not diminish, and the woman here photographed, though her age exceeds the scriptural allotment, is yet able to cany^ more than 100 pounds at a load.

The kiulu\ is of entirely different materials from the ordinary Pima baskets. Wood is used for the four frame sticks, two at the front and two at the rear. Saguaro ribs arc invariabh' used for the purpose, as they are very light, symmetrical, straight, and sufficiently strong. The hoop is a double band of willow.

o"They are highly prized by their owners, as they are very useful to them, and are nmde with much labor. For the only specimen 1 could obtain 1 was obliged to give goods to the value of $10.'' Bartlett, Personal Narrative, ii, 236.

Fig. 04. Uolping stick.

Agave leaf serves for the front matting or apron that rests against the back. Between the front and the frame a roll of bark or cloth is usually placed to prevent chafing. The headband is of the same material as the apron. It is really a circular band that is flattened out and doubled across the forehead.

Human hair is used to attach the hoop to the frame sticks. It is of 2-ply 4-strand cord, which is made fast to the hoop and, after drawing the hoop as high as possible to tighten the net, wound from 10 to 50 times around the frame sticks.

The maguey, Tasylirioni wheeleri, furnishes the fiber for the net (fig. 38). Yucca elata is also a valuable fiber plant and it is probable that the Papagos obtain netting material from Agave heteracantha. The first twox)f these plants are foimd on the higher hills

Fio. 66. Mending \ikhk net.

and mountains of Pimerla, whence they are gathered by parties who go especially for them. Pits are dug and fires are built in them as the maguey is gathered. After the fire has died down it is cleared out and the pits are Uned with small stones. The maguey is spread on these, covered with earth, and allowed to roast over night. After it has be^n removed from the pit the pulp of the roasted plants is scraped away with a deer^s scapula, leaving the fibers a foot or two in length. These are dried, and when they are long a roll 6 inches in diameter will be sufficient for a ki&htl net. Such a roll of fiber is easily transported, and is a recogiiized article for barter between Pimas and Papagos. The spinning of ki&h& thread is a social event, and the women gather for the purpose and gossip merrily as they twist the 2-piy twine, which is rolled into balls that may also be barbukskll]

tered or kept for some time before being made into the nets of conventional pattern (fig. 63)."

After the net has been bound to the hoop by a spirally wound cord that completely covers the latter, it is colored with red and blue dyes in such a manner as to emphasize the outlines of tlie pattern.

Maguey fiber, or horsehair, may be used for the cord which extends from the headband to the frame. It is about 8 mm. in diameter. When of mague}^ it is often so well made as to pass readily for machine-made cordage until we examine it closely.''

Fio. 66. Storage baskets.

Storaqe Baskets

The use of large baskets made especially for storing grain and other supplies was widespread in America. They were and are yet of the highest utility to the Pimas, who have raised an abimdance of com and later of wheat to supply all their own needs and more. Tw^o types prevail: A circular bm of arrow bush covered with bushes and earth (fig. 66), and a globular basket of wheat straw built up by coiling (fig. 67).

a For detail of tho we^iving H«»e Mason's Origins of Primitive Culture, 251; also Report National Museum, 1894, 471, whoro Trofossor Mason makes the statement that the kiahA net, worked in what is " commonly called the buttonhole or luilf-hitch stitch, finds its most northern extension among the Piman stock. Nowhere in the Pueblo trilws is it found, according to the collections in the I' . S. National Museum. But south of the IMman it occurs in Central America, in Ltitin South America as far south as Tlerra del Fuego. where it will be found to l)e the only attempt at textiles. " This is another link in the chain of evidence that separates the I*imas from the llohokam and other I'ueblo peoples.

^ The collection contains an old woman's ki&h&, the forestlcks of which are 1.340 m. long and 3 cm. in dlamo*er at the butt. The shorter sticks are 70 cm. long. The hoop is 65 cm. in diiimeter. The apron is 58 cm. long by 28 cm. wide. The heiidband is 35 cm. long and 8 cm. wide. The accompan>ing helping stick is 1.90 m. long and 22 mm. in diameter; the notch is 6 cm. long and 35 cm. wide at thio opening.

The former type is furnished with a bottom of willow branches. The sides are built up by twisting rolls of arrow bush with the butts thrust into the coil beneath to bind the whole together.** This type is used for storing mesquite beans on the tops of the houses or sheds (fig. 4). They are also built on the ground in groups, which are inclosed by a low fence to protect them from stock. They are made before the harvest begins, and as the coils are large and there is no close work required a large bin may be built up in half a day.

The straw baskets have their coils fastened with strips of wiDow bark about 5 mm. in width. The stitches pass through the upper margin of the last coil and are about 20 mm. apart. The coils are from 1 to 2 cm. in diameter. The baskets are from one-half to 1 i

Fio. 67. Small storage basket, showing weave.

meters in height. They are covered by a circular disk of the same material or, more frequently, by a section of the bottom of an old worn-out basket.

In making these baskets two rolls are carried around at once, but as they are made with some care it takes much longer than to make a bin of arrow bushes. The baskets are made after the harvest, when the straw is available.

a The remains of a basket of this type were found by the writer in June, 1901, when examining the two large cliff-houses about 4 miles south of the Salt river, opposite the mouth of the Tonto. Bandolier gives the ground plan of these structures in Papers of Archeol. Inst., Am. ser., rv, pt. ii, 420. This would suggest relationship with the Pueblo cliff-dwellers (assuming that the place hud not iMvn occupiod recently by Apachos or other invaders ^ were it not for the f;ict that this type of bins, as well as the arbors on which they are built, prevails among the southern California tribes.

BDSSBLL]

ABTIFACTS

Minor Types

Rectangular trinket baskets (fig. 68, a) are made of agave leaves, but neariy all are obtained from the Papagos, as the Pima women seldom make them. They are deeper than broad, somewhat enlarged at the bottom, and are provided with lids.« They are of the twined style of weaving. At a distance of 1 cm. from the interior margin of the lid the warp splints (so tenned for the sake of clearness in description — they are exactly like the weft) are cut and the ends show on the inside of the lid. The weft is continued to the margin, turned back on itself at right angles to form what looks like a separate ring aroimd the lid; at a height of 5 or 6 cm. it is again folded in and the ends of the splints are cut about 1 cm. from the last fold, so as to be concealed from view.

"Medicine" baskets (fig. 68, b) are of the same material and style of weaving as the trinket baskets. They have a characteristic shape — long, square cornered, vnth rounded margin. They are made in two neariy equal parts, one of which slips over the other as a lid.*

Fio. 68. a. Trinket baslcot.

FiQ. 68. b. Medicine basket.

Food bowls of remarkably fine workmansliip and graceful shape were carried by warriors on the warpath. They were used to mix o The collection contuins a 8j)ecimcn of average sir.e, which measures 19 cm. in height, 17 by 18 cm. at the base, and 10 cm. squ&re at the top.

t> The collection contains one very old medicine basket which is 29 cm. long, 10 cm. wide, and 9 cm, deep.

26 ETH— 08 12

pinole in and also served as drinking cups. They were light and indestmctible. They are no longer made and but two were seen on the reservation.

b a

Fio. 63. a. Old ■lcv(>; b, modem sieve.

Head rings of agave leaf (fig. 36, b) are occasionally seen, but they are supposed to have been adopted from the Papagos (see p. 113).

Fio. 70. Slooplng mat.

Oviil sieves were made of willow rods, and wore vctv us(»ful in chMinnig seeds, and in separating juice from pulp in a variety of plants

RUR8ELL]

AKTIFACTS

(fig. 69, a). They have been supplanted by a wire sieve ° made by building a coiled basket rim around a piece of wire netting that has a mesh of 1 mm. (fig. 69, b).^

Bird traps, house doors, shelves, bird cages, and the like verge upon basketry, but these have all been described in connection with other objects of wood.

The hoods of cradles (described on p. lO.S) must bo included in the list of articles of basketry in use by this people. Tliey are of wallow bark cut into strips about 5 mm. wide and woven in tlie simplest checker style. Tliey are light and flexible, and tluis better adapted for their purpose than if made of willow and devil's-claw splints. At the bottom of this hood or shield the strips are gathered into two wrapped bundles, which slip into place on each side of the first transverse bar beneath the baby's head The convexity of the rolls prevents the hood from slipping past the bar and the weight upon them insures stability, while at the same iiir^e the hood may be readily detached.

Sleepinc} Mats

Mats were formerly made by the Punas of the cane, Phragmitis communis, that grew in abundance along the Gila until the water supply became too scant for the maintenance of tliis plant. They are now made of agave leaves by the Papagos, who barter them to the Pimas (fig. 70). They are woven in a diagonal pattern, each splint passing under three others before appearing again, and the wrong side being rough.*^ The splints are softened by soaking at the time of weaving and become somewliat stifl' when dried. The warp and woof are alike, a Twenty-six cm. in <iijinii'ter at the top and 22 at the bottom. Then' an- 7 cdils in the rim, making it 4 cm. deep.

ft The willow .sieve in tho collection was made on request by Sala 1 Huh . as t here a re now none of the old style to be found. It is:iJcni. h>ng. the ends of the rods projecting 3c rn. l>eyon(i the hoop to fonn a sort of handle. The hoop is 2»» cm. wi<le. There arc 4 cross-twisted strands to hold the rods in phice. The willow rods are 2 mm. apart and 2 mm. in tlLimeter.

e Fig. 71 shows the detail of this, with the ends of the splints that have bwn doubled back, showing at a, a, a. Thus the warp splints continue as such to the margin and double back to a as weft. The tinder or what may be called weft splints, similarly treated, appear in the figure at b, b, b. The length of the mat collected is 2.100 m.; width, 1.480 m.

^/iz^il

Ky^i^"

Flo. 71. Detail of sleeping mat.

and extend in a direction oblique to the sides of the mat. At a distance of about 7 cm. from the margin of both sides and ends the warp and weft splints are woven separately to form a double border, which is held together by jingle splints occurring at intervals of about 15 cm.

textiles Spinning

The Pimas no longer spin and weave ; the art is dying with the passing of the older generation. It was with difficulty that enough raw

Fio. 72. Model of loom cotton of Pima raising was secured to make the beginning of a piece of cloth on the small model loom shown in figure 72. This loom was made by the writer's old friend Kft'mftl tk&k, who, though an adept in weaving, could not spin and had to engage a woman to do that portion of the work. She removed the seeds by first spreading out the cotton and beating it with a switch.

K^'m&l tk&k succeeded in finishing the spinning (see spindle, fig. 73) before the writer had an opportunity to witness the process. However, it has been well (icscril)ed by others.^

a Lieutenant Emory thus describes the manner in which It was done in 1840: "A woman was seated on the ground under the shade of the cotton sheds [arbors on which the cotton was spread to dry]. I ler left leg was tucked under her seat and her foot turned sole upwards. Between her big toe and

KU88ELL]

Fortunately, Doctor Palmer obtained in 1885 a complete loom with sample balls of cotton thread (fig. 74) from the Pimas. The warp is smoothly and evenly spun into a thread about 1 nmi. in diameter. The woof threads are softer and are about 3 nun. in diameter; the ball (Museum no. 76012) is 61 cm. in circumference.

Sinew from the back and legs of deer was made into thread and was used in tying cradle bars, shield handles, arrows, ki&hil frames, and even tattooing needles.

An unidentified species of grass, called &'kivlk by the Pimas, is said to have been spun into thread in ancient times. According to the myth, it supplied the son of Com Woman with material for his bowstring. When there is sufficient rain, this grass grows on the Mo'hatdk hills, north of Gila Crossing.

Weaving

The art of weaving was not highly developed among the Pimas, yet the few simple fabrics of cotton which they produced sufficed to satisfy their needs for clothing and adornment." Unlike their neighbors, they have all but abandoned the art of weaving; at no time in their history have they advanced as far as the Pueblo tribes. Where they learned the art or if they developed it themselves we may not know. We can only hazard the guess that they had the ingenuity to imitate the fabrics which the Hohokam left behind or which the Pimas actually saw them using.

Early accounts of the Pimas ^ contain references to their fields of the next was a spindle about 18 inches long, with a single fly of four or six inches. Ever and anon she gave it a twist in a dexterous manner, and at its end was drawn a coarse cotton thread." (Notes, 85.)

" The implements useil by these tribes for spinning and weaving are of the most primitive character. A slender stick about 2 feet long passing through a block of wood, which serves to keep up the momentum impart-ed to it, constitutes the spindle. One end of this rests on a wooden cup inserted between the toes and the other is held and twirled by the flngi»rs of the right hand, while the left hand Is occupied in drawing out the thread from a supply of cotton which is coiled on the left arm in loose rolls." (Bartlett, Personal Narrative, ii. 225.)

The spindle collected is of arrowwood, the cross bar is of cactus rib. Length, 730 mm.; diameter, 7 mm.; length of bar, 175 mm.; width, 31 mm. (Fig. 73.)

o " I suppose that all are proWded with cotton blankets; but, o^^ing to the almost incesMint heat of the day, they seldom wear thoni,*' writ«'s Bartlett (Personal Narrative, ii,'-»29); but in fact there were many poor I'imas whohad no blankets and in winter they must havel>een nilsoral>le, indeed , despite the mildness of the climate. Those who wore unable to weave but were well to <io obtained l)Iankets by bartering corn. l)0«ns, and other produce, or horses at the rate of one horse for two blankets.

b Bartlett (lo8cri]>es the rima method of weaving as follows: " In weaving, the wan> i.s attached to two sticks, an<l strotehed upon the ground by means of stakes. Kach alternate thn»ad of the warp is passed round a pietn^ of cane, whieh. being lifted, opens a passage for the shuttle in the manner of a sley. The operator sits in the fashion of a tailor, and, raising the sley with one hand, with the other passes the shuttle, which is simply a pointed stick ^^ith the thread wound upon it, iK'twiHjn the threads of the warp. The work is l>eaten up after the passage of each thread by the use of a sharp smooth-i'dged instrument made of hard wood. The operation of course progresses slowly, and from the length of time consumed In spinning and weaWng they set a high i)rice upon th<'ir blankets, asking for them ten or twelve dollars in money, or a new woolen blanket of (K|ual size. The weaving is generally done by the old men." (Personal Narrative, ii, 225.)

Fig. 73. Spindle.

cotton, which was picked and spread on the roofs of their arbors to dry in the pod. When dried and separated from the pods it was stored in large ollas, where, if covered, it would keep for an indefinite period in that dry climate. Usually, however, it was stored until winter, when s^ there was time for the women to spin it into threads and for the men to weave it° into squares of cloth which served as robes for protecting the body by day and as blankets by night, girdles for the waist, and similar but smaller bands for the head. In later times it is said that bolts of cloth of considerable length were woven to be bartered with adjoining tribes, but this would seem not to have been in accordance with primitive custom.

Accounts of the Pimas that were written in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries contain references to the use of wool as well as native cotton, but very little information is obtainable concerning the

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L^^B

Fio. 74. Cotton balls, native spinning.

use of wool, and there was not a single sheep on the reservation at the time of the writer's visit.

No dyes were used except a dark buff ocher ^ bartered from the Papagos, into which the cotton was dipped. No mordant was used and the resulting color was neither brilUant nor permanent. However, it was applied only to the selvage thread. Bayeta was imraveled to obtain scarlet thread for belts after the inauguration of trade relations with the Mexicans.

Sewing was unknown, and holes were patched by weaving in a new piece.

Implements and methods. The loom was simpler than that used by the surrounding tribes and was spread horizontally instead of being set upright. Four stakes were first driven firmly in the ground outalt Is of interest to note that this division of labor differs from that of the Hopis and the Ziiflis. b A siiinple of the mineral used was found upon analysis to contain 30.52 per cent ferric oxide.

lining a rectangular space the exact size of the projectfid fabric. A deep layer of clean white sand from the river bed was spread between the stakes to prevent the under surface of the fabric from becoming soiled. The end or yarn beams were of saguaro ribs of suitable size, held in place across the end stakes by cords which were stretched taut at the sides. The beams were about 6 inches from the ground, thus permitting the warp to pass freely around them as it wa.s wound over one and under the other in a continuous thread. A heavy double binding thread, usually dyed buff, was passed through the loops at the ends of the warp and was given a half turn as each loop was caught up. The yarn beams were then removed, leaving a lease rod of arrowwood in place of one of them. . The binding thread was next bound to the yam beams by a heavy thread wound in a spiral from end to end. The warp could then be stretched in place by again putting the beams outside the stakes and pulling the side cords taut. The heald rod was also of arrowwood put in place by passing a loop from a thread that had been slipped through the open shed from the right under each lower warp thread and pushing the rod through the loop from the left.

The weaver sat upon his haunches on the ground or on the cloth when it was finished too far for him to reach from the end. He lowered the lease rod beyond the lieddle and gathered the upper threads in front of the heddle on a slender sharpened rod, which enabled him to lift them high enough to pass the shuttle through. The shuttle was an arrowwood stick to one end of which the weft thread was tied and then passed to the other in a slightly spiral direction; there it was wound twice around and then passed back; thus it was wound from end to end of the shuttle until the latter carried many yards of thread. After the shuttle was passed through the shed the thread was struck home with a flat batten of mesquite wood. If the warp threads were irregular, they were adjusted with a short peg which took the place of the comb used by the other tribes that weave in the Southwest." Two heavy selvage threads lay at the side of the warp, and as the shuttle was passed through the shed it was brought l)etween them and they were given a half turn to engage the woof thread before it passed back in the other shed which was opened by raising the heddle.

The width of the cloth was not well maintained, as there was a strong tendency for it to become narrower, but by the aid of a stretcher or temple this was partially overcome. The temple had two longitudinal grooves separated by a distance equal to the width of the cloth. In each groove was placed a section of willow or arrowwood stem an inch in length, bound with a heavy thread around the stretcher. The outer end of the short stick was sharpened so that it might be pushed a length of the si)wimen coUoctod. 11 cm. It is shown in fig. 72 at tho nutrgin of the finished cloth, where it was pushed under a few threads to hold it in position for photographing.

through the cloth under the selvage, thus rendering the temple readily adjustable.^

The collection contains one old headband** or belt (fig. 75, a), which its owner had laid away wrapped around his long hair which he had been induced to cut off. It is woven from tightly twisted cotton yam, the colors being black, white, green, and yellow, arranged in a zigzag pattern, as shown in the figure. The reverse side is without pattern and not intended to be seen. Another headband *= (fig. 75, b) was made

V ^ ^

HTwaji

9li

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Vui

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Wsf a b

Fio. 75. a, Old belt headband; 5, new beJt headband. ,

The to order and is of a much simpler design and style of weaving, colors are black, white, and red.

There are two belts or headbauds in the National Museum that were collected by Bartlett in 1850. One of these, no. 1789.11, is a a Doctor Palmer collected a Pima loom in 1885, which is now in the National Museum, no. 76006. The beams are of cactus wood, 1.410 m. long, 6cm. in diameter. The heddle Is of arrowwood, the same length as the beams, and is 8 mm. in diameter. The blanket, which is about half finished, is 57 cm. wide and 1.100 m. long. The selvage is not dyed, but there is a red weft thread 29 cm. from the end and a second one near it which passes across the middle third of the oloth. The batten is 91 cm. long. 25 nun. vndQ. and the shuttle 92 cm. The cloth is smoothly and evenly woven, ha'tng 8 warp and 11 woof threads to the inch.

b Length, 1.000 m.; width, (io nun.

e 1/cngth, 2.270 m.; width, 57 mm.

fine specimen of double weaving." It is of tightly twisted cotton thread in dark blue, red, yellow, and whit^. The fringe threads are braided together so that two colors are united in each strand.

The other belt, no. 178910, is also double, and woven in dark blue, light blue, buff, red, and white.^

The abandonment of the art of weaving these simple fabrics with their tasteful patterns is unfortunate. Their loss is relieved by no compensatory improvement in other directions.^

ARCHITECTLTRE

In their natural state the Pimas built dwellings of four different ty^pes besides a storehouse. First in importance is the round, flatroofed ki, which resembles an overturned wash basin in shape. Notwithstanding the fact that some have declared that the Piman ki' suggests the pueblo style of architecture and should therefore be admitted as evidence of relationship between the Ilohokam and Pimas, the author must confess that he has been unable to detect the remotest resemblance to the pueblo t-pe. On the contrary, analogies may be found with the dwellings of tribes nmch farther distant from Pimeria. The ki is built by the men, who gather in parties of ten or fifteen for the purpose — a custom which affords another instance of a different division of labor from that in vogue among the Pueblos, as with them the house building is the work of women/ Though the Pimas have had an example of pueblo structure at their very doors ever since they have inhabited the Gila valley, in the nol)le Casa Grande, the walls of which yet rise 30 feet above the plain, and have seen the adobe buildings of the Spaniards and Mexicans for three hundred and fifty years, nevertheless they have continued to construct houses of the simplest type that are but little better than temporary shelters. The first Piman adobe house was built by the head chief, Antonio Azul, twenty-two years ago, and since that time the people have made very commendable progress. Some villages — such, for example, as Blackwater — now contain few dwellings that are not of adobe. However, there are others, such as SkA'kalk, that retain the old-time ki. As an inducement toward progress, the Indian Department or its authorized agent has stipulated that a man must cut off his long hair and build an adobe house before he may receive a wagon from the Government. The n length, 2 in.; width, ♦icm.; length of fringe, 15 cm.

ft Length, 2.(KJ m.: width, «m mm. The fringe is 20 cm. in length and neatly braided.

c Frobel, who viMited the Pimas half a century ago, says of their weaving. ■ Man w Qrdc sich al)erirren wenn man giaubtc. dass diese KUnste durt'h die Bekchnmg zum Christenthum ])ofordert worden seien. Im Gegentheilo sind sie <ladurch in V'crfjill gerathen. dcnn bei den heidnifK'hen Pimas findet uian dleselben in eincm hoheren (Jrade vou Vollkommenhelt." Aiis Amerika. li, 440.

<*lt is worthy of note that the southern California Coahuilla [Kawia] similarly differ from other American Indians. In that tribe, also, the houses (jacals) aro built by the men. See D. P. Barrows in American Anthropologist, n. s., 1901, iii, 71)5.

fETH. A XX. liO

old custom of destroying the buildings at the death of their owners has practically disappeared, but its retarding influence upon architectural development continued throughout the aboriginal period.

Usually but one family occupies a single dwelling, though sometimes two and even three related families live together. If there are two, their sleeping mats are plac^ on each side of the entrance, so that in sleeping the heads may be toward the east, the door being on that side in order that tlie inmates may rise early to greet the Day god as he appears over the distant summits of the Sierra Tortilla. A more practical motive for placing the doors on the east side is to avoid the southwest winds which blow in the afternoon during nearly the entire year and which are especially strong during the month of March. The wind usually begins to blow at about 10 in the morning and increases to a velocity of 10 miles an hour by midafternoon, after which it decreases until midnight.

Types

The general plan of the house is shown in the accompanying diagram . (fig. 76). The central supporting framework is usually entirely of cottonwood, though other timber is sometimes used. The lighter framework showTi in plate XXXV, a, is of willow, on which is laid the arrowwood, cattail reeds, wheat straw, cornstalks, or similar material that supports the outer layer of earth. The roof is supported by four crotched posts set in the ground 3 or 4 m. apart, with two heavy beams in the crotches." Lighter cross poles are laid on the last, completing the central framework. Light willow poles are set half a meter in the ground around the periphery of the circle, their tops are bent in to lap over the central roof poles, and horizontal stays are lashed to them with willow bark. The frame is then ready for the covering of brush or straw. Although earth is heaped upon th^ roof to a depth of 15 or 20 cm. it does not render it entirely waterproof. When finished the ki is verA' strong and capable of withstanding heavy gales or supporting the weight of the people who may gather on the roof during festivals.

Fig. 76. Diagram of houfie. Scale: 1 inch — 10 feet.

a '• For the larger dwellings nine are used -three on eaeh side and one in the tenter." Bartlett, Personal Narrative, ii, L'.'lX

Lieutenant Emory estimated the size of the ki at from 25 to 50 feet in diameter," which is much too high. From 10 to 25 feet would have heen much nearer the true diameter. The average dimensions are as foUows:

Meters

Circuuiforcnco 18. 59

Interior diamotor 5. 48

Interior hoiji:ht 1.72

Distance betwet»n main sup|x)r1 ing p<)8t.'» 2. 28-2. 43

Distance between i>ost8 and walls 91-1. 60

Diameter of rafters .08

Distance between rafters .30

Distance between horizontal ribs .30

Distance between arched willow ribs .20

Height of door .81

Width of d<K)r .01

The absence of a smoke hole is noteworthy, as it is almost universally present in primitive dwellings. Its absence can not be explained by the fact that the mildness of the cUmate permits the Pimas to spend most of their time in the open air and build their fires outside, because in winter fires are maintained within to such an extent that the roofs become loaded with masses of soot. Tt would seem probable that the roofs were not provided with openings in order that the houses might be as little open to the attack of the Apaches as possible were it not for the fact that the Cocopas and others living southwest of the Pimas build huts similarly devoid of smoke vents, which suggests that the Pimas have come from that (juarter where the torrid heat renders indoor fires unnecessar' at any season. The doorways were low and narrow for the same reason (00 by 90 cm. in size). They were closed by pieces of old blankets (pi. xxxv, h), by slats woven together with rawhide, or by loose sticks of wood (pi. xxxv, f,f).

In each village a low rectangular council house afforded a meeting place for the men and at times the women also of the community. Rev. C. II. Cook informs the writer that he has addressed an audience of as many as 80 persons in one of these houses, all bending low to avoid the smoke. The last council hous(» was destroyed at P6-eptcIlt in January, 1002.

Another form of dwelling place was the woman's menstrual lodge, which was a mere shelter of branches to aflord protection from the sun.

The fourth type of dwelling is the arbor, or, as some of the early writers termed it, ''the bower." It is a cottimwood framework supported by crotched posts, roofed with arrowwood and earth, affordmg a shade from the sun, from which protection is desirable during

<i Notes, p. tA.

the greater part of the year. The roof furnishes a convenient place for drying squashes, melons, fruit, and, in the old days, cotton, where the dogs and poultry can not disturb them. Under its shade the olla of drinking water is set in a crotched post or is suspended from above by a maguey fiber net. Here two parallel ropes may be hung and a cloth folded back and forth upon itself across them, thus forming an impromptu hammock in which to swing the baby. Here the metate and mortar are usually seen, and here the women sit and weave baskets or perform such other labor as may be done at home. It is the living room throughout the day the year around, and now that the fear of Apaches has gone it is becoming the sleeping place as well. From a hygienic point of view it is a great pity that the Pimas are learning to build adobes, for the tendency is for them to live indoors and to abandon the healthful arbors, every inch of whose floors is purified by a burning sun that throws its sterilizing rays well under the arbor during the ihoming and afternoon. Tuberculosis is present in nearly every family, and it is difiicult, if not impossible, for the agency physician to induce those stricken with it to remain out of doors; they invariably confine themselves within the bacilli-laden dwellings. The arbor is kept well swept and clean, as is the entire yard about the house, so that a more healthful habitation could not be devised. Occasionally one or more sides of it may be inclosed with arrowwood through which the cool breezes readily find their way.

Beside each dwelling will be found a rectangular storehouse built with a framework of about the same shape and size as the arbor, but with walls of upright okatilla trunks or cactus ribs. The large bush, Baccharis glutenosa, is often used for this purpose. It is seen in its natural state in plate xxi, b; also surrounding the unit figure in plate xxxvi and forming the walls of the storehouse in plate XXXV, /. Plate IX, 6, illustrates the okatilla, Fouquiera splendens, as it grows on the mesas within 2 miles of Sacaton. Each stem is crowned with a brilliant spray of scarlet flowers. Plate xxxv, d, shows the framework of a storehouse at the right and the finished wall of arrow bush in the center. Plate xxxv, «, is a complete storehouse with arro^^wood bins for mesquite beans on the roof. Sometimes mud or adobe is added to the walls, which renders the structure equivalent to the Mexican jacal. The most noticeable feature is the door, made by piling up a great heap of unwieldy logs before the opening.

While not to be dignified by the name of house or dwelling, the Pima kitchen is an extremely practical afl'air, as will be realized by anyone who attempts to cook on an open fire exposed to storms. Plates VI, bj and xxxvi show the manner of arranging these windbreaks, for they are nothing more. In exposed situations the sand

in time accumulates in a drift of sufficient height to require a change of location. Not all families have such a kitchen, and there is reason to believe that it has been adopted from neighboring tribes in recent years.

CLOTHING

The description of Pima clothing need not be long. Throughout fully three-fourths of the year clothing for protection is quite unnecessary in that region, and that worn in winter was of the simplest character. The history^ of Pima clothing may be divided into four periods, namely: The first, in which natural products, little modified, were employed; the second, in which native textiles were introduced; the third, in which more or less remote imitations of Mexican costumes were in vogue; and the present period, when very plain and serviceable clothing is purchased from the whites.

Materials ani> Types

In primitive times the men wore breech-cloths (pi. xxxvii, a, h) and the women kilts that fell to the knee, both made of the soft and flexible inner bark of the willow, which is used by some among the Colorado River tribes to the present day. During the brief season when the temperature approached the freezing point at night the men wore deerskin shirts, and when abroad upon stony trails encased their feet in red-dyed moccasins, also of deerskin. P'or protection at home both sexes wore rawhide sandals, which appear to Caucasian eyes all too scant protection for the feet where nature arms most species, animate or inanimate alike, with tooth and claw."

After the adoption of the art of weaving, the cotton blanket was worn in winter, and in summer also by the women, who girded it, doubled, around their waists with maguey cords, neatly woven belts, or merely tucked one edge within the other. When the winds from the sacred caves blew cold upon their shoulders they were shielded by the outer fold of blanket, which was drawn up around the neck; at least by all save the widow, who dared not raise the blanket above the armpits during the period of mourning. Plate xxxvi illustrates the mode of wearing this garment. As the blanket hung to the knees it might be converted by the men into baggy trousers by looping a cord from the girdle behind down between the legs and drawing it up in front. Some there were too poor or too strongly beset by the passion for gambling long to retain the single fabric that serv-ed for clothing by day and bedding by night, and they were compelled to resort to the bark garments of the ancients. Another material avail-

• As an example of this tendency of fiesert plants to clothe themselves with annor, mention may he appropriately made of the crucifixion thorn, Ilolocantha emoryi, as it grows abundantly upon the mesas between the Gila 'illagert and the Salt Kiver Pima settlement. 30 miles northward. It becomes a amali leafless tree that is a tangle of thorny spikes, each a hand's breadth in length (pi. xxi, c).

able for winter blankets was rabbit skins, which were cut in strips and b.raided together in the manner customary among so many American tribes.

During the Spanish and Mexican regime the sombrero found favor, and even yet the steeple crown of this head gear may occasionally be seen. The women adopted a sleeveless chemise, which they wear to some extent to-day; it is shown in plate xxxviii, 6, though usually no longer worn by a woman so young. A few women also follow the Mexican fashion of covering their heads with improvised mantillas — usually towels or aprons — as shown in figure 5, where the costumes of a group of both sexes are well shown. This %new was taken at the agency, and as they were unaware of the author*s presence with the camera, which was kept concealed, the posing was perfectly natural. When the summer heat l>egins to be felt the older men strip to the breechcloth, as sho^-n in plate xxxvii, a, b, when they are about their homes.

ESTHETK^ ARTS

Personal Decoration

The Pimas of to-day are rapidly adopting the personal adornments of their civilized neighbors. With the exception of the manner of treating the hair, the old methods of enhancing personal beauty have been alihost entirely abandoned. Judging from the statements made by the old people, this art could never have reached the development among the Pimas that it did among the Pueblos. Their status recalls that of the Yuman tribes on the great river to the westward.

Pride of person manifested itself among the men in the care of the hair and the elaboration of the designs painted uix)n the skin. Feathers and beads were also worn in abundance. When through uncleanly habits a man became too filthy his associates said " skulof,'' **He smells like an old man." But the whole tribe has a characteristic odor that is easily detected by the nasal organs of the whites; even the scIuk)1 children who are regularly bathed and well clothed exliibit this characteristic.

HAIR

Men wore their hair long (see pi. xliii, c); that of the old chief Tiahiatam reached to his heels when he stood upright, but usually the hair fell about to the waist. At the age of 20 the young men began to braid or twist their hair into skeins, which retained the hairs shed -anil other tilings besides — a man^elously convenient abiding place for microbes. It was the fashion to wear the skeins cut s(|uarely across at the bottom, and they did not scniple to piece out their shorter locks with hair from the tails of their horst^s. Soinotimes, indeed, they even added the hair of their women, who trinuned their hair in mourning for lost relatives. The skeins were from 1 to 2 cm. in diameter; the hair of one old man, purchased from him, is 1.1 m. long; one of the skeins has been broken in the middle and tied in a hard knot. Such flowing locks could not, of course, be worn unconfhicd at all times; they were usually wound around the head and inclosed beneath a headband or l)y a cord of variegated colors (pi. xi.iii,tf; sec also fig. 75). The earlocks that are the pride of so many tribes were sometimes braided by the Pimas and ornaments of shell, heme, and, later, tin and scarlet cloth, were tied to them. The front hair was cut squarely across the forehead.

The eyelashes and eyebrows were not t ampered \vith, but the scanty beard was plucked out with tweezers. The hair of children was formerly *'cut" with a burning brand whenever it reached their shoulders, in order that it might grow more abundantly. The portion cut off was mixed with nuid and plastered on the head again for a few hours that it might improve the growth of the new hair. It was an evil omen if the child should chance to touch the hair just cut from liis head, for was it not a sign that he would steal the sacred salt?

