Pahlavi Texts, Part I: The Bundahis, Bahman Yast, and Shayast la-Shayast

INTRODUCTION.

1. The Parsi Scriptures

2. The Pahlavi Language anjl Literature

3. The Bundahij .

4. The Selections of Za^-sparam

5. The Bahman Ya^-t

6. The Shayast la-shayast

7. Concluding Remarks

PAGE

ix xi

xxii

xlvi

lix

Ixvii

TRANSLATIONS.

BUNDAHI^-

Selections of ZA^j-sparam Bahman Ya^-t Shayast la-shayast

I

Index Errata

Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East

PRIITCSTOIT REC. MAR 1881

I. The Parsi Scriptures.

Though we must look to the Avesta for information regarding the main outlines of the Parsi religion, it is to Pahlavi writings we must refer for most of the details relating to the traditions, ceremonies, and customs of this ancient faith, which styles itself emphatically ' the good religion of the Mazdayasnians,' and calls its laity bahdinan, or 'those of the good religion.' In the fragments of the Avesta which still exist, we may trace the solid foundations of the religion, laid by philosophic bards and lawgivers of old, with many a mouldering column and massive fragment of the superstructure erected upon them by the ancient priesthood. These are the last remnants of the faith held by Cyrus, the anointed of the Lord (Isaiah xlv. i), the righteous one (Is. xli. 2), or eagle (Is. xlvi. 11), whom He called from the east, and the shepherd who performed His pleasure (Is. xliv. 28) ; scattered fragments of the creed professed by Darius in his inscriptions, when he attributes his successes to ' the will of Auramazda ; ' and mouldering ruins of the comparatively pure religion of oriental ' barbarism,'which Alexander and his civilising Greek successors were unable wholly to destroy, and replace by their own idolatrous superstitions. While in the Pahlavi texts we find much of the mediaeval edifice built by later Persian priestcraft upon the old foundations, with a strange mixture of old and new materials, and exhibiting the usual symptom of declining powers, a strong insistence upon complex forms and minute details, with little of the freedom of treatment and simplicity of outline characteristic of the ancient bards.

X PAHLAVI TEXTS.

To understand the relationship between these two classes of Parsi sacred writings, it must be observed that the Avesta and Pahlavi of the same scripture, taken together, form its Avesta and Zand, terms which are nearly synonymous with ' revelation and commentary.' Both words are derived from verbal roots implying ' knowledge;' Avesta being the Pahlavi avistak, which may most probably be traced to the past participle of a, 'to,' + vid, 'to know,' with the meaning of 'what is announced' or 'declaration ;' and Zand, being the Pahlavi form of Av. zalnti (traceable in the word azai^tij'), must be referred to the root zan, ' to know,' with the meaning of ' knowledge, understanding ^.' European scholars, misled probably by Muhammadan writers, have converted the phrase 'Avesta and Zand' into 'Zend-Avesta/ and have further identified Zand with the language of the Avesta. This use of the word Zand is, however, quite at variance with the practice of all Parsi writers who have been independent of European influence, as they apply the term Zand only to the Pahlavi translations and explanations of their sacred books, the original text of which they call Avesta. So that when they use the phrase ' Avesta and Zand' they mean the whole of any scripture, both the Avesta text and Pahlavi translation and commentary. And the latter, being often their only means of understanding the former, has now become of nearly equal authority with the Avesta itself. It is probable, indeed, that the first Zand was really written in the Avesta language, as we find many traces of such Avesta commentaries interpolated both in the Avesta and Pahlavi texts of the Parsi scriptures ; but this is rather a matter of European inference than of Parsi belief. The later (or Pahlavi) Zand appears also, in many places, to be merely a translation of this earlier (or Avesta) Zand, with additional explanations offered by the Pahlavi translators.

Regarding the sacredness of these Pahlavi translations, in the eyes of the Parsis, there can be no manner of doubt, so far as they cannot be shown to be inconsistent with the

• See Haug's Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the ParsiS; second edition, London, 1878 j pp. 121, 122.

INTRODUCTION. XI

original Avesta text. But besides these translations there is another class of Pahlavi religious writings whose authorityis more open to dispute. These writings are either translations and Zands of Avesta texts no longer extant, or they contain the opinions and decisions of high-priests of later times, when the Pahlavi language was on the decline. Such writings would hardly be considered of indisputable authority by any Parsi of the present day, unless they coincided with his own preconceived opinions. But for outsiders they have the inestimable value either of supplying numerous details of religious traditions and customs which would be vainly sought for elsewhere, or of being contemporary records of the religious ideas of the Parsis in the declining days of their Mazdayasnian faith. It is with a few of such writings this volume has to deal ; but before describing them more minutely it will be desirable to give some account of the Pahlavi language in which they are written.

2. The Pahlavi Language and Literature.

The term ' Pahlavi,' in its widest extent, is applied to all the varying forms of the mediaeval Persian language, from the time when the grammatical inflexions of ancient Persian were dropped, till the period when the modern alphabet was invented, and the language became corrupted into modern Persian by the adoption of numerous Arabic words and phrases. Some traces of Pahlavi words and phrases, written in old Semitic characters, have been found in the legends of coins struck by certain kings of Persian provinces, subordinate to the Greek successors of Alexander, as early as the third century B. C.^ Further traces have been discovered in the legends on some provincial coins of the time of the Arsacidan dynasty. But, practically, our acquaintance with Pahlavi commences with the inscriptions^ on rocks and coins, of Ar(^akhshir-i Papakan (a.D. 226-240), the founder of the Sasanian dynasty, and ends with certain religious

^ See Levy's Beitrage ziir aramaischen Miinzkunde Eran's, unci zur Kunde der altern Pehlewi-Schrift ; Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig, 1867 ; XXI, ^ 21-465,

Xll PAHLAVI TEXTS.

writings of priests and other devout Parsis of post-Muhammadan times, among the latest of which is one dated A.Y. 350 (a.d. 881). Any fragments of Pahlavi composition of later date than A.D. 1000, must be considered merely as modern imitations of a dead language, and cannot be quoted as authorities for the use of any particular Pahlavi words or construction.

With regard to the origin of the word Pahlavi, or language of Pahlav, many suggestions have been offered ; but the most probable explanation^ is that which connects it with the Parthva of the cuneiform inscriptions, the land of the Parthians known to the Greeks and Romans, and of the Pahlavas mentioned by Sanskrit writers ; the change of Parthva into Pahlav being very similar to that of Av. Mithra into Pers. Mihr. No doubt the language of the Parthians themselves was not Pahlavi, but they were the actual rulers of Persia for some centuries at the time when the Pahlavi language was forming there ; and, being formidable to their neighbours, it is not surprising that their name became identified with everything Persian, in the same way as the Roman name has been applied by the Persians, not only to the later Greek empire of Constantinople, but even to the earlier conqueror, Alexander the Great.

Strictly speaking, the mediaeval Persian language is only called Pahlavi when it is written in one of the characters used before the invention of the modern Persian alphabet, and in the peculiarly enigmatical mode adopted in Pahlavi writings. Whenever it is transcribed, either in Avesta characters, or in those of the modern Persian alphabet, and freed from this peculiarit}^, it is called Pazand.

The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi, here alluded to, long made the character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars, and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich, in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language already cited.

Like the Assyrians of old, the Persians of Parthian times appear to have borrowed their writing from a foreign race.

• See Hang's Essay on the Pahlavi Language, Stuttgart, 1870 ; pp. 33-37.

INTRODUCTION. Xlll

But, whereas the Semitic Assyrians adopted a Turanian syllabary, these later Aryan Persians accepted a Semitic alphabet. Besides the alphabet, however, which they could use for spelling their own words, they also transferred a certain number of complete Semitic words to their writings, as representatives of the corresponding words in their own language. These Semitic representatives (the number of which might at any time be increased or diminished at the discretion of the writer) were probably never very numerous, and not more than four hundred of them are to be found in the Pahlavi writings now extant ; but, as they represent nearly all the commonest words in the language (excepting those specially relating to religious matters), they often constitute more than half the bulk of a Pahlavi text.

The use of such Semitic words, scattered about in Persian sentences, gives Pahlavi the motley appearance of a compound language ; more especially as Persian terminations are often added to the Semitic words. But there are good reasons for supposing that the language was never spoken as it was written. The spoken language appears to have been purely Persian ; the Semitic words being merely used as written representatives, or logograms^ of the Persian words which were spoken. Thus the Persians would write malkan malka, 'king of kings,' but they would read shahan shah. This is still the mode in which most Parsis read their Pahlavi literature ; and it is only by assuming it to have been their universal practice, in former times, that we can account for the total and immediate disappearance of the Semitic portion of the Pahlavi, from their language, when the Persians adopted their modern alphabet. As the Semitic words were merely a Pahlavi mode of writing their Persian equivalents (just as 'viz.' is a mode of writing ' namely ' in English), they disappeared with the Pahlavi writing, and the Persians began at once to write all their words, with their new alphabet, just as they pronounced them.

In the meantime, the greater part of the nation had become Muhammadans, and a new influx of Semitic words commenced, but of a very different character. The Semitic

XIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.

portion of the Pahlavi writing was nearly pure Chaldee, and was confined (as already stated) to the graphic representation of most of the simplest and commonest words unconnected with religion ; but it seems to have formed no part of the spoken language, at all events in later times. Whereas the Semitic portion of modern Persian is borrowed from Arabic, and includes most words connected with religion, science, and literature ; in fact, every class of words except that which was usually Semitic in Pahlavi writings ; and these Arabic words form an essential part of the spoken language, being as indispensable to the modern Persian as words of Norman-French origin are to the English.

In Pahlavi writings, moreover, besides the fou7 hundred Semitic logograms already mentioned, we also find about one hundred obsolete forms of Iranian words used as logograms ; much in the same way as ' ye ' may be used for 'the,' and ' Xmas ' for * Christmas' in English. The use of all these logograms was, however, quite optional, as their usual Persian equivalents might be substituted for any of them at any time, according to each particular writer's taste and discretion. But whenever they are employed they form what is called the Huzvarijr portion of the Pahlavi ; while the other words, intended to be pronounced as they are spelt, form the Pazand portion.

Many attempts have been made to explain the word Huzvarij, but it cannot be said that any satisfactory etymology has yet been proposed. Like the word Pahlavi it seems hardly to occur in any old Pahlavi text, but only in colophons, chapter-headings, and similar notes of modern writers ; it seems, therefore, more reasonable to trace it to modern Persian than direct to any more ancient source. Its Pahlavi form, huzvarij or auzvarijrn, appears to represent the modern Persian uzvari.?, which is rarely used ; the usual Persian form of the word being zuvarij. Now zuvarij is precisely the form of an abstract noun derived from the crude form of a verb zuvaridan, which has been admitted into some Persian dictionaries on the authority of Golius \

• See Castelli Lexicon Heptaglotton, Pars altera, London, 1669.

INTRODUCTION. XV

with the meaning ' to grow old, to become thread-bare.' If such a verb really exists in Persian, although its meaning may imply 'decrepitude or decay' rather than 'antiquity or obsoleteness,' yet its abstract noun would not be altogether inapplicable to the logograms used in Pahlavi, which are, in fact, last remnants of older writings.

The word Pazand is probably derived from Av. paitizantl, with the meaning 're-explanation,' that is, a further interpretation of the Pahlavi Zand in the Persian vernacular. This term is applied not only to the purely Persian words in Pahlavi texts, but also (as already noticed) to transliterations of the said texts, either in Avesta or modern Persian characters, in which all the Huzvarii- words are replaced by their Pazand equivalents. These transliterations form what are called Pazand texts ; they retain the exact idiom and construction of the Pahlavi original, and represent the mode in which it was read. It may be remarked, however, that all such Pazand texts, as have been examined, seem to have been written in India, so that they may be suspected of representing some corrupt Gu^arati pronunciation of Persian, rather than the peculiar orthography of any period of the Persian language.

This theory of the origin and development of Pahlavi writing could hardly be upheld, unless we could trace the same artificial mixture of Huzvarii- and Pazand in all accessible Pahlavi records, from their earliest appearance to the present time. This we are able to do, even in the scanty materials afforded by the legends on the provincial Persian coins of the third century B.C. and second century A.D. already mentioned. But we can trace it with greater certainty not only in the coin legends, but also in the rock inscriptions of the earlier Sasanian kings (a.d. 226-388), in the latest of which we find the written language differing very slightly from that contained in the manuscripts preserved by the Parsis of the present day, although the characters differ very much in form. And, finally, in the legends on the coins of the later Sasanian kings (a.d. 388- 651) and on seals of their times, we find even this difference in the shapes of the letters disappearing by degrees. In

XVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.

fact, all the materials at our disposal tend to show that Huzvari^ has been an essential constituent of all Pahlavi writines from the time of Alexander's successors to that of the disuse of Pahlavi characters ; but we have no reason to suppose that the spoken language of the great mass of the Persian people ever contained the Semitic words which they thus used as Huzvarij- in their writings.

Although the use of Huzvarij-, until explained recently, rendered the nature of the Pahlavi language very obscure, it added very little to the difficulty of understanding the Pahlavi texts, because the meaning of nearly every Huzvarij- logogram was well known ; being recorded in an old glossary preserved by the Parsis, in which every logogram is explained by its proper Pazand equivalent. The extant copies of this old glossary generally contain the Huzvarii- and Pazand words written in the Pahlavi character, together with their traditional pronunciation, either in Avesta or modern Persian letters ; there is, therefore, no particular difficulty in reading or translating the Huzvari^ portion of a Pahlavi text, although doubts may often be entertained as to the accuracy of the traditional pronunciation.

The real difficulty of reading Pahlavi texts lies in the Pazand portion (so far as it may be unexplained by existing vocabularies), and is chiefly occasioned by the ambiguity of some of the Pahlavi letters. The alphabet used in Pahlavi books contains only fourteen distinct letters, so that some letters represent several different sounds ; and this ambiguity is increased by the letters being joined together, when a compound of two letters is sometimes exactly like some other single letter. The complication arising from these ambiguities may be understood from the following list of the sounds, simple and compound, represented by each of the fourteen letters of the Pahlavi alphabet respectively : —

^a, a, h, kh. i b. ^1 p, f- "^ t, d. (^k,g,z,v. ^ r,

1. S z. JO s, yi, yad, yag, ya^, di, dad, dag, da^, gi, gad, gag, ga^, ^i, ^ad, ^ag, gz.g. -«0 sh, s, ya, yah, yakh, ih, ikh,

INTRODUCTION. XVU

da, dah, dakh, ga, gah, gakh, ^a, ^ah, ^akh. £^ gh. 5 k. ^ m. 1 n, V, w, u, 6, r, 1. ^ y, 1, e, d, g, g.

From this list it is easy to see the confusion produced by the letter 33 s being exactly like the letter ^ y doubled, and by the letter JQ sh being identical with a compound of J) y and JJ a; and there are, in fact, some compounds of two letters which have from ten to fifteen sounds in common use, besides others which might possibly occur. If it be further considered that there are only three letters (which are also consonants, as in most Semitic languages) to represent five long vowels, and that there are probably five short vowels to be understood, the difficulty of reading Pahlavi correctly may be readily imagined.

When Pahlavi writing was in common use this difficulty was probably no more felt by the Persians, than the complexity of Chinese characters is felt as an evil by a Chinese mandarin, or the corrupt system of English orthography by an educated Englishman. It is only the foreigner, or learner, who fully appreciates the difficulty of understanding such cumbrous systems of writing.

With regard, however, to their Huzvari^- logograms the Persians seem to have experienced more difficulty. As the actual sounds of these Semitic words were rarely pronounced, in consequence of their Pazand equivalents being substituted in reading, there must have been some risk of their true pronunciation being forgotten. That this risk was understood by the Persians, or Parsis, is proved by the existence of the Huzvarii'-Pazand glossary already described, which was evidently compiled as a record both of the pronunciation and meaning of the Huzvarij- logograms. But its compilation does not appear to have been undertaken until the true pronunciation of some of these logograms had been already lost. Thus, although the traditional readings of most of the Semitic portion of the Huzvarii- can be readily traced to wellknown Chaldee words, there are yet many other such readings which are altogether inexplicable as Semitic

[5] b

XVlll PAHLAVI TEXTS.

words. In most such cases, however, European scholars have found that the Huzvarii- word can be easily read in some other way which at once connects it with some ordinary Chaldee equivalent. It may, therefore, be reasonably assumed that the compilers of the glossary had in some instances lost the correct pronunciation of these old Semitic words, and that, in such cases, they adopted (as a Parsi would probably do at the present day) the most obvious reading of the letters before them, which thenceforth became an artificial word to be handed down to posterity, by successive generations of writers, with all the authority of old tradition.

In the same manner the artificial pronunciation of the Iranian portion of the Huzvari.? may be explained. The compilers of the glossary found a number of w^ords in the Pahlavi texts, which were written in some obsolete or contracted manner ; they knew the meanings of these words, but could not trace the true readings in the altered letters ; they, therefore, adopted the most obvious readings of the written characters, and thus produced another series of artificial words, such as anhoma for aiiharmazd, yahan for yazdan, madonad for mainok, shatan for shatro, &c.

Naturally enough the Parsis are loth to admit the possibility of any error in their traditional readings of Huzvarii-, and very few of them have yet adopted the views of European scholars further than to admit that they are ingenious hypotheses, which still require satisfactory proof. They are quite right in demanding such proof, and they may reasonably argue that the conflicting opinions of various European scholars do not tend to increase the certainty of their explanations. But, on the other hand, they are bound to examine all proofs that may be offered, and to consider the arguments of scholars, before utterly rejecting them in favour of their own preconceived notions of traditional authority.

Fortunately, we possess some means of ascertaining the ancient pronunciation of a few Huzvarij" words, independent of the opinions of comparative philologists, in the inscrip-

INTRODUCTION. XIX

tions already mentioned as having been engraved on rocks, and impressed on coins, by the earher kings of the Sasanian dynasty in Persia. The earhest of these rock inscriptions records the name and titles of Artakhshatar son^ of Papak, the first Sasanian monarch (a. D. 226-240}; it is engraved in Greek and two kinds of old Pahlavi characters, which have been called Chaldseo-Pahlavi and Sasanian-Pahlavi, because the one bears more resemblance to Chaldee, both in its letters and the language they express, and the other is more frequently used by the subsequent Sasanian monarchs. A similar tri-lingual inscription records the names and titles of his son and successor Shahpuhar I (a. D. 240-271), who has also left a long bi-Iingual inscription, in Chaldaeo and Sasanian- Pahlavi, in a cave near Persepolis. Another long bi-lingual inscription, fragments of which have been found on stones among the ruins of Pai Kuli, is attributed to his early successors, who have also left us several uni-lingual inscriptions in Sasanian-Pahlavi, two of which are of great length, but none later than the end of the fourth century.