Women wore their hair long, but not twisted into skeins as was that of the men, and, furthermore, they were accustomed to cut it in moumhig to a nmch greater extent than the men, so that it never attained extreme length. When at work it was twisted up on the head in a temporary coil that was confined by any convenient cord or bit of cloth. Unless engaged in vigorous exercise, as grinding with the metate, the older women allowed their hair to hang loose (pi. xxxviii,a, XLVi, c). The front hair was trimmed to fall just clear of the eyes, as in same plate, b. Incidentally, it thus prot«ct«d the eyes from the sun, though it is (juestionable how far the originators of the fashion were conscious of this useful purpose. Above all else the hair was the pride of Pima women ; twice at least each day it was brushed until it shone in smooth, ebony waves that were ever luxuriantly abundant. ** Every once in a while," or about onc^ a week, the hair was treated to a mud bath made by mixing black river nmd with mescjuite gum and allowing the plaster to remain over night (pi. xxxviii, c). Sonietimes the gum was diluted with warm water and applied as a wash before the mud was laid on. The mud killed the vermin and cleansed the hair as does soap The gum is believed to darken the hair and prevent it from growing gray. The Pimas declan* that when widows mourn for four years without washing their hair it becomes a rusty red from being burned by the sun. The method of cleaning the hair above described is still practised, even by the yomiger generation.

NAILS

Finger nails were bitten off when they reached a troublesome length. The nails of the toes received little attention, and in old persons to-day they are seen of inordinate length, curled over the ends of the toes.

TEETH

Many brown teeth were seen, but no satisfactory information was obtained as to the cause. All agreed that the red berry of Licium fremontii would temporarily blacken the teeth, but as the Kwahadk^s and Papagos, who do not eat this berry, have the darkened teeth, some other cause must be sought. Rumex berlandieri, Rumex hymenosepalus, and a thorny weed called by the Pimas sd/MJcam iavak are also said to blacken the teeth. Charcoal was used to clean the teeth before the advent of the whites, and the practice is still continued.

PAINTING

In bags of deerskin or cloth (fig. 77, a, I) bright-hued ochers. and other minerals were kept with which to paint the face, and body.* Baby Pima had his face painted immediately after birth with red ocher mixed with his mother's milk *Ho improve his skin.^' Thereafter the paint was mixed with grease or the grease was applied to the skin first and the paint was added. In cold weather the grease and color were applied to prevent chapping and even for the sake of warmth. Usually the a Upon the four samples of face paint that were collected at Sacaton and submitted for analysis the following report was received: "It was found that with the exception of traces of manganese in 24884 and 24887 the color of these substances in due to varying amounts of iron as modified by the presence of and combination ^%ith other substances which by themselves possess practically no coloring power.

**The percentages of iron (cnlculiitod ns ferric oxide) found in these samples are as follows:

No 24883 6.13 No.24885 13.87

NO.24884 1.28 No.24887: 9.68

Fio. 77. 'Paint bags, a, Deerskin; b, cloth.

face alone was painted, but during festivals and on other special occasions the entire body was painted. On dress occasions the lines on the face were made much narrower, and instead of being applied with the hands the color was laid on with a splinter or twig of arrowwood 2 mm. wide by 80 mm. long. Both men and women painted their bodies and both used the same colors on their faces, but in different proportions. The men used more black and were especially careful to intensify the tattoo marks. The women also emphasized the tattooing, and there were black lines, therefore, under the eyes of both sexes, sho^^ong that the permanent embellishment was regarded as especially significant.

The designs were simple vertical and transverse lines, as shown in plate XXXVIII, d. The paint was not often washed off, but additional lines were added as the design became effaced. Each person painted his own face and used an olla of water as a mirror. The men painted the hair of the frontal region either white or red in preparing for a dance, and never both colors at the same time. The women painted their hair in spots and bands of white.

Besides the yellow ocher obtained from the Sk^6wallk hills (pi. XVI, a), the yellow pollen of the cat-tail, Typha angustifoliaLinn., was used. Red was obtained from the Mohaves, and in recent years from the Yumas. From the latter also was bartered the bluish black specular iron ore that gliste*ned on the warrior^s cheeks.. Red and white were brought by the Papagos from out of the vast desert to the southward, the mineral resources of which are yet scarcely known to the invading race. Lastly, diamond dyes were used to some extent, but their day was short, for now no Pima paints at all. Indeed, it was with difficulty that two persons could be hired to paint their faces that the writer might photograph them.

If in the pristine period of Pimerfan history the lines upon the rich brown skins were meant to symbolize the thought or fancy of the artists, no knowledge of the fact has survived the vicissitudes of war and strife through the centuries. To-<lay they are meaningless and to-morrow will have been forgotten.

TATTOOING

A few lines were tattooed on the faces of both men and women. Thorns and charcoal were used in the operation. The thorns were from the outer borders of the prickly-pear cactus; from two to four were tied together with loosely twisted native cotton fiber to enlarge the lower portion to a convenient size for grasping, while the upper end was neatly boimd with smew. The charcoal, from either willow or mesciuite wood, was pulverized and kept in balls 2 or 3 cm. in diameter (fig. 78). 26 ETU— 08 13

Both men and women did the work, but the female artist was preferred, as ^'she was more careful." Their fees were small and uncertain, as the operation was not one calculated to expand the heart of the victim and induce him to pay generously. The lines were drawn on the face first in dry charcoal, then some of the powdered charcoal was mixed with water, and the thorns were dipped into this and pricked into the skin along the outlines. As the operation progressed the face was frequently washed to see if the color was being well pricked in. Two operations were necessary, though it sometimes took more; one operation occupied an entire day. For four days thereafter the face remained swollen, and throughout that period the wound was rubbed with charcoal daily. At the end of that time a wash of squash seeds macerated in water was applied. Sometimes the lips were slow in healing and the individual was compelled to subsist upon pinole, as the swollen lips and chin forbade partaking of solid food; during this time the squash applications were continued.

The men were tattooed along the margin jf N of the lower eyelid and in a horizontal line m^ across the temples. Tattooing was also

■ carried across the forehead, where the patr^^^ ^L tern varied from a wavy transverse line to

^^^ ^^^ ^f short zigzag vertical lines in a band that

^^H ^^m ^V was nearly straight from side to side. Oc-

^^V ^^V fn I casionally a band was also tattooed around

^^ ^^ ^ ] the wrist.

The women had the line imder the lids, Pio.ra. Tattooing outfit, a, Ilea- ^ ^id the men; but instead of the lines quite charcoal; 6, wiuow char- upon the forehead they had two vertical coal; c. needles. y^^^ ^^ ^^^j^ ^j^^ ^j ^j^^ ^j^^ ^j^^j^ ^^_

tended from the hp to the inferior margin of the jaw and were united by a broad bar of tattooing, which included the whole outer third of the mucous membrane of the lip on* either side.

The tattooing was done between the ages of 15 and 20; not, it would seem, at the time of puberty, but at any time convenient to the individual and the operator. Oftentimes a bride and groom were tattooed just after marriage. All the older Pimas are tattooed, but the young people are escaping this disfigurement. As in the case of painting, the practice of the art is passing away and the meaning of the designs is unkno^\Ti. The Pimas aver that the lines prevent wrinkles; thus fortified they *' retain their youth." The purely apocryphal theory that the women about to be married have their lower eyelids tattooed, that they may thereafter *Mook at no man except their husband," is untenable, as we shall see when we come to study their marriage customs.

ORNAMENTATION

ORNAMENTS

Both sexes, but especially the men, wore strands of beads suspended from their ear lobes and necks. The beads and gorgets were of disks cut from seasliells, stone, more or less wTought, hone carved and decorated, small deer bones without other manipulation than drilling, and turcjuoise, which was usually rubbed into flat rectangular pendants, l^pon the arms of the women and on the right arm of the men were bracelets of similar materials. The men wore on the left arm a soft coyote skm wTist guard or one of rawhide for t he bowstring. Large beads of blue Venetian glass were brought by the earliest Spanish missionaries, and are now to be found scattered about the sacred places of the Pimas.

*'A very brave man^' pierced the septum of his nose and wore therein a skewer of neatly polished bone, or else suspended from it a bit of turcjuoise or a shell. Two men yet living in the Santan 'illage have pierced noses, though they long ago abandoned the practice of wearing anything in them. Indeed, all the old-time ornaments have been al)an(loned, and the Pimas exhibit a marked contrast to the beadcovered Navahos and other tribesmen.

The men ornamented their long rope-like locks with the soft breast feathers of the eagle, turkey, or other large bird. The war headdresses were of eagle, hawk, and owl wing feathers. We secured one that contained the hair of an Apache warrior in addition to the feathers (fig. 40).

Contestants in the relay and distance races wore an ornament in their hair that suggests those of the Yumas, which in turn resemble the '*eyes'^ of the Iluichols."

The women twined in their hair coronets of sunflowers or of com husks, in recent years colored red or blue by boiling with calico.

Ornamentation

We have seen that the Pimas, by means of paint, tattooing, and ornaments, had developed the art of personal decoration to a considerable extent. When we examine their implements and weapons it soon becomes evident that their taste for ornamentaticm was more rudimentary. Indeed, their desire for embellishment seldom reached expression in carving: it was confined chiefly to painting, as in the case of shields, or to the smooth finish giv(»n to their bows. Paint-

^::li

FiQ. 7\h Runner's hair ornament.

a Such an ornament was made for the writer's collection ])y Sika'tcu of arrowwood with four hooks of devils' claw attarhe<l to it with sinew. The hooks arc arranged in the sarr.o plane and curved downward us shown in flgure 79. The upper pair are wound with blue strings terminating with b'lfl at the tips. Total length, 237 mm.; spread of hooks, 170 mm.

ing upon shields, cradle hoods, ki&h&s, and tobacco pouches was of a crude sort and manifestly inferior to that upon the person. The moderately smooth finish given to all weapons, to trays, ladles, pottery paddles, fire-drills, awls, pestles, axes, basketry, and some pottery was of course based upon utilitarian motives, though the gratification of esthetic needs must have been subsidiary thereto and concomitantly developed. That the desire for embellishment was less consciously felt is evident from the fact that the other articles made by the Pimas that may be equally effective, when smoothness and sjmimetry are lacking are coarse and rough. The metate, for example, is imhewn and angular except upon the grinding surface and presents a striking contrast to the symmetrical metates of the Hohokam. Not only do the Pimas not give a pleasing finish to all artifacts, but they exhibit so dull an esthetic sense in their treatment of the beautiful polished axes that they find about the ruins that we are moved alike by pity and indignation. There are tons of stones within easy reach of the villages suitable for roughening the grinding surfaces of metates, yet the Pimas take the axes that are almost perfect in symmetry and poUsh and batter them into shapeless masses for the purpose. To the writer this affords an argument stronger than all the surmises of the early Spanish writers to the contrary that the Pimas are not the descendants of the Hohokam. Furthermore, the poverty of design and the absence of symbolism are a very strong indication of relationship with the California tribes rather than with the Pueblos.

One of the most striking examples of the poverty of esthetic resource among the Pimas is seen in their textiles. The wonderful possibilities of this art were almost unknown. True, after the whites brought bayeta to them their weavers produced a very creditable belt by closely copying the ornamentation from the Hohokam relics and from their southern congeners. But the principal pieces, the blankets, the weaving of which kept the art of making textile fabrics alive, were ornamented with nothing more elaborate than a dingy border of doubled selvage threads. After the red thread was imported we find scant trace of it in the blankets. However, we must credit the Pimas with the rudimentary esthetic sense that found expression in the smoothness and evenness of weaving in these plain white blankets.

The arts of basketry and pottery making do not furnish much evidence of a well-developed esthetic sense in the Pimas. The former art is recent and borrowed; at best it is in a mediocre state. If the baskets of the Pimas are compared with those of the Yavapais (pi. xxxiii, a, hj Cj d), who have also begun to use similar motives very recently, we see that the latter tribe manifests superior taste. The Yavapai baskets were the only ones at the Fort McDowell camps at the time of the writer's visit, so that they were certainly not selected specimens, whereas the Pima baskets, and particularly the upright forms, which the writer did not collect himself, were better than the average Pima product. The Yavapai baskets command just double the price in the open market that is paid for Pima baskets of equal size. The principle of rhythm is well understood by the Pima basket makers, as the illustrations show. Both the simple elements, such as the so-called coyote tracks, or plain triangles, and the more complex, such jis the flower pattern, or the scroll fret, are frequently repeated. But the principle pf symmetry is not so well developed and it is rare that a basket exhibits it. The specimen in figure 62 shows that its maker possessed this faculty.

It is rare that the descent of pottery making from basketry is reversed, but among the Pimas this is true to some extent; that is, the basketry designs are in part copied from the pottery of the Hohokam. In part they were adopted from the Maricopas. The pottery designs likewise are copied, so that the credit due to the Pima decorators is reduced to a minimum. Their wares are mostly unornamt»nted, as we have seen, and the decorations that are used are applied with indifferent taste. Though they have abundant examples of fictile ware scattered over their fields, much of which is embellished by indented coils, they seem never to have conceived the idea of utilizing this simple though effective form of ornamentation. The pottery illustrated in this memoir is rather better, than the average Pima ware. The Kwahadk' pottery, while superior to the Piman, is yet lacking in symmetry. It is pleasing by reason of the rich brown color and the polish that almost equals a glaze, but the ornamentation is crude and vastly inferior to that of the ancient Ilohokam.

We can not explain the inferiority of Piman ornamentation by saying that the Pimas had degenerated because they were harried by the Apaches and Yumas until they had no energy or inclination left for indulging their esthetic tastes, for this is not true. They whipped the Yumas until the latter were ready to accept peace upon any terms, as appears from the calendar records, which are well authenticated bv white testimony. They kept the Apaches in wholesome fear of their clubs and arrows and made frequent raids into the enemy's territory. They never hesitated to attack the Apaches in equal numbers and fight hand to hand. In short, they were not the degenerates that some have considered them, an error that the records of Pima scouts accompanying the United States army in Apache campaigns would do much to dispel." Their backwardness a Early accounts of the Pimas unifonnly testify to their ability to fight their enemies. They "have . everl>een numerous and brave." wrote darc^^s a century and a quarter ago (Schoolcraft, ill, 299), and in IK'>9 Mowry dit'hired. "The Pimas and Apaches wage hereditar>' and fierce war, in which the Pimas are generally the victors." Arizona and Sonora, third edition, p. 30.

can not be explained by their environment, because the same surroundings produced the superior cultiwe of the Hohokam, which there is no reason to believe was not indigenous. It may be surmised that the Pimas would have accomplished more in recent years in the art of ornamentation if they had adopted the curved knife that has become so widespread among other American Indians since the advent of the whites. A full discussion of the factors that have influenced their culture would better be deferred until after an examination of the evidence furnished by social organization (which through the absence of totemism has not directly influenced their art), by history, and by religion.

Musical Instruments

, The Pimas have four kinds of musical instruments — the flute or flageolet, the basket drum, the scraping stick, and the rattle, the last having many forms. They say that the first two instruments were adopted from the Maricopas within a century or two. If this be true Pima attainments in instrumental music must have been of a very modest character indeed. There are few flutes to be found and the drum is never heard except in ceremonies which are themselves becoming increasingly rare. The gourd rattle is the commonest form of the last class of instruments.

FLUTE

Fio. 80. Flutes.

The Pima or Maricopa flute is of cane cut of such a length that it includes two entire sections and about 4 cm. of each of the two adjoining. It therefore contains three diaphragms, of which the two end ones are perforated, while the middle one is so arranged that the air may pass over its edge from one section into the other. This is done by burning a hole through the shell of the cane on each side of the diaphragm and joining them by a furrow. With such an opening in the upper section the instrument can not be played unless a piece of bark or similar material be wrapped over all but the lower portion of the furrow to direct the air into the lower section. The forefinger of the left hand is usually employed as a stop if no permanent wrapping directs the current of air so that it may impinge upon the sharp margin of the opening into

BUH8ELL]

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

the second section." As there are but three finger holes the range of notes is not great and they are very low and plaintive.

These instruments are usually ornamented with treometric designs having no symbolic significance at the present time among the Pimas. A bit of cloth or ribbon is sometimes attached to the middle of the flute, as in specimen r, figure 80.**

DRUM

Any shallow basket of sufficient size, such as are in common use in every household for containing grain or prepared food, maybe transformed into a dnim by simply turning it bottom up and beating it with the hands. In accompanying certain songs it is struck with a stick in rapid glancing blows.

SCRAPING STICK

The notched or scraping stick is in very general use to carry the rhythm during the singing of ceremonial songs. When one end of the stick is laid on an overturned basket and another stick or a deer's scapula is draA\Ti quickly over the notches the resulting sound from this compound instrument of percussion may be compared with that of the snare drum. However, it is usually held in the hand and rasped with a small stick kept for the purpose. So important are these instruments in Pima rain ceremonies that they are usually spoken of as '*rain sticks."

There are four scraping sticks in the collection. One of these (fig. 81, a), is smoothly cut, tapering, and evidently very old. The wood has not been identified, though it resembles iron wood. There are six small notches at the side of the handle, possibly fulfilling some mnemonic purpose. At the base of the series of notches is a broad X ; there is another at the middle, and evidences of a third appear at the tip, which is broken away. There are 36 deep transverse b c d e f

Fig. 81. Scraping stick?.

a "The principle of its construction is Twlievcd to \ro dlllerpnt from uny known among other tribes or nations. TIicho instnnnonts arc common with the Coco-Maricopus. and Yunias or Cuchuans, and among the triU's on the Colorado. Young men serenade their female friends with them." >\Tiipple, Pac. R. U. Rep., ii. 52.

6 Length of nut4«a (fig. 80), 364 mm.; diameter, 22 iimi.: b, length, 518 nmi.; diameter, 23 mm.; r, length, 512 mm.; diameter. 22 mm. FluU> r has an old pale yellow necktie tied around the middle as an ornament and to direct the air past the diaphragm.

notches on the lower part and 49 on tKe upper.^ This stick was used for the cure of the piholt disease (p. 265) and was probably obtained from the Yaquis. The other three sticks (c, e,f) are much rougher and are undoubtedly of Pima make. The two large ones (c, e) have deep notches, which are few in number.*

RATTLES

The gourd rattle is used in most Pima ceremonies. It is made by fitting a wooden handle to a gourd in which gravel have been placed. The handle passes through the center and, reduced in diameter, projects slightly from the larger end, as shown in figure 82,*^ which also illustrates the distribution of the perforations, which are said to be for the purpose of * letting the sound out." It wnll be observed that the sacred number 4 is represented by the principal lines of holes extending longitudinally. About a dozen specimens were seen and none were decorated in any way except in the arrangement of the perforations; the handles were invariably rudely made.

A di^k rattle that has been used in the Navitco ceremonies was secured at the village of Pe'-eptcflt. It is not a Pima instrument, but whether Papago or Yaqui the writer can not say. It c^ontains two sets of four tin disks loosely held by wires passing through a wooden handle. The sound emitted resembles that of tambourine rattles (fig. 83).^ From the same individual who used the disk rattle the writer obtained a rattle that had been used as a belt during the Navitco ceremonies.

It is made of successive layers of canvas, red cotton cloth, oilcloth, and an old braided hatband, to which are attached by leather strings 21 brass cartridge shells (fig. 84).

There are two sets of cocoon rattles in the collection that were worn on the calves of the legs in certain ceremonies. The cocoons were

Fig. 82. Gourd rattle.

FiQ. 83. Disk rattle.

a Length, r>7.) mm.; width, 25 mm.; thickness, 15 mm. The accompanying stick <6) used to scrape with is 494 mm. long.

ft Scraping stick (fig. 81. c), is 630 imn. long, 19 mm. In diameter, and has 11 notches: c is 625 mm. long, 26 mm. in diamet^^r, with 12 notches; / is 5.'>5 mm. long, 11 mm. in diameter, and is provided with 35 shallow notches.

c length, 332 nmi.; diameter, 90 mm.; diameter of handle, 25 mm.

d Length, 247 mm.; diameter, 36 ram.; diameter of disks, 40 mm.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

obtained from the Papagos or Yaqiiis of Sonora. They are of a species of bombycid moth; their outer coverings have been removed,** and a few gravel have then been sewed in each cocoon. There are

Flo. 84. Belt rattle.

70 pairs of cocoons in one strand and 66 in the other (fig. 85) . The rustling sound given out by this number of rattles is not unlike the warning of the rattlesnake.^

Fio. 85. Cocoou rattlo^

At the village of Stu'aton Flats at least one turtle-shell rattle is still used in the treatment of the ** turtle disease," although no specimen of such rattle was seen.

a" The lliiiihola use the coioons of Attacus orizaba for necklaces." Luinholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians, 189.

b Each cocoon now measures 30 nmi. in length by 25 mm. in breadth. The entire strands are 1.000 m. long.

Hoof rattles, usually of dewclaws, were of universal distribution among the American Indians and were common among the Pimas, though none are to be found at the present day. Bartlett figures such a rattle in his Personal Narrative (ii, 223).

Dancing

Dancing was frequently indulged in by both sexes and w^as accompanied by song, together with instrumental music furnished by the basket drum and the rattle. The dancers stood in a circle with arms extended across the shoulders of those adjoining. This position did not permit much freedom, and movements were confined to stamping the feet and bending the body. When food was plentiful dances might occur at any time. Their number increased and their moral character sadly deteriorated as the men relaxed their vigilance after peace was made with the Apache^s. The energy formerly expended on the warpath was then wasted in debauchery. The dances began in the morning and lasted all day. Both men and women came with freshly painted faces and bodies, the women with their hair neatly dressed. Each woman brought a contribution of food in the form of mesquit« dumplings, com and wheat pinole or tortillas, meat, and the like. Throughout the day a few at a time stopped to eat, so that the dancing and the feasting both proceeded without interruption. For an accoimt of the war dances, seepage 205; puberty dance, page 182.

Festivals

Of course all festivals partook somewhat of the nature of sacred ceremonies, but when this element was at a minimum, as in the saguaro harvest festival, its description may properly appear here with the arts of pleasure. These festivals were of annual occurrence, except during the occasional seasons when the fruit failed. The leading feature of these gatherings was the preparation and drinking of navait or saguaro liquor, and they became drunken orgies in which, since the introduction of knives and firearms, men were sometimes killed. The Government has prohibited "tizwin drunks,'* as they are called by the whites, though they are still surreptitiously held.

The simp of the saguaro fruit is boiled for two days in the preparation of the liquor, and in the meantime the people gather and dance in the plaza nearest to the spot where the large ollas are simmering. During the final carousal all the men and some of the women become intoxicated. Through the influence of the missionaries, the native police under the agent\s orders, and the actively exerted influence of the more intelligent men in the tribe, the custom is dying out. The subchief, K^enu-& (pi. ii, c), at Gila Crossing has been a zealous advocate of temperance for a number of years, and it is not unlikely that the folly of such debaucheries was apparent to

some nienibers of the Pima community during preceding generations before outside influences were brought to bear upon them. Indeed, some measure of pnidence was enforced by the fact that the Apaches were hovering upon the outskirts of the viUages watcliing for an opportunity to attack when the warriors were incapacitated for resistance.

The ''Name song'' is a social device that accomplishes the ends of organized charity, together with those of the ordhiarv' festival. If a village suffers from a scarcity of food, it visits one w^here the crops have been plentiful and shares in the bountiful harvest in the following manner: The visitors camp outi^ide the village and come in during the evening to learn the names of the residents and to arrange these names in the song, which provides places for two names in each stanza. There are seventy stanzas in the song, and if there are more than twice that number of visitors it may be repeated and' other names substituted. Each visitor assumes the name of a resident of the village as a seal of fellowship and for the purpose of contributing to the pleasure of the festivities of the morrow, when the strangers come into the village to sing. As the song is sung and a name is called the T^dfe or daughter of the person of that name runs with some light object, and the wife or daughter of the person who has assumed the name for the day pursues the other woman to take it away from her. If she is unable to catch her, some of the other visiting women aid in capturing the runner, and she leads her captors to where " the value of her husband's name/' in the form of com, wheat, beans, or other foodstuffs, is ready to be presented to the visitor.

When there are many participants in the ceremony nearly the entire day may be consumed in its performance. When some of the resident villagers are destitute, only the names of those who have plentiful crops are used. The visitors give nothing but their ser'- ices as singers, and they receive verj^ substantial rewards. Etiquette requires that the visit be returned withhi a reasonable time late the same season or during the following year. However, when the nomadic Papagos come to give the Pimas entertainment the visit can so seldom be returned that the gifts are more of the nature of exchanges by barter, with the advantages in favor of the Papagos. The Pimas always received the Papagos cordially, though rarely returning their visits — so rarely that in tlie last fifty ycirs the Pimas have sung the name song but twice in Papagueria, the two visits being to Suijotoa.

Athletic wSports

The men re(;eived thorough training in speed and endurance in ninning during their raids into the Apache country, but they had few sports that tended toward physical improvement except the foot races. Sometimes a woman ran in a contest against a man, she throwing a double ball by means of a long stick, while he kept a kicking ball before him. But the women seldom ran in foot races, though their active outdoor life, engaged in the various t^ks that fell to them, kept them in fit condition. However, they had an athletic game which corresponded in a measure to the races of the men and developed skill in running. This game was played as follows:

Ai-D<y • • Two of the swiftest runners among the women acted as leaders and chose alternately from the players until all were selected in two groups. Two goals were fixed about 400 yards apart, one side saying, 'To the trail is where we can beat you,'' while the other party declared, "To that mesquite is where we can beat you.' Two lines were formed about 25 yards apart, and the ball was put in play by

^ ■ -^ '

m ^

Fio. 86. a, Alder stick; h, double ball.

being tossed up and started toward the opponent's goal. It was thrown with sticks until some one drove it beyond the goal and won the game.** To touch the ball with the hands debarred the person from furthA" play. This game was abandoned about 1885.

KICKING-BALX. RACES

These races were frequently intertribal, and in their contests with the Papagos the Pimas nearly always won. The use of these balls in foot races is very widespread in the Southwest, and even yet we hear of races taking place that exceed 20 miles in length.

The kicking ball, when of wood, resembles a croquet ball in size, but it is usually covered with a coating of creosote gum. These balls a The stick in the collection is of willow. 1.2;*) m. long, with a maximimi diameter of 18 mm. The balls are in pairs, 1') cm. apart, conntx.>ted by a 4-8trand 2-ply leather thong, the balls being mere knotty enlargements of the thong (Hg. 8(), a, 6).

BUS8ELL]

ATHLETIC SPORTS

Fig. 87. Kicking balls, a. Wood coveo'd with gum; h. without CO wring.

are made of mesquite or paloverde wood (fig. 87, a, 6). Stone balls about 6 cm. in diameter are also used, covered with the same black gum (fig. 88, a, 6).

Each contestant kicks one of these balls before him, doing it so skillfully that his progress is scarceW delayed; indeed, the Pimas declare that they can run faster with than without the balls, which in a sense is tnie. Perhaps the occurrence of the stone balls in the ruins gave rise to the idea that they possessed magic power to ''carr^^'' the runner along, for all things pertaining to the Hohokam have come to have more or less supernatural significance. Two youths will sometimes run long distances together, first one and then the other kicking the ball, so that it is almost constantly in the air. The custom of using these balls is rapidly disappearing, as, it is to be regretted, are the other athletic games of the Pimas.

RELAY RACES

At various points in Arizona the writer has found what appear to have been ancient race tracks situated near the ruins of buildings. One of these was seen on the south bank of the Babacomari, 3 miles above the site of old Fort Wallen. It ^^ ', I is 5 m. wide and 275 m. long. It is lev-

*^ eled by cutting down in places and the rather numerous bowlders of the mesa are cleared away. In the Sonoita valley, 2 miles east of Patagonia, th(*re is a small ruin with what may have been a race track. It is 6 m. wide and 180 m. long. At the northern end stands a square stone 37 cm. a])ove the surface. These will serve as examples of the tracks used by the Sobaipuris, a tribe belonging to the Piman stock. The dimensions are al)()ut the same as those of the tracks that the writer has seen the Jicarilla Apaches using in New Mexico. The tracks prepared by the Pimas opposite Sacaton Flats and at Casa Blanca are much longer.

The relay races of the Pimas did not differ materially from those among the Pueblo tribes of the Rio Grande or the Apaches and others of the Southwest. When a village wished to race with a neighboring

9%

Fio. S8. Kicking balls, a, Stonr covort'd with gum; b, without covering.

Ijmi, ANN. 26

one they sent a messenger to convey the information that in four or five days, according to the decision of their council, they wished to test their fortunes in a relay race, and that in the meantime they were singing the bluebird (or, as the case might be, the humming-bird) songs and dancing in preparation. Both had the same time to practise and the time was short; in this preparation the young men ran in groups of four or five. There wore 40 or 50 runners in each village, and he who proved to be the swiftest was recognized as the leader who should run first in the final contest. It was not necessary that each village should enter exactly the same number of men in the race; a man might run any number of times that his endurance permitted. When the final race began each village stationed half its runners at each end of the track; then a crier called three times for the leaders, and as the last call, which was long drawn out, closed the starter shouted **Tft'wai!'' and they were off on the first relay. Markers stood at the side of the track and held willow sticks with rags attached as marks of the position of the opposing sides. Sometimes a race was ended by one party admitting that it was tired out, but it usually was decided when the winners were so far ahead that their runner met the other at the center where the markers also met.

The women encouraged their friends with shouts in concert that were emitted from the throat and ended in a trill from the tongue. At the close of the race the winning village shouted continuously for some time; after which the visitors would go home, as there was no accompanying feast.

SWIMMING

Mention is made in the calendar records of parties of Pimas or Maricopas being engaged in swimming and diving to catch fish with their naked hands, and Mr Cook assures the writer that he has seen them do both.

Games

The Pimas were deeply imbued with the passion for gambling, and many games were played for the gratification of that desire. The old games are now practically abandoned and those who have the means and the desire to gamble employ a deck of filthy Mexican cards. Beads, paint, blankets, and any and all personal or family property were wagered. The women were quite as fond of gaming as the men, and staked their blankets when all else was lost, making shift to get along with a smaller piece of cloth in lieu of a skirt. WTien ever^^- thing was gone tlio loser might win some stipulated article from her opponent if slie could beat her in a foot race. A woman might gamble away the family sleeping mat, the metato, hi fact any household property, although she hesitated to wager the drinking gourd, prob-

KUHSELL]

GAMES

ably owing to the fear of provoking Navitco, the deity who gave the gourd to man.

In common with other American Indians the Pima knew naught of *'hick'' or ''chance." He felt liimself aided or opposed by supernatural beings, whose assistance he sought by gifts of beads and other sacrilices deposited on altars in the recesses of the hills, which will be described later. A favorite place of prayer for gamblers was the ceremonial hill northeast of Casa Blanca, near the center of Pimeria. The following games were played by the men:

Fig. 80. Ki-tHkat.

KIKTS

Under the name of ''ghing-skoot" this game has been described as played by the Papagos.** The Pima name of the game is ki°ts, of the sticks Id^tsktit. Four sticks are used in playing. The set collected (fig. 89) ^ is of giant cactus wood. The sticks are not named "old man," "old woman," etc., as among the Papagos, but are designated as follows:

No. I — Ki-ik. "four.''

No. 2— Tro-otp'. "six."

No. '^ — Si-Ika, meaning of word unknown to informants.

No. 4 — Ki"tH, meaning also unknown.

The players sit about 10 feet apart and put the sticks in play by striking from below with a flat stone held in the left hand. The sticks are held neariy vertical, but are inclined a little forw^ard so that they will fall in the center of the space between the players, who rake them back with a long stick after each throw.

The count is similar to that described for the Papago game, if we substitute the Pima names for the pieces, as follows:

2 backs and 2 faces count 2.

1 back and 3 faces count 3.

Ki-Ik facing up and others down count 4.

All faces up count 5.

Tco-otp' facing up and others down count 6.

All facets down count 10.

Si-ikd facing up and others down count 14.

Ki"ts facing up and others down count 15.

The counts are kept upon a rectangle marked upon the ground usually approximating 12 by 8 feet, having 10 holes or pockets, counting the corners each time, along each side. At two alternate corners are 2 quadrants called ki, '^houses,*' of 5 holes each, not oCiilin in Report National Miiwum, 189«, 738. Uls description is from notes and material collected by MeClee.

6 length. 222 mm.; width, 17 mm.; thicknras, 7 mm.; hemispherical in section; not colored on either side.

counting the comer holes, called ut'pa, "doors."" The stick used by each player or side to mark its throw is called rsAika, "slave'' or "horse." When a player is "coming home" and his count carries his "slave" only to the last hole of his house it is said to be "in the fire" and remains "burnt" until he throws a number less than 14 or 15.

The comer hole of the rectangle is called tcoldt, "hip;" the second, tco-olrsin, "near the corner;" the third, rsa-akXt, " middle ; " the fourth, ko'kfitam, "above the end;" the fifth, ko-ok, "last;" the first hole of the house, tco'-oletam, "above the hip;" the second, ki-flc vak' utra, "four-hole end;" the third, vai-Ik vak' utra, "three-hole end;" the fourth, sap'k' utra, "right end" or "place;" the fifth, tai-r utra, "fire end" or "m the fire." (See diagram, fig. 90.)

Fio. fiO. Diagram oaed in ]d>ts.

HAEYO

This game affords considerable amusement for the spectators as well as the participants. Four men provide themselves with moderately large stones, hayakttt, which they throw between two holes set about 50 feet apart. All stand at one hole and try successively to throw into the other. If but one succeeds in throwing into the hole he and his partner are carried on the backs of their opponents across to the opposite goal. If both partners throw into the hole, they are carried across and returned to the first hole, the "horses'' who carry them attempting to imitate the gallop of the horse.