The language of the earlier of these inscriptions differs from that of the manuscripts preserved by the Parsis, chiefly in the use of several Semitic words unknown to the manuscript Huzvarii', the non-existence of Iranian Huzvarii- (which is evidently a growth of later times), and the less frequent use of Persian terminations affixed to Semitic words. These differences, however, are hardly greater than those which distinguish the English of Chaucer from that of our own day. Moreover, they gradually disappear in process of time, as we find the later inscriptions of the fourth century approaching much closer, in language, to the manuscripts.

As the alphabets of these inscriptions are less imperfect and ambiguous than that of the Pahlavi manuscripts, they render the pronunciation of many words much more certain. They consist of eighteen letters, having the following sounds : — ■

' So slated in the inscription, but Pahlavi MSS. call him the son of Fapak's daughter and of Sasan (see Bund. XXXI, 30).

b 2

XX PAHLAVI TEXTS.

I. a, a. 2. b. 3. p, f. 4. t, d. 5. k, g, t. 6. kh, h. 7. d. 8. r, V, w, u, 6, 9.2. 10. s. ii.sh, j-. 12. k. 13. g. 14. 1, r, 15. m. 16. n. 17. y, i, e. 18. doubtful, being equivalent to Chaldee h^— and to Pahl. MS. -man\

Comparing this list of sounds with that of the sounds of the manuscript alphabet (pp. xvi, xvii) it is evident that the inscriptions must afford a means of distinguishing a from kh, s from any binary compound of y, d, g, or g, sh from any compound of y, d, g, or g with a, h, or kh, n from v, r, or 1, and y, d, g from each other ; all which letters and compounds are left in doubt by the manuscript alphabet. Unfortunately we do not possess trustworthy copies of some of the inscriptions which are evidently the most important from a linguistic point of view^'; but such copies as have been obtained supply corrections of traditional misreadings of about twenty-five Huzvam logograms, and at the same time they confirm the correctness of three traditional readings which have been called in question by most European scholars. So far, therefore, the inscriptions would teach the Parsis that the decisions of comparative philologists are not likely to be right more than seven times out of eight, even when they are tolerably unanimous.

The Chaldaeo-Pahlavi character appears to have soon

• Whether the sound of this letter can ever be satisfactorily settled remains doubtful. Levy, in his Beitrage, cited on p. xi, considers it to be the Semitic n, on palseographical grounds ; but there are serious objections to all the identifications that have been proposed.

' The Sasanian inscriptions, of which new and correct copies are most urgently wanted, are: — i. An inscription of thirty-one lines high up in the left side-compartment (behind the king) of the centre bas-relief of Naqs-i Rao-ab, near Persepolis. 2. Two inscriptions, of eleven and twelve lines respectively, on the stones of the edifice near the south-west corner of the great platform at Persepolis, south of the Hall of Columns (see Ouseley's Travels in Persia, vol. ii. p. 237 and plate 42). 3. All the fragments of the Pai Kuli inscription, of which probably not more than half have yet been copied.

Of the very long inscription behind the king's horse in the bas-relief of Naqs-i Rustam, containing more than seventy lines very much damaged, a copy taken by Westergaard in 1843, with his usual accuracy, probably gives nearly all that is legible. And of the Hao'iabad and shorter inscriptions, little or nothing remains doubtful.

INTRODUCTION. XXI

gone out of use, after the establishment of the Sasanian dynasty, as the latest known inscription, in which it occurs, is that of Pai Kuli, which contains the name of Auharmazd I (a. D. 271-272) ; while the long inscriptions of Naqi'-i Ra^'-ab and Naqj--i Rustam, which contain the name of Varahran II (A.D. 275-283), are engraved only in Sasanian-Pahlavi. From these facts it seems probable that Chaldaeo-Pahlavi went out of use about A. D, 275. The Sasanian characters continue to appear, with very little alteration, upon the coins until the end of the fifth century, when most of them begin to assume the cursive form of the manuscript Pahlavi, which appears to have altered very slightly since the eighth century.

The oldest Pahlavi manuscript known to be extant, consists of several fragments of papyrus recently found in a grave in the Fayum district in Egypt, and now in the Royal Museum at Berlin ; it is supposed to have been written in the eighth century. Next to this, after a long interval, come four manuscripts written on Indian paper, all by the same hand, in A.D. 1323-1324; they are two copies of the Yasna and two of the Vendidad, containing the Avesta with its Zand, or Pahlavi translation and commentary ; two of these old MSS. are now preserved in Kopenhagen, one in London, and one in Bombay. Next to these in age are two MSS. of miscellaneous Pahlavi texts, written probably about fifty years later ; one of these is now in Kopenhagen and one in Bombay. Another MS. of nearly the same age is also a miscellaneous collection of Pahlavi texts, written in A.D. 1397, and now in Munich ; where there is also one of the oldest Pazand- Sanskrit MSS., a copy of the An/a-Viraf-namak, written in A.D. 1410, Another Pazand-Sanskrit MS., a copy of the Khurdah Avesta, of about the same age, exists in Bombay. Pahlavi and Pazand manuscripts of the sixteenth century are rather more numerous.

Pahlavi literature reached the zenith of its prosperity about thirteen centuries ago, when it included the whole literature of Persia. Seventy years later its destruction commenced with the fall of the Sasanian dynasty (A.D.

XXil PAHLAVI TEXTS.

636-651) ; and the subsequent adoption of the modern Persian alphabet gave it its death-blow. The last remnants of Pahlavi writings are now contained in the few manuscripts still preserved by the Parsis in Western India, and their almost-extinct brethren in Persia. A careful estimate of the length of these remnants, so far as they are known to Europeans, has shown that the total extent of existing Pahlavi literature is about thirty-six times that of the Bundahii-, as translated in this volume. One-fifth of this literature consists of translations accompanying Avesta texts, and the remaining four-fifths are purely Pahlavi works which are nearly all connected with religion. How much of this literature may have descended from Sasanian times can hardly be ascertained as yet ; in fact, it is only very recently that any trustworthy data, for determining the age of a few Pahlavi writings, have been discovered, as will be explained hereafter, when considering the age of the Bundahij-.

3. The BUNDAHI5'.

The term Bundahii", 'creation of the beginning,' or 'original creation,' is applied by the Parsis to a Pahlavi work^ which, in its present state, appears to be a collection of fragments relating to the cosmogony, mythology, and legendary history taught by Mazdayasnian tradition, but which cannot be considered; in any way, a complete treatise on these subjects. This term is applicable enough to much of the earlier part of the work, which treats of the progressive development of creation under good and evil influences ; but it is probably not the original name of the book. Its adoption was no doubt partly owing to the occurrence of the word bun-dahij-n, or bun-dahii-nih, twice in the first sentence, and partly to its appropriateness to the subject. But the same sentence seems to inform

'■ When this work forms part of a collection of Pahlavi texts, the whole manuscript is sometimes called ' the great Bundahis.' There also exists a Saddar Eundahis, or Buudahi.s of a hundred chapters, which is a comparatively modern compilation, detailing the chief customs and religious laws of the Parsis in a hundred sections.

INTRODUCTION. XXIU

US that the actual name of the treatise was Zand-akas, ' knowing the tradition.'

The work commences by describing the state of things in the beginning ; the good spirit being in endless light and omniscient, and the evil spirit in endless darkness and with limited knowledge. Both produced their own creatures, which remained apart, in a spiritual or ideal state, for three thousand years, after which the evil spirit began his opposition to the good creation under an agreement that his power was not to last more than nine thousand years, of which only the middle three thousand were to see him successful. By uttering a sacred formula the good spirit throws the evil one into a state of confusion for a second three thousand years, while he produces the archangels and the material creation, including the sun, moon, and stars. At the end of that period the evil spirit, encouraged by the demons he had produced, once more rushes upon the good creation, to destroy it. The demons carry on conflicts with each of the six classes of creation, namely, the sky, water, earth, plants, animals represented by the primeval ox, and mankind represented by Gayomard ; producing little effect but movement in the sky, saltness in the water, mountains in the earth, withering in plants, and death to the primeval ox, and also to Gayomar^ after an interval.

Then follows a series of chapters describing the seven regions of the earth, its mountains and seas, the five classes of animals, the origin of mankind, generation, the five kinds of fire and three sacred fires, the white Hom tree and the tree of many seeds, the three-legged ass, the ox Hadhayoj, the bird /i amrojr, and other birds and animals opposed to the evil creation, the rivers of the world, the seventeen species of liquids, the lakes, the origin of the ape and bear, the chiefs of the several kinds of creatures and creations, the calendar, lineal measures, trees and plants, the characteristics of various demons, the spiritual chiefs of the various regions of the earth, and the resurrection and future existence ; all which descriptions are given on the authority of the Din, which may have been some particular

XXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.

book, or revelation generally. The concluding chapters give the genealogies of the legendary Persian kings and heroes, and of ZaratuJ-t and certain priests, together with an epitome of Persian chronology from the creation to the Muhammadan conquest.

As the work now stands it is evidently of a fragmentary character, bearing unmistakable marks both of omissions and dislocations ; and the extant manuscripts, as will be seen, differ among themselves both as to the extent and arrangement of the text. Many passages have the appearance of being translations from an Avesta original, and it is very probable that we have in the Bundahij' either a translation, or an epitome, of the Damda^^ Nask, one of the twenty-one books into which the whole of the Zoroastrian scriptures are said to have been divided before the time of Darius. This may be guessed from a comparison of the contents of the Bundahii' with those of the Damdac/ Nask, which are detailed in the Dini-va^arkar*^ as follows^:— 'It contained an explanation of the spiritual existence and heaven, good and evil, the material existence of this world, the sky and the earth, and everything which Auharmazd produced in water, fire, and vegetation, men and quadrupeds, reptiles and birds, and everything which is produced from the waters, and the characteristics of all things. Secondly, the production of the resurrection and future existence ; the concourse and separation at the A'inva^ bridge ; on the reward of the meritorious and the punishment of sinners in the future existence, and such-like explanations.' Moreover, the Damdai^ Nask is twice quoted as an authority in the Selections of Za*/- sparam (IX, i, 16), when treating of animals, in nearly the same words as those used in the Bundahij".

The first manuscript of the Bundahi^ seen in Europe was brought from Surat by Anquetil Duperron in 1761, and he published a French translation of it in his great work on the Zend-Avesta in 1771^. This manuscript,

' See Haug's Essays, &c., second edition, pp. 127, 128.

° Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, &c., par Anquetil Duperron ; Paris, 1 77 1. Tome seconde, pp. 343-422, Boun-dehesch.

INTRODUCTION. XXV

which is now in the National Library at Paris, was a modern copy, written A. D. 1734, and contained a miscellaneous collection of Pahlavi writings besides the Bundahij. And Anquetil's translation, though carefully prepared in accordance with the information he had obtained from his Parsi instructor, is very far from giving the correct meaning of the original text in many places.

In 1820 the very old codex from which Anquetil's MS. had been copied was brought to Europe, from Bombay, by the Danish scholar Rask, and was subsequently deposited in the University Library at Kopenhagen. This most important codex, which will be more particularly described under the appellation of K20, appears to have been written during the latter half of the fourteenth century; and a facsimile of the Pahlavi text of the Bundahi^-, which it contains, was very carefully traced from it, lithographed, and published by Westergaard in 1851 \

In a review of this lithographed edition of the Pahlavi text, published in the Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen in 1854 2, Haug gave a German translation of the first three chapters of the Bundahij. And Spiegel, in his Traditional Literature of the Parsis^, published in i860 a German translation of many passages in the Bundahij-, together with a transcript of the Pahlavi text of Chaps. I, II, III, and XXX in Hebrew characters. But the complete German translation of the Bundahij- by Windischmann, with his commentary on its contents, published in his Zoroastrian Studies^ in 1863, was probably the most important step in advance since the time of Anquetil, and the utmost

' Bundehesh, Liber Pehlviciis. E vetustissimo codice Havniensi descripsit, duas inscriptiones regis Saporis Primi adjecit, N. L. Westergaard ; Havnise,

^ Ueber die Pehlewi-Sprache iind den Bundehesh, von Martin Haug ; Gottingen, 1854.

^ Die Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen in ihrem Zusammenhange mit den angranzenden Literaturen, dargestellt von Fr. Spiegel ; Wien, i860.

• Zoroastriche Studien. Abhandlungen zur Mythologie und Sagengeschichte des alten Iran, von Fr. Windischmann (nach dem Tode des Verfassers herausgegeben von Fr. Spiegel) ; Berlin, 1863.

XXVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.

that could be done on the authority of a single MS. which is far from perfect.

In 1866 another very old codex, containing the Pahlavi texts of the Bundahi^ and other works, was brought to Europe by Haug, to whom it had been presented at Surat in 1864. It is now in the State Library at Munich, and will be more minutely described under the appellation of M6. In this codex the Bundahi^ is arranged in a different order from that in K20, and Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, and XXXI-XXXIII are omitted.

A second complete German translation of the Bundahij, with a lithographed copy of the Pahlavi text, a transliteration of the text in modern Persian characters, and a glossary of all the words it contains, was published by Justi in 1868^. Its author, having had access to other MSS. (descended from M6) at London and Oxford, was able to rectify many of the deficiencies in Windischmann's translation ; but, otherwise, he made but little progress in elucidating difficult passages.

Other European writers have published the result of their studies of particular parts of the Bundahij-, but it does not appear that any of them have attempted a continuous translation of several chapters.

Whether the existence of previous translations be more of an assistance than a hindrance in preparing a new one, may well be a matter of doubt. Previous translations may prevent oversights, and in difficult passages it is useful to see how others have floundered through the mire ; but, on the other hand, they occasion much loss of time, by the necessity of examining many of their dubious renderings before finally fixing upon others that seem more satisfactory. The object of the present translation is to give the meaning of the original text as literally as possible, and with a minimum of extra words ; the different renderings of other translators being very rarely noticed, unless there be some probability of their being of service

• Der Bundehesh, zum ersten Male herausgegeben, transcribirt, iibeisetzt, und mit Glossar versehen, von Ferdinand Justi ; Leipzig, 1868.

INTRODUCTION. XXVU

to the reader. Some doubtful words and passages still defy all attempts at satisfactory solution, but of these the reader is warned; and, no doubt, a few oversights and mistakes will be discovered.

With regard to the original text, we have to recover it from four manuscripts which are, more or less, independent authorities, and may be styled K20, K2ob, M6, and TD. The first three of these have evidently descended, either directly or through one or more intermediate copies, from the same original ; but the source of TD, so far as it can be ascertained, seems to have been far removed from that of the others. All the other MSS. of the Bundahij, which have been examined, whether Pahlavi or Pazand, are descended either from K20 or M6, and are, therefore, of no independent authority.

K20 is the very old codex already mentioned as having been brought from Bombay by Rask in 1820, and is now No. 20 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the University Library at Kopenhagen. It consists now of 173 folios of very old and much-worn Indian paper of large octavo size, but five other folios are certainly missing, besides an uncertain number lost from the end of the volume. This MS. contains twenty Pahlavi texts, written twenty lines to the page, and some of them accompanied by Avesta ; the Bundahi^ is the ninth of these texts, and occupies fols. CS8-129, of which fol. 121 is missing. Three of the texts, occurring before the Bundahi^, have dated colophons, but the dates are A.Y. 690, 720, and 700, all within ^6 folios ; it is, therefore, evident that these dates have been copied from older MSS.; but at the same time the appearance of the paper indicates that the actual date of the MS. cannot be much later than A.Y. 720 (a.d. 1351), and there are reasons for believing that it was written several years before A.Y. 766 (a. D. 1397), as will be explained in the description of M6. Owing to its age and comparative completeness this MS. of the Bundahi^y is certainly the most important one extant, although comparison with other MSS. proves that its writer was rather careless, and frequently omitted words and phrases. The

XXVlll PAHLAVI TEXTS.

loss of fol. 121, though it has hitherto left an inconvenient gap in the text (not filled up by other MSS.), is more than compensated by the three extra chapters which this MS. and its copies have hitherto alone supplied. The text on the lost folio was supposed by Anquetil to have contained a whole chapter besides portions of the two adjacent ones ; this is now known to be a mistake, Anquetil's Chap. XXVIII being quite imaginary; the end of Chap. XXVII has long been supplied from other MSS., but the beginning of the next chapter has hitherto been missing.

Only two copies of K20 appear to be known to Europeans ; the best of these is the copy brought from Surat by Anquetil, No. 7 of his collection of manuscripts, now in the National Library at Paris ; this was written in A. D. 1734, when K20 appears to have been nearly in its present imperfect state, though it may have had some 15 folios more at the end. This copy seems to have been carefully written ; but the same cannot be said of the other copy, No. 21 in the University Library at Kopenhagen, which is full of blunders, both of commission and omission, and can hardly have been written by so good a Pahlavi scholar as Dastur Darab, Anquetil's instructor, although attributed to him.

K2ob consists of nineteen loose folios \ found by Westergaard among some miscellaneous fragments in the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the University Library at Kopenhagen, and now forming No. 20 b in that collection. The first two folios are lost, but the third folio commences with the Pahlavi equivalent of the words ' knew that Aharman exists ' (Bund. Chap. I, 8), and the text continues to the end of Chap. XI, i, where it leaps at once (in the middle of a line on the fifteenth folio) to Chap. XXX, 15, 'one brother who is righteous/ whence the text continues to the end of Chap. XXXI, 15, which is followed by Chaps. XXXII, XXXIV, as in K20. This

' I am indebted to the late Professor N. L. Westergaard for all information about this MS., and also for a tracing of the Pahlavi text of so much of Chap. XXXI as is contained in it.

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

MS. is not very old, and contains merely a fragment of the text ; but its value consists in its not being a descendant of either K20 or M6, as it clearly represents a third line of descent from their common original. It agrees with K20 in the general arrangement of its chapters, so far as they go, and also in containing Chap. XXXI ; but it differs from it in some of the details of that chapter, and agrees with M6 in some verbal peculiarities elsewhere; it has not, however, been collated in any other chapter. The omission of nearly twenty chapters, in the centre of the work, indicates that some one of the MSS. from which it is descended, had lost many of its central folios before it was copied, and that the copyist did not notice the deficiency ; such unnoticed omissions frequently occur in Pahlavi manuscripts.