VAP<!rTAI

A guessing game in which a number of players act as assistants to two leaders. A small bean'* is used by the Papagos and a ball of black mesquite gum by the Pimas. It is placed in one of four joints of reed. The reeds are then filled with sand, all being concealed under a blanket, and the opponents guess which reed contains the ball.

The reeds are called vftpfttaktit (vdpfttai, lay), '* laying implements" (fig. 91).*^ Reed a, called kuU, **old man, " has 17 longitudinal rows of 8 spots each; reed ft, dks, '*old woman," is unmarked; reed c, e d Fio. 91. Canes used in v&pAtaL

a Culln in Report National Museum, 189<), p. 739.

6 Obtained from Sonora from the tree oalknl paowl by the Hnias and chillcoti by the Mexicans.

e The collection contains one set of reeds which are 27 cm. long and 22 mm. in diameter.

GAMES

Fio. 92. Diagram used in v&putta.

hota stcok, "middle black," has 6 longitudinal rows; reed d, maatcoAolt, has 5 rows around the open end.

One hundred grahis of com are placed between the players in a hole, from which they are taken as won and placed in a hole in front of each player. When a player ^^dns all the com, he puts up a stick in the sand. The number of sticks may be from 1 to 10, as determined beforehand. Each player cancels one of his opptment's sticks when he wins one himself.

Two players confine their attention to the guessing; one on each side fills the reeds; one on each side watbhes the counting. Four men, one at each comer, hold the blanket, under which the filling is done, * ^

and sometimes oner suggestions to the leaders. The "old people,' the plain reeds, and the marked reeds, are kept together and the "young people ' are used by the opponents. When the two pairs are filled with sand and a bean or ball is concealed in each pair, the blanket is dropped and the reeds are laid in the center, each filler handing his pair over to the side of his opponent. If A guesses wrong and B right, four grains of com are forfeited to the winner. If neither guesses right, they exchange reeds and begin again. If both guess right, there is no count. When one guesses right, he takes the four reeds and places his ball in one and the opponent then decides which pair it is in by laying one reed across the other in the pair which he thinks does not contain it. Then he pours out the sand of first one then the other. If he has guessed right, he does not score, but continues the play by filling and offering to his opponent. If he guesses wrong, the opponent scores 4 and 6 additional if the ball is in the under reed, 10 if it is in the upper.

Cheating is done in various ways, but there is reason to believe that tliis practice has arisen since the Pimas have come in contact with the whites.

Fig. 93. Pottery disks.

VAPirTTA

Any number of players may participate, but they are under two leaders who are selected by toss. Each draws up his men in line so that they face their opponents (fig. 92). A goal about 50 yards distant is marked out and the game begins. A small object, usually a circular piece of pottery, one of those so common about the ruins of the Southwest (fig. 93), is carried around behind the line by a 26 ETii— 08 14

17Q THE PIMA INDIANS Ikth.ann.26

leader and placed in the hands of one of his men. The opposite leader guesses which man holds the object. If he guesses wrong, the man at the end of the line in which the object is held who stands farthest from the goal runs and jumps over the upheld leg of the man at the opposite end of his own line. This moves the winning line the width of one man and the length of a jump toward the goal. If the first guess is correct, the object is passed to him and there is no jumping imtil a guess fails."

The boys play several simple games which develop skill in shooting the arrow or in running In the former class may be included the following game:

VATAMnMnilTC HAKOAOLIWIA

The players stand in a circle while a boy runs around outside, dragging at the end of a string a bundle of rags. When the play begins each boy deposits an arrow in a heap and the one who transfixes the bundle as it flies past is entitled to the pile of arrows. At the end the best marksman may have nearly all the arrows. The same runner continues throughout the game and receives a few arrows as compensation for his services.

PAPAIETCITAKtjT

The name of this game signifies ** cooking place." Several boys play in the game. A rag ball the size of one's fist is tossed up and the one nearest where it falls tries to throw it against another, using a slightly curved stick called henyusika. The one hit has to stand with his head down to protect his face while the others throw the ball at him. After all throw, the game begins anew.

OKMAITCfeKfe

A bundle of grass, called woliwikke, is tied with willow bark so that it is about 125 mm. long and 50 mm. in diameter. The player tosses the bundle upward with his left hand while holding the bow in his right, ready to shoot the bundle before it can strike the earth.

When the bundle is thrown forward instead of upward it is called tcomalt maitcfikg, 'Ho shoot the bundle low.*'

XAOF TOWE K.IKRSA

The title given above signifies '* prickly-pear standing opposite." There are usually four players, though sometimes two engage in this shooting game. Prickly-pear leaves are set up opposite each other at a distance of about 30 yards. The game is to pierce the a The obje?t is calbvl rs\ika, "slave." It is 40 or 50 ram. in diameter, is pitted in the center "to prevent cheuting." and may be of either pottery or stone.

leaf with an arrow, and when four are playing the two partners share equally the winnings or losses. Arrows, bows, and such similar property as these ragged urchins possess are wagered. A bow is considered worth from 10 to 20 arrows, according to quality.

KaORSA

Either two or four may play. The game consists in shooting an arrow so that it will lie on the ground at a distance of about 100 feet and then shooting two more arrows with the intention of casting them across the first.

KWAITUSiwiKftT

The children sometimes amuse themselves by tossing into the air corncobs in which from one to three feathers have been stuck. They do not shoot arrows at them.

There are three games in addition to the athletic game of kldH which were played exclusively by the women.

MEKtjT TOAKUT

Two women play this game. Five stones that have been carefully selected from rounded pebbles 3 to 4 cm. in diameter (fig. 94) are used. . The first pla^^er calls one of these '*my stone '^ and tosses it into the air, keeping her eyes fixed upon it while she snatches up one of the other four stones before the first falls. After all are picked up in this way she begins again and picks up two at a time, then three and one, then all at once. If she proceeds thus far wthout mistake she wins the game. The next game is more difficult. The named stone is tossed up as before, but those remaining are shoved under an arch formed by the thumb and middle finger with the first finger crossed over the middle one. The stones are pushed under the arch in the same order as in the first game. In the one-plus-three combination the player selects one stone which she calls her opponent's and says she will not pick that one up first.

KA-AMiSAKUT

This stave game is played with eight sticks in two sets of four each, which are colored black on the rounded side in one set and on the flat side in the other, the opposite side being stained red (fig. 95). Two play, each using her own set of sticks, but exchanging them

•#•#•

Fio. 94. Oaming stones.

alternately, so that first one set is in use and then the other. They are held loosely in the right hand and are thrown from the end of the metate or any other convenient stone. If all fall red side up one point is scored by a mark in the sand. If all are black two are counted. Winning four points completes the game.^

TCXlLIKIwiKfrr

This is the Gilefio form of the widespread dart -and -ring game. It is not exclusively a woman's game, but was sometimes played by them. The younger generation knows nothing about it. The apparatus consists of a series of rings cut from cultivated gourds (fig. 96). They vary in diameter from 3 to 12 cm., and are strung on a 2-ply maguey fiber cord 50 cm. long. They are kept from slipping off at one end by a rectangular piece of gourd a little larger than the opening in the smallest ring, which is at that end. At the other end of the string is fastened a stick 20 cm. long, the outer end of which is sharp-

Fio. 06. Staves used in game of ki-Amlsakflt.

Fio. 06. Dart-and-ring game.

ened. The game is to toss the rings up by a swing and, while holding the butt of the stick, thrust the dart through as many of them as possible. If the thrower fails she hands the apparatus to her opponent, but she continues throwing as long as she scores, and counts the number of rings that are caught on the dart. In the specimen collected a This is Himilar to the game described in Report National Museum, 1896, 742.

GAMES

Fig. 97. Diagram used in tculiklwlkat.

there are 14 rings, but only a few may be caught at a single throw. A certain number of marks, 2, 3, or 4, agreed upon in advance, constitute the game. These marks are made upon a diagram laid out in the sand in the form of a whorl (fig. 97). The scoring commences in the center, called the tcimni ki, '^ council ; ; . , ,* *

house," and runs out to the last hole, called hoholdega /• '•;#.••. ki, '* menstrual house," which is on the west side of the • * ' / • * I diagram; then the score returns to the center before the player is entitled to one point toward game. If the player who is behind throws a number that brings her counter to the same hole as that of her opponent she *' kills ^' the latter and sends back her counter to the beginning point, but this is not done if she passes her opponent's position.

Two specimens were obtained at Sacaton which were probably used in games by the Hohokam, illustrations of which are here presented for the benefit of those engaged in special researches concerning gaming devices.

CUP STONE

One of these objects is a cup-shaped stone of lava which was obtained from a Pima who had found it in one of the Gila Valley ruins west of the Casa Grande (fig. 98). Doctor Fewkes has called the writer's attention to the fact that it resembles the wooden cups used by the Ilopis in a game not unlike the European *' shell game.""

RING STONE

. A few rings of porous lava have been found about the ruins which have been called 'Miead rings'' because of their resemblance to the ordinarj^ head rings of cloth or bark in conmion use among the Pimas (fig. 99). However, as most of them are too small and the material is extremely unsuited for such a purpose it is much more probable that they were employed in some game with which the present race is unacquainted.^

Fio. 98. Cup stone.

Fig. 99. Ring atone*

o It is 9<) mm. long, fv? mm. in diameter, with cavity 2() mm. in (linmetcr ami 42 mm. in depth. b Diameter of ring, 115 mm.; internal diameter, 45 mm.; thicluiejis, 55 mm.

SOCIOLOGY

Family Organization belatioxs before marriage

Accurate information concerning the relations between the sexes before marriage can only be obtained from the oldest persons among the Pimas, as the moral atmosphere has been heavily clouded since the advent of the Americans and since the peril from the Apaches has ceased to exist. With all their surplus energies expended in warfare, the young men formerly lived exemplary lives as compared with the youths of the last generation, who would chase and even lasso any girl that they could catch. Nevertheless, the conditions were never as bad as among the Yumas of that period .« Before the Pimas came in contact with ^'civiUzation" chastity was the rule among the young women, who were taught by compelling precept, though ever witnessing the demoraHzing example of free and easy divorce.

PUBERTY DANCE

B

A girl reached the age of puberty at 11 or i^, flnmAfimflfl <ua Aorly as 10. Th e acquirement by a young woman of the (to them) wholly mysterious functional characteristics of the age of puberty rendered her an object of concern and distrust to the elders. When 'the fact was discovered her mother selected some favorite w^oman friend, not a relative , in whose charge she placed the girl for a period of four days. During this time the preceptress taught her how to . r '-

peitorm such household tasks as she may not already have learned ; ^^ rx^

also the principles of industry, honesty, chastity, and the like. They ^^^

cooked their meals and ate together apart from their families. When not otherwise engaged the girl occupied her time in making a basket which must be given as a present to the elder woman. She talked little; if she wished to scratch her head she used a stick — to use the fingers at this critical period would cause Uce. She dared not blow the fire or her teeth would come out.

There was ' 'danger'' in the girl that must be breathed out by songs ere she, the members of her family, and the community as a whole were exempt from the hazard of the lightning stroke and other perils. Woe to the girl who concealed her condition, for the medicineman's magic would enable him to discover the culprit and should accident befall he would ascribe it to her. As a matter of fact, however, some girls avoided the ''coming-out" ceremonies as lon^^ as possible and when the parents wore poor no dance was hckl. When tlie parents had a sufficient supply of food on hand to entertain with becoming liospitality they invited friends ami neij^hbors to participate a Compare Husliiig. The (Jrejit West ami the Pacific C(>;ist. 3i)l.

^-^

in a dance tliat occupied four nights . The father and mother did not dance, but they took care to select the best girls to dance with their daughter '^ for their good influence/^ The men and women formed two lines facing each other on the hardened and well-swept plaza outside the house; their arms were extended to embrace those adjoining, and the blankets were stretched along the line to cover as many i's they would reach over instead of being wrapped around each individual. The lines advanced and retreated rhvthmically wliile the puberty songs were sung. These songs were in sets that were retained in the memories of certain persons and the set for the night was generally determined by the chance that brought the first leader to the spot when all was ready to begin. It was an exhausting dance, as there was no stopping for rest or food during the night. In the morning all returned to their homes to spend the day in sleep.

During the menstrual period all women were secluded for four days, during which they lived in the bushes near the vilhige, making little shelters to shade them from the sun and occupying their time in making baskets. Tliey lived on pinole, which was brought each morning and left at a short distance from their camp. Sometimes there were several together. They always bathed in the river before returning to their homes.

MARRIAGE

The youth of Pimeria marry '^early and often. '^ In the majority of cases the choice is made by the girl who seeks to avoid an alliance with a lazy man. A handsome fellow is of course desired, but when she '* knows in her heart" that he is the right man even the homely youth is chosen. As to what is the ideal of physical beauty, questioning naturally elicited only general information. For example, he must be tall and strong; dark, because he will not wrinkle as soon as the lighter colored; he must not be too fat. The woman must not be fat nor yet thin; *'she must have good hair and a good face." The writer's informant volunteered information that a stranger might distinguish between the married and the unmarried women by the fact that the latter kept their hair in much better condition than the former. Xo peculiar style of hair dressing such as that Jn vogue among the llopis serves to distinguish the unmarried girls (see pi. XLVii) : with the change of state they simply ^'let themselves go " in a very human way, though even at the worst their hair receives probably more attention than that of the vast majority of their white listers.

When a youth selects a bride he visits her home in company with a young married friend who pleads his cause while he sits in the background. After several nights of woomg by proxy, if liis cause is favored he remauis and is accepted as a husband without further ceremony. For four days they remain at her home and on the evening of the fourth day they go to the home of his parents. At dawn the next morning the mother-in-law gives the bride a large basket of wheat to grind on the metate. She is expected to have completed the grinding by sunrise. In the quaint language of the interpreter we were informed that ' 'if she ran away and left part of it unground it was a sign that she would not be a very good wife. When she finished her work she went quietly into the house and sat talking with those around her until she got acquainted with her new home." The groom presented the bride with a new blanket and his parents gave her presents, but there was no idea of purchase and no gifts were made to the bride's parents.

Occasionally a man possessed such a character that no woman would marry him, and more rarely a woman would remain unmarried. There is one such at Casa Blanca and one at Blackwater at the present time, the latter being regarded as possessed of supernatural powers because of her spinsterhood.

A rejected suitor might appeal to the medicine-man for assistance. If he stole a hair from her head and the medicine-man buried it the girl would die. How like the folklore of the Caucasian is this bit of superstition that savors more of vengeance than of love. But that the divine passion does take strong hold upon the Pimas there can be no doubt, as disappointed hopes have been known to lead to suicide.

Polygamy was practised to some extent, but the division of labor was such that no great economic advantage resulted. There were seldom more than two or three wives, though a chiefs son in recent years had six. The plural wives lived in separate houses, the husband spending most of his time with the first. When a youth married he brought his wife to the home of his parents if there was room for them; if not, a house was built near by and the families ate together.

It was the custom for a widower to wed the sister of his deceased wife. "Supposing that she does not like the man and does not wish to marry him?" the writer inquired. Whereupon the answer was given with an air of superior wisdom, " She always wants to." Uncles and nieces are not permitted to marry and cousins do not marry "out of respect of the parents for each other." The most careful search failed to discover any trace of groups within the tribe between which marriage was prohibited.

DURATION OF UNION

Separation was lightly regarded and easily effected. The woman usually took the initiative, by either going to the home of her parents or going away with another man. Sometimes such remarks as " Rainbow Leaves is trying to get Sand Cloud's husband away from her," "Dawn Tinkle has changed husbands," were heard. Notwithstanding the natural independence of the women, they made an effort to retain the affection of worthy husbands, and even resorted to suicide when deserted. Moreover, the desirabihty of lastin<^ unions was recognized by some, as, for example, by the father of wise old Sala Hina. ''Work well at hoine,*' he told her, ''Go not to others for the morsel they must needs in hospitality bestow, and then when you serve faitlifully your husband he will provide well for you. If the husband you choose proves to be lazy do not desert him; work in the field with him; help and encourage him/'

CHILDREN

Further evidence in support of the fact that the Pimas were not a degenerate race at the time of the introduction of the white man's whisky and diseases is found in the size of their families. As many as twelve children have been known in a single family, and twins are received with general rejoicing. Every inhabitant of the village brings gifts and the mother feels assured that she will henceforth be a fortunate woman. Male children were preferred, because "they would grow up to fight Apache^;?.'' With the consent of the parents deformed infants wore taken by the midwife, who watched them until they died of exposure and want of nourishment. So strong was the feeling of the Pimas against the abnormal that they tried in recent years to kill a grown man who had six toe.s.

Tribal j)ride is sufficiently strong to induce the Pimas to destroy infants of American or ilexican fathers in the same manner as those which are deformed. The writer learned of but two persons who had escaped such a fate. Inquiries concerning albinos met with the reply that "there never were any.'' Probably such a child would share the same fate as that accorded any other exliibiting abnormal characteristics.

A pregnant woman was not allowed to eat anything that an animal had touched. For example, if a gopher had cut a vine on which a melon was ripening, she might not eat the fruit; or, if the mice nibbled at a basket of wheat she might not eat of the tortillas made therefrom. She dared not go where Apaches had been killed, or the baby would die. If her husband killed a rattlesnake at that time, her cliild's stomach would swell and it would die soon after birth. She must not eat liver or her child would be disfigured by birthmarks.

During confinement the husband absented himself from the home and women friends attended the patient, who sat over a hole in the floor in which a cloth had been spread. The placenta was buried in a hole and covered with ashes. The mother bathed in the river immediately after deliver}^ and until the umbilicus of the child was healed she dared not eat salt. At times much pain was suffered, and some died in labor, in \vliich case, if the child lived, it was taken in charge by the maternal grandmother.

Babies were nursed until the next child was bom. Sometimes a mother nursed a child until it was 6 or 7 years old and if she became pregnant in the meantime she induced abortion by pressure upon the abdomen. The unborn was sacrificed because it was believed to be prejudicial to the welfare of the nursing child, which the mother loved the more "because she could see it." Illegitimate children were aborted at three or four months. One case of abortion at seven months was reported, but it was done with the aid of the medicine-man. These operations were usually successful, but in a small percentage of cases they caused the death of the woman.

No attempt was made by any of the Pimas to explain the cause of sterility.

The tribe has been large enough to prevent ill effects from close inbreeding, and there has been a constant addition of foreign blood. Sala Hina (fig. 51), who is perhaps 65 or 70 years old, recalled the names of three Apache women who had been married by Pimas. One of these had "many children." She had also known two Maricopa men married to Pima women and two Pimas married to Maricopa women. How lasting these unions had been she was unable to say. There is a Hare-eater from Sonora and a Yaqui who have married Pima women at one of the upper villages. Intermarriage with the desert-dwelling Kwahadk's has been fairly common. The father of Sala Hina was a Kwahadk' and prominent in Piman history as the man who brought the first cattle to the tribe. The few Kwahadk' women among the villages make the peculiar pottery that is characteristic of their tribe, and which should not be confounded with that of the Pimas. Detecting a slight dialectic difference in the speech of one of the temporary interpreters the author learned upon inquiry that his mother had been a Kwahadk'. Another interpreter said that his people called him "mixed," which is not surprising, as in his veins flowed the blood of Pimas, Maricopas, Papagos, and Apaches, peoples of three distinct linguistic stocks. The greatest influx of foreign blood has been from the related Papago tribe whose caravans annually made their appearance at the harvest season. Some Papago families have always lived with the Pimas, at one time forming an outpost on the north by maintaining a village on the Salt river.

In the past there was also some intermarriage with the Sohaipuris, and there is both traditional and liistorical evidence of the final amalgamation of the remnants of that tribe with the Pinuis. Soni*^ were captured ])v the Apaches, as shown by Bourko in his resoarclu.^ upon the clans of that tribe. "The Apaches have also anion*; them urssELL]

FAMILY ORGANIZATION

Tze-kinne, or wStone-house people, descendants of tlie cliff-dwelling Sobaypuris, whom they drove out of Arav>T)a Canon and forced to flee to the Pimas for refuge about a century a^ro." "

CEllEMOXY OF PrRIFlCATIOX

As soon as a cliild beo:an to creep about it was taken by the parents some afternoon to the medicine-man in order that the rite of purification might be administered and the child's future be rendered free from harmful magic influences. Putting a sacred pebble and an owl feather into a seashell containing water, the medicine-man waved an eagle feather (fig. 100) about, while the parents and the child drank the water and ate some white ashes or a little mud. This simple ceremony was sufficient to thwart the malice of all evil demons; lightning would not strike the child, and the possibility of accidents of all kinds was thus precluded. As a further precaution the mother must not eat salt for four days thereafter.

This appears at first glance to be a modification of the Christian rite of baptism. Further investigation seems to show that it is similar to that and also to a purely aboriginal ceremony that in the opinion of the writer was practised before the advent of the friars. The Pimas declare that their '* medicine-men got it up themselves." Cushing found '4hat the Zuf\i of to-day are as eager as were their forefathers for baptism and for baptismal names additional to their own.

But it must be remembered,'^ he continues, '^that baptism purification of the head by sprinkhng or of the face by washing with medicine water -was a very old institution with tliis people even before the Spaniards found them."^ lie also ascribes the nnidinessof various other tribes to receive baptism to the existence of their own similar custom. This readiness is otherwise* diHicult to account for, as the zeal, and, at times, lack of judguKMit, of the priests led them to baptize as many of the Indians as they were able to con-

FiG. !()(). Eapli' f«'«thcr aspcrgills.

the

"Ciipt. John (J. Bourkt'. Tc.uni.il of Amoriraii Folk-Lore. ix. 114.

6 Cushing in Thirtivnth Annual Koport of the Bun>^u of Ethnology, 335.

trol for the purpose; this procedure must have caused trouble very soon had the ceremony been wholly unknown to the natives."

BAPTISM

Before a child is a year old it is named by friends of the parents in the following manner: The friends, or godparents, accompanied by other visitors, come for four successive mornings and seat themselves just before sunrise on the ground before the house in which the child hves. First one and then another of the company holds the child for a moment, but if it is a boy the kftmpalt, godfather, repeats a ceremonial speech, passes his hands across the limbs of the infant and holds it aloft to receive the first rays of the rising sun; then he bestows upon the boy the name by which he shall be known throughout Ufe — though- nicknames are common and often supplant the baptismal name to some extent. If it is a girl, the k^mftlt, godmother, deKvers the speech and gives the name. Beads were formeriy held up to receive the first rays of sunUght, and were then placed about the child's neck. Gifts of clothing, food, baskets, and the Uke were also made by the godparents, who ''think as much of the child afterwards as its own father and mother,'' said one of our informants. The parents in their turn reciprocate by naming the children of the couple that acts as godparents to their own.*"

The names assumed by the men during later life are very frequently derived from the sexual organs, particularly those of the female, but such names are never bestowed at the time of baptism. Any unusual event or physical peculiarity may impose a name upon an individual. For example, a man who worked several weeks for the missionary was so well fed that he began to lay on flesh. Ever afterwards he was known as Preacher's Fat. One is known as Uvaatuka, Spread Leg, from his pecuHar gait.

From the age of 10 until about the time of marriage neither boys nor girls are allowed to speak their own names. The penalty is bad luck in losing arrows in the case of the boys, in losing the rsa'llka, or ki&h& stick in the case of the girls. The name of a deceased person is not used; he is alluded to as the brother of So-and-so. The word or words in the name, however, are not dropped from the language.

oWhipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the Pacific Railroad Reports, ni, ;i5, mention the occurrence of the custom of baptism among the Cherokees when the infants are 3 days old. "They believe that without this rite the child can not live. They have a custom of sacrifices and burnt offerings."

b"Cada nlfto tiene un peri, que cs una especie de padrino. que convidan sus padres. Est<\ despues do haberle hocho un largo discurso al recien nacido sobre las obligaciones propias do su scxo. le va tentando por todo ol cuerpo, estirdndcle los lirazos y piomaa. y luego lo Impone un apellido 6 norn])re de su longua, no Higniflcativo. Despuo.s de la cen'monia. el pi'ri y c 1 nifto so roputau on lo civil conio una misma persona, y tienon con sus respoctivos parientos la misma rolacion. Lo misino hacon las inugoros on su proporcion con las niflas." Alegre, Ilistoria de la Compafila de Jesus on Nuova-Espaila. ii, 217.

BUS8ELL]

FAMILY ORGANIZATION

NAMES

The names of the Pimas proved so interesting to the present investigator that a number of examples were recorded, as follows:

Rainl)ow

Rainbow-Bow

Stick-Rainbow

Cloud-Rainbow

Bear-Rain lx)W

Apache- Back

Sand-ArniH

Clo ud -Th und ering

Cloud-Heart

Ant's-Cry

Moon-Fraginent

Big-Moon

Scared-Eagle

Tail-Shed

Fog

Shming-Star

Coyote- Fo<jtprint

Coyote-She(l

Coyote- Dust

Coyote-Lightning

Coyote-Skin

Coyote-Flower

Coyote-Running-Races

Coyote- Runner

Coyote-Howl

Coyote's-Quiver

Be4ir

Bear's-Body

Bear's-Paws

Cloud-Flower

Cloud-Peak

Cloud-Curve

Flowers

Sun-Flower

Flowers- Flying

Flowers-Running

Sun's-RavH

Sun- Flying

Morning-Ravrt

Morning- Running

Morning-Clouds

Morning-Waving-Hands

Bluish

Singing-Rattle

Plea.sing-Miragc

Snowflakes

Water- F< Tn- Lea vos

Foam- Rolling

Ancient -IIouHo-Shining

Ancient-lloiisc-DropH

Ancient- House-Sparks

Rainlx)w-Dispelled

Ra in lx)w- Leaves

Ix^aves-Flyinf"

Bows-Sjpott(»d

Water-Fern-Tops

Song-Flower

Names of men

Bird -Eyes

Black-^Vheat

FR>zen-Beiin8

Bean-Barter

Greasy-Eagle

Big- Eagle

Evening-Murmuring

Evening-Come

Closing-Twilight

Light-Shines

Wind-MUky-Way

Wind-Bow

Speaking-Bow

Evening-Hands

Running-Wind

Evi»ning- Roaring

Soft-Feathers-Morning

Sun-Sparks

Eagle-Sparks

Ilawk-now

M il ky- Way-Bow

Sun-Bow

Foam-Bow

Sticking-Feathers

Hawk-Shield

Telling-Sh(x>ting

Ravcm

Brown-Eagle

Coyote's-Hair

Names ofwom^n

Morning-Disappearing

Morning-Beating

Clou'ds-rassing

Darkness- Passmg

Darkness- Loosened

Morn ing- Ix)osened

Morning- Kneading

Willow

Sing-Tinkle

Bird-Down-Flowers

Bird-Down-Sprinkle

Rai n Ix) w- Wa t er-( J rass

Cloud-Tinkle

Gray- Leaves

Morn ing- Dew

Big- Leaves

Sunflower

Night- Wind

Dawn-Tinkle

West-End

So ring- Leaves

Nlorning- Water-Grass

Morn ing- Leaves vSun- Leaves

!{()W-End

Morning-Trail

West-Sprinkle

Quivering-Heat- Waves

S(iuash-Stem

Shields-in-Line

Eagle-Head

Lijjht-Bird-Down

Shield-Light

Rat-Skin

Rattlesnake-Rattle

Thin-Leather

Hide-Bucket

Bad-Bow

Running-Noise

Red-Corn

Scorpion 's-Storaach

Drum-Stomach

Hawk - Beginning-To-Lay-

Kggs Shining-Nose Coyote Centiped Centiped's-Rattle Beaver's-Mouth Ducks

Birds-Feather Bird -Sharp ("liff-Rainl)ow Many-Shields Round-Fn)g Shining-Back

Foam-Tinkle

Morning-End

Morning-Tossing-Up

Morning-Shadow

Cloud-Rolling

Water-Grass-Growing

Night-Twinkle

Man V- Leaves

Sand-Cloud

Night -Flower

First- Flower

Red -Flower

Yellow-Flower

Singing-Noise

Two- Flowers

Basket -Leaves

They-Conie

S» Ill-Mi rage

Mirag<'-Knd

Sallv

Raw

Soft

Alone

CnH)ked-Knife

Dew- Woman

Butterfly

EDUCATION

In addition to the education that every Pima child received by the method of imitation and apprenticeship, careful oral instruction in moral, religious, and other matters was also given by the elders. While yet quite young the Pima lad was taken up in his father's arms at daybreak and held there while he was told something of the mysteries of the great Sun god that nearly every morning in the year rises bright and free from clouds above the Sierra Tortilla. As he grew too big to be held in arms he had to sit up very straight and pay strict attention while his father or guardian lectured to him on the proper conduct of a Pima warrior and citizen; or, in other words, soldier and gentleman. If he was not fully awake and paid indifferent heed to what was told him, the father's stiffened middle finger would suddenly strike the side of his nose, bringing his face around until he looked straight into his father's eyes. (See pi. xlii, c, xlv, xlvi.)

He learned that he must be ever alert and ready with bow and arrows to repel the attacks of Apaches. Day by day this lesson was taught by precept and example until it became the strongest instinct of the youth to be ready and watcliful. He was taught to go on scout duty in the morning or to look after the live stock before he partook of his morning meal. It was well for him to accustom himself to cold food and to that which remained after the family had satisfied their hunger, for it was only by practising abstemiousness that he could hope to be fit for the long war trail into the barren Apache stronghold. "If you are wounded in battle," said the father, "don't make a great outcry about it like a child. Pull out the arrow and slip away; or, if hard stricken, die with a silent throat. Go on the war trail with a small blanket. It is light and protection enough for one aided by the magicians. Inure yourself to the cold while yet a boy. Fight not at all with your comrades; preserve your strength for the combat with the Apaches. Then, if brave, will come to you high honor. Be unselfish or you wall not be welcome at the fire of the friendly. The selfish man is lonely and his untended fire dies. Keep your peace when a foolish man addresses the people. Join not in his imprudent councilings. Above all, talk not foolishly yourself. Bathe in the cold water of the early morning, that you may be prepared for the purification ceremony after killing an enemy."

Thus the lad was taught fortitude, courage, forbearance, unselfishness, industr}^ — qualities that might well be adapted to the changed conditions and incorporated in the system of instruction of the wliite nian\s ^'Indian schools." As time went on he learned that if he profited by tlie rdvice given liim he would become a desirable* party for some soft-voiced home keeper, and with his marriage liLs (education coi.sod.

As a hunter he made his debut by giving away all the first deer that he killed. Afterwards he took his choice of the meat before sharing with his fellows.

Every youth when about 20 years old was told the ancient traditions, or Ha-ak Aga, Storj^ of Hfi,-&k. For four da^^s and four nights he rcnuiined with the keeper of the legends, who was usually a man selected as tribal historian because of possessing a good memory. Durmg that period he was not allowed to eat salt. Tliis and similar tabus with reference to salt may have been due to contact with the Papagos or to survival from the period when the Pimas lived by the sea.

The advice given Sala Hina by her father may be taken as an example of the kind of instruction given the girls. Sala's mother was careless and indifferent, so that the responsibility of her training fell upon the father, as often happens. ^'Stay at home vi4th your mother,'* he told her. "Watch and help her handle the cooking pots, the mortar, and metate, that you may know how to prepare the seeds of Pimeria. Keep the fire alive and have wood ever ready. See that the drinking olla is never empty. If you do these things well, you will not gad about after you are married and leave your hearth vacant so that your husband may come home to find the fire out or to put it out to your discomfiture; for it is the office of man to kindle the fire but the part of woman to keep it burning."

As in the case cited, one parent may neglect the training of the children. It rarely happens that both are wholly indifferent. They are inclined to punish the cliildren more than do the members of any other tribe with which I am acquainted. The youngsters are seldom whipped, but they may be scolded, slapped, or shaken for their misdemeanors until they become 10 or 12 years old. If a girl stumbles and breaks an olla when going for water, her elders take some of the broken pieces and scratch her naked arm. The girls begin to assist in the cooking at 7 or 8 and at 9 or 10 they begin to make baskets. Some are lazy and are allowed to idle away their time, never making more than the single basket required during their puberty ceremonies.

The younger girls make very realistic rag dolls, which they carry through the drama of life with as great seriousness and '^makebelieve" us their wliite sisters. The writer once came upon them when they had twenty or more figures variously j)ose(l around them as spectators of tlie burial of a whole family, witli accompanying destruction of C ' make-believe ") property. In addition to '^ funerals," they had parties for which they ground wheat for pinole, though an adult observer would have said that they were grinding up weed seed. The 'dishes" were molded with mud on their little bro^^l elbows and were ready for use after scarcely more than a minute's drying in the sun. One form of mischievous activity was to play hide-and-seek in the wheat fields, but such a game was brief and apt to be attended with unpleasant consequences. In the evenings they played ''puberty dances^' or listened to the wonderful tales of prowess of their elders or of the adventures of the mythic animals of ancient Pimeria. The boys practise day after day, year after year, until it is not surprising that they become such accurate shots with the bow. Woe to the birds and squirrels that cross their path. UnUke the pueblo lads, they are not prohibited from killing the rattlesnake, but they must not use the same arrow again. If the rattles are desired for ornament, they must be taken from a living snake. We have seen them teasing a Gila monster, but this and the homed toad are exempt from their arrows. Fish offered a splendid target for them when there was any water in the river and any fish were to be seen. There was no parental prohibition against destroying birds' nests, though the warning "If you touch quail eggs you will go blind'' served most effectually to protect one species at least. The owl was not so much a bird of evil as of mystery and death, and its feathers were sought for their magic potency in medicine and other ceremonies. If a lad shot one, he had to pluck the feathers from the bird before it died or the magic power of the plumes was lost. Besides the bow and arrows the Pima youngsters possessed the sling of rawhide, which, by the usual process of evolution, came to be made in later years of boot leg. From the scanty Mexican population with which they came in contact they learned to use stilts, but none were seen in use during the writer's stay among them. As they grew older they were cautioned not to eat from an olla, else when they had to run away from superior numbers of Apaches the olla would get between their legs and obstruct their movements.

OLD PERSONS AND THEIR TREATMENT

Favored by the mildness of the climate, the lot of the aged among the Pimas was less unenviable than among most of the other Indian tribes. As they were a sedentary people, the custom of abandoning the aged on the march could not prevail. As a matter of fact, the old and helpless were not killed by the active members of the community, though they were sometimes neglected until they starved to death and sometimes they set fire to their houses to commit suicide. Tlie heartlessness of youtli sometimes manifested itself in such acts as throwing stones at aged persons, merely "to see them act like children."

One case observed may be mentioned — that of an old man at Sacaton dragging out a miserable existence. Totally blind and scarcely able to walk, he lived in a bnisli shelter about 8 feet square that contained a Utt Je straw and the single blanket that served to cover him. When he ventured a])road into the world the Umits of his journeys were prescribed by the length of the rope which was attached by one end to his doorpost. His food was cooked by some of liis adult grandchildren who occupied a house near at hand. His time was spent absolutely alone in the shelter, wliich was as devoid of utensils or furnishings as any dog kennel. And yet, with a pride that is deathless in the human soul, he boasted of tiie time wlien lie was a man among men and overcame the ferocious Apaches on tlie latter'sown ground.

VIEWS CONCERNING DEATH

The usual primitive views of death — that it was not a natural event, but a result of magic influences brought to bear by enemies, human or superhuman — prevailed among the Pimas. In the legends the first death that occurred in the history of the human race is attributed to the venom of Soft Child, the rattlesnake, who was given the power of death to protect himself from unmerited abuse by man. The legends also indicate a disposition to view the Destroyer philosophically, inasmuch as the predecessors of the present race are regarded with commiseration on account of their becoming so crowded because of none dying to give place to the oncoming generation.

Again and again the information was elicited that those who died during the day were killed by the Sun, while those who died during the hours of darkness were killed by Night. This the author interprets to mean that the prayers that were regularly addressed to Sun and Night were for preservation, and that death resulted from some lapse or inattention on the part of these two deities. This agrees w^ith the equally emphatic statements that "death is always due to magic, to animals, or to neglect of the ceremonies or tabus.^^

MODE OF BURIAL

At the moment of death the friends of the dying flee from them as if to avoid the magic that may not be satisfied with one victim. The near relatives cover the face of the corpse and bind the body in a bundle, with the legs dra^v^l up. Before the Pimas obtained horses the body was borne to the grave on a litter. With primitive tools the graves were not dug as deep as at the present time, and to tliis burial in shallow graves is attributed the cause for covering tlie graves with the timbers of the sheds or storehouses of the deceased (see j)l. xxxix, a, 6, c). Now a round hole is dug to a depth of 5 or feet, then a small cluimber is scooped out on the west side, in wliich tlie body is extended, with the head to the south. Billots of wood are then placed so as to lean against the roof over the body, so that in filling the grave no earth falls uj)on it. Medicine-men are buried in a sitting position, and in several instances have been buried in isolated places wliich have acquired special sacredness.

26 ETH— 08 15

THK PIMA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN. 2C

The dead are never cremated, as they are by the adjoining tribes on the west. There is an apparent exception to this rule in the occasional \ cremation practised while on the warpath. The writer is unable to account for this, unless it be due either to the influence of the Maricopas or to a survival pointing toward western affinities of the Piman stock. So far as ascertained, no disinterment for removal had ever been made by the Pimas. They never buried beneath the floors, as did the Hohokam.

FUNERAL RITES

Water and pinole are placed on the grave for the use of the soul in * the other world, not on the journey thither, as that takes but a

Fio. 101. Funeral cache south of Casa Blanca.

moment's time. In order that the soul may betake itself to the proper abiding place and not disturb the survivors, the latter are accustomed to say at the grave, '^ We put you here. Go to your home in the East. Do not come back." Ghosts are uncanny things to have about and are liable to touch sleeping persons, this meaning that the one touched must accompany the visitor back to the land of shades.

When a householder died his ki was formerly burned — an excellent hygienic precaution, but detrimental to the development of architecture. The other structures about the premises were either burned or piled on the grave. Personal property was similarly destroyed, and if there was any live stock, it was killed and eaten by anyone who chanced to be on liand, though the immediate relatives never partook of such food." When a husband was so fortunate as to possess two blankets, his widow sometimes kept one of them. The name of the deceased was not mentioned thereafter, and all things possible were done to obliterate his memory from the minds of the survivors except that the rites of mourning were i)ractised for some time.

The death of a pauper who had nothing to leave at the grave released a vexed soul to wander about until some one in charity placed an offering on the grave. Sometimes the paraphernalia of a medicineman, when it was not handed down to a successor in the family, was concet^Ied in an olla in the hills instead of being destroyed. More rarely these caches were made of the property of ordinar}' men. Figure 101 shows such a cache, wliich was found in a rugged granite hill about 4 miles south of Casa Blanca. The olla was covered with a bowl, and as neither was broken it was perfectly water-tight. Among the contents of the cache (pi. xl) were a number of crj^stals and concretions, a neatly carved stone rattlesnake, three seashells for use in medicine, and a war club. The last was too large to be placed in the olla, and, being exposed outside, it was somewhat gnawed by rodents.

MOURNING

In mourning for near relatives the men cut their hair so that it does not fall below the middle of the back. The women cut theirs to the level of the ear lobes for husband, child, etc., and an aged widow cropped her hair close to the head ^* because she felt the worst." In all cases the cut hair was buried in the sand of the river bed; if it were burned it would cause headache and death. And yet when blankets were destroyed at the death of their owner they were burned.

Very few widows mourned for the full period of four years. During that time they were compelled to remain at home, to refrain from washing their hair, and to cry aloud the name of the deceased every morning at daybreak. They were allowed to bring their blankets up around under the armpits, but not over the shoulders, even in the coldest weather. When the chemise was adopted, as the blankets went out of use, it was customary to revert to the blankets during the period of mourning.

Social Organization officers

The Pimas are governed by a head chief and by a chief for each village. These men are assisted by village councils, which do not, the author believes, appoint any representatives to the tribal couna Compare Bourke. " When a Mohave dies, there Is a feast made of some of his horses and other odibles: but none of his clansmen will eat of It." Journal of American Folk-Lorc , ii, 184.

cils. The office of head cliief is not hereditary, though the present incumbent succeeded his father. He is elected by the village chiefs.

The present head chief is Antonio Azul (pi. ii, a), known among liis people as Uva-a'tOka, Spread I^eg, from a peculiarity in his gait; also as Ma'vit Ka'wutam, Puma Shield, and by other names less elegant. The calendar records are silent upon this, and as to the date of his accession, reference to it in contemporary literature has been seen. He became chief before 1864, as Poston mentions in his report as special commissioner in that year that Antonio had just had his commission revoked for bad conduct.**

Antonio's father had been the preceding head chief. He was knowTi as Culo Azul, also as Ti'ahiatam, Urine. His predecessor was Rs&n'tall Vi'akam, who was killed by Apaches before K&m&l tk&k, who is probably 75 years old, w^as bom. His predecessor was named O'slvf, Joseph. No recollection of any earlier chief remains. In the Rudo Ensayo Tavanim6 is named as the chief about the year 1757,'' and it is possible that he was the predecessor of O'sXvf.

The decrees of the councils are announced from a house top by the village crier, who is selected because of possessing the loudest and clearest voice. There are sometimes two of these officials in a village.

In each village there was also a "ceremony talker,'* or master of ceremonies, whose duty it was to arrange and control the details of the festivals and general ceremonies not especially provided for by the religious fraternities.

At the command of each coimcil was a messenger who might be sent to summon those required by that body.

Any man of acknowledged courage might, with the approval of his fraternity (the information obtained at this point was somewhat vague — perhaps '^ neighbors" or ''the community'* is the better ♦/crm), organize a war party. He was then called TcunyXm or Tcu'ylnyXm, Smoker, or War Speaker. His name and authority ended upon returning from the campaign.

It is important to note that the tribe acted as a unit against the Apaches. With their compact territory and well-developed agriculture they might well have easily developed yet further their division of labor and estabUshed a warrior class. Then, w4th their increasing numbers under the stimulus of material well-being, they might have easily extended their power. No neighboring tribes except the Apaches and Papagos surpassed them in mmibers; the former were without resources, the latter were related and friendly. The advantages of confederation liad been learned from more than half a century's experience with the Maricopas, a tribe of alien s{)oech and blood.

u ScM' Iteport of Cominissioner of Indian AlTairs 1S(>4. 153. l.siio. Mioconis Anu'rican (.'atholic Ilistori.-al Sock'ty. v, 129.

GENTE8

Descent is traced in the male line and there are five groups that may be called gentes, though they exert no influence upon marriage laws nor do they manifest any evidences of organization so far as ascertained. The names of these groups liave lost all meaning. They are called A'kol, A'pap, A'ptikl, Ma'-am, and Va'-af.

The first three are known as the Vulture or Red People, the last two as the Coyote or White People. However, they are spoken of as the S(iw{i'kl O'himal and Sto'am O'himal, or Red Ants and White Ants.^ In the Pima creation myth presented in full in this memoir reference is made to black ants, tcotcOc t&tAny, and to the termite, hiapltc, but no connection is supposed to exist betw^een them and the o'himal.

The Red People are said to have been in possession of the country when Elder Brother brought the White People from the nether world and conquered them as described on page 226. There were more than two gentes of the White People, but Coyote laughed too soon at them and the earth closed before the others got through. The author suspects that this division signifies that the tribe was formed by the junction of two peoples, the only trace of the original groups being the names and the maintenance of the laws of vengeance.

SLAVES

The slaves taken by the Pimas were chiefly from the ranks of the Apaches or their allies.^ Though war was waged for many years against the Yumas it was not of a character to enable them to capture many Yuma children. When captured, Apache children w^ere not killed; they were soon forwarded to Tucson, Altar, or Guaymas and sold to the Spaniards or Mexicans. These captives were well treated, but their origin was never forgotten and the fear and suspicion of the tribe found expression at times in the decrees of the medicine-men that certain misfortunes were caused by the presence of the aliens. Somewhat rarely the girls were married into the tribe and an appreciable amount of foreign blood was introduced in this way which doubtless had its effect upon the vigor of the race.

SOCIAL MORALS

It would be a more agreeable task to write of the morality of primitive Pimas than of that which developed as a result of contact with Spaniards and Americans. To the honesty and virtue of the tribe a o The same divisions exist among the Papagos, and Jos6 Lewis, the Papago who interpreted for Professor McGee, submitted specimens of the ant as examples of the insect referred to as " o'himal."

f> '* Que los Cocomarfcopas apressan \og muchachos Nijoras (que todos son gentiles) y los venden por esclavos & los mas, y estos & los Espaf&olos, que los compran en cortas cantldadcs." Viila-SeAor, y Sanchez, Theatro Americano, 17<<8, pt. 2, i, 396.

score of writers have testified, leading to the belief that moral stand- \ ards in Pimeria at least equaled if they did not resemble our own. Life and property were seciu^. By their industry they had mastered the difficulties of their environment. The relations of the sexes and the division of labor had been adjusted in a manner creditable to them.**

The law of vengeance operated to prevent homicide. ''Speak not foolishly/* said the elders; ^'do not quarrel and kill your neighbor, for that leads to retaliation.'' Thus the youth were instructed and the abhorrence of bloodshed grew deep and lasting. Within the tribe ^ there was but one exceotion to this — to kill the convicted sorcerer was meritorious.

No odium attached to the crime of suicide. The body was buried in \ the usual manner and the property was similarly divided or destroyed. Several instances of self-destruction were ascertained. A blind old man had shot himself and a young man had ended his career because his father would not let him sell some piece of personal property. Another man had shot himself because his wife had deserted him and their family of small children. A woman had starved herself and baby in the hills of the desert because her husband had left her.

The crime of arson was unknown, though dwellings were frequently biuTied by accident.

Adultery was punished by turning the woman away from the home. Sometimes the husband shot the horse of the offending man and '' then he felt all right. '*

Prostitution with its train of diseases has not depleted the numbers of the Pimas as it has the population of so many surrounding tribes. Loose women are said by the old people to have been rare in the old days. Independent testimony of the wliites accords with this. ''They are exceedingly jealous of their females; and their chastity, as far as outside barbarians are concerned, remains, with a few excepn tions, unimpeachable.** ^ One informant assured the writer's party that the infant daughter of a prostitute by an unknown father was always destroyed lest she "grow up to be as bad as her mother.*'

a "The Indians, although they were crowding about our tents, and everything was exposed to them, made no effort to steal anything." Captain Johnston, Journal, 600.

" Um das BUd dieses indlanischen Volksstammes zu vervollstandigen, muss ich nur noch hlnzufilgen dass dcr8ell)e mit seinen friedlichen und liebenswiirdigen Eigenschaften cine unbestrittene Tapferkeit verblndet, die selbst dem wilden Ai>achen lltx-hachtung einflosst. Ich glaube nicht dass sich bei irgend einem anderen noch erhaltenen Stamme der Charakter der amerikanischen Urbevdlkenmg auf cine vortheilhaftere Weise darstellt." Julius Frttbel, Aus Amerika. ii. 448, 449.

Emory found them "surpassing many of the Christian nations in agriculture, little Iwhind them in the useful arts, and immeasurably l)cfore them in honesty and virtue."

•' The heathen Indians received us with jubilee, giving of their provision to the soldiers, and we count<'d two hundred persons, who were gentle and affable." Mange's l)iar>', from an extract translat«d by Buckingham Smith in Schoolcraft's Indian Trilws, III. .103.

" These (iila Pinias are gentle and comely.'' Il)id., .'iOl, from Diary of Pedro Font.

^C. D. Poston. in report as si)ecial Indian commissioner, in Report of Commissioner of liidijin Affairs 18«)4, 152, ISii.'J.

Theft became a common crime \v4th the increasing vagabondage arising from deprivation due to the wliites. An extensive system of horse and cattle stealing grew up, whereby the Papagos stole in Sonora and sold to the Pimas, and the latter stole from one another and sold to the Papagos, who bought or stole to sell again in Mexico.

During the worst period of their demoralization they stole wheat from each other and sold it to buy whisky. It is to be remembered that by far the greater part of the tribe disapproved of such deeds, and the few that engaged in such enterprises had not the support of public opinion, which even in an Indian village is an autocratic power.

Thus intoxication was always regarded as reprehensible, though a distinction was made between the persons guilty of drinking the white man's whisky and those who followed the immemorial custom of getting dnmk on native-brewed liquors during the saguaro harvest.

Laziness was condemned, and boys and girls were taught to spin and delve — how well may be judged from the fact that the tribe produced a large surplus crop year after year during the early period of American occupancy of the region and at the same time fought back the Apaches and aided the soldiers materially, while the Americans and Mexicans with all their soldiers and outside resources were driven into the shelter of the forts.

Cleanhness is learned by imitation. The floors of the houses are kept free of such objects as can be picked up with the hands and the yards are swept with bundles of arrow bushes or mescjuite branches. Batliing was a daily practice.

Public opinion strongly condemned lying. Stinginess could not be more abhorred. The chiefs, especially, were expected to bestow liberally all gifts within their control. The present chief has had a canny sense of thrift and possesses a large bank account, which renders him much less popular than he might otherwise be.

FORMULAS OF POLITENESS

No conventional words of greeting were in use before the introduction of the wSpanish and American forms. Tciars tain wu'sahain, ^'the god sends his regards," were the closing words of any speech. H&'iku-ult, ''good-bye," was the usual response of the hsteners. Sometimes in finishing astory thenarratorexclainied atoa'tdk, ''anus," at which those present said the word expressing the degree of their relationsliip to the speaker, or if they were not related they said na'wotc, '' friend." The same exp'ressicmsare used in accepting a gift.

Hand shaking was unknown until introchiced by tlie whites, though it is now universally practised.'' It is said that the custom of kissing a "Antonio and his son hiul tipfH'd flngfrs and gruntod in tok«Mi of joy," wrot4^ ,1. R. Brownt*. in desc'rihing tho nuHiting of the chief and his 8on after a long separation. Adventures in the Apache Country, 84.

was confined to mothers and infants. Accurate information of the primitive custom can not now be obtained. Formerly, when longseparated friends met they expressed their joy in tears. The terms expressing their degrees of relationship or simply ' friend ' were sometimes used.

Guests were offered pinole upon arrival if it were not near mealtime. Pinole was easily prepared without cooking and stayed hunger. At meals guests were helped to food in a dish apart from the common bowl out of which the family ate.

Intertribal Relations alliances

The relations of the Pimas to their neighbors had a profoimd influence upon their social organization and general cultural development. They held possession of the best agricultural lands in their section of the Southwest, and were compelled to fight for the privilege. Their alhance with the Maricopas entailed a long and sanguinary struggle with the Yumas, which resulted in what Bancroft has termed the almost total annihilation'' of the latter tribe. From the Maricopas they received, however, efficient aid against their principal enemy, the Apaches. Thus the Pimas learned the advantages of confederation, and there is reason to believe that their culture, based on a thrifty system of agriculture, in time might have surpassed that of the Hohokam. The Yavapais were sometimes hostile, but do not appear to have been very formidable opponents. In the Annals there are references to a few tribes of minor importance that it is almost impossible to identify from their Pima names, but they were always allied with either the Yumas or the Apaches. Aside from the Maricopas, the tribes friendly to the Pimas were their congeners, the Papagos and Kwahadk's and the Sobaipuris of the Santa Cruz and San Pedro valleys.

WARFARE

Raids

A better understanding of the division of labor prevailing among these people may be had by studying the conditions imposed ui)on them by the presence of the aggressive Apaches. The men may be forgiven for allowing the women to perform certain tasks in the cultivation of the crops that are usually considered the portion of the stronger sex when it is learned that tliis plan was necessary in order to maintain pickets constantly for long periods, and that an armed guard was the sole guaranty of safety to the villages. Every three o Oarc6fl relates in his Diary that the ** Yabipais Tejiia," (Yavapais] have "in some way remained enemies of the Pimas and Cocomaricopas Oilefios." Couea', On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, u, 449.

or four days small parties of five or ten would come to steal live ^^ stock or to kill any individual that might have gone some little distance from the villages. Larger war parties came once or twice a month, though longer periods sometimes elapsed without a visit from the Apaches. Chief Antonio declares that the Apaches formerly lived farther away from the Pimas, and hence their raids were less frequent than they were during the middle portion of the last century. At all events the activity of the enemy became sufficient to cause the abandonment of the outlying villages east of the present agency of Sacaton and the concentration of the tribe into seven villages upon the Gila plain. On stormy winter nights, when the noise of the elements might afford cover for the approach of the enemy, sentinels were posted about the camps. These men were accustomed to build little shelters of brush and leave smoldering fires in them, then conceal themselves in the darkness near by and watch for marauders that might attempt to steal toward the light. In this way the main trails were guarded, and the coyote-like curs at the houses afforded additional security from surprise. They supposed that the Apaches always guarded their own camps.

When a cliief '^felt in his heart '^ that he would like to avenge liis people for some particularly flagrant outrage, or that he desired the honors that reward the successful warrior, he went from settlement to settlement making an appeal for followers by repeating conventional speeches of magic character. The arrangements for the campaign were speedily made. The preparation of the roasted meal for pinole required much less time than the ceremonies necessary to secure the requisite amount of magic power to insure victory. The extra supplies of food were carried, before the introduction of the horse, by one or more women. These women were chosen from those who had recently lost kinsmen in battle and they were invariably accompanied by a male relative. At night the party was surrounded by pickets, who came in to report at intervals. During the evening a set speech was repeated by a man whose office it was to keep appropriate speeches in memory. These were arranged in order, as *' first night,^' ''second night,'' etc., and were '^ adapted" for the occasion, though based upon the supposed speeches of the gods at the time of the creation. The valor of the party was roused by t!ie recital of deeds performed, but the primary object was to compel tlie attention of supernatural beings and secure magic power that would not only enable them to overcome but would also attack the magic power of the enemy. Then, of course, if the magic power of the enemy were defeated, the Pimas could easily ove;*power the Apaches." After the speech the warriors sang the magic war songs, a'-atan nyul, while the a "The Pimas, though not an aggressive, are a brave and warlike race. They are the dread of the Apache, who always avoids them." Sylvester Mowry in S. Ex. Doc. U, pt. 1, 587, 35th Cong., Ist sess.. 1858.

makai, or magician, swung an owl feather over them. At the close of the songs he foretold the number of the enemy that would be killed. Thus they fared forth, carrying a little rqasted meal and a small but shapely basket bowl from which to eat it, provided with a Uttle tobacco for the ceremonial smokes that wafted their individual prayers to the Sun god. A portion of each band was armed with bows and arrows; the former of the elastic mulberry wood from the same mountains in which the enemy found refuge, the latter of the straight-stemmed arrow bush, whose tufted tips waved in billowy masses on the Pimerian lowlands. When a comrade fell in battle his bow was broken and his arrow shafts were snapped and left upon the spot. Oftentimes the body of a man killed in battle was burned, though this method of disposal of the body was never employed at the villages. It may have been a survival from the time when the Pimas lived on the Colorado or it may have been recently adopted from the Maricopas, who habitually cremate their dead. On the homeward journey no fires were allowed for cooking or warmth, though with due precautions they might be built on the outward trail. Another portion of the war party was provided with circular shields of rawhide and short but heavy clubs of mesquite and ironwood. Their appeal to the God of War was expressed by the sun symbols that decorated the shields, and the latter were kept swiftly rotating upon the supple forearms of their bearers as the advance was made for hand-to-hand conflict. The frequent use of the figure, '* like predatory animals or birds of prey," in the ceremonial speeches imbued all with the spirit of agility and fierceness that manifested itself in the leaps from side to side and the speed of their onward nish. Crouching low, springing quickly with whirling shield that concealed the body, in feather headdress and battle colors, they must have presented a terrifying spectacle. f* Their courage can not be questioned, and in some conflicts, of which there is independent white testimony, they killed several hundred warriors. But these were rare occasions, and their raids usually terminated with the loss of a man or two and the destruction of an Apache camp, with perhaps a half dozen of the enemy killed and a child taken prisoner.

The head chief, Antonio Azul, thus described to the author the circumstances of his first campaign : With 30 friendly Apaches from the San Xavier settlement, 200 Papagos, and about 500 Pimas he went up the Gila a distance of about 50 miles and encountered the enemy in the rough country around Riverside. The Apaches tied the bushes together to prevent the mounted warriors from getting o •* In battle tho Indians are not quiet for u moment, but, with constantly l)ended kiuvs. leap mpidly from side to side, waving their shield 'and its long streamers, for the purpose of dazzling the eyos of their adversaries. Apaches are said to oil their joints before going to battle, in order to make them supple." Whipple, Ewbank.and Turner. Report upon the Indian TrilM's, in Pacific Railroad Reports, ni, 30.

through, so that the Pimas fought on foot. Without the advantage of surprise tlie ardor of the latter soon cooled, and being of divided opinion as to the advisability of pursuit, they permitted the enemy to escape with a loss of but 6. Then this by no means inconsiderable body of warriors marched bravely home again. Further accounts of more sanguinary struggles are given in The Narrative, in the present paper, page 38.

Three Pima women kno\vTi to Sika'tcu went out on the mesa to gather cactus fruit. Another woman was asked to accompany them, but at first she refused to go because she had had a bad dream. After the others had started she set out to follow them and ran into a trap set for them at the hills south of the villages. The four captives were forced to walk naked before their enemies. Two were soon killed by the wayside. That night two Apaches were detailed to watch the other two women. These men relaxed their vigilance toward morning, whereupon the captives gathered all the bows and arrows of the party and threw them over tlic cliff. They also tried to strangle their captors and partially succeeded. They then made their escape. One of these brave women is yet living.

It was customary for the Pimas to attack the Apaches at night or at the earliest dawn. This required careful scouting during the preceding day in order to locate the position of the enemy, who were always at least equally alert and wary, without betraying their own presence.

On one of their raids toward the east a war jmrty came upon a young Apache and liis wife in the Sierra Tortilla. The man escaped, but the woman, named Hitalu'I, was captured and brought to the villages, where she was questioned through L^'lall, an Apache woman who had been captured in childhood. The chief asked about the attack that had recently been made upon a party of Pimas at Ta-a't{ikam. She replied, '^I shall tell you the tnith about that. I shall never take my life to my people again. I am here to my death.'' She was soon led to the open ground east of the Double buttes, where a death dance was held with the captive in the center of a group of old women, for it was not dangerous for them to touch the Apache. Outside the old women the other members of the community danced until at length the victim was killed by an old man who stopped upon her throat. The body was tied to a pole in an u])right position and left as a warning to Apache prowlers.

These raids were not infrequent, but they could liope to reap no better reward for their efforts than revenge for past injuries, whereas the Apaches were spurred on to constantly renewed attacks for the sake of the plunder that they might secure. Thus the feral pauper preyed upon the sedentary toiler, but paid dearly in blood for his occasional prize of grain or live stock. The effect upon the two tribes of SO strenuous a life was begmning to manifest itself in an interesting manner at the time of the intervention of the Americans. The Spaniards and Mexicans had shown their utter incapacity to cope with the Apaches, and their presence in Sonora was rather an aid to the enemy than otherwise. The Pimas were compelled to fight their own battles. . In doing so they learned the advantage of concentrating their fields. They perfected a system of attack, appointed runners for bringing in assistance, and organized a fairly satisfactory method of defense. They never used smoke signals except to annoimce the victory of an incoming war party. They kept themselves constantly in fit condition by their campaigns, and even engaged in sham battles for the practice. These have been held within the last decade at the lower villages on the reservation. Their daily duties were ordered with reference to the possibility of attack. Their arts were modified by the perpetual menace. Their myths were developed and their religion tinged by the same stress. In short, the Pimas were building up a war cult that in time might have led them from the lethargic state in which the natural eavironment tended to fix them.

Lustration

There was no law among the Pimas observed with greater strictness than that which required purification^ and expiation for the deed that was at the same time the most lauded — the killing of an enemy. For sixteen days the warrior fasted in seclusion and observed meanwhile a number of tabus. This long period of retirement immediately after a battle greatly diminished the value of the Pimas as scouts and allies for the United States troops operating against the Apaches. The bravery of the Pimas was praised by all army officers having any experience with them, but Captain Bourke and others have complained of their unreliability, due solely to their rigid observance of this religious law.

Attended by an old man, the warrior who had to expiate the crime of blood guilt retired to the groves along the river bottom at some distance from the villages or wandered about the adjoining hills. During the period of sixteen days he was not allowed to touch his head with his fingers or his hair would turn white. If he touched his face it would become wrinkled. He kept a stick to scratch his head witli, and at the end of every four days this stick was buried at the root and a"All savages have to undergo certain ceremonies of lustration after returning from the war-path where any of the enemy have been killed. With the Apaches these are baths in the sweat-lodge, accompanied with singing and other rites. With the Pimas and Maricopas these ceremonies are more elaborate, and necessitate a seclusion from the rest of the tribe for many days, fasting, bathing, and singing. The Apache ' bunches ' all his religious duties at these times, and defers his bathing until he gets home, but the Pima and Maricopa are more punctilious, and resort to the rites of religion the moment a single one, either of their own numbers or of the enemy, has been laid low." John G. Bourke, On the Border with Crook, New York, 1891, 203.

on the west side of a cat's claw tree and a new stick was made of greasewood, arrow bush, or any other convenient slirub. He then bathed in the river, no matter how cold the temperature. Tlie feast of victorv' wliicli his fi*iends were observing in the meantime at the villages lasted eiglit days. At the end of that time, or when his period of retirement was half completed, the warrior might go to his home to get a fetish made from the hair of the Apache whcmi lie had killed. The hair was wrapped in eagle down and tied with a cotton string and kept in a long mecUcine basket. He drank no water for the first two days and fasted for the first four. After that time he was supplied with pinole by his attendant, who also instructed him as to his future conduct, telling him that he must henceforth stand back until all others were served when partaking of food and drink. If he was a married man his wife was not allowed to eat salt during his retirement, else she would suffer from the owl disease which causes stiff limbs. The explanation offered for the observance of this law of lustration is that if it is not obeyed the warrior's limbs will become stiffened or paralyzed.

Dance in Celebration op Victory

Upon the return of a victorious war party the emotions of those who had remained at home in anxious waiting and those who had returned rejoicing were given vent in vigorous shouting and dancing. It is interesting to observe that the abandonment of these occasions was not wdiolly approved by the leaders, as is shown by the invariable formula that closed every war speech that w^as delivered while the party w^as on the campaign: '^ You may think this over, my relatives. The taking of life brings serious thoughts of the waste ; the celebration of victory may become unpleasantly riotous." Throughout the ceremonies the women of the tribe play a prominent part, particularly in mourning for relatives if any have fallen victims to the attacks of the Apaches.

The dance was held on the low rounded hill near the Double buttes (see pi. XLi, a), or on a hill near the railway si(hng called Sacaton, or upon some alkah fhit wliich the deposits of the rainy season leave as level and tlie sun bakes nearly as hard as a floor. Sometimes the dance was held on any open ground about the villages. Four basket drums were beaten in the center, while either four or ten singers formed a close circle around them. Within a larger circle numerous appointed dancers stamped and swayed their bodies, moving ever in a sinistral circuit. Sometimes the crowd danced within the circle of selected dancers, in which case they danced as individuals without holding hands; but usually they remained outside the circle. Outside the circle of s])ectators twenty men and two or more young women.

■}

\

according to the number of female relatives of those killed in battle kept nmiiing. In addition to these forty horsemen also circled from left to right about the whole gathering.

SOPHIOIX)GY

Myths

The traditions of the Pimas are kept by those who show special aptitude in remembering them and who gradually bec(mie recognized as the tribal historians. To them the boys are regularly sent that they may listen for four nights to the narrative of how the world was made and peopled; whence the Pimas came and how they struggled with demons, monsters, and savage enemies. These tales are not usually told in the presence of the women, and consequently they know only imperfect fragments of them.

The myths are not related in the summer because of the fear of being bitten by rattlesnakes, which of course hibernate. No information was obtainable that the Pimas believe that the snakes then carry venom, nor why the snakes should bite those who disregard the tabu. The Pimas do not hesitate to kill rattlesnakes except in certain cases.

TC.l-trNNYIKITA,<» THE CREATION MYTH

In the beginning there was notliing where now are earth, sun, moon, stars, and all that we see. Ages long the darkness was gathering^ until it formed a great mass in which developed the spirit of Earth Doctor, who, like the fluffy wisp of cotton that floats upon the wind, drifted to and fro without support or place to fix himself. Conscious of his power, he determined to try to build an abfding plai»e, so he took from his breast a little dust and flattened it into a cake. Then he thought within himself, **Come forth, some kind of plant," and there appeared the creosote bush. Placing this in front of him, he saw it turn over as soon as his grasp upon it relaxed. Advancing toward it, he again set it upright, and again it fell. A tliird and yet a fourth time he placed it, and then it remained standing. When the flat dust cake was still he danced upon it, singing:

Earth Magician shapes this world.

Behold what he can do! Round and smooth he molds it.

Behold what he can do!

Earth Mag;ician makes the mountains.

Heed what he has to say! He it is that makes the mesas.

Heed what he has to say.

a-Siiinketalk," from tcu-utc, smoke, and nyi&k, talk. This myth is also called II&-lLkAkita," IIA-Ak Telling."

Earth Magician shapes this world;

Earth Magician makes its mountains- Makes all larger, larger, larg(T.

Into the eartli the magician glances; Into its mountains he may sec

Next Kartli Doctor croated some black insects, tcotctk ikt&ny, which made bhick gum on the creosote bush. Then he made hiapitc, the termite," wliich worked upon and increased the small beginning until it grew to the proportions of our present earth. As he sang and danced the wonderful world developed, and then he made a sky to cover it, that was shaped Hke the round house of the Pimas. But the earth shook and stretched so that it was unfit for habitation. So Earth Doctor made a gray spider, which he commanded to spin a web around the unconnected edges of earth and sky. Wlien this was done the earth grew firm and sohd.

All that we now see upon the land — water, mountains, trees, grass, and weeds — was made, and then he made a dish, poured water into it, and the water became ice. Taking this block of ice he threw it toward the north, where it fell at the place where earth and sky forever meet. At once the ice shone forth as the brilliant disk we now know as the sun. For a certain distance the sun rose into the sky and then fell back again. Earth Doctor took it and threw it toward the west, where earth and sky are sewn together, and again it rose and slid back into the ground. And in the south it behaved in a similar manner, but when he threw it to the east it rose higher and higher, until it reached the zenith, and then went on to sink in the west, and thus it has continued to do until this day. As the evening glow grew dim the darkness fell in inky blackness. So Earth Doctor poured more water into the dish and it became ice, and he sang:

I have made the sun !

I have made the sun! Hurling it high

In the four directions. To the east I threw it

To run its appointed course.