M6 is the very old codex brought to Europe by Haug in 1866, and now No. 6 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich. It consists of 240 folios of very old, but well-preserved, Indian paper of large octavo size (to which thirteen others, of rather later date, have been prefixed) bound in two volumes. This MS. contains nineteen Pahlavi texts, written from seventeen to twenty-two lines to the page, and some of them accompanied by Avesta ; eleven of these texts are also found in K20, and the Bundahij- is the fourteenth of the nineteen, occupying fols. 53-99 of the second volume. Two of the other texts have dated colophons, the dates being fifty days apart in A. Y. 766 (a. D. 1397), and as there are 150 folios between the two dates there is every probability that they are the actual dates on which the two colophons were written. The arrangement of the Bundahij- in this MS. is different from that in K20, giving the chapters in the following order :— Chaps. XV-XXIII, I-XIV, XXIV-XXVII, XXX, XXXIL XXXIV, and omitting Chaps. XXVIII,XXIX, and XXXI. These omissions and the misplacement of Chaps. I-XIV render it probable that the MS., from which the Bundahij- in M6 was copied, was already in a state of decay ; and this supposition is confirmed by upwards of fifty peculiar mistakes, scattered over most parts of the

XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS.

text in M6, which are evidently due to the illegibiHty of the original from which it was copied, or to its illegible words having been touched up by an ignorant writer, instances of which are not uncommon in old Pahlavi MSS. Eliminating these errors, for which the writer of M6 cannot be held responsible, he seems to have been a more careful copyist than the writer of K20, and supplies several words and phrases omitted by the latter. The close correspondence of K20 and M6 in most other places, renders it probable that they were copied from the same original, in which case K20 must have been written several years earlier than M6, before the original MS. became decayed and difficult to read. It is possible, however, that K20 was copied from an early copy of the original of M6 ; in which case the date of K20 is more uncertain, and may even be later than that of M6.

Several MSS. of the Bundahii- descended from M6 are in existence. One is in the MS. No. 121 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and contains the chapters in the following order : — Chaps. XV-XXIII, I-Vn,i7(to'Aragriver'),XII-XIV,XXIV-XXVII,XXX, VII, 12-XI; followed by Sis. Chap. XX, 4-17, also derived from M6. Another is in the library of Dastur Jamaspji Minochiharji at Bombay, and contains the chapters also in a dislocated state (due to the misplacement of folios in some former MS.) as follows :- Chaps. XV-XXIII, I-XI, 5 (to 'and the evil spirit'), XII, 2 (from ' Si/^idav')-XII, 12 (first word), XI, 5 (from 'produced most for Khvaniras')-XII, 2 (to ' and K6ndra.s, Mount'), XXX, 32 (from 'the renovation arises in')-XXX, s^^ XXXII, XXXIV, Sis. Chap. XVIII, Bund. Chaps. XII, 12 (from ' Ah-a^")-XIV, XXIV-XXVII, XXX. A third is in the library of Dastur Noshirvanji Jamaspji at Poona, and contains the text in the same order as M6. A fragment of the Pahlavi text of the Bundahij, also descended from M6, occupies eight folios in the Additional Oriental MS. No. 22,378 in the Library of the British Museum ; it contains Chaps. XVIII, XIX, 17, and XX, 1-2 (to ' one from the other').

There are also several Pazand manuscripts of the Bun-

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

dahis, written in Avesta characters, and likewise derived from M6. One of the best of these is No. 22 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the India Office Library at London ; it is old, and has the date a.y. 936 (a.d. 1567) in a Pahlavi colophon on fol. iii, but this may have been copied from an older MS.; its contents are arranged as follows :— Chaps. XVIII-XXIII, I-XIV, XXIV-XXVII, XXX, XXXII, XXXIV, followed by several short Pazand texts, only part of which are derived from M6, and the last of them being left incomplete by the loss of the folios which originally formed the end of the volume ; instead of these lost folios others, containing Chaps. XV-XVII, have been added and bound up with the rest. Another MS., No. 7 in the same collection, which is dated A.Y. 1174 (a.d. 1805), is a modern copy derived from No. 33 through one or more intervening MSS. ^; it contains precisely the same text, but with many variations in orthography, indicative of the very uncertain character of Pazand spelling. Two fragments of the Pazand text are also contained in the MSS. No. 131 at Oxford, already mentioned ; they consist of Chaps. V, 3-7 (to 'would have known the secret') and XXV, 18-23. Another fragment, evidently copied from an old MS., is found on fols. 34, 35 of the Rivayat MS. No. 8 of the collection in the India Office Library ; it consists of Chap. XVIII, 1-8.

The Pazand text of the Bundahij-, derived from M6, is also written in Persian characters in M7 (No. 7 of the Haug collection at Munich), dated A.Y. T178 (a.D. 1809). It is interlined by Persian glosses, word for word, and consists of Chaps. XVIII-XXIII, I-XIV, XXIV-XXVII, and XXX on fols. 81-119, with Chaps. XV-XVII on fols. 120- 126, a repetition of Chap. XV and part of XVI on fols. 223-227, and Chap. XXXII on fol. 232.

Thus far, it will be noticed, we have two good independent authorities, K20 and M6, for ascertaining the text of the Bundahii- in the fourteenth century, so far as Chaps. I-

' This is proved by an omission in fol. 40, which clearly indicates the loss of a folio in an intermediate MS.

XXXll PAHLAVI TEXTS.

XXVII, XXX, XXXII, and XXXIV are concerned ; and we have also, in Kzob, a second authority for so much of Chap. XXXI as occurs in K20 ; but for Chaps. XXVIII and XXIX we have nothing but K20 to rely on, and part of Chap. XXVIII is lost in that manuscript. Such was the unsatisfactory state of that part of the text until Dec. 1877, when information about the MS. TD was received, followed by further details and a copy of Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, and XXXI-XXXIII in Oct. 1878 1.

TD is a manuscript of the Bundahii- which contains a much more extensive text than the MSS. already described, but whether it be an extension of the hitherto-received text, or the received text be an abridgement of this longer one, is likely to be a matter of dispute among Pahlavi scholars until the whole of the new text has been thoroughly examined. At any rate, the contents of this MS., combined with those of some MSS. of the Dac/istan-i Dinik, afford a means of fixing the date of this recension of the Bundahii', as will be seen hereafter.

This MS. belongs to a young Mobad named Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria in Bombay, and was brought from Persia a few years ago by a Mobad named Khodabakhsh Farod Abadan. It occupies the first 103 folios of the volume containing it, and is followed by 112 more folios containing the Nirangistan. The first original folio, which contained the text as far as Chap. I, 5 (to ' endless light'), has been lost and replaced by another (which, however, is now old) containing some introductory sentences, besides the missing text. The last original folio of the Bundahi.y, containing the last five lines of the last chapter, has also been lost and replaced by another modern folio, which contains the missing text followed by two colophons, both expressing approval of the text, and asserting that the MS. was written by Gopatshah Rustam Bondar. The first of these colophons

' I am indebted to Mr. Khurshedji Rustamji Cama, of Bombay (who is well known for the interest he takes in all matters relating to the ancient customs and history of his fellow-countrymen), for obtaining this information, and to the owner of the MS. for his liberality in supplying me with all the details and extracts mentioned hi the text.

INTRODUCTION. XXXIU

is undated, but gives the testimony of Dastur Rustam ^ Gu^tasp Ar(^ashir, who is known to have written another MS. dated A.Y. 1068 (a.d. 1699). The second colophon is by Dastur Jamshe(/ Jamasp Hakim, and is dated A.Y. 1113 (a. D. 1743), which was probably the date when this last folio was supplied to complete the old defective MS.

With regard to the age of the older part of this MS. we can arrive at an approximation in the following manner : — A valuable MS. of the Da^istan-i Dinik, which also belongs to Tehmuras Dinshawji, was written (according to a colophon which it contains) by Gopatshah Rustom^ Bandar Malkamar^an in the land of Kirman, who was evidently the same person as the writer of TD, Another MS. of the Da(:/istan-i Dinik was written by Mar^apan Frec/un Vahrom Rustam Bondar Malka-mar^/an Din-ayar, also in the land of Kirman, in A.Y. 941 (a.d. 1572). Comparing these two genealogies together it seems evident that Gopatshah was a brother of Vahrom, the grandfather of Mar^apan, and, therefore, a grand-uncle of Mar^rapan himself. Allowing for these two generations, it is probable that Gopatshah wrote TD about A.Y. 900 (say A. D. 1530) ; although instances have occurred in which a son has written a MS. at an earlier date tha^n that of one written by his father.

The introductory sentences on the first restored folio are evidently a modern addition to the text, after it had acquired the name of Bundahij- ; but they seem to have been copied from some other MS., as the copyist appears to have hardly understood them, having written them continuously with the beginning of the text, without break or stop. The spelling is modern, but that may be due to the copyist ; and the language is difficult, but may be translated as follows ^ : —

' The propitiation of the creator Auharmazd, the radiant,

' This Dastur is said to have sprung from the laity, and not from a priestly family.

^ The vowels a and o (or vi) often interchange in Pahlavi MSS. from Persia, probably owing to peculiarities of dialect, and the very broad soimd of Persian a, like English a in call.

^ English words in italics are additions to complete the sense.

[5] c

XXXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.

glorious, omniscient, wise, powerful, and supreme, by what is well-thought, well-said, and well-done in thought, word, a7id deed, and the good augury of all the celestial angels and terrestrial angels upon the virtuous creation, I beseech.

'Written at the second fortunate conjunction (akhtar) in the high-priestship (dastiarih) of the God-devoted, allsagacious cultivator of righteousness, the lover of good works who is God-discerning, spirit-surveying, and approved by the good, the high-priest of the good religion of the Mazdayasnians, the glorified ^ Spendya^ son of Mah-vinda(^, sou of Rustom, son of Shatroyar.

'The writing- of the Bundahi^ was set going by the coming of the Arabs to the country of Iran, whose heterodoxy (duj--dinih) and ignorance have arisen from not understanding the mysteries of Kayan ^ orthodoxy (hudinoih) and of those revered by the upholders of the religion. From their deep seats it draws the purport of benedictions, atid from dubious thinking of actions it draws words of true meaning, the disclosure of which is entertaining knowledge.

' On account of evil times, even he of the undecayed family of the Kayans and the Kayan upholders of the religion are mingled with the obedient and just of those heterodox ; and by the upper class the words of the orthodox, uttered in assembled worship, are considered as filthy vice. He also whose wish was to learn propriety (vara^) through this treatise (farhang), might provide it for himself, from various places, by trouble and day and night painstaking, bnt was not able.'

The text of Chap. I then commences (without any intermediate stop) with the words zak zand-akasih, 'that knowledge of tradition.' As the whole text of the Bundahijoccupies about 203 pages in TD, and each page contains

' Literally, ' immortal-soulled,' a term implying generally that the person is dead ; but it seems to have been applied to King Khusro I (Noshirvan) during his lifetime. The time when this priest lived has yet to be discovered.

• Reading zektibun-i, equivalent to Paz. nivis-i; the MS. has zak tibna.

^ The hero tribe or princely race of the Kayanian dynasty, from which later Persian rulers have fancied themselves descended.

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

seventeen lines rather longer than those in K20, it is evident that the text in TD must be more than twice the length of that in Kao, which occupied originally about eighty-three pages of twenty lines each. This additional text consists not only of additional matter in many of the chapters, but also of extra chapters, which give the work a more complete appearance than it presents in the manuscripts hitherto known. The whole number of chapters in TD appear to be forty-two, the general character of the contents of which may be gathered from the following list of the headings of each chapter, with the space it occupies in TD, and a reference to the corresponding chapter of the translation in this volume (such chapters as seem to be entirely wanting in K20 being marked with an asterisk) : —

1. The knowledge of tradition, first about Auharmazd's original creation and the antagonism of the evil spirit^ afterwards about the nature of the creatures of the world, from the original creation till the end ; 19 pages ; see Chap. I.

2. On the formation of light ; 11 pages ; see Chap. II.

3. The rush of the destroyer at the creatures ; 6 pages ; see Chaps. Ill, IV.

4. On the opposition of the two spirits, that is, in what manner the arch-fiends have come spiritually in opposition to the celestial angels ; 10 pages ; see Chap. V for two of the middle pages.

5. On the waging of the conflict (ar^ik) of the creations of the world, encountering the evil spirit ; i page ; see Chap. VI.

6. The second conflict the water waged ; 3 pages ; see Chap. VII.

7. The third conflict the earth waged ; i page ; see Chap. VIII.

8. The fourth conflict the plants waged ; i page ; see Chap. IX.

9. The fifth conflict the primeval ox waged; J page; see Chap. X.

• 10. The sixth conflict Gayomar^ waged ; i^ page. *ii. The seventh conflict the fire waged; ^ page. ■^12. The eighth conflict the constellations waged ; 5 page.

C 2

XXXVl PAHLAVI TEXTS.

"^^13. The ninth conflict the celestial angels waged with the evil spirit ; three lines.

*I4. Tenth, the stars practised non-intermeddling (agumegisn); h page.

■^^15. On the species of those creations ; 25 pages.

16. On the nature of lands ; i^ page ; see Chap. XL

17. On the nature of mountains ; 4^ pages ; see Chap. XII.

18. On the nature of seas ; 2| pages ; see Chap. XIII.

19. On the nature of rivers ; 5^ pages ; see Chaps. XX, XXI.

20. On the nature of lakes ; ij page ; see Chap. XXII.

2 1. On the nature of the five classes of animals ; 5^ pages ; see Chap. XIV.

22. On the nature of men ; 74 pages; see Chap. XV ^.

23. On the nature of generation of every kind ; 5 pages ; see Chap. XVI.

24. On the nature of plants ; 3^ pages ; see Chap. XXVII.

25. On the chieftainship of men and animals and every single thing ; 2^ pages ; see Chap. XXIV.

26. On the nature of fire ; 4I pages ; see Chap. XVII. *27. On the nature of sleep ; 2^ pages.

■^28. On the nature of wind and cloud and rain ; 9I pages. ^29. On the nature of noxious creatures; 4^ pages ^ ^30. On the nature of the wolf species ; 2 pages.

31. On things of every kind that are created by the spirits ^ and the opposition which came upon them; 7| pages; see Chaps. XVIII, XIX.

32. On the religious year ; 4 pages ; see Chaps. XXV, XXVI.

■^33. On the great exploits of the celestial angels; 17J pages.

34. On the evil-doing of Aharman and the demons; 7 pages, as in Chap. XXVIII.

' TD contains half a page more near the beginning, and a page and a half more at the end.

• Probably Chap. XXIII of the translation forms a part either of this chapter or the next.

'^ This word is doubtful.

INTRODUCTION. XXXVll

"^^S- On the body of man and the opinion of the world ^; 7 pages.

^6. On the spiritual chieftainship of the regions of the earth ; 3^ pages, as in Chap. XXIX.

■^'3^']. On the A'inva^ bridge a7id the souls of the departed; 5l pages.

*38. On the celebrated provinces of the country of Iran, the residence of the Kayans ; 5 pages 2.

^39. On the calamities of various millenniums happening to the country of Iran ; 8§ pages ^

40. On the resurrection and future existence ; 6f pages ; see Chap. XXX.

41. On the race and offspring of the Kayans; 8| pages, as in Chaps. XXXI-XXXIII.

42. On the computation of years of the Arabs ; 2I pages;

see Chap. XXXIV.

Comparing this list of contents with the text in K20, as published in Westergaard's lithographed facsimile edition, it appears that TD contains, not only fifteen extra chapters, but also very much additional matter in the chapters corresponding to Chaps. I, II, V, XVI, XXVIII, and XXXI of the translation in this volume, and smaller additions to those corresponding to Chaps. Ill, IV, XV, XVII, and XXXIV. The arrangement of the chapters in TD is also much more methodical than in the Indian MSS., especially with regard to Chaps. XX, XXI, XXII, and XXVII, which evidently occupy their proper position in TD ; and so far as Chap. XX is concerned, this arrangement is confirmed by the insertion of its first sentence between Chaps. XIII and XIV in the Indian MSS., which indicates that the whole chapter must have been in that position in some older copy. In fact, the Indian MSS. must probably be now regarded merely as collections of

» The meaning is doubtful and must depend upon the context.

• This chapter begins with a translation of the first fargard of the Vendidad, and concludes with an account of buildings erected by various kings.

3 Containing an account of the kings reigning in the various millenniums, and concluding with prophecies similar to those in the Bahman Yait.

XXXviii PAHLAVI TEXTS.

extracts from the original work ; this has been long suspected from the fragmentary character of the text they contain, but it could hardly be proved until a more complete text had been discovered.

Whether TD may be considered as a copy of the text as it stood originally, or merely of an after recension of the work, can hardly be determined with certainty until the whole contents of the manuscript have been carefully examined ; it is, therefore, to be hoped that its owner will be induced to publish a lithographed facsimile of the whole, after the manner of Westergaard's edition. So far as appears in the lengthy and valuable extracts, with which he has kindly favoured me, no decided difference of style can be detected between the additional matter and the text hitherto known, nor any inconsistencies more striking than such as sometimes occur in the Indian MSS. On the other hand, it will be noticed that heading No. 25 in the list of contents seems to be misplaced, which is an argument against the text being in its original state ; and the style of the Bundahii- is so much less involved and obscure than that of the Selections of Za^^-sparam (see Appendix to the Bundahii), which treat of some of the same subjects, that it may be fairly suspected of having been written originally in a different age. But the writer of the text, as it appears in TD, calls Za^/-sparam ^ one of his contemporaries (see Chap. XXXIII, 10, 11 of the translation); it may, therefore, be suspected that he merely re-edited an old text with some additions of his own, which, however, are rather difficult to distinguish from the rest. No stress can be laid upon peculiarities of orthography in TD, as they are, in all likelihood, attributable to copyists long subsequent to Za^-sparam's contemporaries.

Any future translator of the Bundahij will probably have to take the text in TD as the nearest accessible approach to the original work ; but the present translation is based, as heretofore, upon the text in K20, corrected in many places from M6, but with due care not to adopt

• He writes the name Zarf-sparham.

INTRODUCTION. XXXIX

readings which seem due to the illegibiHty of the original from which M6 was copied, as ah*eady explained. In Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI. XXXII, and XXXIII, however, TD has been taken as a principal authority, merely checked by K20, and having its additional passages carefully indicated; and in Chap. XXXI, K2ob has also been consulted.

Since the present translation was printed, any lingering doubts, as to the genuineness of the text in TD, have been, in a great measure, dissipated by the discovery that a small fragment^ of an old MS. of the Bundahij, which has long been in Europe, is evidently a portion of a text of similar character to TD, and of exactly the same extent. This small fragment consists of two folios belonging to an old MS. brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843-44, and which is evidently the codex mentioned by him in the preface to his Zend-Avesta, p. 8, note 3. These two folios, which are numbered 130 and 131 in Persian words, now form the commencement of this old mutilated MS., of which the first 129 folios have been lost. They contain very little more than one page of the Bundahii- text, namely, the last sentences of the last chapter (corresponding to Bund. XXXIV, 7-9), followed by a colophon occupying less than two pages. This fragment of the text contains some additional details not found in the Indian MSS., as well as a few other variations of no great importance. It may be translated as follows : —

'[.... Sahm^ was in those reigns (?/"Auz6b6, Kava^, and Maniu/i'ihar.] Kai-Kayus, till Jiis going to the sky, seventy-five years, and after that, seventy-five years, altogether a hundred and fifty years ; Kai-Khusrobo sixty

^ I am indebted to Professor G. Hoffmann, of Kiel, for directing my attention to this fragment, and also for kindly sending me a facsimile of it. It had been recognised as a portion of the Bundahis by Dr. Andreas some years ago, and probably by the owner of the MS., the late Professor Westergaard, long before that.

^ See Bund. XXXI, -27. As the beginning of this sentence is lost, it^ translation is uncertain. Details not found in K20 and M6 are here enclosed in brackets, and words added by the translator to complete the sense are printed in italics.

xl PAHLAVI TEXTS.

years ; Kai-Loharasp a hundred and twenty years ; Kai- Vij-tasp, till the coming of the religion^ thirty years ; [total (mar) one thousand years ^. Then the millennium reign came to Capricornus, and Zaratuhaj-t^ the Spitaman, with tidings (petkhambarih)from the creator Auharmazd, came to King Vij-tasp ; and Yistasp ivas king,] after receiving the religion, ninety years.

' Vohuman, son of Spend-da^, a hundred and twelve years ; Humai, daughter of Vohuman, thirty years; Darai, son of A'ihar-a^'a^, that is, of the dangJiter of Vohuman, twelve years ; Darai, son of Darai, fourteen years ; and Alexander the Ruman^ fourteen years.

' The Ai-kanians should bear the title in an uninterrupted sovereignty two hundred and so many"* years ; and Artakhshatar, son of Papak, and the number of the Sasanians bear it four hundred and sixty years, until the withering Arabs obtained a place ^ [as far as the year 447 of the Persians ; now // is the Persian year 527]^.'

The colophon, which follows, states that the MS. was finished on the thirteenth day of the ninth month A.Y. 936 (a. D. 1567), and was written by Mitro-apan, son of Anoshakruban, son of Rustam. This MS. is, therefore, of nearly the same age as TD ; but there has been no opportunity of collating the fragment of it, which is still extant, with the corresponding portion of TD. That it was a MS. of the same character as TD (that is, one containing the same text as K30, but with much additional matter) appears clearly

• From the beginning of Fretffin's reign, when the millennium of Sagittarius commenced.

^ The usual way of spelling Zaratust in old MSS., excepting K20 and a few others.

^ Here written correctly Alaksandar-i Arfimal.

^ Reading va and; as the final letter is d and not d it cannot be read navacf as a variant of navarf, 'ninety.'

• The words are, vad ^inak ayaft khusko-i TazikanS, but the exact meaning is rather doubtful.

® The last date is doubtful, as the Pahlavi text gives the ciphers only for ' five and twenty-seven,' omitting that for ' hundred.' These Persian dates must either have been added by some former copyist, or Chap. XXXIV must have been appended to the Bundahis at a later date than the ninth century, when the preceding genealogical chapters were probably added to the original work (see p. xliii). The Persian year 527 was a. d. 1158.

INTRODUCTION. xll

from the fragment translated above. Regarding its original extent, it is possible to make an approximate estimate, by calculating the quantity of text which the 129 lost folios must have contained, from the quantity actually existing on folio 130. According to this calculation, the original extent of the text of the Bundahij- in this MS. must have been very nearly 30,000 words ; and it is remarkable that a similar calculation of the extent of the text in TD, based upon the actual contents of ten folios out of 103, gives precisely the same result. This coincidence is a strong argument in favour of the absolute identity of the text lost from Westergaard's MS. with that actually existing in TD ; it shows, further, that the original extent of the Bundahij may now be safely estimated at 30,000 words, instead of the 13,000 contained in K20 when that MS. was complete.

That this fragment belonged to a separate MS., and is not the folio missing from the end of TD, is shown not only by its containing more of the text than is said to be missing, but also by the first folio of the fragment being numbered 130, instead of 103, and by its containing fifteen lines to the page, instead of seventeen, as would be necessary in order to correspond with TD.

Regarding the age of the Bundahij- many opinions have been hazarded, but as they have been chiefly based upon minute details of supposed internal evidence evolved from each writer's special misinterpretation of the text, it is unnecessary to detail them. The only indication of its age that can be fairly obtained from internal evidence, is that the text of the Bundahij' could not have been completed, in its present form, until after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia (a. D. 651). This is shown not only by the statements that the sovereignty ' went to the Arabs ' (Chap. XXXIV, 9), that ' now, tJiroiigh the invasion of the Arabs, they (the negroes) are again diffused through the country of Iran' (Chap. XXIII, 3), and that 'whoever keeps the year by the revolution of the moon mingles summer with winter and winter with summer ' (Chap. XXV, 19, referring probably to the Muhammadan year not corresponding with the seasons), but also, more positively

xlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.

by the following translation of an extract from Chap. 39 in TD : —

'And when the sovereignty came to Yazdakar^ he exercised sovereignty twenty years, and then the Arabs rushed into the country of Iran in great multitude. Yazdakari^ did not prosper (la j-akafto) in warfare with them, and went to Khurasan and Turkistan to seek horses, men, and assistance, and was slain by them there. The son of Yazdakar^ went to the Hindus and fetched an army of champions ; before it came, conducted unto Khurasan, that army of champions dispersed. The country of Iran remained with the Arabs, and their own irreligious law was propagated by them, and many ancestral customs were destroyed ; the religion of the Mazdayasnians was weakened, and washing of corpses, burial of corpses, and eating of dead matter were put in practice. From the original creation until this day evil more grievous than this has not happened, for through their evil deeds — on account of want, foreign habits (Aniranih), hostile acts, bad decrees, and bad religion — ruin, want, and other evils have taken lodgment.'

None of these passages could have been written before the Muhammadan conquest ; but the writer, or editor, of the text as it appears in TD, supplies the means of approximating much more closely to the date of his work, in a passage in Chap. 41 of TD, in which he mentions the names of several of his contemporaries (see Chap. XXXIII, 10, 1 1), Among these, as already noticed, he mentions ' Za^-sparham son of Yiidan-Yim,' who must have been the writer of the Selections of Za^-sparam, a translation of which is added as an appendix to the Bundahii- in this volume. This writer was the brother of Manu^/l'ihar son of Yudan-Yim, who wrote the Da^^istan-i Dinik \ and from colophons found in certain MSS. of the Da(/istan (which wall be more particularly described in the next section of this introduction) it appears that this Manuj-/&ihar was

' It is quite possible that ManiisMhar was also the reviser of the Bundahis ; see the note on Dacfakih-i Ashovahisto in Chap. XXXIII, lo.

INTRODUCTION. xliii

high-priest of Pars and Kirman in A, Y, 250 (a. D. 881). This date may, therefore, be taken as a very close approximation to the time at which the Bundahij- probably assumed the form we find in TD ; but that MS., having been written about 650 years later, can hardly have been copied direct from the original. Whether that original was merely a new edition of an older Pahlavi work, as may be suspected from the simplicity of its language, or whether it was first translated, for the most part, from the Avesta of the Damda*^ Nask, in the ninth century, we have no means of determining with certainty. Judging, however, from Chap. I, i, the original Bundahii^ probably ended with the account of the resurrection (Chap. XXX), and the extra chapters, containing genealogical and chronological details (matters not mentioned in Chap. I, i), together with all allusions to the Arabs, were probably added by the revising editor in the ninth century. The last, or chronological, chapter may even have been added at a later date.

A Gu^arati translation, or rather paraphrase, of the Bundahii" was published in 1819 by Edal Darab Jamshed

A

Jamasp Asa, and a revised edition of it was published by Peshutan Rustam in 1877^. In the preface to the latter edition it is stated that the translator made use of two MSS., one being a copy of a manuscript written in Iran in A. Y. 776 by Rustamji Meherwanji Mar^aban Sheheriar^, and the other a MS. written in India by Dastur Jamshedji Jamaspji in A. Y. 1139^. It is also mentioned that he was four years at work upon his translation. The editor of the new edition states that he has laboured to

' Bundehes ketab, iane dunia-ni awal-thi te akher sudhi pedaes-ni sahruat-ni hakikat ; bi^-var sudharine ^Aapawanar, Peshutan bin Rustam ; Mu?nbai, 1877.

^ There is no doubt whatever that the writer of the preface is referring to M6, although his description is incorrect. M6 was written at Bhro^ in India A. Y. 766 by Peshotan Ram Kamdin Shaharyar Neryosang Shahmard Shaharyar Bahram AOrmazdyar Ramyar ; but some portion of it (proljably not the Bundahis) was copied from a MS. written a. y. 6i8 (a. d. 1249) by Rustarn Mihirapan Marzapan Dahi.m-ayar, who must be the copyist mentioned in the preface to the Gu^arati translation.

' This is probably the copy derived from M6, and mentioned in p. xxx as being now in the library of Dastur Jamaspji Minochiharji.

xHv PAHLAVI TEXTS.

improve the work by collecting all the further information he could find, on the various subjects, in many other Pahlavi works. The result of all this labour is not so much a mere translation of the Bundahijr, as a larger work upon the same subject, or a paraphrase more methodically arranged, as may be seen from the following summary of its contents : —

The headings of the fifty-nine chapters, which form the first part of the work, are : — Ahuramazd's covenant, account of the sky, of the first twelve things created, of Mount Albor^, of the twelve signs of the zodiac, of the stars, of the soul, of the first practices adopted by the creatures of the evil spirit Ahereman, of Ahereman's first breaking into the sky, of Ahereman's coming upon the primeval ox, of Ahereman's arrival in the fire^ of Ahereman's coming upon Gaiomard, of the coming of Ahuramazd and Ahereman upon Gaiomard at the time of his creation, of the lustre residing in both spirits ; further account of the arrangement of the sky, another account of all the mountains, of depressions for water, of great and small rivers, of the eighteen rivers of fresh water, of the seven external and seven internal liquids in the bodies of men, of the period in which water falling on the earth arrives at its destination, of the three spiritual rivers, of the star Tehestar's destroying the noxious creatures which Ahereman had distributed over the earth, of the prophet Zarathost's asking the creator Ahuramazd how long these noxious creatures will remain in the latter millenniums, of driving the poison of the noxious creatures out of the earth, of the divisions of the land, of the creator Ahuramazd's placing valiant stars as club-bearers over the heads of the demons, of all the things produced by the passing away of the primeval ox, of the 282 species of beasts and birds, of the bird named Kamros, of the bird named Kar^apad and the hollow of Var^amkard, of the birds who are enemies opposed to the demons and fiends, of the bitter and sweet plants among the fifty-five kinds of grain and twelve kinds of herbs, of the flowers of the thirty days, of the revolution of the sun and moon and stars, and how

INTRODUCTION. xlv

night falls, and how the day becomes light, of the seven regions of the earth, of depressions, of the creatures of the sea, of the flow and ebb of the tide, of the three-legged ass, of the Gahambars, of Rapithvan, of the revolution of the seasons, of the production of mankind from the passing away of Gaiomard, of the production of offspring from the seed of men, of all fires, of all the clever work produced in the reign of King Jamshed and the production of the ape and bear, of the production of the Abyssinian and negro from Zohak, of the splendour and glory of King Jamshed, of the soul of Kersasp, of Kersasp's soul being the first to rise, of the names of the prophet Zarathost's pedigree, of his going out into the world, of his children, of the orders given by Ahereman to the demons when the creator Ahuramazd created the creatures, of the weeping and raging of the evil spirit Ahereman, of the weeping of the demon of Wrath in the presence of Ahereman when the prophet Zarathost brought the religion, of the computation of twelve thousand years.

The headings of the thirteen chapters, which form the second part, are : — Account of the last millenniums, of the appearance of Hoj-edar-bami, of his going out into the world, of the appearance of Hoi-edar-mah, of Soj-ios, of the fifty-seven years, of giving the light of the sun to men on the day of the resurrection, of the rising again of the whole of mankind on that day, of the resurrection, of the means of resurrection, of the annihilation of the evil spirit Ahereman and the demons and fiends on the day of resurrection, of the creator Ahuramazd's making the earth and sky one after the resurrection, of the proceedings of all creatures after the resurrection.

The third part contains an abstract of the contents of the hundred chapters of the Sad-dar Bundahii-, and concludes with an account of the ceremonial formula practised when tying the kusti or sacred thread-girdle.

Xlvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.

4. The Selections of Zaz)-sparam.

In some manuscripts of the Da^istan-i Dinik the ninetytwo questions and answers, which usually go by that name, are preceded and followed by Pahlavi texts which are each nearly equal in extent to the questions and answers, and treat of a variety of subjects, somewhat in the manner of a Rivayat. Of the texts which follow the questions and answers the following are the principal : —

Incantations for fever, &c. ; indications afforded by natural marks on the body; about the hamistakan ('the ever-stationary,' or neutral state of future existence) and the different grades in heaven ; copy of an epistle ^ from Herbad Manuj/tihar son of Yudan-Yim^, which he addressed to the good people of Sirkan ^, about the decisions pronounced by Herbad Za^-sparam son of Yudan-Yim ; copy of a letter from Herbad Manuj^ihar son of Yudan- Yim to his brother, Herbad Za^-sparam, on the same subject, and replying to a letter of his written from Nivshipuhar ; copy of a notice by Herbad Manui-/^ihar, son of Yiidan-Yim and high-priest (ra^^) of Pars and Kirman, of the necessity of fifteenfold ablution on account of grievous sin, written and sealed in the third month A.Y. 250 (a.d. 881) ; memoranda and writings called 'Selections of Za/^-sparam son of Yudan-Yim,' the first part treating of many of the same subjects as the Bundahij-, together

' This long epistle contains one statement which is important in its bearing upon the age of certain Pahlavi writings. It states that Nishahpuhar was in the council of Anoshak-ruban Khusro, king of kings and son of Kavarf, also that he was Mobad of Mobads and a commentator. Now this is the name of a commentator quoted in the Pahlavi Vend. Ill, 151, V, 112, VIII, 64, and very frequently in the Nirangistan ; it is also a title applied to Arc?a-Viraf (see AY. J, 35). These facts seem to limit the age of the last revision of the Pahlavi Vendidad, and of the composition of the Pahlavi Nirangistan and Art/a -Virafnamak to the time of King Khilsro Noshirvan (a.d. 531-579). The statement depends, of course, upon the accuracy of a tradition three centuries old, as this epistle must have been written about a. d. 880.

• Some Parsis read this name Goshnajam, others Yudan-dam.

3 Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji thinks this is the place now called Sir^an, about thirty parasangs south of Kirman, on the road to Bandar Abbas, which is no doubt the case.

INTRODUCTION. xlvli

with legends regarding Zaratujt and his family ; the second part about the formation of men out of body, life, and soul ; and the third part about the details of the renovation of the universe. The last part of these Selections is incomplete in all known MSS., and is followed by some fragments of a further series of questions and answers regarding the omniscient wisdom, the evil spirit, Kangde^, the enclosure formed by Yim, &c.

A translation of so much of the Selections of Za(^-sparam as treats of the same subjects as the Bundahii-, has been added as an appendix to the translation of that work in this volume, because the language used in these Selections seems to have an important bearing upon the question of the age of the Bundahij-. The time when the Selections themselves were written is fixed with considerable precision by the date (a. D. 881);, when their author's brother, ManuskihsLV, issued his public notice, as mentioned above. But Za^-sparam uses, in many places, precisely the same words as those employed in the Bundahij-, interspersed with much matter written in a more declamatory style ; it is, therefore, evident that he had the Bundahij- before him to quote from, and that work must consequently have been written either by one of his contemporaries, or by an older writer. So far the Selections merely confirm the information already obtained more directly from TD (see p. xxxviii) ; but the involved style of their language seems to prove more than this. In fact, in none of the text of the Da^istan-i Dinik and its accompaniments is there much of the simplicity of style and directness of purpose which are the chief characteristics of most of the language of the Bundahij'. So far, therefore, as style can be considered a mark of age, rather than a mere personal peculiarity of a contemporary writer, the contrast between the straightforward language of the Bundahij- and the laboured sentences of Manuj-z^ihar and Za^-sparam, sons of Yudan-Yim, tends to prove that the bulk of the Bundahii- was already an old work in their days, and was probably saved from oblivion through their writings or influence. That this original Bundahii- or Zandakas was an abridged translation of the Avesta of the

xlviii PAHLAVI TEXTS.

Damda^ Nask appears pretty evident from Zaef-sparam's remarks in Chap. IX, i, 16 of his Selections,

The first part of these Selections consists of 'sayings about the meeting of the beneficent and evil spirits,' and the first portion of these 'sayings' (divided into eleven chapters in the translation) is chiefly a paraphrase of Chaps. I-XVII of the Bundahij- (omitting Chaps. II, V, and XVI}. It describes the original state of the two spirits, their meeting and covenant, with a paraphrase of the Ahunavar formula ; the production of the first creatures, including time ; the incursion of the evil spirit and his temporary success in deranging the creation, with the reason why he was unable to destroy the primitive man for thirty years ; followed by the seven contests he carried on with the sky, water, earth, plants, animals, man, and fire, respectively, detailing how each of these creations was modified in consequence of the incursion of the evil spirit. In the account of the first of these contests the Pahlavi translation of one stanza in the Gathas is quoted verbatim, showing that the same Pahlavi version of the Yasna was used in the ninth century as now exists. The remainder of these ' sayings,' having no particular connection with the Bundahii-, has not been translated.