Then to the north he threw the ice until it dropped at the edge where the earth and sky are woven together. It became the shining circle which we call the* moon. The moon rose in the sky, but soon fell back as the .sun had done, so he threw it to the west, and then to the south, and finally to the east before it rose and pursued its course across the sky as it does to the present time.

a Tormes flavip«'s Koll. It^was formerly Ix^lleved that if anyone ate food prepared from grain that was contained in anything upon which this insect lived that person's teeth would fall out.

Then he sang:

I have made the moon!

I have made the moon! Hurling it high

In the four directions. To the east I threw it

To run its app)ointed course.

Earth Doctor saw that while the moon was yet above the horizon there was sufficient light, but when it disappeared the darkness was intense, so he took some of the water in liis mouth and blew it into the sky in a spray, which formed the stars, but the night was still dark. Then he took his magic crystal and, after breaking it, threw it also into the sky to form the larger stars, so the darkness was less intense. Then he sang:

I have made the stars!

I have made the stars! Above the earth I threw them.

All things above V\e made And placed them to illumine.

Next he took his walking stick, and- placing ashes on the end he drew it across the sky to form the milky way.

When the earth was thus prepared for habitation. Earth Doctor created all maimer of birds and creeping things. Next he formed images of clay, which he commanded to become animate human beings, and they obeyed him. For a time they increased and overspread the earth imtil it became so populous that food became scarce and there was not sufficient water to supply their needs. Of sickness and death they knew nothing, and their nimoJbers grew apace. Hungering, they began to kill one another and Co eat human flesh. Earth Doctor pitied them in their extremity, but could devise no plan for relieving their distress, except to destroy all, and this he at length felt forced to do.

Earth Doctor said: **I shall imite earth and sky; the earth shall be as a female and the sky as a male, and from their union shall be bom one who will be a helper to me. Let the sun be joined with the moon, also even as man is wedded to woman, and their offspring shall be a helper to me.'' Then he caught the hook of his staflf into the sky and pulled it down, crushing to death the people and all other living things. Thrusting his stick through the earth, Earth Doctor wont through the hole and came out alone on the other side. He called upon the sun and moon to come forth from the wreck of world and sky, and they obo>'ed him. But there was no sky for them to travel through, no stars nor milky way, so he croatod all those anew. Then ho called for the offspring of earth and sky, hut there was no response. Then ho created a race of men, as ho had done before; those were the Rs&sanatc.

Out in the west beneath the toahafs bush the moon gave birth to Coyote and then went down. Coyote grew«apace, and when large and strong he came to the land where lived the Pinla nation.

After a time the earth gave birth to one who was afterwards known as Itany and later as Siuuhd, Elder Brother. He came to Earth Doctor and spoke roughly to him, and Earth Doctor trembled before his power. The people increased in numbers, but Elder Brother shortened their lives, and they did not overrun the earth as they had done before. But this did not satisfy Elder Brother, who announced to Earth Doctor that he would destroy the latter's people, and this is how he accomplished the second destruction of the world :

Elder Brother created a handsome youth, whom he directed to go among the Pimas, where he should wed whomsoever he wished.

He must live with her until his first child was bom, then leave her and go to another, and so on until his purpose was accomplished. His first wife gave birth to a child four months after marriage and conception. The youth then went and took a second wife, to whom a child was bom in less time than the first. The period was yet shorter in the case of the third wife, and with her successors it grew shorter still, until at last the child was bom from the young man at the time of the marriage. This was the child that caused the flood which destroyed the people and fulfilled the plans of Elder Brother. Several years were necessary to accomplish these things, and during this time the people were amazed and frightened at the signs of Elder Brother^s power and at the deeds of his agent. At the time of the commencement of these strange events Elder Brother began to make a jar or olla of some substance, either bush or gum. Wlien this should be finished the flood would come. How? This is the way in which it came: The handsome young man, whom Elder Brother sent about among the people to marry and beget children in so short a period of time, came at last to the home of Vakolo Makai, South Doctor, who lived somewhere in the south, and who had power similar to that of Elder Brother. South Doctor was noted for his knowledge of all things and his skill in reading signs. He declared that he would put an end to Elder Brother's schemes. One day South Doctor asked his beautiful young daughter why she cried all the time. She replied that she was afraid of the handsome young man who went about marrying the young women and begetting sons and daughters. Her father told her that it was her duty to marry the young man in order that a divine plan might be accomplished. But she continued crying, so her father told her to fetch some of the topmost thorns of a cholla cactus. When she had obeyed him he placed the thorns upon her, telling her not to be afraid of the young man, but that when he 26 KTH— 08 16

came she should take good care of his bow, arrows, shield, war club, spear, or any other weapon he might bring. At this the maiden dried her tears and awaited with pleasure the bridegroom's coming. When he came she took his bow and arrows and carefully put them in a safe place. After exchanging good wishes for health and happiness, they went to the dwelling prepared for them. Soon the screams of a child aroused old South Doctor and his wife, who came running, desirous of seeing their grandchild. The old woman took up the babe and tried to present it to her daughter, but she refused to accept it, saying, ''I am not the mother. He gave birth to the child. Give it to him." So the young man took the child away and returned to Elder Brother, but as he was very much ashamed of himself, he did not bring the baby, but left it by the wayside. Elder Brother knew what was happening, for he was finishing his olla. As the youths approached he asked, ''How does it happen that you come alone and do not bring the young child that is bom of you ? Go bring it hither, and we will take care of it. We have been outwitted and our plan defeated, but that is the best we can do." The young man went after the child, the screams of which shook the earth and could be heard for a great distance. Earth Doctor then called his people together and told them there would be a great flood. After describing the calamity that would befall them, he sang:

Weep, my unfortunate peoplel

All this you will see take place. Weep, my imfortunate i)eopleI

For the waters will overwhelm the land. Weep, my unhappy relatives!

You will learn all. Weep, my imfortunate relatives!

You will learn all. The waters will overwhelm the moimtains.

He thrust his staff into the groimd, and with it bored a hole quite through to the other side of the earth. Some of the people went into the hole, while others appealed to Elder Brother. Their appeals were not heeded, but Coyote asked his assistance, and he was told to find a big log and sit upon it. This would carry him safely on the surface of the water along with the driftwood. Elder Brother got into his olla and closed the opening by which he entered, singing in the meantime:

Black house! Black house! Hold me safely in;

Black house! Black house! Hold me safely in, As I journey to and fro, to and fro.

As he was borne along by the flood he sang:

Running water, running water, herein resounding.

As on the clouds I am carried to the sky. Running water, running water, herein roaring,

As on the clouds I am carried to the sky.

When he finally emerged from the olla he sang:

Here I come forth! Here I come forth!

With magic powers I emerge. Here I come forth! Here I come forth!

With magic powers I emerge*.

I stand alone! Alone!

Who will accompany me? My staff and my crystal

They shall bide with me.

The young man went to the place where he had left the child and found that its tears were welling up in a great torrent that cut a gorge before it. He bent over the child to take it up, but at that moment they both became birds and flew above the earth over which the floods were spreading. It is said that five birds in all were saved from all those that had been previously known. These were Kolivltcdkam' ITiklvIk (flicker), Vipisimal, Kis6pT, and Nyul (vulture). They clung by their beaks to the sky to keep themselves above the waters, but the tail of the flicker was washed by the waves, and that is wh^ it is stiff to this day. Finally, as they were threatened with destruction, the god Vikdrskam took pity on them and gave them power to make "nests of down'* from their owti breasts which floated on the surface of the waters and so enabled them to survive the flood. If anyone harms the little Vipisimal to this day the flood may come again. Accidental injuries to the bird must be atoned for; if it be killed, its tail feathers must be kept for a time to avert disaster; if it is found lying dead, it must be buried and appropriate gifts must be placed upon its grave.

When the child had been taken from them. South Doctor called the people to him and announced that a flood was coming to destroy the earth and all things thereon. Then he sang:

The waters dissolve the land.

The waters dissolve the land. The mighty magician tests his strength. The waters dissolve the mountain.

The waters dissolve the mountain. Na.si foresees what is coming.

Some of the people came to him and were saved from the flood by passing through to the other side of the earth by means of the hole which he had made with his cane. He told the others to go with him to Earth Doctor and hear what he might say to them. Earth Doctor told them that they were too late in coming, that he had already sent all that he could save to the other side of the earth. However, there was yet hope for them if they would climb to the summit of the Crooked mountain. He gave power to South Doctor and directed him to aid the people to the extent of his ability, so the

212 THE PIMA INDIAN8 [eth. ann. 26

latter conducted the people to the top of the Crooked mountain, and as they went away Earth Doctor sang:

Haiya! Haiya! Flood! Flood! Hai-iya!

See the doom awaiting them! Haiya! Haiya! Flood! Flood! Hai-iya!

Here are my doomed people bt^fore me.

As the flood rose toward the top of the mountain, South Doctor sang a song which caused the mountain itself to rise higher and ever higher above the waters which raced toward them as if on the level plain. These are the words that lifted the mountain upward:

On the Crooked mountain I am standing,

Trying to disperse the waters. On the Crooked mountain I am standing,

Trying to disperse the waters.

When he ceased singing he traced a Une aroimd the mountain and this marked the limit of the flood for a time, but it soon rose again and threatened to overflow the summit. Again South Doctor sang:

On the Crooked mountain top I'm standing,

Trying to disperse the waters. On the Crooked mountain top I'm standing,

Trying to disperse the waters.

Four times he sang and raised the mountain above the rising waters and then declared that he could do so no more, for his power was exhausted. He could do but one more thing for them, and holding his magic crystal in his left hand he sang:

Powerless! Powerless!

Powerless is my magic crystall Powerless! Powerless!

I shall become as stone.

Then he smote with his right hand and the thunder peal rang in all directions. He threw his staflf into the water and it cracked with a loud noise. Turning, he saw a dog near him, and this animal he sent to see how high the tide had risen. The dog turned toward the people and said, ^It is very near the top." When the anxious watchers heard the voice they were transfixed in stone; and there to this day we see them as they were gathered in groups, some of the men talking, some of the women cooking, and some crying.*

a Pedro Font has given the following version of this myth in his Diary, pages 23 to 24a of original manuscript: " lie further said that after the old man, there came to that land a man called El Bebedor (the Drinker), who Ijccame incensed with the people dwelling there and sent so mix^h water that it covered all the land, lie then set out for a mountain ridge, which may Im; seen from that place, called the liidgo of Foam, whither he brought with him a little dog and a coyote. This ridge is called the Ridge of Foam, because at its summit, which endsgradually and. iiccessi))leaft4»r the fashion of the edge of a bastion, may be descried near the very top a white crest like a clilT. which follows horizontally along the ridge for u good space. The Indians say that this is a mark of the foam of the waters wliich reached that height. The Belnnior reuuiined above and left the dog below, so that ho might warn him when the waters reache<l that height. When the waters rose to the crest of foam, the beast warned the Bobetlor (for in those days aniimils could speak) and the latter raised him up from below. A few

Coyote was carried southward by the drifting log to the place where all the driftwood of the flood was collerted. To this day the place is referred to as Driftwood mountain, though its exact location is not known, ('oyote came out of the drift after the water had fallen.

Earth Doctor escaped destruction by inclosing himself in his reed staff, which floated upon the surface of the water. We do not know what adventures befell him, but suppose that his staff came to rest somewhere in the east, as he is next heard from in that quarter.

Elder Brother was rolled along on the ground under the waters in his oUa and finally came to rest beyond Sonoita, near the mouth of the Colorado river. The olla, now called Black mountain, may be seen there to this day. It is black because the gum from which the vessel was made was of that color. After the waters disappeared Elder Brother came out and went about until he had visited nearly all parts of the land. At length he met Coyote and Earth Doctor. Each claimed to have been the first to appear after the flood, but finally Elder Brotjier was admitted to have been the first, and he became the ruler of the w^orld, and is accey)te(l as such by many to this day. Jilder Brother on becimiing the chief ruler told his subordinates to search for the center of the land, which is known as hik, navel. lie sent Earth Doctor to the east and Coyote to the west. The latter returned first, and a long time afterwards Earth Doctor came in. They all went some distance east and again the messengers were sent out — (\yote east and Earth Doctor west. This time Earth Doctor returned first, so they all journ(\ved yet farther east before sending out the messengers, (\iyote was sent west this time and again returned first. Then all moved east a little farther, and daya later the Bebedor «cnt the Iliimmlng-bini (Sheparosiis) and the coyote to bring him* mud, and when it was brought he made from it various men, some of whom turned out pood iind others bad. These men spread over the land up and down the river. Not long afterwards he sent some of his men to see if those who dwelt up the stream could speak. They sot forth and shortly returned, saying that although they spoke, they could not understand what they sni<l. At this the Bi«bedor was greatly incensed, namely, that those men should apeak without having reocivc<l his permission. Thereupon he sent other men downstrejim to look after those who were thrro. They returned, saying that they had been well received and that the people there spoke anothrr languiigr. which, however, they had been able to understand. Then the Bebedor told them that the men who dwelt downstream were the good men, who extondod as far jts the Opas. with whom thoy were frit'iidiy: and that the others who dwelt up.stream were the had men an«l were the Apjiches. their eneniit's. The n»>lM»ti()r once grew wrathful with the people. Hid sl»«w many of them, converting them into Sji^'uaros in thnt land. The Saguaros is a green trunk. a([iie(>us. of f;iir height, of uniform circuinferencr. and pcrfj'cTly .st might from its base to its top, with rows of thick thorns which extend along its whole length ami usually with two (»r three branches of thosanic shape which look like arms. Once again di«l the Ik'l'e<lor luvonie wrathful against men and caused the sun to descend to burn them. Thus they were on the point of being destroyed when the men entreated him earnestly not to burn them. Then the Belnvlor said he shouM not now btim them, and ordered tin* .sun to ascend once more, but not to such a distance as before, sajing that he left it lower down in order that he might burn them with it if they should jigain anger him. For this reason it is .so hot in that land during the sinnmer. At this j)oint he adde<l that he knew other stories which he could not relate becau.se the time did not |>ermit. and he agreed to relat«? them to us another day. But in:ismuch as we nuide some fun of his stories, which he told quite seriously, we could not afterwards persuade him to tell us anything else: for he kept Siiying that he knew no more. All this atory 1 have related in the phraseology you have doubtless noticed in order better to adapt it to the fashion in which the Indians explain it."

from that point both returned at the same time, so they knew they were at the middle of the land.

This is the song that Elder Brother sang when they reached the middle:

Here I have come to the center of the earth;

Here I have come to the center of the earth. I see the central mountain;

I see the central mountain.

He then bent down and scratched his head. The lice that dropped became ants, which dried up that particular spot in a very short time, for the earth had been everywhere wet and muddy. Then they all sat down to create the various animals that had lived before the flood. Elder Brother sat facing the west, for, said he, '*I came out upon the earth in the west and I am going to face that way." Coyote sat facing the south, for **I came out in the south and I am to face that way.'^ Earth Doctor seated himself facing the east, for, said he, * ' I came out in the east and I am going to face that way." Each agreed not to look at what the others were making nor to tell what he was doing until all was finished, and then all that they had made should be showed at once. A moment later Elder Brother said he was ready and asked the others to show what they had made. So Coyote and Earth Doctor brought their work before him. Coyote had made all the web-footed animals, snakes, and birds. Earth Doctor had made creatures resembling human beings, but they were deformed — some having "but one leg, others inmiense ears, some with imperforate bodies, others with flames of fire in their knees.^

Elder Brother told Coyote to throw the animals which he had created into the water. He told Earth Doctor to place his creatures in the west. Both obeyed. After throwing his beings into the west Earth Doctor sank into the earth, but while his body was yet halfway down Elder Brother jumped and tried to grasp it. He was not successful, and Earth Doctor disappeared. Elder Brother in trying to hold Earth Doctor got his hands covered with dirt and blood, like those of a man killing an animal. He shook his hands and the blood sprinkled over all the earth. That is what causes all kinds of sickness among us now, for the diseases were scattered over the land and in the water.

Elder Brother and Coyote were left in possession of the land. After the images which the former had made had been kept for four days, one of the Apache group (they were divided into equal groups) came to life and said, "Its very cold,'' and began to sway its body back and forth. Earth Doctor said,' Oh, I didn't think you would bo the first to awake!" and he was so angry he took all the Apaches rt There is no generic name for these monsters. Earth Doctor is supposed to have created them thus in order that they might not become rivals to his uudcrworrd iwople for the possession of the earth.

up in his hand and threw them over the mountain. That made them angry, and that is why they have always been so fierce.

These were the Indian people of which there were four tribes: The Wa-akI Ap,^ the Apaches, the Maricopas, and, lastly, the Pimas, though they were given superior qualities — such as a knowledge of the seasons, the power to bring do^n rain from the sky, the ability to cure sickness, and the like.

These people occupied this country from that time forward and multiplied in numbers. The Yumas and Maricopas were at first united, but the Maricopas left the Yumas and joined the Pimas, finally settling in the Salt River valley, where they formed permanent settlements. They tried to build canals, but were not successful, on account of the hard rocks and soil.

The Maricopas asked Elder Brother for advice or assistance. He caused the ground to become soft for a while, but it hardened again, and upon being appealed to a second time he said he could do no more for them, but told them to go and see Toa'koil-atam Aks, White-eater-old-woman, Elder Brother^s sister, who also had great power. She ihiished all the work in a single night, but Polder Brother refused to do anything more for the people. From that time on he began to do mischief, such as marrying the young women and then deserting them for others. The people began to be jealous of him and planned to destroy him.

P^or a time after the creation of the four tribes of men and the animals they were confined in a great house together. Rattlesnake was there, and was known as M&'ik Sol'atc, Soft Child. The people liked to hear him rattle, and little rest or peace could he obtain because of their continual prodding and scratching. Unable to endure it longer, he went at last to Elder Brother to ask help of him. Elder Brother took pity upon him and pulled a hair from his own lip to cut in short pieces to serve as teeth for Soft Child. ^'Now," said he, "if anyone bothers you again, bite him.'* In the evening TS^-fipi, Rabbit, came to Soft Child as he sat at the door and scratched him as he had so often done before. Soft Child raised his head and bit his tormentor as Elder Brother had instructed him to do. Feeling the bite. Rabbit scratched Soft Child again, and again was bitten; then he ran about telling that Soft Child was angry and had bitten him twice. Again he went to him and again he was bitten twice. During the night his body swelled and the fever came uj)on him. All through the dark hours he sufTered and throughout the next day; often he called to those around him to prepare a place that might give him rest. No bed that they could make brought any ease to his stricken frame. He asked for sea sand that he might lie upon it and cool his a" Go in Ap." An unknown trilK) that is believed by the Pimas to hiive lived somewhere in the northwest, perhaps the Iliialapis [Walapjii.]

216 THE PIMA INDIAN8 [eth. ann. 26

fevered body. Coyote was sent to the sea to fetch the cooling sand, but it gave no relief. Rabbit asked for a shade of bushes that the cooling breeze might blow beneath them upon him, but this, too, failed to help him. The traveling shade likewise brought no relief. His agony increased until death came to give him peace.

For this first loss of life the people blamed Elder Brother, because he had given Soft Child the teeth that made him a menace to all who approached him. The disposal of Rabbit's body formed a serious problem to the tribes, for they feared the interference of Coyote. Said one, *'If we bury him Coyote will surely dig him out." "If we hide him,'' said another, ' Coyote will surely find him." "If we put him in a tree," said a third, "Coyote will surely climb up." Finally the Maricopas proposed that he be burned, and in order to get Coyote out of the way during the ceremony he was sent to Sun to get some fire, for he always kept the flame lighted in his house.

As soon as Coyote had gone the people called upon Tcu-utak(I) MoAait, Blue Fly, to help them, and this is how the first fire drill was made. Taking a stick like an arrow, he twirled it to and fro between his hands, the lower end resting in a socket at the margin of a flat stick that lay upon the groimd. Soon smoke ascended, and the first fire began to glow. Gathering fuel, they proceeded to bum the corpse.

When Coyote left them he was suspicious of their intentions, and said to himself, "I think they have some purpose in sending me away." So he looked back frequently as he went along, and soon saw the smoke ascending. With excited heart he turned and ran back as fast as he could go. When he made his appearance the people formed a circle and tried to shut him away from the burning body. "Jjet me see my brother! Let me see with one eye!" he cried as he rolled upon the ground. No one would listen to him, so he ran round and round the circle seeking an opening. There was a weak spot in the cordon where two short men were standing, and he jumped over their heads, bit out the heart of the burning body, and ran away with it. The people pursued, but Coyote outstripped them. South of the Sierra Estrella Coyote stopped and laid the heart upon the an bush, but the people came up and he fled again. To this day that halting place is called Andkam Tcikwoanylk, Place of the o "When Matyavela died, Mustam-ho, by his diroction, started in tocremate him. The Coyote wanted to eat the corpse. At that time there was no fire on earth. The Blue Fly put a star in the sky; * Go over there and get me some of that fire/ ho said to the Coyote. The Coyote was fooled, and scampered off to bring in the star. He didn't know that the Blue Fly had learned the art of rubbing sticks together and making fire. While he was gone the Blue Fly made a big fire and Matyavela was burnt up.

"The Coyote happened to look back: he saw the blaze, and knew that something was up. He came back on the full run. All the animals were present at the funeral ; tht-y saw ih<' Coyote rotumiiig, and fonned a ring round the fire to keep him away from the ('ori)se.

"The Coyote ran round the ring until he came to the liadger. who was very short. The Coyote jumped over him. seized the heart of .Matyavela. which was Ihr only part not hunit up, and niadf oil with it. lie btiriit his mouth in <lo;ng this, and it's hhick to this day." John (J. Bourke. Nott's on the Cosmogony and Theogony of the Mohave Indians of the Hio Colorado. Arizona. Journal ol American Folk- Lore, ll, 188.

Uprooted An Bush. Near KiMtoak' he stopped again upon a mountain to eat the heart, but he saw that it was covered with ashes, so he shook it and the ashes fell and covered the mountain, so that it is white to this day, and is called Gray mountain. Again the people overtook Coyote, and he ran northward across the Gila, where he ate the heart, and as he did so the grease fell upon every stone of the mountain, which accounts for its appearance and the name it bears to this day — Mo'hatOk, Greasy mountain. From that place Coyote ran to live in the sea in the south.

Now the tribes of men began to learn how they should provide for themselves, how they might gather food, hunt, and till the soil. Mavit, Puma, and Rsu-u-(i, Wolf, joined their fortunes and went hunting together. One day Wolf said, *'I wonder where is our brother, Coyote; suppose I call him.'^ So he took the kidney of a deer and roasted it and the wind carried the appetizing odor toward the south. When Coyote smelled it he said, ''Surely, these are my brothers, who wish me to return." So he ran to the ])lace where Puma and Wolf were living. When he reached them he was in great distress, for when he ate food it fell from him as wheat falls from the broken sack. Finally, Puma and Wolf stitched his skin until it retained the food he ate. Then they all went in search of wives. Coyote found a woman and called to the others, who came to see her. She became the wife of Puma, but Coyote said he would take her home. On the way he fell and pretended to be in great pain. The woman was frightened and knew not what to do. Coyote said, *'I shall not get well unless you strip off my clothing and your own and carry me on your back for a few yards. That is the way my brothers treated me when I was in this condition before." So she obeyed and made their clothing into a bundle, which she carried on her head, as is the Pima custom. Coyotem humeris sustulit, sed cum paucos modo passus ingressa esset, *'Siste! Siste!" exclamavit Coyote, ^'Doleo; paulum me dimitte." Ubi quod poposcit fecerat, copulare potuit. Mulierem turpiter dum domum iebant (-oyote egit. This was the cause of much trouble, for she belonged to a tribe that had great magic power. They tried to induce her to return, but she would not. Furthermore, Puma refused to restore her to her friends. Then the Rsarsdkatc A-tltam," magicians, revenged themselv(\s l)y (h'iving the deer, the antelop(% and every animal that is swift of foot and soft of fur and useful to human kind into a cave in the Aloam or Yc^ilow mountain, which lies south of the present Pimeriaand northeast of Baboquivari. This deprived the tribes of men of their chief support, and messengers were sent to see if some means could not be found by which the imprisoned animals could be liberated. One by one these agents failed to

"The luirago that distorts the early morning landwape In Plmeria Is called rsarsilkatc, and it is bellevod that it Is the spirits of the ancient magicians returned to earth.

accomplish the task assigned to them. Year after year they returned without success. At last Coyote was sent to liberate the inhabitants of the cave, who exclaimed as they saw him coming, '*Now, we have a visitor who will do us harm." They thought to appease his appetite by offering a piece of meat in the hope that he would eat it and go away. When Coyote had roasted the meat in the fire and looked about him, he saw the gate of the cave and this is what happened :

• • Where shall I put this meat ? It is hot. Where shall I put it ? It is hot," he said, and then ran straight to the door of the cave. Before the occupants could recover from their alarm he threw open the door and out swarmed the deer and other game animals as pour forth the bees from a newly opened hive.

Coyote ran for his life and the people pursued him, but he escaped and went to live in the water in the west.

When A-anhitiipakI Si'van^^, Feather-breathing Si'van^^, was a boy he was mischievous ^.nd troubled his grandmother. He went to the cave of the Winds and saw the bow. He made one like it and showed it to his fellows, but they handled it and so took away its power. He made several bows, but the people ruined them by looking at them or handling them. At last they ceased troubling him and he was able to kill rabbits and give them away.

Seeing that he was a good shot, the people told him to take his stand at the two hills and close the gap. He went as directed, but instead of shooting the deer as they were driven past he paid no attention to them, but occupied himself in building a fence of brush from one hill to the other.

Again they told him to perch in a tree above a game trail and watch for anything that might pass under him. He did so and saw the game running, but did not shoot.

A third time they drove the animals toward him and instructed him to shoot the pregnant ones, as they would be fat. He took his place and shot a pregnant woman instead of a doe.

The fourth time they told him to shoot an old one (meaning a deer with large antlers), and he killed an old man.

Then he showed that he had magic power, for he was able to go out and bring in deer without taking days of time like other hunters. He built a house (Va'-aki, now one of the ruins of Salt river), married, and settled down. Vantre was a thief, gambler, liar, and profligate who came to the house of A-anhitttpakI Si'van^", who, knowing his character, did not wish to see him. Vantre brought four reeds filled with tobacco, lighted one, and smoked it. A-anhittipakt Si'van'' would not speak to him and Vantre finally wont away. This happened three nights, but not a word was spoken until the fourth night, when A-anhiti1pakI told Vantre he would be his frienrl if Vantre would stop lying, stealing, and the like. He wouhl make the sticks called ki°tcs, and with them Vantre might win if he wished to gamble. He placed such magic power in the markings on the sticks that no one could win from Viintre. Elder Brother recognized the power in the sticks and told the people that they were powerless to win from Vantre. Elder Brother told the man at whose house Vantre gambled that if he would let his son and daughter work for him (Klder Brother), he would arrange it so that Vantre could not win from others. The man agreed. Elder Brother sent the son to a roosting place of large birds to get feathers. The boy brought the feathers to the house. The girl was told to singe the feathers, grind them into a powder, and mix them with some pinole.

The next day Vantre came to the same place to gamble. Elder Brother said to the young woman, ^*Go to the pool with your Idkhk and ollas. Take the pinole and make it ready when Vantre goes there." She followed Elder Brother^s directions and went to get the water. Vantre said to the man with whom he had been playing on previous days, "T am going to the pool to get a drink of water before we begin playing." The others tokl him to go into the house to get the drink, but he went off, saying that he wished to see the young woman. When he came to her he said he wanted her for his wife, but she replied that she would not make any promises unless he drank her pinole. So Vantre was glad to take the drink. The first swallow seemed sour or bitter, but he took a second, a third, and a fourth drink. The moment he took the fourth drink feathers began to appear upon liis bod}^; these gi'ew out at once and he became a large eagle. The young woman took her basket, returned to the village, and told what had happened. The people then took their bows and arrows, went to the pool, and there found the eagle sitting on the bank. They surrounded him, but he flew away and found refuge in the mountains, whence he came from time to time to carry away men and women to his hiding place. As their ninnbers decreased the people cried out for help to Elder Brother, who said he would kill the eagle after four days. He told the j)eople to watch a sharp-pointed mountain after his departure and if a cloud apj)eared at the left of the peak they would loiow that he had been killed; if the cloud appeared at the right they would know that he had done some great thing. Eagle was so large and strong that when he sat on the mountain top it broke beneath his weight. It used to be all flat and smooth, but it was his sitting on it that made the peaks and rough places. When arrows were shot at him he caught them in his hand. (This nuist be a true story, for there is a picture of him with the arrows in his hand, on the dollar. So the Americans must have knowai about him.)

When Eagle was away Earth Doctor climbed the cliffs to his house, singing as he ascended :

Up the cliff, eteep and smooth,

Up the cliff, steep and smooth. Up the cliff, steep and smooth,

Climbs Elder Brother. With his shining power,

Up the cliff, steep and smooth. Up the cliff, steep and smooth, lie climbs, step by step.

He then carried on the following conversation with Eagle's wife:

*Tan this baby talk?"

*'No; he doesn't say very much and doesn't seem to know anything; he's too small."

*'Does Eagle ever sleep in the daytime?"

"No, not very often; but sometimes, if I sit down with him and scratch his head, he will go to sleep."

*'Do that next time I come."

At that moment Eagle was again heard approaching with a roar that shook the mountain like a tree in the wind. He brought four living men, whom he threw from a distance upon the rock, where they lay groaning for a time before breathing their last. Eagle asked his wife if anybody had been there and she said no one was about. He declared that he smelled some one, but finally concluded that he had been mistaken. After he had eaten he ]ay down, and as she sang the following song and rubbed his head he quickly went to sleep:

Ilaya yakahai yahai mo! Hay a yakahai mo!

I am slei^py, I am sleepy. Haya yakahai yahai mo! I am sleepy.

When Eagle returned, the baby tried to tell him what had happened, and liis father inquired, **What made him say that? He never talked that way before ; besides, I smell scmiebody. Some one must have been here."

** No, nobody; we have been here alone."

Then in the form of a fly Earth Doctor concealed himself among the dead bodies that were corded up like wood and sang:

Himovali! Die fly! Himovali! Die fly!

I fhall sleep! I shall sleep! Himovali! Let die! I am drnw^y.

I will sleep! Buzz-z!

Wlien he had gone to sleep she began to whistle. He awoke and said:

** What made you whistle like that?"

*^Oh, notliing; I was just playing with the baby; that's all."

So he went to sleep ao^ain and again she whistled ; he awoke again and asked:

''Why did you whistle?"

''Oh, I was just playing wath the baby."

So the third time he went sound asleep, and she whistled softly, but he did not awake. Then she whistled louder and Elder Brother came out and resumed his natural form. He beat the head of Eagle until it was flat. He cut Eagle's tlu-oat and that of his s(m, sprinkled their blood upon the dead bodies, whereon they all regained their lives. He asked them where they belonged, and on finding where each lived he sent liim home. When he came to the last bodies he found that they spoke a different tongue, so he sent them to a distant land, where they practised their peculiar customs. The Pimas suppose that these were the whites, who became white from lying under the others until decayed."

Elder Brother then went home and told the people how to conduct themselves when they had killed an enemy, such, for example, as the Apaches. On his return he found the people singing and dancing. He arranged four periods, and each period contained four days. So to this day the man who kills an Apache must live sixteen days in the woods and subsist upon pinole.

While these events were occurring here the people about Baboquivari wished to have Elder Brother come to them.

At the time when Elder Brother transformed Vantre into an eagle strange tilings happened to the people of Casa Grande. There is a game called takal played by the women. One day the women were playing t^kal, and among them was the daughter of Si'al Tcu'-utak Si'van''. Suddenly a strange little green lizard dropped in front of her while she was standing among the other women. The earth about the spot became like the green part of th^ rainbow. They dug there and found some green stones (stcu'-uttiik h&'tai'), which became very useful for necklaces and ear pendants.

There were people living at some tanks on the east side of the mountains (Ta'-at<ikam) north of Picacho, and among them was a man named Tarsnamkam, Meet the Sun. He saw the beautiful stones used at Casa Grande and wished to get some of them ; but how was o" Mr J. D. Walkor. an old rrsidrnt of the \icinity of Casii Grande, who has boon to me personally an excellent friond and valuable informant, told me this tale:

" ' The Gila I'imas claim to have been created on the banks of the river. After n^siding there for some time a great Hood came that destroyed the tribe, with the exception of one man, called Ci-ho. lie was of small stature and b«»came the ancestor of the present IMmas. The tribe, beginning to grow In numbers, built the villages now in ruins and also spread to the north bank of the river. But there appeared a monstrous eagle, which, occasionally assuming the shape of an old woman, ^isited the pueblos and stole women and children, carrying them to his abode in an inaccessil)le clifl. On one occasion the eagle seir.ed a girl with the intention of making of her his wife. Ci-ho thereupon went to the clifl, bat found it impossible to climb. The girl, who was still alive, shouted down to him the way of making the asi.'ent. When the eagle came back Ci-ho slew him with a sword, and thus ]il)erated his people from the scoui^ge.' " A. F. Bandelier, Papers Archeol. Inst., ser. iv, pt. u, 462-4G3.

he to do it? He made a fine green bird, 8tcu-ut<ik o'-oftk, parrot, and sent it to Casa Grande, telling it to swallow all the green stones it could find about the houses. The parrot went to Casa Grande and was found one day by the daughter of Si'al Tcu'-utak Si'van''. The bird was kept several days, but it would not eat, so it was turned loose. It went about until it found a piece of turquoise, which it swallowed. The daughter of Si'al Tcu'-utak SiVan^^ saw this and told her father, who directed her to give the bird all the turquoises she could find in the house. The people gathered to see the bird that ate stones, but as soon as it had eaten until it was full to the mouth it flew away. Tarsnamkam was glad to see it come safely home. The parrot vomited the stones, which its owner gave to the people to use, and there were plenty for all. Si'al Tcu'-utak SiVan'' was angry when he learned that the bird had been sent to steal all his turquoises. He sent the rain for four periods, or sixteen days, to destroy Tarsnamkam, but the latter also possessed magic power and was not injured. At the end of the sixteen days Tarsnamkam sent a man with a fine football (rso'nyiklvol), directing him to give it to Si'al Tcu'-utak SiVan^'s daughter, whose name was Pia K6nlkam OP(i). The messenger went near the woman's house as she was at work and kicked the ball so that it rolled close to her. She took it up and hid it imder her dress and told the man there had been no ball there when he came up to inquire about it. He declared that it stopped close by her, but she again said no, she had seen no football. The man went off, but the yoimg woman called to him to come and get his football. When he came back she searched for the ball, but it was not to be found. It had gone into her womb and become a child. When this child was bom it was a strange-looking creature. The people wanted to destroy it, but the mother said it was her child and she wished to care for it.