With regard to the Pahlavi text of the Selections, the present translator has been compelled to rely upon a single manuscript of the Dart'istan-i Dinik, brought by Westergaard from Kirman ^ in 1843, and now No. 35 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the University Library at Kopenhagen ; it may, therefore, be called K35. This MS. is incomplete, having lost nearly one-third of its original bulk, but still contains 181 folios of large octavo size, written fifteen to seventeen lines to the page ; the first seventy-one folios of the work have been lost, and about thirty-five folios are also missing from the end ; but the whole of the ninetytwo questions and answers, together with one-third of the

' That is, so far as the late Professor Westergaard could remember in 1878, when he kindly lent me the MS. for collation with my copy of the text, already obtained from more recent MSS. in Bombay, the best of which turned out to be a copy of K35.

INTRODUCTION. xlix

texts which usually precede them, and three-fifths of those which usually follow them, are still remaining. This MS. has lost its date, but a copy ^ of it exists in Bombay (written when it was complete) which ends with a colophon dated A. Y. 941 (a.d. 1572), as detailed in p. xxxiii; this may either be the actual date of that copy, or it may have been merely copied from K35, which cannot be much older. The latter supposition appears the more probable, as this colophon seems to be left incomplete by the loss of the last folio in the Bombay copy, and may, therefore, have been followed by another colophon giving a later date.

This copy of K35 was, no doubt, originally complete, but has lost many of its folios in the course of time ; most of the missing text has been restored from another MS., but there are still twelve or more folios missing from the latter part of the work ; it contains, however, all that portion of the Selections which is translated in this volume, but has, of course, no authority independent of K35. The other MS. in Bombay, from which some of the missing text was recovered, is in the library of Dastur Jamaspji Minochiharji ; it is a modern copy, written at different periods from forty to sixty years ago, and is incomplete, as it contains only one-fourth of the texts which usually follow the ninety-two questions and answers, and includes no portion of the Selections of Za(^-sparam.

Another MS. of the Da(^istan-i Dinik and its accompaniments, written also at Kirman, but two generations earlier than K35 (say, about A.D. 1530), has been already mentioned (see p. xxxiii). It is said still to contain 227 folios, though its first seventy folios are missing ; it must, therefore, begin very near the same place as K35, but extends much further, as it supplies about half the text still missing from the

) The fact of its being a copy of K35 is proved by strong circumstantial evidence. In the first place, it contains several false readings which are clearly due to mis-shapen letters and accidental marks in K35, so that it is evidently descended from that MS. But it is further proved to have been copied direct from that MS., by the last words in thirty-two of its pages having been marked with interlined circles in K35 ; the circle having been the copyist's mark for finding his place, when beginning a new page after turning over his folios.

[5] d

Bombay copy of K35, though it has lost about fourteen fohos at the end. This MS. must be either the original from which K35 was copied, or an independent authority of equal value, but it has not been available for settling the text of the Selections for the present translation. ,

5. The Bahman Vast.

The Bahman Ya^-t, usually called the ' Zand of the Vohuman Yaj't,' professes to be a prophetical work, in which Auharmazd gives Zaratiji^t an account of what was to happen to the Iranian nation and religion in the future.

It begins with an introduction (Chap. I) which states that, according to the Stu^^gar Nask, Zaratuj-t having asked Auharmazd for immortality, was supplied temporarily with omniscient wisdom, and had a vision of a tree with four branches of different metals which were explained to him as symbolical of four different periods, the times ofVii-tasp, of Ar^akhshir the Kayanian, of Khusro Noshirvan, and of certain demons or idolators who were to appear at the end of a thousand years. It states, further, that the commen-

A

taries of the Vohuman, Horvada^, and Ai-ta^ Ya^-ts mentioned the heretic Mazdak, and that Khusro Noshirvan summoned a council of high-priests and commentators, and ordered them not to conceal these. Yaj-ts, but to teach the commentary only among their own relations.

The text then proceeds (Chap. II) to give the details of the commentary on the Vohuman Ya^-t as follows : — Zaratu^t, having again asked Auharmazd for immortality, is refused, but is again supplied with omniscient wisdom for a week, during which time he sees, among other things, a tree wdth seven branches of different metals, which are again explained to him as denoting the seven ages of the religion, its six ages of triumph in the reigns of Vii-tasp, of Ar^/akhshir the Kayanian, of one of the A^kanian kings, of Arrf'akhshir Papakan and Shahpur I and II, of Vahram Gor, and of Khusro Noshirvan, and its seventh age of adversity when

INTRODUCTION. li

Iran is to be invaded from the east by hordes of demons or idolators with dishevelled hair, who are to work much mischief, so as to destroy the greater part of the nation and mislead the rest, until the religion becomes nearly extinct. The details of this mischief, written in a tone of lamentation, constitute the greater part of the text, which also notices that the sovereignty will pass from the Arabs, Rumans, and these leathern-belted demons (Turks) to other Turks and non-Turanians who are worse than themselves.

Distressed at this narrative ZaratuJt asks Auharmazd (Chap. Ill, i) how the rehgion is to be restored, and these demons destroyed ? He is informed that, in the course of time, other fiends with red banners, red weapons, and red hats, who seem to be Christians, will appear in the northwest, and will advance either to the Arvand (Tigris) or the Euphrates, driving back the former demons who will assemble all their allies to a great conflict, one of the three great battles of the religions of the world, in which the wicked will be so utterly destroyed that none will be left to pass into the next millennium.

ZaratCut enquires (III, 12) how so many can perish, and is informed that, after the demons with dishevelled hair appear, Hushe(^ar, the first of the last three apostles, is born near Lake Frazdan ; and when he begins to confer with Auharmazd a Kayan prince is born in the direction of TTinistan (Samarkand), who is called Vahram the Var^avand, and when he is thirty years old he collects a large army of Hindu (Bactrian) and A^ini (Samarkandian) troops, and advances into Iran, where he is reinforced by a numerous army of Iranian warriors, and defeats the demon races with immense slaughter, in the great conflict already mentioned, so that there will be only one man left to a thousand women.

The writer then proceeds to describe the supernatural agencies employed to produce this result : how the evil spirit (III, 24) comes to the assistance of the demonworshippers ; how Auharmazd sends his angels to Kangde^, to summon Peshyotanu, the immortal son of Vi.ftasp, with his disciples, to re-establish the sacred fires and restore the

d 2

Hi PAHLAVI TEXTS.

religious ceremonies ; and how the angels assist them against the evil spirits, so that Vahram the Var^avand is enabled to destroy the fiendish races, as already detailed, and Peshyotanu becomes supreme high-priest of the Iranian world.

Finally, the writer gives some details regarding the missions of the last three apostles, returning for that purpose (III, 44) to the birth of Hlashe^^ar, the first of the three, whose millennium witnesses both the invasion and the destruction of the fiendish races. Hushe-^ar proves his apostolic authority, to the satisfaction of Vai^avand and the people, by making the sun stand still for ten days and nights. His mission is to ' bring the creatures back to their proper state;' and it is not till near the end of his millennium that Peshyotanu appears, as before described. As this millennium begins with the invasion of the fiendish races and the fall of the Sasanian dynasty, it must have terminated in the seventeenth century, unless it was to last more than a thousand years. A very brief account is then given of the millennium of Hushe(;/ar-mah, the second of the three apostles, whose mission is to make 'the creatures more progressive' and to destroy 'the fiend of serpent origin' (A^'-i Dahak). During his millennium (which appears to be now in progress) mankind become so skilled in medicine that they do not readily die ; but owing to their toleration of heretics the evil spirit once more attains power, and releases A^^-i Dahak, from his confinement in Mount Dimavand, to work evil in the world, till Auharmazd sends his angels to rouse Keresasp the Saman, who rises from his trance and kills A^-i Dahak with his club at the end of the millennium. Afterwards, Soshyans, the last apostle, appears to 'make the creatures again pure;' when the resurrection takes place and the future existence commences.

Whether this text, as now extant, be the original commentary or Zand of the Vohuman Yaj-t admits of doubt, since it appears to quote that commentary (Chap. II, i) as an authority for its statements ; it is, therefore, most probably, only an epitome of the original commentary. Such an epitome would naturally quote many passages verbatim

INTRODUCTION. liil

from the original work, which ought to bear traces of translation from an Avesta text, as its title zand implies a Pahlavi translation from the Avesta (see p. x). There are, in fact, many such traces in this epitome, as indicated by the numerous sentences beginning with a verb, the mode of addressing Auharmazd, the quotation of different opinions from various commentators, and other minor peculiarities. Some of these might be the result of careful imitation of other commentaries, but it seems more likely that they aVe occasioned by literal translation from an original Avesta text. In speculating, therefore, upon the contents of the Bahman Vast it is necessary to remember that we are most probably dealing with a composite work, whose statements may be referred to the three different ages of the Avesta original, the Pahlavi translation and commentary, and the Pahlavi epitome of the latter ; and that this last form of the text is the only old version now extant.

With regard to the age of the work we have the external evidence that a copy of it exists in a manuscript (K20) written about five hundred years ago, and that this copy is evidently descended from older manuscripts as it contains several clerical blunders incompatible with any idea of its being the original manuscript, as witness the omissions noted in Chaps. II, 10, 13, 14, 33, 37, 45, III, 30, 33, the misplacement of II, 18, and many miswritings of single words. Owing to the threefold character of the work, already noticed, the internal evidence of its age can only apply to its last recension in the form of an epitome, as an oriental editor (to say nothing of others) generally considers himself at liberty to alter and add to his text, if he does not understand it, or thinks he can improve it. That this liberty has been freely exercised, with regard to these professed prophecies, is shown by the identification of the four prophetical ages of the StU(/gar Nask in the first chapter of the Bahman Ya^t being different from that given in the Dinkar^. The Dinkar(^ quotes the Stu^^gar Nask (that is, its Pahlavi version) as identifying the iron age with some period of religious indifference subsequent to the time of Ataro-pa^ son of Maraspend, the supreme high-priest and

liv PAHLAVI TEXTS.

prime ministerofShahpur II (a.d. 309-379); but the Bahman Ya^t (Chap. I, 5) quotes the Nask as identifying the same age with the reign of an idolatrous race subsequent to the time ofKhusro Ndshirvan (a.d. 531-579). This example is sufficient to show that the compiler of the extant epitome of the Bahman Ya.ft commentary largely availed himself of his editorial license, and it indicates the difficulty of distinguishing his statements from those of the former editors. At the same time it proves that the epitome could not have been compiled till after Iran had been overrun by a foreign race subsequent to the reign of Khusro Noshirvan. It is remarkable that the compiler does not mention any later Sasanian king, that he does not allude to Muhammadanism, and speaks of the foreign invaders as Turanians and Christians, only mentioning Arabs incidentally in later times ; at the same time the foreign invasion (which lasts a thousand years) is of too permanent a character to allow of its having reference merely to the troublous times of Noshirvan's successor.

Perhaps the most reasonable hypotheses that can be founded upon these facts are, first, that the original zand or commentary of the Bahman Ya^t was written and translated from the Avesta in the latter part of the reign of Khusro Noshirvan, or very shortly afterwards, which would account for no later king being mentioned by name ; and, secondly, that the epitome now extant was compiled by some writer who lived so long after the Arab invasion that the details of their inroad had become obscured by the more recent successes of Turanian rulers, such as the Ghaznavis and Sal^uqs of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is hardly possible that the epitomist could have lived as late as the time of 6^ingiz Khan, the great Mongol conqueror (a.d. 1206-1227), as that would bring him within 150 years of the date of the extant manuscript of his work, which has no appearance of being an immediate copy of the original ; but the rule of the Sal^uqs would certainly have afforded him sufficient materials for his long description of the iron age. The Avesta of the Bahman Ya^-t was probably compiled from older sources (like the rest of the Avesta) during

INTRODUCTION. Iv

the reigns of the earher Sasanian monarchs ; but it was, no doubt, very dififerent in its details from the epitome of its commentary which still exists.

These hypotheses, regarding the threefold origin of the present form of this Ya^t, derive some confirmation from the inconsistencies in its chronological details ; especially those relating to the periods of the invaders^ reign and of Hushe^ar's birth. The Zoroastrians have for ages been expecting the appearance of Hushe^ar, the first of their last three apostles, but have always had to postpone their expectations from time to time, like the Jews and other interpreters of prophecy ; so that they are still looking forward into the future for his advent, although his millennium has long since expired according to the chronology adopted in the Bahman Yaj-t. This chronology, of course, represents the expectations of Zoroastrians in past times, and seems to express three different opinions. First, we have the statement that the last great battle of the demonraces is to take place at the end of Zaratui-t's millennium (see Chap. Ill, 9), when the wicked will be so destroyed (compare III, 22, 23) that none will pass into the next millennium (III, 11), which is that of Hushe(;/ar (111,43). And that the reign of evil is to precede the end of Zaratuj-t's millennium is evidently assumed also in Chap. II, 41, 6^. Such opinions may reasonably be traced to the original Avesta writer, who must have expected only a short reign of evil to arise and fall near the latter end of Zaratuj-t's millennium, which was still far in the future, and to be followed by the appearance of Husher/ar to restore the 'good' religion. Secondly, we are told (I, 5, II, 22, 24, 31) that the invasion of the demon-races, with its attendant evils, is to take place when Zaratui-t's millennium is ended ; on their appearance Hushe^'ar is born (III, 13), and when he is thirty years old (compare III, 14 with III, 44) Vahram the Var^avand is also born, who at the age of thirty (III, 17) advances into Iran with an innumerable army to destroy the invaders. Such statements may be attributed to the original Pahlavi translator and commentator who, writing about A.D. 570-590, would have before his eyes the disastrous

Ivi PAHLAVI TEXTS.

reign of Auharmazd IV, the son and successor of Khusro Noshirvan, together with the prowess of the famous Persian general Bahram A'opin, which drove out all invaders. This writer evidently expected the reign of the demon-races to last less than a century, but still at some period in the near future ; merely illustrating his theme by details of the disasters and wars of his own time. Thirdly, we find it stated (III, 44) that Hushe(/ar will be born in 1600, which seems to mean the sixteen hundredth year of Zaratu^t's millennium, or six hundredth of his own (say A.D. 1193- 1335), also that the reign of the demon-races is to last a thousand years (III, 34), and that Peshyotanu does not come to restore the religion till near the end of the millennium (III, 51); it also appears (III, 49) that Var^avand occupies a prominent position when Hushe^^ar comes from his conference with Auharmazd at thirty years of age (III, 44, 45). Such details were probably inserted by the compiler of the epitome, who had to admit the facts that the reign of the demon-races had already lasted for centuries, and that Hushe^^ar had not yet appeared. To get over these difficulties he probably adopted the opinions current in his day, and postponed the advent of Hushe^ar till the beginning of the next century in his millennium, and put off the destruction of the wicked, as a more hopeless matter, till near the end of the millennium. Both these periods are now long since past, and the present Zoroastrians have still to postpone the fulfilment of the prophecies connected with their last three apostles, or else to understand them in a less literal fashion than heretofore.

For the Pahlavi text of the Bahman Yai't the translator has to rely upon the single old manuscript K20, already described (p. xxvii), in which it occupies the 135 folios immediately following the Bundahii' ; these folios are much worn, and a few words have been torn off some of them, but nearly all of these missing words can be restored by aid of the Pazand version. The Pahlavi text is also found in the modern copies of K20 at Paris and Kopenhagen, but these copies (P7 and K21) have no authority independent of K20. In India this text has long been exceedingly rare,

INTRODUCTION. Ivii

and whether any copy of it exists, independent of K20, is doubtful.

The Pazand version is more common in Parsi hbranes, but contains a very imperfect text. Of this version two modern copies have been consulted ; one of these occupies fols. 38-62 of a small manuscript, No. 23 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich ; the other is a copy of a manuscript in the library of the high-priest of the Parsis in Bombay. Both these MSS. are evidently descended from the same original, which must have been a very imperfect transliteration of a Pahlavi text closely resembling that of K20, but yet independent of that MS., as a few words omitted in K20 are supplied by these Pazand MSS. (see B.Yt. II, 13, 14, 22, &c.) To a certain extent, therefore, these Pazand MSS. are of some assistance in settling the text of a few sentences, but the greater part of their contents is so imperfect as to be utterly unintelligible ; they not only omit Chaps. I, 1-8, II, 17, 30-32, 40, III, 9, 12, 17- 44, 58-63 entirely, but also words and phrases from nearly every other section of the text. Adhering scrupulously to the Pahlavi original for a few consecutive words, and then widely departing from it by misreading or omitting all difficult words and passages, this Pazand version is a complete contrast to the Pazand writings of Neryosang, being of little use to the reader beyond showing the extremely low ebb to which Pahlavi learning must have fallen, among the Parsis, before such unintelligible writings could have been accepted as Pazand texts.

There is also a Persian version of the Bahman Ya^t, a copy of which, written A. D, 1676, is contained in a large Rivayat MS. No. 29, belonging to the University Library at Bombay. According to the colophon of this Persian version it was composed in a.d. 1496 by Rustam Isfendiyar of Yazd, from an Avesta (Pazand) MS. belonging to his brother Jamshed. This Persian version contains less than three per cent of Arabic words, and is more of a paraphrase than a translation, but it adheres very closely to the meaning of the Pahlavi text from Chaps. I, i to III, 9, where a dislocation occurs, evidently owing either to the displacement

Ivlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.

of two folios in an older MS., or to the second page of a folio being copied before the first, so that §§ 10-14 follow §§ 15-22. From the middle of § 32 the folios of the older MS, seem to have been lost as far as the end of Hushe^^ar's millennium (§ 51), to which point the Persian version leaps, but the remainder of this paraphrase is much more diffuse than the Bahman Ya.st, and is evidently derived from some other Pahlavi work.