The people wished to destroy the child, because it had long claws instead of fingers and toes; its teeth were long and sharp, like those of a dog. They gave it the name of H&-&k, meaning something dreadful or ferocious. This female child grew to maturity in three or four years' time. She ate anything she could get her hands on, either raw or cooked food. The people tried to ,kill her, because she killed and ate their children. She went to the moimtain Ta'-atdkam and lived there for a while in a cave. Then she went to Baboquivari for a time and then to Poso Verde, where she was killed by Elder Brother. As Elder Brother and the people were preparing to overcome the magic power of HtV&k they san<i; together:

Dazzling power has Elder Brother,

Mastering the winds with song. Swiftly now we come together, f Singing to gain control.

Kovakova, kovakova,

Kovakova, kovakova. Singing on the summit

Of great Mo^atflk mountain, Anayokuna, anayokuna. hayokuna- Sacred pipe of Tcu-unarsat,

Sleep>-inducing sacred pipe, Anayokuna, anayokuna, hayokuna.

Hi-ak fleea from her pursuers, But her spring and mortar stay.

Throw a great stone! Throw a great stone! «

The bhie owl is brightest, Throw a great stone!

The blue owl is brightest, Throw a great stone.

When he killed HA-ftk a great feast was made, just as when Eagle was killed, and to this day the cave remains there where Hfi,-ak was killed, and 2 or 3 miles distant is a stone inclosure, Hfi,-fi,k moakkfit, Place whore II&-tlk was killed. The people formerly placed offerings within the inclosure to bring theni good luck.

Another version of the same story states that VaktcuktcXth&p, the mosquito hawk, wished to marry the virgin at Casa Blanca, who had many suitors. He went to the Sun, who gave him a many-colored ball, which he took to the woman Pia KSnXkam Of\i). When near her he kicked it as the Pimas do the kicking ball, so that it rolled near her. She placed it in the fold of her blanket and became pregnant.

After Hfi,-^k was killed the people were invited to come and partake of the feast which had been cooked there. One old woman and her two grandsons were not invited to come. When the feast was over she told her grandsons to go and see if they could find any of Hfi,-&k's blood, and if so to bring it to her. After the boys had brought the few drops of blood which they found among the rocks she put it into a dish and told them to look at it after four days. When they did so they found two eggs in the dish. On reporting this to their grandmother she told them to look again after four more days. When they looked they saw two little birds, at which their grandmother told them to look again at the end of four days. When they came to look they found two very beautiful birds. After four days the people came and tried to destroy the grandmother and the boys in order to get the birds. The old woman told her grandsons that after another four days the people woidd come and take their birds away. So they must take them at night to a distant land and set them free there. She said that when they returned they would find her dead, as the people would have killed her.

a The stone referred to is the one thrown against the cave walls by HA-&k when she was entrapped. In proof of the story we may see the stone there to the present day.

SS4 THK POfA IVDIABB [R

ikftor the people had kOled Hiplk th^ feDo^ boys, who had gone towaid the eeet with their penote. Hie pura doud of duet ae they went akng, which betrayed their I on the trail to the boys, who ezckimed, ''What diall we do ! " At length they aet free the pairota, which flew up into the mountaina, irtieie they concealed themaelvea in the foreet. Following their example, the boya haatened to the aame place, irtieie they au cce o a fully eluded the panaen. After the people had abandoned the aearch the boya went back to their former hcnne and f oond that thor grandmother had been killed. She had left directaona which they canned oat. They gave the body proper burial in the aand. At the end of louT-day periods she had told them to viait her grave until they saw a plant growing out of it; four daya after it appeared they were to gather the lea.Taa, and in time they would leam what was to be done with them. The boya obeyed her commands and obtained tobacco, ^riudi they learned to uas through the instruction of Elder Brother.

After kflling Hiplk Elder Brother made his home at Baboquivari ibraometime. Hearing of the fact that the boys were living alone at their old home, he visited them. He inquired about their wdfare and seemed to be disposed to befriend them. Finding the tobacco leaves, he inquired if they had been used yet, and was assured that they had not been. Elder Brother then rsvealed the purpose for which the leaves had been intended. "These are to be rolled in com husks and amoked/' said he; *I will give you, also, earth flowers to mix with the tobacco when you smoke if you desire to gain the favor of the women.'' He showed them how to collect the bark of the tree which induces aleep.^ "Make this into a powder," said he, "and when you wish to overpower anyone just shake this before ihem." Then Elder Brother left the youths, who followed his instructions and found the love philter and the sleeping powder to be irresistible. But the people were incensed at their use of the charms and finally killed them.

Elder Brother continued to live in the cave at Baboquivari for some time. He went about the country from village to village seeking to do mischief. He sang the song of the menstrual period and accompanied it by reviling the family of the young girls. At last the people could endure his pranks no longer and drove him away. He went to Mo^hatftk mountain, north of the Gila, and the people there gathered to destroy him.

Elder Brother went into his house and the people came and clubbed him to death. They pounded his head until it was flat, then dragged a Tcuumt hidsik, a whitish lichen gathennl by the Pimas and kept In little bags or in hollow reeds 3 or 4 inches long.

^KA'sUakiU (" to make sleep"), said by the Papagos to stand on a mountain al>out 40 miles southwest of Peso Verde. So po we rf ul is it supposed to I le that those who go to gather the bark are overcome with ileep if they do not hasten when cutting it.

him into the woods and left him there. The news was spread about the country that he was dead, but the next day he reappeared among the people. They were afraid, but gathered together and killed him again. After carrying him to the woods they cut his flesh and scattered the pieces, pounded his bones into powder and cast it to the winds, but the next day at the same hour he was about among them again. Again they killed him, and this time his body was burned to ashes. Yet he was among them the next day as before. Then a great council was called and they discussed plans for getting rid of Elder Brother. Some declared that if they did not kill him the fourth time they would never kill him. So they called on Vulture, who had been saved with Elder Brother at the time of the flood, thinking that he must have magic power or he would not have survived the flood.

Vulture was a man who transformed liimself into a bird with his own magic power and had gone through the openings in the sky and thus saved himself from destruction during the flood. After he came down from the sky he wandered about the couiitrv' and finally built a va'-aki, magic house, the ruins of which yet remain, south of where Phoenix now stands, between the Gila and Salt rivers.

Vulture was li\dng in this va'-aki when the people came to him with their complaints concerning Elder Brother. They asked if he could do anything to help them. Vulture said he had never used his magic power, but he would test it. He asked the people to come to his va'-aki and he would make the trial in their presence.

After the people had gathered in the house and the doors had been closed he brought on darkness with his magic power while it was yet daytime. The darkness was so heavy that the people could see nothing. A beam of light arose which grew stronger and stronger until during the second night of their sojourn in the house it became as brilliant as sunlight. There were four colors, four threads of light, that extended upward imtil they reached the sun. Vulture then ascended each thread in turn, telling the people that he must have magic power or he could not have done so. He told the people that in four days Elder Brother would fall dead. On the fourth night he reached the sun and remained there. ^Vll the people who were in the va'-aki saw these miracles performed.

Vulture told tlio sun to spit on the house of Elder Brother,^ on the four pools of water at the va'-aki where Elder Brother kept his magic power, on his dwelling places so that heat might fall upon him and smother him. The sun did as he re(| nested. Toward the end of the four days Folder Brother acted like a lunatic. The heat became so intense that the cool fountains became boiling water and he was finally suffocated.

aSaidby Thin I^o^ither to be in tho Estrelia mountiiins. Antonio thinks it is in Baboquivari mountain.

26 KTH— 08 17

After his death' his skeleton was exposed for a long time, until one day some boys were playing near where it lay. They heard a strange noise like thimder that shook the earth, though there were no clouds in the sky. The boys saw that Elder Brother was regaining life and power. He sat up and rocked back and forth like a drunken person. The boys ran and told their story to the people, who were perplexed and alarmed. They gathered together, bringing all their weapons, and finally surrounded Elder Brother, who was by this time in full possession of his power. As the people came about him with their bows and arrows in hand he began to sink down into the earth, and in spite of their outcry he disappeared before their eyes.

Elder Brother sank through the earth and found the people that Earth Doctor had assisted to reach that side in order to escape the flood. Elder Brother told the people there of his ill treatment and asked them to come through and fight with him and to take the land away from the Indians. After four months' preparation they set out upon their journey, first singing the following song:

We go; we go; we go; we go.

Happy, we leave our homes. We go; happily we go. We run; we run; we run; we run.

Happy, we leave oiu land. With pleasiure hence we hasten.

Elder Brother told Gopher (Tcu'ohd) to bore a hole for the people to come through. Gopher made a hole through the earth like a winding stair.

Coyote learned that these people were coming out in our country and he went about looking for the place of their emergence. He finally discovered them coming through like ants from their hills. Elder Brother told Coyote not to go near them until all had come forth. Coyote did not heed the caution, but went and looked down the hole and laughed, which caused the opening to close. Five gentes** had come out, and it is supposed that those that were shut in belonged to yet other gentes. Upon their emergence Elder Brother and his followers danced and sang as follows:

Together we emerge with our rattles; Together we emerge with our rattles, Bright-hued feathers in our headdresses.

With our nyfinylrsa we went down; With our nyfinylrsa we went down, Wearing Yoku feathers in our headdresses.

This is the White Land, we arrive singing.

Headdresses waving in the breeze. We have come! We have come I

The land trembles with our dancing and singing.

a See p. 197 .

On these Black mountains all are singing,

HeaddrCvSses waving, headdn^sses waving. We all rejoice! We all rejoice!

Singing, dancing, the mountains ircinbling.

About half of these people came out and followed Elder Brother\s leadership until they had killed all his enenii(\s and captured young and old that did not resist.

Elder Brother's greatest enemies were the people living in the large pueblos, the ruins of which 3'et remain scattered about the (lila and Salt river valleys. He and his supporters ap[)roached one of the easternmost of these pueblos on the Gila, whicli is now^ known as Casa Grande, singing:

Yonder stands the doomed habitation.

Al)out the pu(?l)lo runs its friglitened chieftain In yellow garment with hand-print decoration.

They attacked and defeated the forces of Morning-Blue Si'van^, and then moved about 18 miles northw^estward to Santan, w* here they sang:

In their house of adobe tliey are slaying; Their chief wuth magic power fears me. In their house of adolxi w^e see their chief.

The chief of this extensive pmeblo was Kia-atak Si'van>'. His forces w^ere defeated and his pueblo overrun by Ehler Brother's warriors, who next moved to the villages about 4 miles west of Santan, where they sang:

Some will truly see; Some will truly see; Will see their house Behind the okatilla stockad(\

The chief of this place was called Tcuf Baowo Si'van^, and after he had been overcome the concjuerors moved across the Gila toward the pueblo of Sweetwater, singing as they approached :

There is the land of many beads.

There is the land of many beads. Some one comes forth.

IIo knows what will befall him.

The leader, Ta'-a Si'van^, was easily defeated, whereon the victors moved upon the* pueblo of Casa Blanca, singing:

It will be ditheult,

It will bedilficiilt. To capture this pueblo

With its magic pow<T.

They then attacked Tco'tcdk Ta'tai Si'van>', who was the most powerful of all the chiefs who ventured to oppose them.

He knsw that they would defeat him, yet he etrug^ed bravdy to save his people and at the last to save himself. He first took some soot from his chimney, powdered it in the palm of his hand, Uew it into the air, and daikness immediatdy fdl so dense that EUler Brother's wamors could see nothing. Too'tcAk Tl'tai Silvan'' then threw down his dwelling and made his way through the midst of his enemies. But the god of darkness dispelled the nig^t and the escaping leader was seen in the distance. Elder Brother's waniora succeeded in getting ahead of him and were about to sunound and kill him when he wiped the tears from his eyes and blew the drops among the men about him. Tliis produced a mirage which concealed him bom view. But the god of the mirage caused the veil to lift and again he was seen fleeing in the distance. Again Tco'tcAk Tl'tai Si'van^^ was headed and in danger; but this time he took out his reed dgarette and blew puffs of smoke, whidi settled down upon his pursuers like a heavy fog throu^ whidi he continued his flight. Hie god of the fog drove it into the sky and he was seen escaping. He now realized that he had but one more chance for his life. When the fog had formed douds in the sky he took his bdt and threw it upward and climbed up and laid himself against the douds as a rainbow. It was impossible for the god of the rainbow unaided to bring him down; he made several unsuccessful attempts before he hit upon the expedient of making some spiders which he sent after the rainbow. They f onned a web ov^r the bow and brou^t it to the earth and destruction.

Elder Brother's warriors were so astonished at the prowess of Tco'tcAk T&'tai SiVan^ that they thought he must have a strange heart, so they cut it open to see and, sure enough, they found within it a round green stone about the size of a buUet. The stone is kept to this day in a medicine basket which they captured with his grandson. Before he had undertaken his flight he had told the boy, Kft'k&nyip, to go with his basket and hide under a bush; after the grandfather should be killed the lad should come, touch him, and swallow the odor of the body and he would acquire the power of the SiVan^. But a warrior named S'hohany discovered the little Kft'kftnyip and after a time sold him to the Papago chief, K&k Si'sivfilfkl, Two-Whirlwinds. The box is yet kept by the Papagos living 30 miles south of Gila Bend. If it is distiu'bed a severe storm is produced and cold weather prevails in Pima Land.

After capturing the pueblo at Sweetwater and destroying its chief the invaders moved against Vulture's pueblo, 6 miles west of where they fought the last battle.

They then sang :

('hild of the Raven! Child of the Raven I

You of the dazzling power. See my magic power shining like the mirage.

Elder Brother told his army to capture Vulture alive. ' 'How can we identify him? We do not know him," said they. Elder Brother told them to capture the warrior with white loggings; they were the distinguishing mark of Vulture. They obeyed and brought the defeated leader to Elder Brother, who scalped him: t his ^ accounts for the naked head of the vulture of to-day.

Moving on to Gila Crossing, Elder Brother and his party sang:

I am the magician who with the sarred pipo

Of Tcu-unarsat incn^aae my magic power. I am the magician of the downy feathers.

With the soothing sacred pipe I bring sleep upon my enemy.

In the battle which ensued Tcu-unarsat Si'van^ was defeated, whereon the victors proceeded to Mesa; and before the pueblo of A'-an Ili'tftpakI Si'van^ they sang:

The small Blue Eagle alights;

The small Blue Eagle alights. Aft<T emerging from the middh» of th(» land.

To and fro he moves before me .\s my staff already has foretold.

After capturing this pueblo the conquerors moved against the Vi'-iki-ial Ma'kai Si'van^ near Tempe, singing:

Look for him! Look for him!

Poor distracted enemy; take him! Poor fear-stricken enemy; take him!

They then proceeded westward against other pueblos, which they destroyed, and afterwards returned to take possession of the Gila valley.

While the war raged along the Gila some of the inhabitants of the Salt River pueblos sought safety in flight toward the Colorado. They descended that stream to the Gulf of California, the east coast of which they followed for some distance, then turned eastward and finally northeastward, where they settled, and their descendants are the Rio Grande pueblo tribes of to-day.

K&'k&nyip married Kold Ha-akam, the daughter of K&k Si'siv6lIkT, and lived with his father-in-law in the Salt River valley near where Phoenix now stands. There his wife became pregnant and would eat notliing but green plants and game found in the mountains. So one day K^'krinylp went to the mountains to searcli for })ro visions for his wife. lie killed a deer which it took him some time to dress. In the meantime the Apaches surrounded him. He fought bravely, but they succeeded in killing him. His father-in-law awaited his coming during the evening and through the night; then he called the people together and told them that his son-in-la^v had disappeared. All searched until his body was found. Tliis they burned to ashes before returning to their homes. After this event the people moved southward as far as Santa Rosa. There K&'kd'nyTp's son was bom. He was named Pat' A'-anukam, and under his mother's care became a brave and noted man. While yet a boy he one day accompanied the people on a hunting expedition. Some of the hunters asked him many questions to learn if his mother thought about marrying them.^ He told his mother about these inquiries, which caused her to weep bitterly. She told him how his father had been killed. After hearing this sad story he went into the council house and told the people that he wished to see the springs and other places where the Apaches obtained drinking water, and also to see the traUs they used. His further adventures are related in the texts, page 353.

COYOTE

At the time of the destruction of the earth. Coyote was saved in the manner already described, and he again appeared at the emergence of the underworld Pimas that Elder Brother brought up to fight his own battles. Then it was that Coyote looked down the opening to see the humans struggling upward like a long line of ants ascending a tree, and the sight provoked him to laughter, an act that caused the earth to close up and prevent many people from reaching Pima Land. After that Coyote disappeared again. Now we are to hear the story of his subsequent life.

Coyote wandered about alone somewhere in the West after we last heard of him, until one day he made two other coyotes from his image, which he saw reflected from the water; one he called the elder brother or Sandy Coyote, and the other younger brother or Yellow Coyote. He told each to fetch a log. When they brought the logs he told them to embark upon the sea and seek for land beyond it. They followed his directions and sailed for days and nights across the water, the younger always behind the other. One day the elder said :

''Younger brother, why are you always behind? Why don't you come faster?"

"My log will not go any faster, that is why I am not with you," replied Yellow Coyote.

"How are you traveling, with your eyes wide open or ynth them closed?"

"My eyes are closed," answered Yellow Coyote.

"Oil, that is why you are so slow. Look up and open your eyes and your log will travel fast."

Yellow Coyote opened his eyes, but when he looked upon the water the wind blew the foam into his face and blmded him. " I am blind," he cried.

Sandy Coyote stopped and tried to restore his sight, but without success, finally concludmg that they had better return to their father

Coyote for assistance. After they had returned to land and Coyote had restored the sight of Yellow Coyote the two brothers went to dwell in the land l}ang between the Pima country and the Mohave territory, near the mouth of the Grand Canyon. There they built a house with the doorway toward the east, as is the Pima custom. When it was finished Sandy Coyote said, ^'Go in and take your choice of sides. You need only half the house, and I will take the other half.^'

Yellow Coyote said, *^ You take your choice and I will take what is left."

And so they continued telling each other to go in and take the first choice until the house grew old and fell dowm. They built a second house, and again their dispute lasted until it fell. The same result was reached with the third house, but when the fourth was built the elder brother went in and chose the south side of the house, leaving the north side for the younger.

When they went to gather the screw bean the elder brother took the beans on the south side of the trees and the younger brother took those on the north side. One day the elder said to the yoimger, '^How do the beans taste on that side of the tree."

''They are very good," replied the younger, but when they returned home in the evening he was taken sick.

" It is caused by the beans you ate," said Sandy Coyote. '' The beans on the north side are not ripened by the sun as are those on the south side. To-morrow you shall see the difference." And so the next day they went again and found the screw beans sweeter on the south side of the trees.

Every evening they sat and split sticks with which to build bins, log cabin fashion, for the screw beans that they gathered. One day the elder brother said, ''Let us play some kind of a game and bet our screw beans, and then we will not sleep too soon." So they made some ki^tskdt." The younger lost all his screw beans that night and the next day the elder said, "We will not go for beans to-day." So that day the younger went hungry, and for many days thereafter, for the game of ki"ts continued until the beans were rotten and not fit to eat. Then they wagered their arrows and other property. Sandy Coyote won the arrows, bow, sinew, and feathers belonging to Yellow Coyote and then went out and brought in all the large and fierce animals, but Yellow Coyote without a weapon could get nothing but the small creatures which were of little use to him.

In these straits Yellow Coyote sought the aid of Finish, who lived in the West. '' I need your help, for I am losing a great deal," said he. Finish accompanied ^'ellow Coyote to the latters home. When they reached the house Yellow Coyote went in first, but when the stranger tried to enter he was caught by sticks and held fast in the doorway.

a See p. 175.

He saw that the house was divided into two parts before him; even the fireplace was divided, and no one said a word to indicate which side he should enter. For a long time he was silent. Then he said : **What kind of people are you that you do not speak to me? It is the custom to ask a stranger 'Where are you from?' or, if they come at night, * Where were you when the sun went down?' Why are you not thus courteous? Am I a thief, a murderer, or a ghost that makes you speechless with fright?"

After the stranger had spoken. Mountain Lion got up, took his tobacco, rolled and lighted a cigarette.

**Ha, you are here also,'' said the stranger, **and have said nothing to me." But Mountain Lion put away his tobacco without offering any to the other, who exclaimed: '*Do you think I have no tobacco? Don't you see that I am caught here in the door because I have so much tobacco in my bundle that it will not go through?" Then Yellow Coyote invited him to come to the south side of the house.

For many nights they played different games, but Yellow Coyote continued to lose at all of them. At last he told Finish that he had hit upon a game that he believed they could win with. So he called Tco'kokoi, or Black Beetle, and told him that they wanted him to run a football race with Vap'kai-Iki, Duck. When Black Beetle heard that the south division of the house wanted him to run a race he said, ** While you people were planning for this I had a dream. I dreamed that I had in my right hand a green ball, which I threw or kicked with my right foot toward the east. After I had kicked four times I reached the place where the sun comes up. When I turned around the darkness came behind me, but I kicked the ball four times and reached the place where the sun goes down, and the darkness did not catch me."

All his party were glad to hear of Black Beetle's dream, saying that it was a sign of good luck. So the next day Yellow Coyote said to his brother, ''We will draw a line here for the starting place. If your man kicks his ball back over this line first he will be the winner and if my man kicks his ball first over the line I shall be the winner." They agreed that whoever won should have the privilege of marrying at the end of four days.

Duck and Black Beetle started off and ran for miles, and after a long time the latter came in, kicking his ball first over the line, thus winning the race for Yellow Coyote. At the end of the four days Sandy Coyote acted in bad faith, for he went away in the evening and toward midnight returned with a wife whom he had taken among the Va-aki A-^p, who lived northwest of the Coyote home. Her name was Itany Of'l^ Yellow Coyote said, *'I am going to build a fire and see what kind of looking woman my elder brother's wife is."

a Itany is the namo given % aaltbush, Atriplcx sp., tho seed of wl^ioh tt eatoii by tho Pi mas.

But the fire would not biUTi, and he got angry, exclaiming, '^What shall I do ? Here is that dirty syphilitic woman. I know her. I have passed her house many times, and I never thought she was to be my brother^ s wife. When she came in I smelled her breath, and the odor filled the house. What a lunatic my brother is to bring such a woman into the house." Then he covered the embers of the smoldering fire and laid down to sleep.

After four days Yellow Coyote went away in the evening toward the southeast and came home with a wife at midnight. She belonged to the people living on the Gila river supposed to be the ancestors of the Pimas, and her name was Ho-ony Of'I," Com Woman. When they entered the house Sandy Coyote said, '*I am going to build a fire and see what kind of looking woman my younger brother's wife is." But the fire would not burn, and he became angry, exclaiming, *^What shall I do? Here is that dirty syphilitic woman. I know her. I have passed her house many times, and I never thought she was to be my brother's wife. When she came in I smelled her breath, and the odor filled the Louse. What a lunatic my brother is to bring such a woman into the house." Then he covered the embers of the fire and lay down to sleep.

After a time they began to play ki°ts again, and Yellow Coyote lost as before. After he had lost all his property he wagered his body and soul, which Sandy Coyote won. Then the latter killed him and ate his flesh. Yellow Coyote's wife was pregnant at that time and later gave birth to a boy. When this boy was about nine years old he went out one day and met Sandy Coyote, who was bringing in a deer on his shoulders. A piece of the deer fat fell, and the boy picked it up, concealing it in his armpit. Sandy Coyote asked him if he had seen anything of the fat, but the boy said he had not. Sandy Coyote searched him and found the fat, which vexed him so that he thought to treat the lad as he had his father. "Let us play ki"ts together,'' said he. The boy told his mother about it, and she cautioned him not to gamble, as that was the cause of his father's death. For fear that he might do so she took him that night away toward the east. It was raining, but she carried fire with her in a small olla. She took up her residence in the Superstition mountains, where they lived upon herbs and grass seed. One day while the mother was away gathering seed the boy killed a bird with his little bow and arrows. When she returned he declared that he had killed a bird, hut she would not believe that he had done it. But they buried the bird in the ashes and ate it. After that the boy killed many birds, rats, cottontails, and large hares. From time to time his mother made larger arrows and a heavier bow for him. One day he came running to his mother asking for a yet larger bow that he might kill a mule deer. She told a There is a conflict of opinion as to which of these two women was married by Sandy Coyote.

Him that oiily a grown man and not even he single handed could kill a mule deer. But he insisted, saying that he could kill it. So she made the large bow, and he went away with it. When he reached the place where the deer was and was creeping close upon it a soft whistle reached his ear. He looked around and saw Moimtain lion coming toward him. When Mountain Lion came up he said[, ^'Wait here and I will kill the deer for you.'' He was as good as his word and brought the deer and also gave the boy his bow, arrows, quiver, and clothing, at the same time telling him not to let his mother know who had killed the deer, but to tell her that a man had given him the other things. The mother went with the boy and tried to find a track, but she could find nothing. After that the boy kiUed plenty of deer. One day he shot a deer which escaped with an arrow in him.

One day as Vulture was returning to his home near Maricopa he saw a dead deer with a strange arrow in it. He took both deer's meat and arrow home with him and showed it to the people who gathered according to their custom about him. He asked whose arrow it was, but no one could tell him. Sandy Coyote was in the company and recognized the arrow, but was too much ashamed to speak. Then Vulture said, *'I think I know the arrow. I have heard of a boy living in the west who was ill treated, so that he and his mother were driven away to the mountains. I think they must have found a home somewhere in this country, for this is his arrow."

Sandy Coyote admitted that it was his son's [nephew's] arrow. ''Give it to me, and I will some day go there and give it to him," he said. The next day Sandy Coyote searched for and found his brother's widow and her son. When he reached their house he went in and saw them eating a dish of meat. ^'Here, take your arrow," said he. ** You shot a deer, which carried it away and your father's brother found it, brought it to his home, and inquired whose it was. At last they said it was yours, so I bring it to you." The boy said nothing, but took the arrow and put it away. After the boy and his mother were through eating they put away the remaining food without a word.

Sandy Coyote turned to leave, making an attempt to whistle to show his indifference to the coldness manifested toward him, but he only succeeded m shedding tears. "What is the matter wdth you that you crj' so?" said the boy; "when I was younger and lived yriih you, you never gave me meat, but I did not cry."

A long time after that the woman said to her son, "I am going home to my own people, where I may get sometliing to bring to you, and then you may go and play ki"ts with Sandy Coyote, who killed j'^our father: I think you are clever enough to beat him now. " For mail}' daj's he waited for his mother to return, and at last he went after her. On the way he saw two attractive girls approaching him. Turning aside, he lay down beside the trail and began to sing a pleasing song just after the girls had passed liim. Surprised at hearing a voice behind them, they looked back to see wlience it came, but could find no one. They saw nothing except a dead body that was well advanced with decay. WTien they started on they heard the singing again, but when they renewed the search they could find no living person. The younger said, ^'It must be this decaying corpse that is singing."

''Let us go," said the elder; but the younger refused, sa}dng, ''I am going to take that dead body, for I can see it winking. " So she took it to her home and left it while she went to gather grass seed. Soon the younger girl wanted to return to the house.

''You want to go back to that putrid corpse," said the elder; "you crazy thing!"

"Well, I am going; and if you are going to stay here, stay as long as you like." So the younger woman got ready to go home, but the other also got ready and accompanied her. When they reached the house the younger went in and found a handsome young man, to whom she went witliout a word. The elder girl called her several times, asking her to come and help cook some food. At last the elder girl came and discovered the young man, and she also came to him. But the younger said, "You scolded me for bringing liim here; now you may go out and leave him to me. "

Finally the young man said, "Go out, both of you, and cook something for me to eat; I am hungry." So they both went to do as he wished. The next day the husband of the two young women came home, and was very angry at finding the young man there.

"Put up one of your wives, ^' said he, "and we will have a game.''

The young man said, "I have nothing to wager." But the husband replied, "Put up one of your wives." Then the young man said, "You must put up your shirt.'' And it was the turn of the husband to reply, "I have no shirt."

"Yes, you have."

"No, this is my skin," he answered, scratching his breast until the blood came.

"It is not your skin; it is your shirt. If you do not believe me, I will take it oiT you and then I shall win the wager from you. " "I agree," said the other. • So the young man took the husband of the women up by the hands and shook him, and he dropped dead out of his skin.

At this time the young man's mother came, and they took the two young women with them to their home. Soon he went to play ki°ts

with Sandy Coyote, taking with him beads, deerskins, and other things to wager. As he journeyed he sang:

Vasohona, vasohona, &ikinynamugmu y&ngai ku-ull.

Vasohona-a, vasohona. Over there, over there, you pay me my father old.

Over there, over there.

As he went along he took some white stones, which he made to resemble white birds' eggs. These he put in a little nest which he made. When he reached his uncle's house he told Sandy Coyote that he had come to play ki°ts with him. They got ready to play and put up their wagers, but the young man said, ''It is about time the birds laid their eggs. *'

"No," said Sandy Coyote, "it will be two or three months from now before they begin to build their nests. "

"As I came along I saw that the dove had already laid her eggs."

"No; you are lying to me."

Then the young man said, "Well, if I go and bring those eggs to. you and show you that I was telling the truth I shall win our wager, if I do not bring them you shall win. '' So the young man went out and brought the eggs. After the wager had been .paid they prepared for another game and another wager was laid. When they were ready the young man cut his toe nail and threw it into the west, where it hung, looking like the rim of the new moon.

"Look at the moon there in the west, " said he.

"No; we are having a full moon now," said Sandy Coyote, "it is in the east; you are lying to me. How could the full moon be in the west in the evening?"

"Well, suppose you look. If you find any moon you shall pay me the wager, and if you do not then I shall pay you." So Sandy Coyote looked and saw the supposed moon and came back and said, "You win."

Again and again they played and again and again the yoimg man won.

When they were ready to play kiHs Sandy Coyote said, "Sit there; it is your fa therms place. "

But the young man answered, "No; I shall sit here and you may sit there. If you wish me to sit there you must carry me there. If you can carry me there you will win all we have wagered this game; if you can not, then I shall win. " »

So Sandy Coyote thought he could do it easily, and took hold of the young man to carry him to the other side, but he found the man so heavy that ho could not move liim. So Sandy Coyote lost again, and was comf)ello(i to admit that he had lost all that he had. The young man said lie would like to have Sandy Coyote wager himself, if he had nothing else, and the other agreed to this.

When they were ready to throw tlie ki"ts the young man said, ''Your cane is looking at me very sharply; I would like to have it turned the other way.''

Sandy Coyote* replied, *'No one can move it in any way. I can not, nor can you.'

''Well, suppose I pull it out and turn it the other way, then I shall win the wager; and if I can not, then you shall win."

The other agreed; so he got up and moved the cane around as he wished, thus wiiming the final wager. Then the young man grasped Sandy Coyote by the hair and shook him until he dropped dowTi dead. Taking all that he had won, the young man went home.

After a time his mother said she would like to go to where her people were living. After some preparation they started on their journey. At the end of the first day they camped. During the night the mother turned lierself into a gray spider. The second day they went on agam and camped in the evening. That night the elder wife turned herself into a black spider. At the end of the next day's journey they camped again, and that night the remaining wife turned herself into a yellow spider. The young man was left alone the next day, hut he hoped to reach his mother's people, and so journeyed on until nightfall, when he camped. Durhig the night he turned himself hito a rough black lizard.

Even to this day Coyote is known as the wise one. It is dangerous to kill or harm liim, for he will avenge himself by stealing or doing worse mischief. He knows well the house of th(» one who tries to injure him, no matter where the deed may have been performed. And yet he is not always unfriendly, for if he is heard to cry out as if jumping it is a warning that the Apaches are near and danger menaces.

ANOTHER VEHSION OF THE CREATION MYTH«

before the earth was nuide nothing but darkness. It has been found only wind l)l()ws came rolling from one place to anotiier, nothing but wind, at the time there was a man in the thirkness alone, and has told that this man was wandering from point to point. This has been for (juite awhile, and no pleace for to rest on. So the man feel himself and know that he was a man by himself, and more of he found a push called (Shiquia) ** and after he found this, and he call (Shi(iuia) And also he made* the earth, and so he call himself a (rod. now at the

« It Mccins worth while to present here the version of the cosniogonical myth which was wrHU'n for the author by a young Piina who had learned to write English during the term of several years which he spent at a (loverrmient school. It illustrates theconfusion existing in the mindsof the younger generation; to some extent, also, the order of words in the I'ima sentence, as well as the diniculUes that must speedily beset the ethnological investigator as soon as the older people shall have gone.

I* Rsukoi.

time this darkness was still on yet. so the first he made water, when he had done this work, he took the water and throught up in Heaven.

which means stars, also he made the moon and mialk-way. to give more Ught. he also made the sun. which is greater then what he made.

now in those day's there, at a ceatan day. He sitted himself to made a j&rst man out of a very hard mud. and there was another man name

(Sis Hia.) and (Gia- (via mack)

These two men begain too make all kinds of living creaters. and when these two men made men out of hard mud the pleaced at a house to see what will be, in a day or two.

now when these men pleaced at. they want a Uttle way to see what will be done with they work, so the haerd sone one speacking in that house, but could not understand, next there was another one speacking in our Lounger and Sie Hia) said that he imderstand that will be great wares to all nathion, not very long after this poeple at

Mesa trying to make a ditch, so they gather one day saking each other of way to get water.

And one of these pearty said that there was man name Cea-gens who knows much about ditch, so the send for, when this Cea-vens) came to there camp, and told them that the must make a spath out of a tree call (Oie a came) so they work on for quite a while.

while the working this man Cea-ven went away for some reason, while he way. these poeple at mesa had a great trouble anong themself.

there where begain they war.

so they call a day, which these poeple to make Bows and arrows.

Sho-jiak,« (Caveid) *

and so these poeple start way down near Florince and then come to

Casa great Rounen, and so on to Casa Planco.

A mowan who's name (Stoke qui tham) his two son's one of them name (Parhane) another (Par-lrad)

one day when the were at home, thire mother told about an eagle of there owne. and one day these boy's wanted to go and see what there mother been told them. So the start for there Eagle, when the were at the plaece. the yoimgest said to his brother, tliat he may try first, to clime up for the birds, he tryd But could not make, then the oldest one. got them, and bring them down, the youngest brother took the oldest bird, and there begain to quirral about these two birds, the oldest said to his brother that he might have the yoimgest becouse he was the youngest.

and the oldest might have tlie oldest too. But the youngest would not let his oldest bird go. beeouse lie was tlio first one that he took, and would not let his brother give what he got first.

a Club. b Shield.

CHILDREN OF CLOUD

[Told by Inasa]

When the Hohokam dwelt on the Gila and tilled their farms about the Great Temple that we call Casa Grande there wa.s eliagrin among the young men of that people, for the prettiest woman would not receive their attentions. Slie would accept no man as her husband, but Cloud came out of the east and saw her and determined tc marr^' her. The maiden was a skillful mat maker, and one day she fell asleep when fatigued at her labor. Then Cloud sailed through the skies above and one large rain drop fell upon her; immediately twin boys were bom."

Now all the men of the pueblo claimed to be the father of these children. After enduring their clamors for a long time the woman told her j>eople to gather in a council circle. Wlien they had come she placed the children within the circle and said, ''If they go to anyone Jt w^ill prove that he is their father." The babies crawled about within the circle but climbed the knees of no one of them. And so it was that the woman silenced them, saying, ''I wish to hear no one of you say, 'these are my children,' for they are not."

When the boys had reached the age of iD the}' noticed that their comrades had fath(»rs and they inquired of their mother, "Who can we call father^ Who can we nm to as he returns from the hunt and from war and call to as do our playmates?"

And the mother answered: "In the morning look toward the east and you will see white Cloud standing vertically, towering heavenward; he is your father."^

'^Can we visit our father?" they inquired.

"If you wish to see him, my children, you may go, but you must journey without stopping. You will first reach Wind, wdio is your fathers elder brother, and beliind him you will find your father."

They traveled for four days and came to the home of Wind. "Are you our father?" they inquired.

"No; I am your uncle. Your father lives in the next house; go on to liim." They went to Cloud, but he drove them l)ack, saying: "Go to your unch* and he will tell you something." Again the uncle sent them to tlie father, and four times they were turned away from the home of eacii before their father would acknowledgt^ them.

a Bourke mentions this myth in his notes upon the Mohaves: •• This Eiirth is a woman; the Sky is a man. The Earth was sterile and barren and nothing grow upon it; l»ut by conjunction with the Sky (hero he repeated almost the very same myth that the Apaches and Pimas have to the effect that the Earth was asleep and a drop of rain fell upon her, causing conception) two gods were born in the west, thousands of miles away from here." Journal of American Folk-Lore, ii, 178.

6 Among the Navahos Sun is the father of the twins who grow to manhood in four days and then set out to find their parent. See Washington Matthews, The Navajo Mythology, in American Antiquarian, V. 216, 1883.

*'Show me that you are my children/' said he; *4f you are, you can do as I do/' Then the yoimger sent the chain Ughtning with its noisy peal across the sky. The older sent the heat lightm'ng with its distant diapason tones. "You are my children," exclaimed Cloud, "you have power like unto mine.'' As a further test he placed them in a house near by where a flood of rain had drowned the inmates. "If they are mortals," thought he, "they will be drowned like the others." Unharmed by the waters about them, the children demonstrated their power to survive, and Cloud then took them to his home, where they remained a long time.

When they longed to see their mother again. Cloud made a bow and some arrows different from any that they had ever known and gave to them. He told them that he would watch over them as they journeyed, and admonished them against speaking to anyone that they might meet on the way. As the boys were traveling toward the westward, they saw Raven coming toward them, but tliey remembered their father's injunction against speaking and turned aside so as not to meet him. They also turned aside to escape meeting Roadrunner, Hawk, and Eagle. Eagle said: "Let's scare those children." So he swooped down over their heads, causing the boys to cry from fright. "Oh, we just wanted to tease you, that's all; we don't mean to do you any harm," said Eagle.

Thus they journeyed on until they met Coyote. They tried to turn aside in order to avoid him, but he ran around and put himself in their way. Cloud saw their predicament and sent down thunder and Ughtning, and the boys by their magic power added to the bolts that flashed before the eyes of Coyote until he turned and fled.

It was on the mountain top that the boys were halted by Coyote, and one stood on each side of the trail at the moment when they were transformed into the largest mescal that was ever known. The place was near Tucson.

This is the reason why mescal yet grows on the mountains and why the thunder and lightning go from place to place — because the children did. This is why it rains when we go to gather mescal."

a A similar version of this myth was related to Lieutenant Emory by the interpreter of the Chief Juan Antonio LIunas. This man said: •' That in bygone days a woman of surpassing beauty resided in a green spot In the mountains near the place where we were encamped. All the men admired and paid court to her. She received the tributes of their devotion— grain, skins, etc.— but gave no love or other favor in return. Her virtue and her determination to remain unmarried were eqtially firm. There came a drouth which threatened the world ^^ith famine. In their distress the people applied to her, and she gave com from her stock, and the supply seemed to be endless. Her goodness was unbounded. One day as she was lying asleep with her body exposed a drop of rain fell on her stomach, which produced conception. .\ son was the issue, who was the founder of a new race wliich built all these houses,"

When he was asked if he believed the story he replied: " No; but most of the riinos do. We know, in truth, nothing of their origin. It is all enveloped in mystery." W. H. Emorj', Notes of a Military Reconnoissance, S. Kx. Doc. 41. 83. 3()th Cong., first sess., 1848.

SKULL AND HIS MAGIC

Once there was a pretty girl who was unwilling: to marry anyone. All the young men brought presents of game to her parents, but none found favor in the eyes of the critical maiden. At last to the surprise of neighbors and kinsmen she chose for her husband one who was a man by night and a skull by day. Then all laughetl at the marriage, saying, "One man in this valley has a bone for a son-in-law/'

One morning the crier of the village made this proclamation: *^ To-day we hunt deer in the mountains to the northward!" Skull went ahead of the party and hid in a defile in the mountains. When the hunters came driving the game before them the deer all fell dead at the sight of gruesome Skull; so the people had an abundance of venison without the trouble of trailing and killing. Thus it was that Skull rose in their regard and ridicule was no longer heaped upon him.

The next day had been appointed for the foot race in which the runners would kick the ball. Skull entered as one of the contestants, though his neighbors laughed and said: "IIow can one ball manage another?" But when he reached the goal a winner the last voice of contumely was silenced.

ORIGIN OF THE HORSE

Two brothers w^ho lived apart from their kinsfolk were skillful deer hunters. Day by day they followed the deer and antelope, and when their chase was successful they carried the game home on their shoulders. This was heavy work, and at last the elder in the goodness of his heart took pity on his younger brother, saying: "You must help me to carry out my plans and I shall become transformed into something that will be useful to you. Shoot an arrow through my body from front to back and another from side to side; cut me transversely into four pieces and throw them into the water. In four days you may come back and see what has happened."

When the younger man, sorrowing and wondering, had obeyed he returned to find four strange animals which we now call horses, two males and two females, colored black, white, bay, and yellow or "buckskin." lie was not frightened, for his brother had given him warning, and ho had provided himself with a rope, which he tied around the neck of one of the horses, took a half hitch in its mouth, and rode it home, driving the others.

Thereafter horses multiplied in Pimeria and in time all were provided with nionnts, though had it not been for the sacrifice of the good brother we should never have had any. 26 CTU— 08 18

Another version

At the time when the Rs&rstlkatc A-&tam confined the game animals in the cave at Aloam mountain** our people were living between Casa Grande and Tucson. Among them were two unhappy brothers, one blind and the other lame. One day as the elder was lamenting, crying, **Why am I lame?'' and the other was saying, '*Why am I blind?'' they suddenly heard a peal of thunder and a voice said, **Take care! Take care!" At this they were frightened, and the younger opened his eyes to see and the elder sprang to his feet and walked.

Then they went to hunt for game, but the Rs&rstlkatc A-&tam had cleared the ranges of every living thing that could supply the Pimas with food, so that the brothers wandered over mountain and mesa without success imtil they were gaunt with hunger. Then the elder told his brother that he would die for the latter's sake and that after a time the younger brother should return to see what had been the result of his sacrifice. When the young man returned he found two horses, a male and a female.

Nursery Tales the five lhtle orphans and their aunt

Five Httle Indians (not Pimas) were once left orphans because their parents had been killed by Apaches, and they got their aunt (their mother's younger sister) to come and live with them. She had no man, and it was very hard for her to take care of them. One day the children all went away to hunt, and they were met by five little rabbits (cottontails) in the mountains. The oldest of the rabbits came running to the children and crying, * 'Don't shoot me; I have something to tell you." So the children stood still and the rabbit said, **The Apaches have come to your place and burned down all the houses; you had better go home now." But the children surrounded the rabbit and killed it with an arrow and took it home.

When they reached home, they saw their aunt lying outside the ki in the shade, and something bloody near her. The oldest boy said, '^Just look what auntie has been doing! She's been eating our paint and poisoned herself." But it was blood they saw coming out of her mouthj for the Apaches had come and killed her. When they came closer, they saw that a bunch of her hair had been cut off, and she looked so unnatural in death that they thought it was somebody else, and that their aunt had gone away. They had never soon a dead person before. So they said , ' ' Let us dig a big hole and make a fire all day long and j)ut hot stones in it, for she has gone to the mountains to o Twenty-five miles southwest of Tucson.

get some mescal. '^ So they did, and waited all day long till sunset, when she usually came, but she did not come. Then they said, **She has gone far and has a heavy load and is waiting for us to come and help her; let us go/' But the oldest boy said, ''No, she will come anyway, she always does, even if she has a heavy load." So they waited till night, and gave her up, and went into the house to sleep; but they kept their sandals on, as the Pimas always did, so they could start off quickly if there were danger.

In their sleep they heard her coming in her sandals, groaning and murmuring, so they all got up and went outdoors. They heard her go and look into the fire pit, and then come and stand in their midst. One said, '^I think it is a ghost;" so they tiu-ned to the right and ran around the ki, and she followed them around and around. Finally they all went inside, still pursued, and the children stood on each side of the door and turned into stone. And the woman went away.

COYOTE AND THE QUAILS

Once Coyote was sleeping very soundly and a great number of quails came along and cut pieces of fat meat out of him; then the}^ went on. Just as they were cooking the meat Coyote overtook them and said, **0h, where did you get that nice fat meat? Give me some.'' They gave him some, and after he had eaten all he wanted he went on. When he had gone a little way, the quails called after him, "Coyote, you ate vour own meat.''

^^Whatdidyousay?"

*^0h, nothing; we heard something calling behind the mountains."

Presentlv they called again, "Coyote, you ate vour own meat."

"Whatr'

**0h, nothing; we heard somebody pounding his grinding stone."

So Coyote went on; but finally he felt his loss, and then he knew what the quails meant. So he said he would eat them up, and turned around after them. The quails flew above ground, and Coyote ran under them. Finally the quails got tired, but Coyote did not, for he was angry and did not feel fatigue.

By and by they came to a hole, ami one of the smartest quails picked a cholla cactus branch and pushed it into the hole, and they all ran in after it. Coyote dug out the hole, and whcm he came to the first quail he said, "Was it you that told me I ate my own meat '( " ''No," said the quail, so he lot him go, and he flew away. The next one he asked the same question and received the same reply, and let him go; and so on till the last quail w^as gone, and he came to the cactus branch. This was so covered with feathers that it looked like a quail, and the Coyote asked it the same question. There w^as no answer, and Coyote said, "I know it w^as you, because you do not answer." So he bit into it very hard and it killed him.

THE WOMAN AND COYOTE

Once the river rose very high and spread over the land. An Indian woman was going along with tortillas in a basket on her head, and she waded in the water up to her waist.

Coyote was afraid of the water, so he was up in a cottonwood tree. When he saw the woman he said, '*0h, come to this tree and give me some of those nice tortillas.''

*^No," said the woman, **I can not give them to you; they are for somebody else."

• *If you do not come here I will shoot you," said Coyote, for he w^as supposed to have a bow. So she came to the tree and said, ''You must come down and get them, for I can not climb trees." Coyote came down as far as he dared, but he was afraid of the water. Then the woman said, ''Just see how shallow it is, only up to my ankles." But she was standing on a big stump. Coyote looked and thought it was shallow, so he jumped down and was drowned. And the woman went on.

THE PIMA BOY AND THE APACHES

An old woman once lived with her grandson. The boy's father had been killed by the Apaches and his mother taken captive. They had treated the woman very badly and burned her arms with hot ashes and coals and made big scars. The boy had heard these stories about his mother.

The boy and the old woman had a very hard time getting along, and he used to go where certain persons were grinding com and brush a few grains as they fell from the metate into his blanket and carry them home and the grandmother would make soup of them, and that was the way they lived. But by and by these people wont away and when the boy went to get some corn there was none there and he had nothing to take home. The grandmother scolded liim and told him to go back ; and when he refused she whipped him. Then he said, "I know where my mother is, and I am going to her." The old woman said, ' ' No, you must not; the Apaches will kill you." But he said, "I am going; my mother will not let them harm me." So he went. His grandmother trailed him to the mountains, and finally from the very highest peak she saw him going along toward the camp. She also saw his mother, her daughter-in-law, out alone gathering seeds. She recognized her at a distance by the shining of her scars. The old woman ran after the boy, l)ut when she caught up with him he stepped aside and turned into a sa<j:uaro. Then after she had turned around and gone back he resumed his form and went on to his mother.

When she saw him she cried out, ''Don't come near me, the Aj)a('hes will kill you; you know what they did to me, and they will kill you."

"What can 1 do^' he said, ''What do the Apaches like?"

^^ They like little doves/'

^'Then I will turn into a little dove/'

He did this antl she carried him home in her basket. The Apaches asked, "What is that?" and she replied, "The vounti; of a dove; so I broufijht it home." But when the Apaches left the room they could hear her talking; to it, and when they came in she would be still. They could not understand the words but knew she was speaking her own language, so they said, ' 'This thing belongs to her tribe. Let us kill it."

vSo they went in and the chief took it in one hand and smashed it hard with the other and the pieces came through between his fingers. These pieces then flew up out of the smoke hole and turned into a flock of hawks, and they fell upon the Apaches and beat them all to death with their w^ngs.

Then they turned back into the boy again and he and his mother started home. But when they reached the place where the grandmother had turned back they could go no farther. They turned into saguaros, one on each side of the road.

THE BIRDS AND THE FLOOD

When the waters covered all the earth two birds were hanging onto the sky with their beaks. The larger was gray with a long tail and beak; the smaller w^as the tiny bird that builds its nest Hke an olla, with only a very small opening to get in. The larger one cried and cried, but the other just held on tight and said, '^ Don't cry. You see that I'm Httler than you, but I'm very l)rave. I don't give up so easily as you do. I trust in God; He wall take care of those in danger if they trust in Him." "

DEATH OF (^OYOTE

After the waters had gone down Elder Brother said to Coyote, ''Don't touch that black bug, and do not eat the mesquite beans; it is dangerous to hann anything that came safe through the flood." So Coyote went on, but presently he came to the bug, and he stopped and ate it up. Then he went on to the mesquite beans and looked at them and said, ''I will just taste one, and that will be all." But he stood there and ate and ate till they were all gone. And the beans swelled up in his stomach and killed him.

THE BLUEBIRD AND COYOTE

The bluebird was once a very ugly color. But there was a lake where no river flowed in or out, and the bird bathed in this four times every morning for four mornings. Every morning it sang:

(la'to Hotci/anon ima rsoiiga.

Ginaniirsa, \Vi 8^sik& sivany tcutciTnofia.

a This sentence is cleurly inspired by Christian teachings.

(There's a blue water, it lies there.

I went in, I am all blue, i

On the fourth morning it shed all its feathers and came out in its bare skin, but on the fifth morning it came out with blue feathers.

All this while Co^'ote had been watching the bird; he wanted to jump in and get it, but was afraid of the water. But on that morning he said, "How is this all your ugly color has come out of you, and now you are all blue and gay and beautiful? You are more beautiful than anything that flies in the air. I want to be blue, too." Coyote was at that time a bright green. *' I only went in four times," said the bird; and it taught Coyote the song, and he went in four times, and the fifth time he came out as blue as the little bird.

That made him feel very proud, because he turned into a blue coyote. He was so proud that as he walked along he looked about on every side to see if anyone was noticing how fine and blue he was. He looked to see if his shadow was blue, too, and so he was not watching the road, and presently he ran into a stump so hard that it threw him down in the dirt and he became dust-colored all over. And to this day all coyotes are the color of dirt.

THE BOT AND THE BEAST

Once an old woman lived with her daughter, son-in-law, and grandson. They were following the trail of the Apaches. Whenever a Pima sees the track of an Apache he draws a ring around it with a stick, and then he can catch him sooner. But at night while they were asleep the Apaches came and grasped the man and woman by the hair and shook them out of their skins as one would shake com out of a sack, and the old woman and the boy were left alone. They had to live on berries, but in one place a strange beast, big enough to swallow people, camped by the bushes. The grandmother told the boy not to go there, but he disobeyed her; he took some very sharp stones in his hands and went. As he came near the animal began to breathe and the boy just went inside of him and was swallowed all up. But with his sharp stones he cut the intestines of the beast so that he died. When the grandmother came to hunt for the boy he came out to meet her and said, **I have killed the animal."

**0h, no; such a little boy as you are to kill such a dangerous beast!"

''But I was inside of him; just look at the stones I cut him with."

Then she went up softly and saw tlie holes and believed. And after that they moved down among the berries and had all they wanted to eat.

the' THIRSTY QUAILS

A quail had more than 20 children and with them she wandered over the whole country in search of water and could not find it. It was very hot and they were all crying, '^ WHiere can we get some water? Where can we get some water ?^' but for a long time they could find none. At last, away in the north, under a mesquite tree, they saw a pcmd of water, but it was very muddy and not fit to drink. But they had been w^andering so many days and were so tired that they stopped in the shade, and by and by they went down one by one and drank the water, although it was so bad. But when they had all had enough it made them sick and they died.

THE NAUGHTY GRANDCHILDREN

An old woman had two bright grandchildren. She groimd wheat and com every morning to make porridge for them. One day as she put the olla on the fire outside the house, she told the cliildren not to fight for fear they would upset the water. But they soon began quarreling, for they did not mind as well as they should, and so spilled the water, and the grandmother had to whip them. They became angry and said they w^ere going away. She tried to make them understand why she had to wliip them, but they would not listen and ran away. She ran after them, but could not catch up. She heard them whistling and followed the sound from place to place, until finally the oldest boy said, '^I will turn into a saguaro, so I shall last forever, and bear fruit every^ summer." And the younger said, ''Well, I will turn into a palo verde and stand there forever. These mountains are so bare and have nothing on them but rocks, so I will make them green.'' The old woman heard the cactus whistling and recognized the voice of her grandson; so she went up to it and tried to take it into her arms, and the thorns killed her.

And that is how the saguaro andrpalo verde came to be.

Abstracts of Myths the creation myth

Out of primeval darkness spirit of Earth Doctor developed. He first created creosote bush from dust. Next created black ants and termites; these caused the world to develop and P^arth Doctor created the sk^^ Then made gray spider and commanded it to spin web connecting edges of earth and sky. Threw blocks of ice into the sky for sun and moon and spray of water for stars; large stars made from magic crystal, and milky way by walking stick dipped in ashes. All living things then created and human beings from images of clay. Earth became overpopulated, as there was no death yet,

348 THK PIMA nr0IA3ti \wxm.^m-lM

«o Eftjth Doctor pullc^l the sky down t>n the earth and cfnish^ ererythini^ to death. But he came through a hole to the other &icle and madi^ a new creation. Alter a time Eider Brother, a riTal to Earth Doctor, arose and threatened to destroy the people again- This aee^iin pitched » through the rhild of Elder Brothers agent and South Doctor'n daughter, who wa.** the la^stt of the youth's many wives. Child was abandoned and it^ team cau^sed a flood that overwhelmed I he earth* Polder Brother was saved in his olla. Coyote on a lr>p, father and cliild hy turning into birdi?. Earth Doctor h\ hiding in his HtafTi afid noine people by goin^ into a hole in the earth made by Earth Doctor

After the flood Eld<?r Brother wft« the ruler and Earth Doctor and Coyote his suhordinatefi. WTien they found the middle of the land they all took part in a new creation- First death caused by Eattleanake hitinji: Rabbit, Burning i^oqjse stolen by Coyote: afterwards he abu^icd the woman and in retaliation the magicians concealed all file useful nnlmals in a cave; thene released by Coyote.

Vilntru supplied witli niagie gambling sticks by Feather-breathing Bi'van'. Elder Brother interferc<i and causi^d Viintre to be turned into an eagle. F^agle lived on mountain and preyed on the people until killed by Elder Brother.

TarKnarnkam sent his parrot to steal turquoisea at Casa Grande; aent football tn diiugliter of Si' van' there; child bom from tlus became themonnter Ili-ftk, who killed and ate children until destroyed by Elder Brother* 'r<ibftfH'o plant grew from grave of old woman Aio had stolen Iia-Ak^H blood-

Elder Bmtlu^r Fell inli* disfavor with the people^ who killed him several times, but he always came to life again, until the magic power of Vulture was invoked, who kiUed him through the agency of the sun. Came to life once more^ but sank through a hole to the undery world, where the survivors of the flk>od lived. Some of these came above tmder his leadership and conquered the people there.

OOTOTB

After closing up by his laughter the hole through which the imderworld people were coming up, Coyote wandered to the west, and one day made two other coyotes from his image ih the water, Sandy Coyote and Yellow Coyote. They sailed on logs across the water, but Yellow became blind and they turned back and went to live near the Grand Canyon. . Gambled with each other and Sandy won; YeUow assisted by Finish, who causes Duck and Black Beetle to run a race, in which latter won for Yellow. Sandy finally won Yellow's body and soul and killed him. Death finally avenged by his son, who won from Sandy by stratagem.

CHILDREN OF CLOUD

Twin boys immediate result of marriage of Cloud and the beautiful mat maker, who had refused all suitors. Bo^s grow up, inquire for father, sent to the east to find him. Meet Wind, their uncle, and Cloud, their father. Tested by rain, thunder, and lightning, and accepted. ^Vfter long visit start for home; encounter Raven, Hawk, Eagle, and Coyote; stand on each side of trail to avoid latter and are transformed into mescal.

SKULL AND HIS MAGIC

Man by night and Skull by day, he married maiden who had refused other suitors. Successful hunter because deer fell dead at sight of him. Winner in football race, thus silencing all ridicule.

ORIGIN OF THE HORSE

Two brothers burdened with heavy game. One conceives plan of relief and asks other to help him. Latter cuts body of former into four pieces and throws them into a lake; in four days returns and finds four horses.

Abstracts of Nursery Tales the five little orphans and their aunt

Parents killed by Apaches and unmarried aunt supported children. While hunting one day warned by cottontail rabbit that Apaches had been at their house. On return find aunt dead, but never having.seen a corpse did not recognize her. With mescal kept fire against her return; at night frightened and pursued by her ghost until all turned to stone.

COYOTE AND THE QUAILS

Quails cut pieces of fat from Coyote as he slept; he awakened and overtook them in camp ; asked for refreshment and was given of his own flesh; starting on he was taunted about it by the quails. Turned to pursue them and almost ran them down when they ran into a hole, the foremost carrying a cholla stem. Coyote asked each in turn if she were guilty; on denial, let them go; iinally asked cholla, and receiving no reply, bit it hard and it killed liiin.

THE WOMAN AND COYOTE

Coyote in cottonwood tree asked woman wading in river to give him some of her tortillas; she refused, but on l)eing threatened went up to tree and told him to jump down, as the water was shallow; but she was standing on a stump; when he jumped he was drowned in the deep water.

THE PIMA CAPTIVE AND HER SOX

Boy whose mother captured by Apaches lived with his grandmother. Quarreled with her and started to find his mother. Reaching her he turned into a dove, and she carried him home; Apaches heard her talking in her language to it, so the chief crushed it in his hand; pieces flew up through the smoke hole and turned into flock of hawks, who beat the Apaches to death. Mother and son started home, but turned into saguaros on the way.

COYOTE AND THE BLUEBIRD

Bird became blue by bathing in lake. Taught Coyote how, and he became blue, too. So proud that he gazed at himself as he went along and ran into a stump, fell into the dust, and became gray, as he is to-day.

THE BOT AND THE BEAST

Parents killed by Apaches and boy Uved with grandmother. Frightened from berry bushes by terrible beast. Boy took some sharp stones and approached the beast, who swallowed him; cut his way out with the stones and thus killed the beast.

THE NAUOHTY GRANDCHILDREN

Quarreled with grandmother and ran away; when pursued the boy turned into a saguaro and the girl into a palo verde. Old woman grasped the cactus and it killed her.

Religion

DEITIES

The Pimas are far less given than their pueblo neighbors to the outward show of religion, such as is seen in the varied and frequent ceremonies of the Hopis and Zuiiis. On the contrary, they appear to have no other than an occasional **rain dance/' the navitco (see p. 326), and other ceremonies for the cure of disease. So far as could be ascertained in a comparatively brief sojourn among them their religion comprised a belief in the supernatural or magic power of animals, and especially in the omnipotence of the Sun. When in mourning, sick, or in need, the Pima addressed his prayers to the Sun in the morning: Tars! Oek i'up sInha-IkuHtOk iup In'yimak kuVkutCQd! *'Sun! Kindly help me through the day!" Or at nightfall his petition was raised: Stcoho'komam ! Oek iup slnh^'IkuHtOk iup Inylmak kukutftki! ''Darkness! Kindly help me through the night!" The followint^ form of supplication was often employed: Tars! Pa'pCititcfi slnhtl'l-iku[ldi], contracted from Tars! Pa'pCit itcok'si slnhA'IkuIt, *'Sun! There, have mercy on me." When weary upon a journey, the

Sun was appealed to, and the first whifF of cigarette smoke was puffed toward him. The disk was not regarded as the "shield" or '* headdress/' but as the veritable person of the god. lie moves unceasingly around the flat earth, going beneath the western rim and passing across below to rise in the east.

It is Sun that, by means of magic power, kills those who die during the day. It is Night who kills those who die during the hours of darkness. Moon is Sun's wife, but she is not accredited with the power that is given to Darkness. Coyote is the child of Sun and Moon, and figures largely in the myths. His character, by its buffoonery and trickery, much resembles that of the culture heroes of some other tribes.

At the present time two deities are recognized, Tci/wut Makai, Earth Magician (medicine-man or doctor), and Si'OO, Elder Brother. They live in the east, dividing the control of the universe between them. The former governs the winds, the rains, etc. ; sometimes he is called Tciors, Dios [Spanish]. Their names are pronounced when a person sneezes, or, he may simply exclaim 'pit}^ me,' referring tacitly to one or the other of these two deities. There is a puzzling mingling of the old and the new in the myths, though it seems probable that the greater part of them have been of ancient origin with recent adaptation of Earth Doctor and Elder Brother from the Christian religion. Among the Pimas themselves opinion is divided as to whether the myths have been largely adopted from the Papagos.

At the solstitial point in the northeast lives Tcopiny Makai, Sinking Magician, who also has a ^' house'' in the northwest. In the southeast lives Vakolif Makai, South Magician, who also occupies the corresponding point in the southwest. Along the Sun's path are the houses of the four minor gods:

Wupuki Makai, Lightning Magician, is the southernmost, and when the Sun is in his neighborhood we have lightning that is not accompanied by thunder.

Toahim Makai, Thunder Magician, causes the thunders that are heard during the second month.

Huwult Makai, Wind Magician, produces the strong winds that blow so continuously in the spring.

T&trsaki Makai, Foam Magician, causes the river to rise and bear foam upon its waves in the month succeeding the month of wind.

It is difficult to determine the exact position of Coyote in the Pima pantheon, though he is classed with the leading deities in the myths, and his modern but degenerate descendants are regarded as very wise.

When a coyote comes by moonlight and sees the shadow of a chicken he can pounce upon the shadow and so bring down the bird within reach. He has been known to steal a baby from between its sleeping parents^ an informant declared. Considering the manner in which the moon is supposed to have originated, it is strange that it should contain the figure of a coyote. No explanation of this belief was found.

The stars are living beings: Morning Star is the daughter of a magician; her name is Su'mas Ho'-o, Visible Star. Polaris is the Notwalking Star, but is otherwise not distinguished from his fellows. Possibly this term has been adopted since the advent of the whites. Once a mule \dth a pack load of flour was going along in the sky, but he was fractious and not gentle, as is the horse. He bucked oflF the load of flour, which was spilled all along the trail. A part of it was eaten by Coyote, but some remains to form the Milky Way.

THE SOUL AND ITS DESTINY

The soul is in the center of the breast. It makes us breathe, but it is not the breath. It is not known just what it is like, whether it is white or any other color.

The views of the Pimas concerning the destiny of the soul varied considerably. Some declared that at death the soul passed into the body of an owl. Should an owl happen to be hooting at the time of a death, it was believed that it was waiting for the soul. Referring to the diet of the owl, dying persons sometimes said, ''I am going to eat rats." Owl feathers were always given to a dying person. They were kept in a long rectangular box or basket of maguey leaf. If the family had no owl feathers at hand, they sent to the medicineman, who always kept them. If possible, the feathers were taken from a Uving bird when collected ; the owl might then be set free or killed. If the short downy feathers of the owl fell upon a person, he would go blind. Even to-day the educated young people are very chary about entering an abandoned building tenanted by an owl."

By some it is said that after death souls go to the land of the dead in the east.^ All souls go to Si'allk Rs&n, Morning Base, or a " Ha\ing Ijoen askod what information they possosflcd of their ancestors (a7i/rpa»ad«M), they told mc about the same things as (Jo mismo poco mas 6 mrnos que) the (Fimas [Maricopas?]) Gilefios said to the aefior comandante, and Padre Font put in his diary, concerning the deluge and creation; and added, that their origin was from near the sea in which an old woman created their progenitors: that this old woman is still somewhere (quien sahr en dondc), and that she ii is who sends the corals that come out of the sea; that when they die their ghost (corazon) goes to live toward the western sea; that some, after they die. live like owls (Jecolbtrs; and finally they said that they themselves do not understand such things well, and tluit those who know it nil a n^ those who live in the sierra over there lieyond thi> Rio Colonido." (Jare^s' Diary in Coues. On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, i, 122.

"After death Mohavcs Iw'i'onK' spiriis: thrn thry die again an‹l beeonu' a kind of an owl; a »<›cond tinn' th<'y turn iiitoa (liir<'n'iit kind of an owl. aii<l a third tiineinto still aiiothor; fourthly, thoy f)<x?ome wut«'r Ix'ctles; iifter tluit Ihcy turn into air.

•' If aiu'thing is l«'ft of tlirir l>odics. tli<> arms, the nuiscles of the upp<»r arms iMroineone kin«l of an owl. aiifl the heart aiiotluT. " J. (J. Bourke, .Journal of AnuTican Folk-Lor*'. Ii, ISl.

''('onipare th<' Navaho Ix'licf. as recorded by Matthews: "For is it n(»t from the west that the snow comes in the winter, the warm thawing I»n'e7.<'s in th«' spring, and the .soft rains in the summer to nourplace where the sun rises. The East Land is separated from the land of the living by the chasm called Tcu'wut Hi'ketany, Earth Crack. When one of the writer's interpreters had gone to school at Hampton, Va., lier associates said that she had gone to the abode of spirits. All is rejoicing and gladness in that other world. There they will feast and dance, consequently when one dies his best clothing must be put on and his hair must be dressed with care, as Ls the custom in preparing for an earthly ceremony. No idea of spiritual reward or punishment for conduct in this life exists.