This conclusion of the Persian version describes how adversity departs from the world, and ten people are satisfied with the milk of one cow, when Hushe^/ar-mah appears and his millennium commences. On his coming from his conference with Auharmazd the sun stands still for twenty days and nights, in consequence of which twothirds of the people in the world believe in the religion. Meat is no longer eaten, but only milk and butter, and a hundred people are satisfied with the milk of one cow. Hushed^ar-mah destroys the terrible serpent, which accompanies apostasy, by means of the divine glory and Avesta formulas ; he clears all noxious creatures out of the world, and wild animals live harmlessly among mankind ; the fiends of apostasy and deceit depart from the world, which becomes populous and delightful, and mankind abstain from falsehood. After the five-hundredth year of Hushert'ar-mah has passed away, Soshyans (Sasan) appears, and destroys the fiend who torments fire. The sun stands still for thirty days and nights, when all mankind believe in the religion, and the year becomes exactly 360 days. Dahak escapes from his confinement, and reigns for a day and a half in the world with much tyranny ; when Soshyans rouses Sam Nariman, who accepts the religion and becomes immortal. Sam calls upon Dahak to accept the religion, but the latter proposes that they should together seize upon heaven for themselves, whereupon Sam kills him. All evil having departed from the world mankind become like the archangels, and the resurrection takes place, which is described with many of the same details as are mentioned in Bund. XXX.

Accompanying this Persian version in B29 is another

INTRODUCTION.

lix

fragment from the same source, which treats of the same subjects as the third chapter of the Bahman Yaj-t, but is differently arranged. It confines itself to the millennium of Hushe^^ar, and may possibly be some modification of the contents of the folios missing from the version described above. After some introductory matter this fragment contains a paraphrase (less accurate than the preceding) of Chap. Ill, 23-49 of the Bahman Vast; it then proceeds to .state that Hushe^ar destroys the wolf race, so that wolves, thieves, highway robbers, and criminals cease to exist. When Hushert'ar's three-hundredth year has passed away the winter of Malkos arrives and destroys all animals and vegetation, and only one man survives out of ten thousand ; after which the world is repeopled from the enclosure made by Yim. Then comes the gathering of the nations to the great battle on the Euphrates, where the slaughter is so great that the water of the river becomes red, and the survivors wade in blood up to their horses' girths. Afterwards, the Kayan king, Var^avand, advances from the frontiers of India and takes possession of Iran to the great delight of the inhabitants, but only after a great battle; and then Peshyotanu is summoned from Kangde^ to restore the religious ceremonies.

A German translation of some passages in the Bahman Ya^t, with a brief summary of the greater part of the remainder, was published in i860 in Spiegel's Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, pp. 128-135.

6. The Shayast la-shayast.

Another treatise which must be referred to about the same age as the Bundahij-, though of a very different character, is the Shayast la-shayast or ' the proper and improper.' It is a compilation of miscellaneous laws and customs regarding sin and impurity, with other memoranda about ceremonies and religious subjects in general. Its name has, no doubt, been given to it in modern times \ and has pro-

' But perhaps before the compilation of the prose Sad-dar Bundahi.s or Buiidahii of a hundred chapters, which seems to refer to the Shayast la-shayast

Ix PAHLAVI TEXTS.

bably arisen from the frequent use it makes of the words shaya^, ' it is fit or proper,' and la shaya(/, 'it is not fit or proper.' And, owing to its resemblance to those Persian miscellanies of traditional memoranda called Rivayats, it has also been named the Pahlavi Rivayat, though chiefly by Europeans.

It consists of two parts, which are often put together in modern MSS., and bear the same name, but are widely separated in the oldest MSS. These two parts, consisting respectively of Chaps. I-X and XI-XIV in the present translation, are evidently two distinct treatises on the same and similar subjects, but of nearly the same age. That they were compiled by two different persons, who had access to nearly the same authorities, appears evident from Chaps. XI, I, 3, XII, II, 13-16, 18, 20 being repetitions of Chaps. I, I, 2, X, 4, 20-23, 7, 31, with only slight alterations ; such repetitions as would hardly be made in a single treatise by the same writer. Minor repetitions in the first part, such as those of some phrases in Chaps. II, 6$, IV, 14, repeated in Chap. X, 24, '^2)^ might readily be made by the same writer in different parts of the same treatise. To these two parts of the Shayast la-shayast a third part has been added in the present translation, as an appendix, consisting of a number of miscellaneous passages of a somewhat similar character, which are found in the same old MSS. that contain the first two parts, but which cannot be attributed either to the same writers or the same age as those parts.

The first part commences with the names and amounts of the various degrees of sin, and the names of the chief commentators on the Vendidad. It then gives long details regarding the precautions to be taken with reference to corpses and menstruous women, and the impurity they occasion ; besides mentioning (Chap. II, 33-35) the pollution

ill its opening words, as follows : — ' This book is on " the proper and improper" which is brought out from the good, pure religion of the Mazdayasnians ;' though this term may possibly relate to its own contents. There is also a Persian treatise called Shayast na-shayast, which gives a good deal of information obtahied from the Persian Rivayats, and copies of which are contained in the MSS. Nos. 56 and 1 16 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at O.xford.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixi

caused by a serpent. It next describes the proper size and materials of the sacred thread-girdle and shirt, giving some details about the sins of running about uncovered and walking with one boot, and thence proceeding to the sin of unseasonable chatter. Details are then given about good works, and those who can and cannot perform them ; in which reference is made to Christians, Jews, and those of other persuasions (Chap. VI, 7). The next subjects treated of are reverencing the sun and fire, the sin of extinguishing fire, confession and renunciation of sin, atonement for sins, especially mortal sins, both those affecting others and those only affecting one's own soul ; with a digression (Chap. VIII, 3) prohibiting the rich from hunting. The remainder of this first treatise is of a miscellaneous character, referring to the following subjects : — The Hasar of time, priests passing away in idolatry, the discussion of religion, ceremonies not done aright, throwing a corpse into the sea, evil of eating in the dark, the four kinds of worship, when the angels should be invoked in worship, the ephemeral nature of life, proper looseness for a girdle, when the sacred cake set aside for the guardian spirits can be used, maintaining a fire where a woman is pregnant, providing a tank for ablution, the Gathas not to be recited over the dead, food and drink not to be thrown away to the north at night, unlawful slaughter of animals, how the corpse of a pregnant woman should be carried, forgiveness of trespasses, evil of walking without boots, when the sacred girdle is to be assumed, breaking the spell of an inward prayer, ten women wanted at childbirth, and how the infant is to be treated, sin of beating an innocent person, evil of a false judge, men and women who do not marry, a toothpick must be free from bark, acknowledging the children of a handmaid, advantage of offspring and of excess in almsgiving, prayer on lying down and getting up, Avesta not to be mumbled, doubtful actions to be avoided or consulted about, evil of laughing during prayer, crowing of a hen, treatment of a hedgehog, after a violent death corruption does not set in immediately, necessity of a dog's gaze, putrid meat and hairy cakes or butter unfit for ceremonies, when a woman can do priestly duty, &c.

Ixii PAHLAVI TEXTS.

The second part also commences with the names and amounts of the various degrees of sin, followed by the proper meat-offerings for various angels and guardian spirits. Next come miscellaneous observations on the following subjects : — The simplest form of worship, necessity of submitting to a high-priest, advantage of a fire in the house, sin of clothing the dead, presentation of holy-water to the nearest fire after a death, nail-parings to be prayed over, advantage of light at childbirth, offerings to the angels, maintaining a fire where a woman is pregnant and a child is born, a toothpick must be free from bark, acknowledging the children of a handmaid, advantage of offspring and of excess in almsgiving, evil of drawing well-water at night, food not to be thrown away to the north at night, advantage of prayer at feasts, treatment of a hedgehog, praying when washing the face, the proper choice of a purifying priest, no one should be hopeless of heaven, necessity of a wife being religious as well as her husband, the ceremonies which are good works, and the cause of sneezing, yawning, and sighing. These are followed by a long account of the mystic signification of the Gathas, with some information as to the errors which may be committed in consecrating the sacred cakes, and how the beginning of the morning watch is to be determined.

The third part, or appendix, commences with an account of how each of the archangels can be best propitiated, by a proper regard for the particular worldly existence which he specially protects. This is followed by a statement of the various degrees of sin, and of the amount of good works attributed to various ceremonies. Then come some account of the ceremonies after a death, particulars of those who have no part in the resurrection, the duty of submission to the priesthood, whether evil may be done for the sake of good, the place where people will rise from the dead, Aeshm's complaint to Aharman of the three things he could not injure in the world, the occasions on which the Ahunavar formula should be recited, and the number of recitals that are requisite, &c. And, finally, statements of the lengths of midday and afternoon shadows, blessings invoked

INTRODUCTION. Ixlil

from the thirty angels and archangels who preside over the days of the month, and the special epithets of the same.

With regard to the age of this treatise we have no precise information. All three parts are found in a MS. (M6) which was written in A. D. 1397 (see p. xxix), and nearly the whole is also found in the MS. K20, which may be a few years older (see p. xxvii), and in which the first part of the Shayast la-shayast is followed by a Persian colophon dated A.Y. 700 (a.d. 1331), copied probably from an older MS. The text in both these old MSS. seems to have been derived almost direct from the same original, which must have been so old when M6 was written that the copyist found some words illegible (see notes on Chaps. VIII, 19, X, 34, XII, 14, 15, &c.) Now it is known from a colophon that a portion of M6, containing the book of Ar^a-Viraf and the tale of G6st-i Fry and, was copied from a MS. written in A.D. 1249 5 ^^^ ^^ ^^Y safely conclude that the Shayast la-shayast was copied, either from the same MS., or from one fully as old. So far, therefore, as external evidence goes, there is every reason to suppose that the whole of the Shayast la-shayast, with its appendix \ was existing in a MS. written about 630 years ago.

But internal evidence points to a far higher antiquity for the first two parts, as the compilers of those treatises evidently had access, not only to several old commentaries, but also to many of the Nasks, which have long been lost. Thus, the first treatise contains quotations from the commentaries of Afarg, Gogoj-asp, Kushtano-bu^e^, Me^^okmah, Roshan, and Soshyans, which are all frequently quoted in the Pahlavi translation of the Vendidad (see Sis. I, 3, 4, notes) ; besides mentioning the opinions of Mar^- bu^, Neryosang, Nosai Bur^-Mitro, and Vand-Auharmazd, who are rarely or never mentioned in the Pahlavi Vendidad. It also quotes no less than eleven of the twenty Nasks or books of the complete Mazdayasnian literature which are no longer extant, besides the Vendidad, the only Nask that still survives in the full extent it had in Sasanian times.

1 Except Chaps. XXII, XXIII (see the note on the heading of Chap. XXII).

Ixiv PAHLAVI TEXTS.

The Nasks quoted are the Stu^gar (Sis. X, 8), the Bagh (X, 26), the Damda^ (X, 22), the Pa^on (IX, 9), the Ratui^- taitih (X, 29), the Kidrast (X, 28), the Spend (X, 4), the Nihart'um (X, 3, 22, 23), the DubasrCi^e^ (X, 13), the Husparam (X, 21), and the Saka^um (X, 25), very few of which are mentioned even in the Pahlavi Vendidad. The second treatise mentions only one commentator, Vand-Auharmazd, but it quotes eight of the Nasks no longer extant ; these are the Stm/gar (Sis. XII, 32), the Dkmdad (XII, 5, 15), the Spend (XII, 3, 11, 15, 29), the Bag-yasno (XII, 17), the Niha^um (XII, 15, 16), the Husparam (XII, i, 7, 14, 31, XIII, 17), the Saka^um (XII, 2, 10, 12, XIIL 30), and the Ha^okht (XII, 19, 30, XIII, 6, 10).

Of two of these Nasks, the Bagh and Ha(T^6kht, a few fragments may still survive (see notes on Sis. X, 26, Haug's Essays, p. T34, B. Yt. Ill, 25), but those of the latter Nask do not appear to contain the passages quoted in the Shayast la-shayast. With regard to the rest we only know that the Damda^, Husparam, and Saka(^um must have been still in existence about A.D. 881, as they are quoted in the writings of Za(/-sparam and Manui'^ihar, sons of Yudan-Yim, who lived at that time (see pp. xlii, xlvi) ; and the Niha^um and Husparam are also quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad. It is true that the Dinkar^ gives copious information about the contents of all the Nasks, with two or three exceptions ; and the Dinkar*^ seems to have assumed its present form about A.D. 900 (see Bund. XXXIII, 11, notes) ; but its last editor was evidently merely a compiler of old fragments, so there is no certainty that many of the Nasks actually existed in his time.

Thus far, therefore, the internal evidence seems to prove that the two treatises called Shayast la-shayast, which constitute the first two parts of the present translation, are more than a thousand years old. On the other hand, they cannot be more than three centuries older, because they frequently quote passages from the Pahlavi Vendidad which, as we have seen (p. xlvi, note i), could not have assumed its present form before the time of Khusro Noshirvan (A.D. 531-579). As they contain no reference to any

INTRODUCTION. IxV

interference of the governing powers with the religion or priesthood, it is probable that they were written before the Muhammadan conquest (a.D. 636-65 [), although they do not mention the existence of any ' king of the kings,' the usual title of the Sasanian nionarchs. And this probability is increased by there being no direct mention of Muhammadanism among the contemporary religions named in Chap, VI, 7, unless we assume that passage to be a quotation from an earlier book. We may, therefore, conclude, with tolerable certainty, that the Pahlavi text of the first two parts of the present translation of the Shayast lashayast was compiled some time in the seventh century ; but, like the Bundahii- and Bahman Ya^t, it was, for the most part, a compilation of extracts and translations from far older writings, and may also have been rearranged shortly after the Muhammadan conquest.

The fragments which are collected in the appendix, or third part of the present translation, are probably of various ages, and several of them may not be more than seven centuries old. The commentator Bakht-afri^ whose work (now lost) is quoted in Chap. XX, 1 1, may have lived in the time of Khusro Noshirvan (see B. Yt. I, 7). And Chap. XXI must certainly have been written in Persia, as the lengths of noonday shadows which it mentions are only suitable for 33° north latitude. As regards the last two chapters we have no evidence that they are quite five centuries old.

For the Pahlavi text of the Shayast la-shayast and its appendix we have not only the very old codex M6 (see p. xxix) for the whole of it, but also the equally old codex K20 (see p. xxvii) for all but Chaps. XV-XVII, XX, XXII, and XXIII in the appendix. In M6 the first two parts are separated by twenty folios, containing the Farhang-i Oimkhaduk, and the second part is separated from the first three chapters of the appendix by four folios, containing the Patit-i Khu^; the next three chapters of the appendix are from the latter end of the second volume of M6, Chap. XXI is from the middle of the same, and the last two chapters are from some additional folios at the beginning of the [5] e

Ixvi PAIILAVI TEXTS.

first volume. In K20 the first two parts are separated by ninety-two folios, containing the Farhang-i Oim-khaduk, Bundahij, Bahman Yai-t, and several other Pahlavi and Avesta texts ; Chap. XVIII precedes the first part, Chap. XIX precedes the second part, and Chap. XXI is in an earlier part of the MS,

Derived from K20 are the two modern copies P7 and K21 (see p. xxviii). Derived from M6 are the modern copy of the first two parts in M9 (No. 9 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich), a copy of Chaps. XIV, XV in L15 (No. 15 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the India Office Library at London), a copy of Chap. XX, 4-17 in O121 (No. 121 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, see p. xxx), and a copy of Chap. XVIII in Dastur Jamaspji's MS. of the Bundahij- at Bombay. While an independent Pahlavi version of Chap. XXIII occurs in a very old codex in the library of the high-priest of the Parsis at Bombay, which version has been used for the text of the present translation, because that chapter is incomplete in M6.

Pazand versions of some of the chapters, chiefly in the appendix, are to be found in some MSS., but all derived apparently from M6. Thus^ in the Pazand MSS. L7 and L22 (Nos. 7 and 22 in the India Office Library at London, see p. xxxi), written in Avesta characters, Chaps. XVIII, XX, XV follow the last chapter of the Bundahi^-, and Chap. XIV occurs a few folios further on. And in the Pazand MS. M7 (No. 7 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich), written in Persian characters, the following detached passages occur in a miscellaneous collection of extracts (fols. 126-133) : — Chaps. XX, 14-16, X, 18, J9, IX, 9, 10, XX, 12, 13, 4, 5, VIII, 2, 4-14, XX, II. A Persian version of Chap. XVIII also occurs in M5 (No. 5 of the same collection) on fol. 54«

It does not appear that the Shayast la-shayast has ever been hitherto translated into any European language \ nor

• Except Chap. XVIII, which was translated into German by Justi, as the last chapter of his translation of the Bundahis (see p. xxvi).

INTRODUCTION. Ixvil

is any Persian or Gu^arati translation of it known to the present translator, though a good deal of the matter it contains may be found in the Persian Rivayats, but generally given in a different form. Owing to the technical character of the treatise, it is hazardous for any one but a Parsi priest to attempt to translate it, so that errors will, no doubt, be apparent to the initiated in the present translation. At the same time it must not be forgotten that the laws and customs mentioned in the text were those current in Persia twelve centuries ago, which may be expected to differ, in many details, from those of the Parsis in India at the present day. This is a consideration which a Parsi translator might be too apt to ignore ; so that his thorough knowledge of present customs, though invaluable for the decipherment of ambiguous phrases, might lead him astray when dealing with clear statements of customs and rules now obsolete and, therefore, at variance with his preconceived ideas of propriety.

7. Concluding Remarks.

The Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are specimens of three distinct species of writings. Thus, the Bundahij and its appendix, which deal chiefly with cosmogony, myths, and traditions, may be roughly compared to the book of Genesis. The Bahman Ya^t, which professes to be prophetical, may be likened unto the Apocalypse. And the Shayast la-shayast, which treats of religious laws regarding impurity, sin, ritual, and miscellaneous matters, bears some resemblance to Leviticus. But, though thus dealing with very different subjects, these texts appear to have all originated in much the same manner, a manner which is characteristic of the oldest class of the Pahlavi writings still extant. All three are full of translations from old Avesta texts, collected together probably in the latter days of the Sasanian dynasty, and finally rearranged some time after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia ; so that, practically, they may be taken as representing the ideas entertained of their prehistoric religion by Persians in the

e 2

Ixvili PAHLAVI TEXTS.

sixth century, but modified so far as to suit the taste and exigencies of the tenth.

But, notwithstanding the wide range of subjects embraced by these texts, it would be rash for the reader to assume that they afford him sufficient information for forming a decided opinion as to the character of the Parsi rehgion. The texts translated in this volume contain barely oneeleventh part of the religious literature extant in the Pahla vi language, without taking the Pahlavi versions of existing Avesta texts into account, which latter are even more important than the former, from a religious point of view, as they are considered more authoritative by the Parsis themselves. What proportion the literature extant may bear to that which is lost it is impossible to guess ; but, omitting all consideration of the possible contents of the lost literature, it is obvious that the remaining ten-elevenths of that which is extant may contain much which would modify any opinion based merely upon the one-eleventh here translated. What the untranslated portion actually contains no one really knows. The best Pahlavi scholar can never be sure that he understands the contents of a Pahlavi text until he has fully translated it ; no amount of careful reading can make him certain that he does not misunderstand some essential part of it, and were he to assert the contrary he would be merely misleading others and going astray himself. How far the translations in this volume will enable the reader to judge of the Parsi religion may perhaps be best understood by considering how far a careful perusal of the books of Genesis, Leviticus, and the Revelation, which constitute one-eleventh part of the Protestant Bible, would enable him to judge of Christianity, without any further information.

But, though these translations must be considered merely as a contribution towards a correct account of mediseval Zoroastrianism, the Bundahii- does afford some very definite information upon one of the fundamental doctrines of that faith. The Parsi religion has long been represented by its opponents as a dualism ; and this accusation, made in good faith by Muhammadan writers, and echoed more

INTRODUCTION.

Ixix

incautiously by Christians, has been advanced so strenuously that it has often been admitted even by Parsis themselves, as regards the mediaeval form of their faith. But neither party seems to have fairly considered how any religion which admits the personality of an evil spirit, in order to account for the existence of evil, can fail to become a dualism to a certain extent. If, therefore, the term is to be used in controversy, it behoves those who use it to define the limits of objectionable dualism with great precision, so as not to include most of the religions of the world, their own among the number.

If it be necessary for a dualism that the evil spirit be omnipresent, omniscient, almighty, or eternal, then is the Parsi religion no dualism. The Bundahij- distinctly asserts that the evil spirit is not omniscient and almighty (Chap. I, i6) ; that his understanding is backward (I, 3, 9), so that he was not aware of the existence of Auharmazd till he arose from the abyss and saw the light (I, 9) ; that he is unobservant and ignorant of the future (I, 19) till it is revealed to him by Auharmazd (I, 21); that his creatures perish at the resurrection (I, 7, 21), and he himself becomes impotent (I, 21, III, i) and will not be (I, 3, XXX, 32). Nowhere is he supposed to be in two places at once, or to know what is occurring elsewhere than in his own presence. So far, his powers are considerably less than those generally assigned by Christians to the devil, who is certainly represented as being a more intelligent and ubiquitous personage. On the other hand, Aharman is able to produce fiends and demons (Chap. I, 10, 24), and the noxious creatures are said to be his (III, 15, XIV, 30, XVIII, 2); in which respects he has probably rather more power than the devil, although the limits of the latter's means of producing evil are by no means well defined.

The origin and end of Aharman appear to be left as uncertain as those of the devil, and, altogether, the resemblance between these two ideas of the evil spirit is remarkably close ; in fact, almost too close to admit of the possibility of their being ideas of different origin. The only important differences are that Zoroastrianism does not believe in an

IxX PAHLAVI TEXTS.

eternity of evil as Christianity does, and that Christianity has been content to leave all its other ideas about the devil in a very hazy and uncertain form, while Zoroastrianism has not shrunk from carrying similar ideas to their logical conclusion. If, therefore, a belief in Aharman, as the author of evil, makes the Parsi religion a dualism, it is difificult to understand why a belief in the devil, as the author of evil, does not make Christianity also a dualism. At any rate, it is evident from the Bundahi^ that a Christian is treading on hazardous ground when he objects to Zoroastrianism on the score of its dualism.

Another misrepresentation of the Parsi religion is shown to have no foundation in fact, by a passage in the Selections of Za^-sparam. Several writers, both Greek and Armenian, contemporaries of the Sasanian dynasty, represent the Persians as believing that both Auharmazd and Aharman were produced by an eternal being, who is evidently a personification of the Avesta phrase for ' boundless time.' This view was apparently confirmed by a passage in Anquetil Duperron's French translation of the Vendidad (XIX, 32-34), but this has long been known to be a mistranslation due to Anquetil's ignorance of Avesta grammar ; so that the supposed doctrine of ' boundless time ' being the originator of everything is not to be found in the Avesta ; still it might have sprung up in Sasanian times. But the Selections of Zart'-sparam (I, 24) distinctly state that Auharmazd produced the creature Zorvan (precisely the term used in the phrase ' boundless time' in the Avesta). Here 'time,' although personified, is represented as a creature of Auharmazd, produced after the first appearance of Aharman ; which contradicts the statement of the Greek and Armenian writers completely, and shows how little reliance can be placed upon the assertions of foreigners regarding matters which they view with antipathy or prejudice.

With reference to the general plan of these translations of Pahlavi texts a few remarks seem necessary. In the first place, it will be obvious to any attentive reader of this introduction that a translator of Pahlavi has not merely to translate, but also to edit, the original text; and, in some

INTRODUCTION. 1

XXI

cases, he has even to discover it. Next, as regards the translation, it has been already mentioned (p. xxvi) that the translator's object is to make it as literal as possible ; in order, therefore, to check the inevitable tendency of free translation to wander from the meaning of the original text, all extra words added to complete the sense, unless most distinctly understood in the original, are italicised in the translation. And in all cases that seem doubtful the reader's attention is called to the fact by a note, though it is possible that some doubtful matters may be overlooked. The notes deal not only with explanations that may be necessary for the general reader, but also with various readings and other details that may be useful to scholars ; they are, therefore, very numerous, though some passages may still be left without sufficient explanation. References to the Vendidad,Yasna, and Visparad are made to Spiegel's edition of the original texts, not because that edition is superior, or even equal, in accuracy to that of Westergaard, but because it is the only edition which gives the Pahlavi translations, because its sections are shorter and, therefore, reference to them is more definite, and because the only English translation of the Avesta hitherto existing^ is based upon Spiegel's edition, and is divided into the same sections.

No attempt has been made to trace any of the myths or traditions farther back than the Avesta, whence their descent is a fact that can hardly be disputed. To trace them back to earlier times, to a supposed Indo-Iranian personification or poetic distortion of meteorological phenomena, would be, in the present state of our knowledge, merely substituting plausible guesses for ascertained facts. In many cases, indeed, we have, really no right to assume that an Avesta myth has descended from any such Indo- Iranian origin, as there have been ample opportunities for the infiltration of myths from other sources, yet unknown,

1 Bleeck's Avesta ; the Religious Books of the Parsees ; from Professor Spiegel's German Translation; London, 1864. Not much reliance can be placed upon the correctness of this translation, owing to defects in the German one.

XXU PAHLAVI TEXTS.

among the many nations with which the reh'gion of the Avesta has come in contact, both before and since the time of Zaratuj-t. For, notwithstanding the ingenious rhetoric of the expounders of myths, it is still as unsafe, from a scientific point of view, to disbelieve the former existence of Zaratujt as it is to doubt that of Moses, or any other practically prehistoric personage, merely because mythic tales have gathered about his name in later times, as they always do about the memory of any individual who has become famous or revered.

In many cases the original Pahlavi word is appended, in parentheses, to its English equivalent in the translation. This has been done for the sake of explanation, when the word is technical or rare, or the translation is unusual. For, with regard to technical terms, it has been considered best, in nearly all cases, to translate them by some explanatory phrase, in preference to filling the translation with foreign words which would convey little or no distinct meaning to the general reader. Some of these technical terms have almost exact equivalents in English, such as those translated ' resurrection ' and ' demon,' or can be well expressed by descriptive phrases, such as ' sacred twigs ' and ' sacred cakes.' Other terms are only approximately rendered by such words as 'archangel' and 'angel;' others can hardly be expressed at all times by the same English words, but must change according to the context, such as the term variously rendered by ' worship, ceremonial, prayer, or rites.' While the meaning of some few terms is so technical, complicated, or uncertain, that it is safer to use the Pahlavi word itself, such as Tanapuhar, Frasast, Getikhand, Dva^dah-homast, &c.

The following is a list of nearly all the technical terms that have been translated, with the English equivalents generally used to express them: — Afrin, 'blessing;' aharmok, 'apostate, heretic ;' aharubo, 'righteous;' aharubo-da^, 'alms, almsgiving;' akdino, 'infidel;' ameshospend, 'archangel ;' arme^t, 'helpless ;' ast-homand, 'material;' aus6fri(/, 'propitiation, offering;' bagho-bakhtd, 'divine providence;' baresom, 'sacred twigs or twig-bundle;'

INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii

baresomdan, 'twig stand;' dakhmak (Huz. khazan), 'depository for the dead ;' dashtanistan, 'place for menstruation;' dino, 'religion, revelation, religious rites;' drayan-^uyii-nih, 'unseasonable chatter;' drevand, 'wicked;' dr 6 no, 'sacred cake ;' dru^, 'fiend;' frashakar^, 'renovation of the universe;' fravahar, 'guardian spirit;' fravar^ikan, 'days devoted to the guardian spirits ;' ganrak mainok, 'evil spirit;' gar^ij-n, 'confession of sin;' gas, 'period of the day, time;' gasanbar, 'seasonfestival;' £-a.sn6, 'feast;' gauj-dak (Av. gkus hudh^u), 'meat-offering, sacred butter;' ^avi^-rastakan, 'the heterodox;' ^iv (Av. gauj- ^ivya), 'sacred milk;' gome^, 'bull's urine;' hamemal, 'accuser ;' ha mre^, ' direct pollution, contagion;' ha^'arak, 'millennium;' hikhar, 'bodily refuse;' kar, 'duty;' keshvar, 'region;' khayebit, 'destroyer;' khrafstar, ' noxious creature;' khvetuk-das, 'next-of-kin marriage;' kirfak, 'good works;' kustik, ' sacred thread-girdle ;' magh, ' stone ablution-seat ;' mainok, ^spirit;' marg-ar^an, 'worthy of death, mortal sin;' myazd, 'feast, sacred feast ;' nasai, 'corpse, dead matter ;' nasal ka t a k, 'corpse chamber ;' nirang, 'religious formula, ritual;' nirangistan, ' code of religious formulas;' niyaylsn, 'salutation;' padam, 'mouth-veil;' pa^iyaz/ih, 'ablution, ceremonial ablution;' pahlum ah van, 'best existence;' paitre^, 'indirect pollution, infection ;' parahom, 'hom-juice;' parik, 'witch;' patitih, 'renunciation of sin;' patiyarak, 'adversary;' p6ry6(^keshih, 'primitive faith;' ra(^, 'chief, spiritual chief, primate, high-priest;' ristakhe^, 'resurrection;' satuih, 'the three nights;' .feda, 'demon ;' shapik, 'sacred shirt;' shnayijn, ' propitiation, gratification;' shnuman, 'dedication formula, propitiation;' spenak mainok, 'beneficent spirit;' tanu-i pasino, 'future existence;' to^ij-n, ' retribution ;' tor a- i khadu-da^, 'primeval ox;' va^, 'inward prayer;' vi^arij-n, 'atonement for sin;' vishart^-dubarii-nih, 'running about uncovered;' yasno, 'ritual;' yai-t, 'prayers, ritual, form of prayer, worship, consecration;' ya^tano, 'to consecrate, solemnize, propitiate, reverence;' yatuk, 'wizard;' yazdan, 'angels, sacred beings, celestial beings, God ;' ya^ij-n,

[5] f

Ixxiv PAHLAVI TEXTS.

'ceremonial, ceremony, sacred ceremony, ceremonial worship, worship, reverence, rites, prayer;' yedato, 'angel;' Zand, 'commentary;' zohar or zor, 'holy-water;' zot, 'officiating priest.'

With regard to the orthography of Pahlavi names and words, advantage has been taken of the system of transliteration adopted for this series of Translations of the Sacred Books of the East, by making use of italics for the purpose of distinguishing between certain Pahlavi letters which were probably pronounced very nearly alike. Thus, besides the usual letters ) for v and S for z, the Pahlavi letter ^ is often used to denote those same sounds which, in such cases, are represented by the italic letters v and s. An extension of the same mode of distinction to the letters 1 and r would be desirable, but has not been attempted in this volume ; these two letters are usually written '}, but in a few words they are represented by \ or by J^, in which cases they would be better expressed by the italics / and r. Some attempt has been made to adhere to one uniform orthography in such names as occur frequently, but as there is no such uniformity in the various languages and writings quoted^ nor even in the same manuscript, some deviations can hardly be avoided.

In conclusion it may be remarked that a translator of Pahlavi generally begins his career by undervaluing the correctness of Pahlavi texts and the literary ability of their authors, but he can hardly proceed far without finding abundant reason for altering his opinion of both. His depreciatory view of Pahlavi literature is generally due partly to want of knowledge, and partly to his trusting too much to the vile perversions of Pahlavi texts usually supplied by Pazand writers. But as his knowledge of Pahlavi increases he becomes better able to appreciate the literary merits of the texts. If the reader should have already formed some such low estimate of the ability of Pahlavi writers, it may be hoped that these translations will afford him sufficient reason for changing his opinion ; if not, they will have signally failed in doing those writers justice.

OR

THE ORIGINAL CREATION.

L 1

B

OBSERVATIONS.

1. For all divisions into chapters and sections the translator is responsible, as the original text is written continuously, with very few stops marked.

2. Italics are used for any English words which are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.

3. Oriental words are usually ' spaced.' Italics occurring in them, or in names, are intended to represent certain peculiar Oriental letters. The italic consonants d, n, v may be pronounced as in English ; but g should be sounded like j, hv like wh, k like ch in ' church,' n like ng, s like sh, z like French j. For further information, see ' Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East ' at the end of the volume.

4. In Pahlavi words all circumflexed vowels and any final 6 are expressed in the Pahlavi original, but all other vowels are merely understood.

5. In the translation, words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those which precede them.

6. Abbreviations used are: — A v. for Avesta. Da^. for Da/istan-i Dinik. Huz. for Huzvari^. Mkh. for Mainyo-i-khar^, ed. West. Pahl. for Pahlavi. Paz. for Pazand. Pers. for Persian. Sans, for Sanskrit. Vend, for Vendidad, ed. Spiegel. Visp. for Visparad, ed. Sp. Yas. for Yasna, ed. Sp. Yt. for Ya^t, ed. Westergaard.

7. The manuscripts mentioned in the notes are : —

K20 (about 500 years old), No. 20 in the University Library at Kopenhagen.

Kzob (uncertain date), a fragment of the text. No. 20b in the same library.

IM6 (\vritten a.d, 1397), No. 6 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich.

TD (written about a.d. 1530), belonging to Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria at Bombay.

Chapter I.

o. In the name of the creator Auharmazd. I. The Zand-akas ('Zand-knowing or traditioninformed y, which is first about Auharmazd's original creation and the antagonism of the evil spirit ^ and afterwards about the nature of the creatures from the original creation till the end, which is the future existence (tanta-i pasino). 2. As revealed by the religion of the Mazdayasnians, so it is declared that Auharmazd is supreme in omniscience and goodness,

^ The Pazand and most of the modern Pahlavi manuscripts have, 'From the Zand-akSs/ but the word min, 'from/ does not occur in the old manuscript K20, and is a modern addition to M6. From this opening sentence it would appear that the author of the work gave it the name Zand-akas.

2 The Avesta Angra-mainyu, the spirit who causes adversity or anxiety (see Darmesteter's Ormazd et Ahriman, pp. 92-95); the Pahlavi name is, most probably, merely a corrupt transliteration of the Avesta form, and may be read Ganrak-mainok, as the Avesta Spe«ta-mainyu, the spirit who causes prosperity, has become Spenak-mainok in Pahlavi. This latter spirit is represented by Auharmazd himself in the Bundahij-. The Pahlavi word for 'spirit,' which is read ma don ad by the Parsis, and has been pronounced minavad by some scholars and minot by others, is probably a corruption of ma in ok, as its Sasanian form was min6. If it were not for the extra medial letter in ganrak, and for the obvious partial transliteration of spenak, it would be preferable to read ganak, 'smiting,' and to derive it from a supposed verb gandan, 'to smite' (Av. ghna), as proposed by most Zendists. A Parsi would probably suggest gandan, 'to stink.'

B 2

BUNDAHIS-.

and unnva.Wed'^ in splendour; the region of light is the place of Auharmazd, which they call ' endless light,' and the omniscience ajid goodness of the unrivalled ACiharmazd is what they call 'revelation ^' 3. Revelation is the explanation of both spirits together ; one is he who is independent of unlimited time ^, because Adharmazd and the region, religion, and time of Auharmazd were and are and ever will be; while Aharman^ in darkness, with backward understanding and desire for destruction, was in the abyss, and it is he who will not be ; and the place of that destruction, and also of that darkness, is what they call the 'endlessly dark.' 4. And between them was empty space, that is, what they call ' air,' in which is now their meeting.

5. Both are limited and unlimited spirits, for the supreme is that which they call endless light, and the abyss that which is endlessly dark, so that between them is a void, and one is not connected with

^ Reading aham-kai, 'without a fellow-sovereign, peerless, unrivalled, independent.' This rare word occurs three times in §§ 2, 3, and some Pazand writers suggest the meaning ' everlasting ' (by means of the Persian gloss hamij-ah), which is plausible enough, but hamaki would be an extraordinary mode of writing the very common word hamai, ' ever/

2 The word dino (properly deno), Av. daena, being traceable to a root di, 'to see,' must originally have meant 'a vision' (see Haug's Essays on the Religion of the Parsis, 2nd ed. p. 152, note 2), whence the term has been transferred to ' religion ' and all religious observances, rules, and writings ; so it may be translated either by ' religion ' or by ' revelation.'

^ This appears to be the meaning, but the construction of § 3 is altogether rather obscure, and suggestive of omissions in the text.

• The usual name of the evil spirit ; it is probably an older corruption of Angra-mainyu than Ganrak-mainok, and a less technical term. Its Sasanian form was Aharmani.

CHAPTER I, 3-10.

the Other ; and, again, both spirits are limited as to their own selves. 6. And, secondly, on account of the omniscience of Auharmazd, both things are in the creation of Atiharmazd, the finite and the infinite; for this they know is that which is in the covenant of both spirits. 7. And, again, the complete sovereignty of the creatures of Auharmazd is in the future existence, and that also is unlimited for ever and everlasting ; and the creatures of Aharman will perish at the time when ^ the future existence occurs, and that also is eternity.