Again, the souls of the dead are supposed to hang about and perform unpleasant pranks with the living. They are liable to present themselves before the living* if they catch the right person alone at night. The ghost never speaks at such times, nor may any but medicine-men speak to them. If one be made sick by thus seeing a ghost, he must have the medicine-man go to the grave of the offending soul and tell it to be quiet, "and they always do as they are bid.'^ Old Kisatc, of Santan, thought that the soul continued to reside in the body as that was "its house." During his youth he had accompanied a medicine-man and a few friends to the grave of a man who had been killed near Picacho, about 40 miles southeast of Sacaton. The medicine-man addressed the grave in a long speech, in which he expressed the sorrow and regret of the relatives and friends that the corpse should thus be buried so far from home. Kisatc avers that the spirit within the grave replied to the speech by saying that he did not stay there all the time, but that he occasionally went over to hang about the villages, and that he felt unhappy in the state in which he found himself. Of course the medicine-men claim to be in communication with the spirits of the departed as well as with supernatural beings capable of imparting magic power.

DREAMS

Dreams are variously regarded as the result of evil doing, as a natural and normal means of communication with the spirit world, and as being caused by Darkness or Night. During the dream the soul wanders awa3" and passes through adventures as in the waking hours. The young men never slept in the council ki for fear of bad dreams.

To dream of the dead causes sickness in the dreamer and if he dream of the dead for several nights in succession he will die. Dreams are not consulted for information concerning future action except in ish the corn in thf valleys nn<l the grass on tho hills? Therefore it is that when we are in need we pray to Estsamiltehi. th«' (Joddess of the Sunset Land.

" But first man and first woman wen* angrj- lMX?ause they wen^ banlsheci to the east, and liefore they left they swore iindj-lng hatred and enmity to our people. And for this reason all evils come from the east— smallpox and othi'r dist^ases, war, and the white intruder." The Navajo Mythology, in American ^Vntiquahau, v, 224, 1883.

the case of the would-be medicine-man who may be called to his profession by means of persistent dreams. Since Night may cause one to dream as he wishes it is fair to presume that it is that god who oversees the destinies of the medicine-men.

Many years ago Kisatc, in either a swoon or trance, believed that he went far away to a place where a stranger gave him a magnificent bow and a set of beautiful arrows. On regaining consciousness he asked for the things that had been given him while he was away and became quite indignant when they assured him that he had not been out of their sight. To this day he believes that they deceived him.

SACBED PLACES

H&h&tesumiehin or H&h&tai s'maihisk, Stones Strike, is a large block of lava located in the eastern Santan hills (see pi. xli, b). The largest pictograph ever seen by the writer in the Southwest is cut upon it and 2 or 3 tons of small angular stones foreign to the locality are piled before it. There are also many pictographs on the bowlders round about. This was probably a Hohokam shrine; though it is regarded with reverence by the Pimas, who still place offerings of beads, bits of cloth, and twigs of the creosote bush at the foot of the large pictograph. There is a tradition that a young man was lying asleep upon the flat rock and was seen by two yoimg women who were passing along the opposite hillside. They tried to awaken him by tossing the pebbles which are yet to be seen. Pima maids thus awaken their lovers to the present day.

Hftr&k Yk'dkj Hk'kk Lying, is a crude outline of a human figure situated about 5 miles north of Sacaton. It was made by scraping aside the small stones with which the mesa is there thickly strewn to form furrows about 50 cm. wide (fig. 102). The body furrow is 35 m. long and has a small heap of stones at the head, another at a distance of 11 m. from the first, and another at the junction of body and legs. The latter are 11m. long and 1 m. apart. The arms curve outward from the head and terminate in small pyramids. In all the piles of stone, which have a temporary and modem appearance, are glass beads and rags, together wth fresh creosote branches, showing that the place is yet visited. The beads are very old and much weathered. Beside the large figure is a smaller one that is 4.5 m. long, the body being 2.7. Hft-ftk is supposed to have slept one night at this place before reaching H4-&k Tcia H^k, a cave in the Ta-attikam mountains, where she remained for some time.

I'aksk', Place of Sacrifice, is a heap of stones on a knoll near Blackwater where it is probable that a Hohokam or Pima medicine-man has been buried.

RELIGION

Pat'anlkam, Place of the Bad One, is the name of a ^rave at Gila Crossing. It seems probable that the grave of some ITohokam medicine-man has been taken for that of the son of Kakanyp.

There is another similarly inclosed but iinnamod grave at Gila Crossing, also one between Sweetwater and Casa Blanca, and there are three at Blackwater. Such inclosures are called o'namtiksk, meaning unknown. Beads are to be found strewn about all of them.

Ma'vit Va-ak, Puma Lying, or Tci'apatak, Place of the Mortar, is a heap of small stones (pi. xli, c) between the Double buttes, 10 miles west of Sacaton. Stones are there piled over a shallow mortar in which beads have been placed and partly broken. Bunches of fresh creosote branches were mingled with the decaying fragments of arrow shafts at the time of the writer's visit, showing that while the shrine

Fio. 102. n&-4k altar.

is yet resorted to it is of considerable anti^iuity, for wood does not decay rapidly in that climate.

Evil spirits dwell in the Picacho and Estrella mountains, but this belief may be presumed to be an inheritance from the Apache period. The wTiter has not learned of any shrines being located in those ranges.

It is said that in the Santa Rosa mountains there was once a tightly covered medicine basket which was kept on a mountain top by a Papago medicine-man who carried offerings to it All others were forbidden to touch it; but someone found it and when he lifted the cover all the winds of heaven rushed forth and blew away all the people thereabout.

Near the summit of one of the lava-formed Santan hills is a small cave in which the Hohokam placed sacrifices. A number of articles were discovered there a quarter of a century ago and sent to some eastern museum. Since that time the Pimas deposited the body of a child and some other things in the cave, which were secured by an Arizona collector in 1901 . The cave is known as Va'rsa V&'-ftk, Basket L3dng, because it contained a basket such as the Pimas use for their medicine paraphernalia. It was discovered by two Pima warriors, who were serving their sixteen-day period of lustration for having killed Apaches. The basket contained sinew from the legs of deer, and sticks, which the finders assumed to be for the same purpose as those \iith which they were scratching their own heads at the time.

When a medicine-man dies his paraphemaUa, if not transmitted to his descendants, may be placed in an olla and hidden under a heap of stones in the hills. He may also sacrifice a part of his stock in a similar way during his Ufetime. The property of warriors is sometimes similarly cached.

Such places were formerly respected by the tribe, but they are now robbed with impunity to get ' ' relics " to sell. A man at Pe-«'pfttciltk' informed the author's interpreter, Jos6 Lewis, of the location of one of these caches in the low hills south of Casa Blanca. We found that a number of concretions, crystals, shells, a bird carved from stone, and a war club had been deposited in an olla with a bowl turned over it, rendering it water-tight. The whole had been hidden under a heap of stones at the summit of a spur of the hill about 4 miles from the villages.

Medicine- MEN

There are three classes of medicine-men among the Pimas. Those who treat disease by pretended magic are known as Si'atcokam, Examining Physicians. As many women as men belong to this order, to which entrance is gained chiefly through heredity. This is the most powerful class in the community, though its members pay for their privileges at imminent risk. How great this risk is may be seen from the calendar records, page 38. The Si'atcokam were more numerous than the other classes. Those who have power over the crops, the weather, and the wars are called Makai, Magicians. Only one or two women were ever admitted to this order among the Pinitus. Tliero were usually about five Makai in each village. These two chisses were the true rulers of the tribe, as their influence wavS much <i;roator than that of the chiefs. Their combined strength was for years turned a<^ainst the niissionary, Rev. C. H. Cook, but their inlhuMice is now fust waning and several medicine-men have boconie avowed Christians. From these converts information was obtained that in all probability could not have otherwise been secured.

Yet another class of persons, including both men and women, and few in number, might be termed medicine-men. They are called Ilai'-itcottam, Something given to drink. They are not highly esteemed, however skilled they may become in the use of roots and simple remedies, yet they are the true })hysicians of the Pimas. It may be that among the many empiric remeches which they employ some will be found to possess true therapeutic (jualities.

The traditional history of the tribe tells of many famihes of medicine-men, and the profession was very generally handed dovv^l from father to son. Those receiving magic power in this manner were somewhat more highly regarded than others. A second method by which a person might secure power was by what might be termed a process of natural selection; anyone who recovered from a rattlesnake bite on the hand or near the heart might become a medicineman or medicine-woman. A third method was by dreams and trances. Kisatc said that during his youth he had dreamed every night that he was visited by some one who endowed him with magic power. Under the influence of these dreams he decided to become a medicine-man, but as soon as he began to practise the dreams ceased. These dreams are not sought by fasting or other unusual ccmditions, nor does the person to whom they come seclude liimself from his fellows.

Several informants declared that '^any man who received instruction from a medicine-man and learned to do some little tricks could become a medicine-man." The process of acquiring power was called va'Ikita, '* getting power" (literally, "pouring in olla"). The novice was tested, either alone or along with one or more fellow-aspirants, by the medicine-man, who had the youth kneel before him on all fours, and then threw four sticks, each about S inches long, at him. If the novice fell to the ground during the throwing he was '^shot" with the power and could then take the next degree. This was administered by the instructor, who ^* coughed up" tcu'tcaka (word of unknown meaning), white balls the size of mistletoe berries, and rubbed them "into" the breast of the novice. Another informant said that the novice swallowed the balls. Four or five balls were thus administered, though the "power began to work" in some cases where only one or two balls were used. One informant thought that the medicine-man had a sort of ^'nest of power" wherein the balls developed as in the ovary of a hen. No matter how man}^ were given off the supply continued undiminished.

Sometimes the doctor w^ished to teach the youth, in which case the latter paid nothing for his instruction." But the usual fee was a a "The Indians of the nation of Loretto had schools, whereby these professors instructed their youths In the above opinions, and some other needless puerilities: but recommended to them as tniths of great importance. In order to this, their pupils attended them to caves or solitary places, at a distance

26 KTH— 08 19

V

horse, ^'a piece of calico/' or the like. Throughout the period of his initiation the novice was not permitted to go near a woman's menstrual lodge nor might he allow anyone to know that he was learning; that impUed that he should not practise until the end of the novitiate period, usually two years, sometimes four. When at length he began to practise his success depended on his abiUty to develop dreams and visions.

While the Si'atcokam can induct any young man into the mysteries of the order, that man's son can not inherit his father's profession.

Legerdemain

The Makai were intrusted with the important duty of securing supernatural aid to insure good crops. One method of procedure was to gather the people in the large lodge and have some one bring in an olla filled with earth. This the Makai stirred with a willow stick and placed before a clear fire, where it stood all night while rain songs were being simg. At dawn the olla was emptied and was found to contain wheat instead of earth. Four grains were given to each one present, to be buried at the comers of the fields or the four grains together at the center.

For a consideration the Makai would go to a wheat field and perform rites which he assured the owner would result in a heavy yield of wheat. After rolling and smoking a cigarette at "iBach comer of the field, he would go to the center of it and bury a stick (&'mlna) 3 or 4 inches long.

To cause an abimdance of melons and squashes, the Makai entered the field and took from his mouth — or, as his followers supposed, from the store of magic power in his body — a small melon or squash. The object was partially covered with hardened mud, symbolic of the productive earth. The rite was performed at a time when no melons or squashes had yet appeared, and it is supposed that he obtained the ** magic" melon by stripping the outer leaves from the growing end of young vines. This was buried at the root of a growing plant to insure a prolific yield.

Again, the germination and growth of wheat were sometimes imitated by concealing several grains of wheat in the hair and shaking them down upon the soil. Then by a dextrous manipulation of a previously prepared series of young wheat shoots the growth was represented up to the point where a stalk 2 feet in length was from the woods: and there they taught them to form certain figures on tablets, and when perfect in these, they were taught others, as children In our schools are taught to write. . . . Rut their most usual device was to hold up in their hands some little tablets of wood made ^*ith great labour, for want of iron tools of mesquite, or another hard wood ctilled Una de Gato, on which were painted some grotesque figures, affirmed to be the true copy of the table, which the \isiting spirit left with them at his departure to heaven: and these figures were the same which the Loretto professors [medicine-men] taught the boys at their private academy." Venegas, History of California, i, 98, 100.

slipped from the long coils of hair at the operator's shoulders and shown to the awe-stricken spectators as a fully developed plant.

A favorite trick was to have young men chew mesquite leaves, which on being ejected from the mouth were seen to be wheat or com.

Dimng the rain ceremonies, when the Makai were at the height of their glory, one of their most impressive acts wa.s to pour dry earth out of a reed until it was half empty and then it would be seen that the remainder was filled w4th water. '*Then it rained right away.'' If the Makai put one of the magic slates in a cup of water at the time the rain songs were being sung and also dug a shallow trench to show the rivulets how they should cut their way, it would rain in four days.

Another device of the Makai was to conceal reeds filled with water and then while standing on a house top to direct the singers to stand in a close circle around below him. Exhibiting a handful of eagle down or eagle tail feathers and throwing dust on them to show how dry they were, he would then sweep his hand about and scatter water over the spectators and singers, apparently from feathers but in reality from the reeds.

During the season when rain is especially needed any one may petition for it by means of the small gray fly that has a large head. Rubbing soot from the roof or chimney in the fly's eyes the person must say, ^'Go quickly, little fly, tell your grandmother to send the rain."

Some Si'atcokam arouse the wonder and admiration of their fellows by placing hot coals in their mouths (where they hold them between the teeth), or by holding them in their hands (taking care to have a thin layer of ash or mud beneath them).

When the exigencies of the case demand it, the Si'atcokam sink small pointed pieces of wood, an inch in length and flat at the larger end, into the flesh of their patients. The bits of wood are ' ' twisted back and forth between the thumb and forefinger as one would twist a thread until the wood disappears." The great grandmother of Jacob L. Roberts, a young man of Apache-Maricopa and Pima- Kwahadk' lineage, thus treated him during a tcnii)orary attack of sickness in his infancy. She sank two pieces of creosote bush into his breast and predicted that he would not be ill as would other children. She also said that she would die within the year — and she did. Strange to say, Jacob also escaped the epidemic diseases that afflicted his playmates.

The Si'atcokam ])rize certain crystals very highly and claim to obtain them in the following manner: The person possessing the necessary power may be going along in some quiet place when all of a sudden a man will be seen approaching. The stranger never reaches him but will be seen to disappear; then if the Si'atcokam searches about the spot where the man was last seen, he will find a transparent crystal, h&'tai tftn'tam, stone white, which contains a spirit that will aid him in all his subsequent undertakings and which will desert the stone at the death of the holder.**

The Si'atcokam treats a wounded man by sucking the evil from the woimd. He shows a strand of green that resembles a roll of water plants about 8 inches long. The wounded man sucks this crosswise four times and the Si'atcokam pretends to swallow it. *'This insures complete recovery."

Cause and Treatment of Disease

The Si'atcokam carries his tcaekut or staff in hand when called to treat the sick. lie begins by singing the **cure songs'' or causing them to be simg for the purpose of aiding him in correctly diagnosing the case. Then he puffs out cigarette smoke over the body of the patient in order that he may ^*see'' the disease. Most common ailments are attributed to certain definite causes and the diagnosis is easy. When he is well paid for his services he may sing more than one night before announcing the name of the disease. If he is too hasty he may ^^see'' the bear when it is really the deer that is causing trouble. However, he can not sing more than four nights; then, if he fails, he must call in a fellow-practitioner. The case of Sala Hina is an interesting and instructive one and will illustrate very adequately these peculiar methods. Several years ago Sala carelessly ate some weed which poisoned her and she had barely strength enough to reach home. As close relatives are not allowed to treat a patient, a neighboring medicine-man was called in. Her husband rolled a cigarette for the learned doctor, who smoked it, but however skillfully he spread the smoke cloud over the groaning patient he could not '*see'' the cause of the trouble. Then another Si'at(»()kam was called in and a cigarette was rolled for him and he peered through the veil sufficiently to see ''something." But he could not tell just what it was and advised sending for another medicine-man who was a specialist in intangible shapes. Sala was suffering the greatest agony in the meantime. If she moved she **felt full of pins inside.'' Those about her expected her to die at any moment. Number three at length arrived and smoked his cigarette, blowing the smoke across the patient from a distance to dispel the unusually heavy darkness. He said he must have his gourd rattle and magic feathers brought before he could see clearly. Meanwhile the husband had ])rought in a fourth medic ino-man. Number four then smoked a cigarette and prou ■ Small rock crystals, siii)i>osed to hv producod by the shumans, an? thought to Ix' dead or cvon living -a kind of astral bodies of the Theosophists. Such a rock crystal is called tevali (plural tevuH'r) or 'grandfather' the same name as is given to the majority of the gods. Hut it may, however, reprost^ni any ixTson or n^lative, in accordance with the directions of the shaman." Lumhollz, Symlx)llsm of the lluichol Indians, 03.

nounced the verdict of death. Poor Sala had been compelled to lie quiet to avoid the torture from the *'pins" but her mind was active and she understood every word that was said in her presence. Determined to do what they could, the last two arrivals set to work singing. Number three sang four songs, followed by four more songs from •number four. Then number three sang four more, and so they alternated all night. Toward morning they jmt ashes into a cup of water, sweeping eagle feathers across the dish meanwhile. They then announced that they would get the evil out soon. Number four sprayed water from his mouth over the patient and declared that he had found her to be suffering from the presence of the horn of a homed toad in her heart. Falling on his knees beside her he sucked \vnth all his might until he had removed the offending object. As it flew into his mouth it gagged him and he hastened to withdraw it. Calling for a piece of cotton he put the hot and burning horn into it and told the brother of the patient to throw it into the river. Then the two Si'atcokam sang twice and later in the day sang twice through their set of four songs for the homed toad. This faithful treatment brought about a recovery.

Sala's brother fell ill of some throat disease over which the doctors sang, sucked, and smoked for a month before he died.

It will be seen from the cases described that the songs play an important part in the treatment, and they are sung with endless repetitions. After the cause of the affliction has been decided upon the songs of that animal or object are sung. An image or a part of the animal or object is pressed upon or waved over the part affected and then the farce of sucking out the evil is gone through. Juan Thomas informed the writer that he had frequently concealed under his thumb nail the objects which he pretended to suck from his patients.

Sometimes ashes are rubbed upon the skin of the sick person. No matter what the disease may be, the ashes are administered with light rubbing. No explanation could be given for this treatment. For any disease, also, pledgets of cotton might be bumed on the skin, and. as these were half an inch in diameter and two or three might be burned in one place, the effect must have been very painful.

The female Si'atcokam never treated children; they confmed their labors to the treatment of abdominal troubles not necessarily peculiar to sex. Th€\y treated men for abdominal diiliculties and men treated women for all diseases.

Payment is promised to the Si'atcokam when they are called in. It may be a horse, cow, some wheat, a basket, or similar property. If he contracts to sing three nights and to receive a horse in payment, he will not receive the horse if the patient dies after he has sung two nights, but will receive some compensation. The death of the patient does not annul the obligation under any circimistances.

In addition to the animals, birds, and reptiles that cause disease, the variety of human ailments and the fertiUty of the native's imagination necessitated the invention of yet other causes. These were sometimes superhimian, but only too often the tribe merely descended to the level of the African savage, and accused some medicine-man of the crime of causing disease. There would seem to be some reason in this if the medicine-man who had the case in hand were the one accused, but that was not the custom; it was a rival practitioner who bore the onus and frequently paid the penalty with his Uf e, as may be seen from the accompanying annals. It would seem that every epidemic of any extent that ever afflicted the Pimas caused an almost wholesale destruction of medicine-men. In individual cases of maUce on the part of the medicine-man the treatment is to sing the medicine song and afterwards to place four magic stones in a cup of water, taking out one at a time and holding it under the nose of the patient, that he may inhale its power; then he must drink the water.

If a person beUeves that a medicine^man has brought sickness upon his household he calls in another doctor to find the charm. The one consulted takes four assistants and searches day and night imtil some object is found which they can safely assume was hidden in the vicinity by the maUcious medicine-man. When foimd the object must not be touched, for fear of death, but the mere discovery renders it harmless to the person against whom it was aimed.

Sometimes the medicine-man causes sickness by ''shooting'* charcoal, made from the burned body of an enemy, into some one who does not notice it at the time, but whose body bums in consequence. If it is sucked out before it is entirely consumed the charcoal loses its power and the patient recovers.

The badger causes a severe throat disease, which, however, is considered to be of rare occurrence. The remedy is to sing the badger song (p. 321) and to press the tail of the badger on the patient's neck.

The bear causes swellings upon the body, headache, and fever. The remedy is to sing the bear songs, of which there are several (p. 318); the singing is sometimes continued throughout the entire day. No part of the animal is used in the treatment. The bear is friendly to the Pimas. If a man meets one he must say, "I'm red," and then the bear will not touch him, though he is free to kill the animal.

The black-tailed deer causes diseases of the throat and lungs. The remedy is to sing the deer song (p. 317) and to press the tail of the deer on the affected part.

The coyote causes sickness in children; some believing that he brings on the dysentery when the mother eats melons before the birth of the child, others thinking that he causes rash and blisters on the baby^s tongue. The remedy is to sing the coyote song (p. 316) and swing the tail of the coyote over the child.

The dog, a very near relative of the coyote in Pimeria, also causes trouble for the children. When a child a month or two old is fretful and sleepless the medicine-man is pretty certain to diagnose the case as ''dog disease." He does not treat it in any manner, but some one who knows the dog song (p. 3.15) is called in to sing, and as he sings he sways a stick that has some of a dog's vibrissas tied to it, to and fro over the child.

The gopher causes stomach trouble, particulariy in children. The remedy is to sing the gopher song (p. 319) and to press moistened earth from a gopher hill upon the affected part. At Gila Crossing were obtained two small deerskin bags containing tufts of eagle's down and two or three twigs that had been cut by a gopher. These were to be pressed upon the stomach of the child.

The jack rabbit causes open sores. The remedy is to sing the rabbit song (p. 314), and during the singing to swing over the patient the tail of the hare to which the animal's vibrissa? have been tied.

The mouse, kuwakaw&,p&kam, causes constipation in children. This is cured by singing the mouse song (p. 314), and pressing the tail of the mouse on the abdomen. If no prepared tail is available a dead mouse is used.

The ground s(|uirrel of the mesas causes nosebleed.

There are but four birds that cause disease. There appears to have been no conscious classification in the minds of the Pimas in attributing certain afflictions to the birds. These diseases are all of a different nature, and are similar to those assigned to mammals and reptiles.

The eagle causes hemorrhage. The remedy is to sing the eagle song (p. 289) and to pass the down of the eagle over the part.

The eagle is also blamed for the lice that find refuge in the hair of the Pimas. The remedy is to blow cigarette smoke over the head.

The hawk causes hemorrhage in grown persons only. The disease is cured by singing the hawk song and passing the wing feathers of the bird over the patient. If one touches a hawk he nmst be secluded for four days.

The owl throws people into trances and fits. They are restored by having the owl song (p. 311) sung while six owl feathers mounted on a stick are swung over them. The cry-^ of the small owl, kokovol(t), in the night is a bad sign. When the large owl utters a sound resembling human speech sickness may be expected.

The vulture or turkey buzzard causes sores, especially syphilis, and sore eyes on the baby if the parent eat a dead animal just before the child is bom. The remedy is to sing the buzzard song and pass the wing feathers of the buzzard over the child.

A Gila monster if killed by the father just before the birth of a child causes the baby's body to become red and feverish. The remedy is to sing the Gila monster song (p. 307). Such a disease must be of rare occurrence and no other treatment is prescribed.

The homed toad causes rheumatism and hunchback. The remedy is to sing the homed toad song (p. 307) , and press an image of the creature upon the patient (fig. 25, a). If one accidentally steps on a homed toad he must tie a red string around its neck and let it go, saying, ** nyu u-ut hok,'' my blood eat. This is to cause the subtle toad to eat the bad blood that may cause disease in the person.

The large lizard, tcosokalt, is responsible for a fever in children, the most prominent symptom of which is the whitening of the skin. If any one who knows the lizard song (p. 308) is available he comes and presses an image of a lizard (fig. 25, h) on the child as he sings; if not, a lizard is killed and fat from its body is rubbed upon the child.

The rattlesnake causes kidney and stomach troubles in children. These are cured by singing the rattlesnake song (p. 309) and pressing the parts affected with an image in wood or stone of the rattlesnake.

The bite of the rattlesnake is cured by sucking the wound every morning for four days. Others suck it one or two days, and also ligature the limb with horsehair, or draw a circle around it with charcoal to define the limit of the swelling. The Papagos and Mexicans use the plant Euphorbia marginata to poultice snake bites, and it is possible that some Pimas use it also, though the writer was unable to find anyone who knew of its being so used.

While the rattlesnake is dreaded and under circumstances previously mentioned is regarded as possessing magic power, he occupies a far less important place in Pima thought than in that of the Ilopis. It is said to be imlucky to come upon two rattlesnakes, one soon after the other, when engaged in searching for anything. If a child puts its foot through ah olla head ring that is commonly left lying about the premises, the mother warns him that the rattlesnake will bite him. The same fate is threatened if he puts his foot into the mortar in which the mesquite beans and other articles of food are ground. The rattlesnake is accredited with wisdom that directs it to the place where the best mesquite beans are to be had, though why such a locality has any attractions for it was not explained.

The turtle causes large sores on the body or cripples the legs. The treatment is to sing the turtle song (p. 306) and shake a rattle over the patient. The rattle is made by killing a river turtle and placing the body in an ant-hill until the ants have thoroughly cleaned out the shell, which is then mounted on a handle, and some gravel j)ut into it.

A butterfly with striped wings causes internal pains. The treatment consists in singing the butterfly song (p. 295) and pressing the body of the patient with four or five images of the butterfly cut from deerskin.

The worm, k&mm^lt, when found dead and dried is ground up in the mortar and the powder used to cure sores around the baby's mouth.

One's teeth \vill fall out if he eats food over which some caterpillars have crawled.

The nausea of pregnancy is caused by unfaithfulness on the part of the woman. It is cured by singing the proper songs and striking two sticks a foot long over the patient afterwards.

The remolinos, or whirlwinds, that are so common in Pimerfa, cause pains in the legs, but not swellings. The remedy is to sing the wind song (p. 324) and to rub the limbs with the black gum of the okatilla, Fouquiera splendens.

The sun may cause disease for which there would seem to be no special song. However, a small colored image of the sun wnth feather rays attached is used by the medicine-man.

A captured Apache child might cause lameness in some member of • the family by whom he was kept. It was cured by some one who had killed an Apache singing over the patient. Then the child must be sold to the Mexicans or Americans. It was also supposed that the touch of an Apache woman might cause paralysis.

Piholt was once a man, but is now an evil spirit living in the east, and causing a disease which has its songs.

The Nyavolt, an evil spirit, may induce a horse to throw his rider and injure him. The patient is cured by singing the Nyavolt song (p. 329) and s^\dnging a pair of crossed sticks over the injured part.

A certain disease of the throat is called wheita, and the same name is given to a stick made from mesquite root, wliich is thrust down the ^ patient's throat four times and then passed four times over the heart to cure him.

Tcunylm is an evil spirit that causes sickness in children. The most characteristic symptom is fretfulness. The Tcunylm song is sung and t\w child's body is ])ressed with a strand of hair taken in war from an A|)ache's head. The hair is cleaned and washed by some old person, then the ends are gkied together with the gum of the creosote bush before it is ready to use. A'mTna sticks tied with bluebird and redbird feathers are also used.

KA^'niill tkA,k (pi. XLiv, 6), who was accustomed to assist the doctors, states that this name is applied to a (hsease of the throat which causes the victim to lose flesh. The treatment consists in placing fi.'mlna in an olla of water to soak wliile the doctor or his assistant blows through a tube, called the tcunylm cigarette, upon

\

the forehead, chin, breast, and stomach of the patient. The tube has a bunch of feathers attached called a-an kiattlta, and these are next swept in quick passes downward over the body. The &'mina are then taken and sucked four times by the patient, after which the end of the bundle is pressed against the patient's body, then laid flat upon his breast and rubbed. Finally, the assistant repeats the speech of Siu-u at the time when that deity restored himself to life, at the same time making passes toward the patient.

Magic influence exerted by evilly disposed persons, especially medicine-men, may cause a particular ailment, called ** doctor's disease,'' in the cure of which the slate tablets found in the ruins are believed to be most efiicacious. The information was given that no marking was made on the slates; they were simply placed in a vessel of water and the patient drank the water.

Sometimes the sickness of a child was believed to be due to the fact that some person desired to take it away from its parents. If they went to the covetous one and accused him of the crime the child immediately recovered.

Navitco (fig. 26) is an evil spirit adopted from the Papagos. His home is in the moimtain called Papak, Frog. ^ This spirit causes the knees to swell and the eyes to become inflamed. It may safely be inferred that this disease has been a common one, as it is the practice to treat several at one time in a somewhat more elaborate ceremonial than is usual in the treatment of other diseases. One medicine-man personates Navitco, another known as E&kspakam accom- panies him; both are masked. At a signal from Navitco, given by throwing com meal on the baskets, 15 or 20 persons appointed for the purpose sing the Navitco song (p. 326) , accompanied by the notched sticks, after which Navitco goes to each patient and pats him with eagle feathers imtil he has presumably drawn out all disease. He then throws away the feathers. He is followed by K&kspakam, who seats himself before each patient to give him an opportunity to touch the mask and then the swollen knees. When the singers have finished, they rub the notched sticks over their own bodies to prevent contagion. All concerned in the ceremony must not eat salt for four days thereafter.

The Navitco medicine-men also claim to possess the power to bring rain.

The treatment of a child aflBicted with dysentery mingles the new order with the old in an interesting manner, combining Christian baptism ^\ith pagan sun worship and magic medical practice.

A man and his wife who are close friends of the parents come early in the morning and wash the baby. If it is a boy, it is taken up at sun-

" Santa Cataliims, north of Tucson; ultitu«U', 10,000 fwt.

rise by the man, who breathes upon a cross and holds it toward the sun four times. If it is a girl, it is taken by the woman, who breathes upon a medal and holds the object toward the sun four times. Whichever object is used is next passed in the form of the cross over the face and again over the body of the infant by both the man and the woman. Each then holds the child four times in his or her arms before handing it to the parents. A name is given the child by the godfather and godmother. No child except one thus ill or another in the same family of a naming age at the time is ever cliristened thus. The godparents must give the child some wheat or corn each year until it grows up, and the parents give a basket each year in return.

Even horses may become sick through the evil influence of malicious medicine-men, who, it is said, ' ^ shoot ^* hve coals into them-7- coals that have been taken from an Apache fire. The remedy is of a similar magic character. A reputable medicine-man is called in, who diagnoses the case and decides from what direction the coal was *'shot.^' lie does not sing, but after smoking a cigarette and blowing puffs of smoke about the premises and u])on the horse he determines the place to suck out the coal from the distressed animal. When he gets the coal into his mouth he makes a pretense of being burned by it and immediately fills his mouth with water, after which he casts out the coal.

The transparent trick of sucking a hair from the body is resorted to in veterinary practice in a manner similar to that pursued when treating hiunan ailments.

Prevalent Diseases"

Consumption is the most frequent and fatal disease, due to poverty of diet and contagion. The Pimas do not attempt to prevent infection. Their former treatment was a diet of mountain turtle and sun-dried beef.

Dysentery is common in summer because of the peculiar habit, by no means confined to the Pimas, of eating unripe melons.

Impetigo contagiosa is the worst skin disease, and is principally confined to the children.

Children are intentionally exposed to smallpox and measles, that they may have the diseases in lighter form. Smallpox was regarded as an evil spirit of which they did not dare to show f(^ar. They said *^I like Smallpox," thinking that he would be thus placated. At one time they attempted inoculation from persons that had litrht attacks, but the experiment resulted in many deaths. From 1870 until the Government sent a physician to the agency, the missionary, Rev.C. H.

a From 1892 until 1895 Dr A. E. Harden held the position of ugimcy physician at Sacaton and from 1900 until the time of the writer's visit to the Pimas in 1902 continued his practice as missionary physician among the IMmas. The writer is indebted to him for the greater portion of the informacion relating to the d^rce of prevalence of disease.

Cook, supplied the Pimas with vaccine. They retained some of their old dread of the demon and continued to place the bandages with which the arm had been dressed upon a certain mesquite tree, not daring to bum them for fear of oflFending. Smallpox has usuallybeen brought to the Pimas by the Papagos from Mexico. Measles appears every three or four years, but does not seem to be any more fatal than among the whites, though it is more likely to be followed by consumption.

Rheumatism of the chronic articular type is fairly common and is treated like many other pains by scarifying the part aflFected with bits of broken glass.

There are a few cases of acquired syphilis among the Pimas and a few due to hereditary taint, but they are fairly free from the disease, considering their habits, and are much more exempt from it than their allies, the Maricopas.

Diarrhea was supposed to be due to touching ripe wheat in the fields, and it was considered necessary for a medicine-man to walk about in the standing grain and blow the danger away with smoke.

Bleeding woimds were bandaged; bums were plastered with wet mud; broken limbs were set with skill and inclosed in Ught and strong splints made of reeds.

Melancholia sometimes afflicts '*a man who has killed Apaches'' so that he wanders about without clothing and refuses to talk. No treatment is attempted, and the victim dies of neglect.

Massage is a common form of treatment of almost any disease and of itself is enough to endanger the patient, for it sometimes happens that the operator administers a vigorous pommeling to the abdomen.

Table of diseases

Rare

Occasional

Common

Acne

Asthma

Bronchitis

Epilepsy

Cataract

Caries

Dementia

Eczema

Conjunctivitis

Lupus

Favus

Consumption

Melancholia

Heart disease

Diarrhea

Typhoid

Neuralgia

Dysentery

Pleurisy

Impetigo contagiosa

Scabies

Measles

Smallpox

Pneumonia

Syphilis

Rheumatism

Urticaria

Toothache