8. Alaharmazd, through omniscience, knew that Aharman exists, and whatever he schemes he infuses with malice and greediness till the end; mid because He accomplishes the end by many means, He also produced spiritually the creatures which were necessary for those means, and they remained three thousand years in a spiritual state, so that they were unthinking ^ and unmoving, with intangible bodies.

9. The evil spirit, on account of backward knowledge, was not aware of the existence of Auharmazd ; and, afterwards, he arose from the abyss, and came in unto the light which he saw. 10. Desirous of destroying, and because of his malicious nature, he

^ Substituting amat, 'when,' for mun, 'which,' two Huzvarij forms which are frequently confounded by Pahlavi copyists because their Pazand equivalents, ka and ke, are nearly alike.

2 Reading amini^ar in accordance with M6, which has amini- (far in Chap. XXXIV, i, where the same phrase occurs. Windischmann and Justi read amuitar, 'uninjured, invulnerable,' in both places. This sentence appears to refer to a preparatory creation of embryonic and immaterial existences, the prototypes, fravashis, spiritual counterparts, or guardian angels of the spiritual and material creatures afterwards produced.

EUNDAHW.

rushed in to destroy that Hght of Auharmazd unassailed by fiends, and he saw its bravery and glory were greater than his own ; so he fled back to the gloomy darkness, and formed many demons and fiends ; and the creatures of the destroyer arose for violence.

1 1. Auharmazd, by whom the creatures of the evil spirit were seen, creatures terrible, corrupt, and bad, also considered them not commendable (burzi^nik). 12. Afterwards, the evil spirit saw the creatures of Atiharmazd ; they appeared many creatures of delight (vayah), enquiring creatures, and they seemed to him commendable, and he commended the creatures and creation of Auharmazd.

13. Then Auharmazd, with a knowledge^ of which way the end of the matter would be, went to meet the evil spirit, and proposed peace to him, and spoke thus : ' Evil spirit ! bring assistance unto my creatures, and offer praise ! so that, in reward for it, ye (you and your creatures) may become immortal and undecaying, hungerless and thirstless.'

14. And the evil spirit shouted thus^: ' I will not depart, I will not provide assistance for thy creatures, I will not offer praise among thy creatures, and I am not of the same opinion with thee as to good things. I will destroy thy creatures for ever and everlasting ; moreover, I ivill force all thy creatures into disaffection to thee and affection for myself.' 15. And the explanation thereof is this, that the evil spirit reflected in this manner, that

^ The Huz. khavitunast stands for the Paz. danist with the meaning, here, of ' what is known, knowledge,' as in Persian.

^ Literally, ' And it was shouted by him, the evil spirit, thus : ' the usual idiom when the nominative follows the verb.

CHAPTER I, I I-20.

Auharmazd was helpless as regarded him^, therefore He proffers peace ; and he did not agree, but bore on even into conflict with Him.

1 6. And Aiiharmazd spoke thus: 'You are not omniscient and almighty, O evil spirit ! so that it is not possible for thee to destroy me, and it is not possible for thee to force my creatures so that they will not return to my possession.'

1 7. Then Auharmazd, through omniscience, knew that : If I do not grant a period of contest, then it will be possible for him to act so that he may be able to cause the seduction of my creatures to himself. As even now there are many of the intermixture of mankind who practise wrong more than right. 18. And Auharmazd spoke to the evil spirit thus : ' Appoint a period ! so that the intermingling of the conflict may be for nine thousand years.' For he knew that by appointing this period the evil spirit would be undone.

19. Then the evil spirit, unobservant and through ignorance, was content with that agreement ; just like two men quarrelling together, who propose a time thus: Let us appoint such-and-such a day for a fight.

20. Auharmazd also knew this, through omniscience, that within these nine thousand years, for three thousand years everything proceeds by the will of Auharmazd, three thousand years there is an intermingling of the wills of Adharmazd and Aharman, and the last three thousand years the evil spirit is disabled, aad they keep the adversary away ^ from the creatures.

1 The words den val stand for den valman.

2 That is, 'the adversary is kept away/ In Pahlavi the third

21. Afterwards, A uharmazd recited the Ahiinavar thus : Yatha ahu vairyo (' as a heavenly lord is to be chosen'), &c. ^ once, and uttered the twenty-one words 2; He also exhibited to the evil spirit His own triumph in the end, and the impotence of the evil spirit, the annihilation of the demons, and the resurrection and undisturbed future existence of the creatures for ever and everlasting. 22. And the evil spirit, who perceived his own impotence and the annihilation of the demons, became confounded, and fell back to the gloomy darkness ; even so as is declared in revelation, that, when one of its (the Ahunavar's) three paints was uttered, the evil spirit contracted his body through fear, and when two parts of it were uttered he fell upon his knees, and when all of it was uttered he became confounded

person plural is the indefinite person, as in English. These 9000 years are in addition to the 3000 mentioned in § 8, as appears more clearly in Chap. XXXIV, i.

^ This is the most sacred formula of the Parsis, which they have to recite frequently, not only during the performance of their ceremonies, but also in connection with most of their ordinary duties and habits. It is neither a prayer, nor a creed, but a declaratory formula in metre, consisting of one stanza of three lines, containing twenty-one Avesta words, as follows : —

Yatha ahu vairyo, atha ratuj, ashat/ k\d ha/t^, Vanghfuj dazda manangho, i'kyaothnanam angh^j mazdai, KhshathremM ahurai a, yim dregubyo dada(/ vastarem. And it may be translated in the following manner : 'As a heavenly lord is to be chosen, so is an earthly master (spiritual guide), for the sake of righteousness, to be a giver of the good thoughts of the actions of life towards Mazda; and the dominion is for the lord (Ahura) whom he (Mazda) has given as a protector for the poor' (see Haug's Essays on the Religion of the Parsis, 2nd ed, pp. 125, 141).

^ The word marik must mean 'word' here, but in some other places it seems to mean ' syllable ' or ' accented syllable.'

CHAPTER I, 21-26.

and impotent as to the harm he caused the creatures of Auharmazd, and he remained three thousand years in confusion^,

23. Auharmazd created his creatures in the confusion of Aharman ; first he produced Vohuman ('good thought'), by whom the progress of the creatures of Auharmazd was advanced.

24. The evil spirit first created ^ Mitokht (' falsehood '), and then Akoman (' evil thought ').

25. The first of Auharmazd's creatures of the world was the sky, and his good thought (Vohuman), by good procedure ^, produced the light of the world, along with which was the good religion of the Mazdayasnians ; this was because the renovation (frashakarrtf) ^ which happens to the creatures was known to him. 26. Afterwards arose Ar^ava-

^ This is the first third of the 9000 years appointed in §§ 18, 20, and the second 3000 years mentioned in Chap. XXXIV, i.

2 It is usual to consider da^/an (Huz. yehabuntan), when traceable to Av. da=Sans. dha, as meaning 'to create,' but it can hardly be proved that it means to create out of nothing, any more than any other of the Avesta verbs which it is sometimes convenient to translate by ' create.' Before basing any argument upon the use of this word it will, therefore, be safer to substitute the word 'produce' in all cases.

^ Or it may be translated, ' and from it Vohuman, by good procedure,' &c. The position here ascribed to Vohuman, or the good thought of Auharmazd, bears some resemblance to that of the Word in John i. 1-5, but with this essential difference, that Vohuman is merely a creature of Aiaharmazd, not identified with him ; for the latter idea would be considered, by a Parsi, as rather inconsistent with strict monotheism. The ' fight of the world' now created must be distinguished from the ' endless light' already existing with Aiaharmazd in § 2.

• The word frashakara', 'what is made durable, perpetuation,' is applied to the renovation of the universe which is to take place about the time of the resurrection, as a preparation for eternity.

lO BUNDAHI5.

hi^t, and then Shatvairo, and then Spendarma^^, and then Horvada^if, and then Amer6da.d'.

27. From the dark world of Aharman were Ak6- man and Andar, and then Sovar, and then Nakahe^^, and then Tairez; and Zairi/^ ^.

28. Of Auharmazd's creatures of the world, the first zuas the sky ; the second, water ; the third, earth ; the fourth, plants ; the fifth, animals ; the sixth, mankind.

Chapter II.

o. On the formation of the luminaries.

I. Auharmazd produced illumination between the sky and the earth, the constellation stars and those also not of the constellations ^ then the moon, and afterwards the sun, as I s/m// relate.

^ These five, with Vohuman and Auharmazd in his angelic capacity, constitute the seven Ameshaspends, ' undying causers of prosperity, immortal benefactors,' or archangels, who have charge of the whole material creation. They are personifications of old Avesta phrases, such as Vohu-mano, 'good thought;' Asha-vahijta, 'perfect rectitude;' Khshathra-vairya, 'desirable dominion;' Spewta-armaiti, 'bountiful devotion;' Haurvata(/, 'completeness or health ;' and Ameretad, ' immortality.'

"^ These six demons are the opponents of the six archangels respectively (see Chap. XXX, 29) ; their names in the Avesta are, Akem-mano, ' evil thought;' Iwdra, Sauru, Naunghaithya, Tauru, Zairi/^a (see Vendidad X, 17, 18 Sp., and XIX, 43 W.), which have been compared with the Vedic god Indra, -S'arva (a name of 6'iva), the Nasatyas, and Sans, tura, 'diseased,' and ^aras, 'decay,' respectively. For further details regarding them, see Chap. XXVIII,

7-13-

^ The word akhtar is the usual term in Pahlavi for a constellation of the zodiac; but the term apakh tar, 'away from the akhtar,' means not only ' the north,' or away from the zodiac, but also ' a

CHAPTER I, 27-ir, 4. II

2. First he produced the celestial sphere, and the constellation stars are assigned to it by him ; especially these twelve whose names are Varak (the Lamb), Tora (the Bull), D6-patkar (the Two-figures or Gemini), Kala/^ang (the Crab), S^x (the Lion), Khui-ak (Virgo), Tara^uk (the Balance), 'Gazdum (the Scorpion), Nimasp (the Centaur or Sagittarius), Vahik^ (Capricornus), Dul (the Waterpot), and Mahik (the Fish) ; 3. which, from their original creation, were divided into the twenty-eight subdivisions of the astronomers ^ of which the names are Padevar, Pesh-Parviz, Parviz, Paha, Avesar, Bern, Rakhvartf, Taraha, Avra, Nahn, Miyan, Avdem, Mashaha, Spur, Husru, Srob, Nur, Gel, Garaf^a, Vara;/t, Grt;u, Goi, Muru, Bunda, Kahtsar, Vaht. Miyan, Kaht ^. 4. And all his original creations,

planet/ which is in the zodiac, but apart from the constellations. The meaning of akhtar, most suitable to the context here, appears to be the general term ' constellation.'

^ Written Nahazik here, both in K20 and M6, which may be compared with Pers. nahaz, ' the leading goat of a flock; ' but the usual word for 'Capricornus' is Vahik, as in Chap. V, 6. None of the other names of the signs of the zodiac are written here in Pazand, but it may be noted that if the ah in VahIk were written in Pazand (that is, in Avesta characters), the word would become the same as Nahazik in Pahlavi.

^ Literally, 'fragments of the calculators,' khur^/ak-i hamarikan. These subdivisions are the spaces traversed daily by the moon among the stars, generally called ' lunar mansions.'

^ All these names are written in Pazand, which accounts for their eccentric orthography, in which both K20 and M6 agree very closely. The subdivision Parviz is evidently the Pers. parven, which includes the Pleiades, and corresponds therefore to the Sanskrit Nakshatra Krz'ttika. This correspondence leads to the identification of the first subdivision, Padevar, with the Nakshatra Ajvini. The Pazand names are so corrupt that no reliance can be placed upon them, and the first step towards recovering the true

residing in the world, are committed to them^; so that when the destroyer arrives they overcome the adversary and their own persecution, and the creatures are saved from those adversities.

^. As 2i specimen of a warhke army, which is destined for battle, they have ordained every single constellation of those 6480 thousand small stars as assistance ; and among those constellations four chieftains, appointed on the four sides, are leaders. 6. On the recommendation of those chieftains the many unnumbered stars are specially assigned to the various quarters and various places, as the united strength and appointed power of those constellations. 7. As it is said that Ti^tar is the chieftain of the east, Sataves the chieftain of the west, Vanand the chieftain of the south, and Haptok-ring the chieftain of the north 2. 8. The great 07ie which they

Pahlavi names would be to transliterate the Pazand back into Pahlavi characters. The ninth subdivision is mentioned in Chap. VII, i by the name Avrak.

^ That is, to the zodiacal constellations, which are supposed to have special charge of the welfare of creation.

^ Of these four constellations or stars, which are said to act as leaders, there is no doubt that Haptok-ring, the chieftain of the north, is Ursa Major ; and it is usually considered that Tutar, the chieftain of the east, is Sirius ; but the other two chieftains are not so well identified, and there may be some doubt as to the proper stations of the eastern and western chieftains. It is evident, however, that the most westerly stars, visible at any one time of the year, are those which set in the dusk of the evening ; and east of these, all the stars are visible during the night as far as those which rise at daybreak, which are the most easterly stars visible at that time of the year. Tutar or Sirius can, therefore, be considered the chieftain of the eastern stars only when it rises before daybreak, which it does at the latter end of summer ; and Haptokring or Ursa Major is due north at midnight (on the meridian below the pole) at about the same time of the year. These stars, therecall a Gah (period of the day), which they say is the great one of the middle of the sky, till just before the destroyer came was the midday (or south) one of the five, that is, the Rapitvin ^.

fore, fulfil the conditions necessary for being chieftains of the east and north at the end of summer, and we must look for stars capable of being chieftains of the south and west at the same season. Now, when Ursa IMajor is near the meridian below the pole, Fomalhaut is the most conspicuous star near the meridian in the far south, and is probably to be identified with Vanand the chieftain of the south. And when Sirius rises some time before daybreak, Antares (in Scorpio) sets some time after dusk in the evening, and may well be identified with Sataves the chieftain of the west. Assuming that there has been a precession of the equinoxes equivalent to two hours of time, since the idea of these chieftains (which may perhaps be traced to Avesta times) was first formed, it may be calculated that the time of year when these leading stars then best fulfilled that idea was about a month before the autumnal equinox, when Ursa Major would be due north three-quarters of an hour after midnight, and Fomalhaut due south three-quarters of an hour before midnight, Sirius would rise three hours before the sun, and Antares would set three hours after the sun. In the Avesta these leading stars are named Tijtrya, Satavaesa, Vanawt, and Haptoiriwga (see Tutar Yt. o, 8, 9, 12, 32, &c., Rashnu Yt. 26-28, Siroz. 13).

^ This translation, though very nearly literal, must be accepted with caution. If the word mas be not a name it can hardly mean anything but 'great;' and that it refers to a constellation appears from Chap. V, i. The word khomsak is an irregular form of the Huz. khomjya, ' five,' and may refer either to the five chieftains (including ' the great one ') or to the five Gahs or periods of the day, of which Rapitvin is the midday one (see Chap. XXV, 9). The object of the text seems to be to connect the Rapitvin Gah with some great mid-sky and midday constellation or star, possibly Regulus, which, about b. c. 960, must have been more in the daylight than any other important star during the seven months of summer, the only time that the Rapitvin Gah can be celebrated (see Chap. XXV, 7-14). Justi has, 'They call that the great one of the place, which is great in the middle of the sky ; they say that before the enemy came it was always midday, that is, Rapitvin.'

9. Aiiharmazd performed the spiritual Ya^'i^n ceremony with the archangels (ameshospendan) in the Rapitvin Gah, and in the Ya^ii-n he supplied every means necessary for overcoming the adversary
   lo. He deliberated with the consciousness (bod) and guardian spirits (fravahar) of men^, and the omniscient wisdom, brought forward among men, spoke thus : * Which seems to you the more advantageous, when 2 I shall present you to the world ? that you shall contend in a bodily form with the fiend (dru^), and the fiend shall perish, and in the end I shall have you prepared again perfect and immortal, and in the end give you back to the world, and you will be wholly immortal, undecaying, and undisturbed ; or that it be always necessary to provide you protection from the destroyer ? '

II. Thereupon, the guardian spirits of men became of the same opinion with the omniscient wisdom about going to the world, on account of the evil that comes upon them, in the world, from the fiend (dru^) Aharman, and their becoming, at last, again unpersecuted by the adversary, perfect, and immortal, in the future existence, for ever and everlasting.

Windischmann has nearly the same, as both follow the Pazand MSS. in reading homij-ak (as a variant of hami)rak), 'always,' instead of khomsak.

^ Or ' adversity.'

^ These were among the fravashis already created (se^ Chap. I, 8).

^ Reading amat, ' when/ instead of mfin, ' which ' (see note to Chap. I, 7).

CHAPTER II, 9 -III, 5. 15

Chapter III.

I. On the rush of the destroyer at the creatures it is said, in revelation, that the evil spirit, when he saw the impotence of himself and the confederate ^ (ham-dast) demons, owing to the righteous man ^ became confounded, and seemed in confusion three thousand years. 2. During that confusion the archfiends =^ of the demons severally shouted thus: 'Rise up, thou father of us ! for we will cause a conflict in the world, the distress and injury from which will become those of Auharmazd and the archangels,'

3. Severally they twice recounted their own evil deeds, and it pleased him not ; and that wicked evil spirit, through fear of the righteous man, was not able to lift up his head until the wicked 6^eh ^ came, at the completion of the three thousand years.
4. And she shouted to the evil spirit thus : ' Rise up, thoii. father of us ! for I will cause that conflict in the world wherefrom the distress and injury of Auharmazd and the archangels will arise.' 5. And she twice recounted severally her own evil deeds, and it pleased him not ; and that wicked evil spirit

^ The Pazand MSS. have garoist, for the Huz. hemnunast, ' trusted.' Windischmann and Justi have ' all.'

^ Probably Gay6mar(/.

^ The word kamarakan is literally 'those with an evil pate,' and is derived from Av. kameredha, 'the head of an evil being,' also applied to 'the evil summit' of Mount Arezura (Vend. XIX, 140, 142), which is supposed to be at the gate of hell (see Chap. XII, 8). That the chief demons or arch-fiends are meant, appears more clearly in Chap. XXVIII, 12, 44, where the word is kamarikan.

• The personification of the impurity of menstruation.

rose not from that confusion, through fear of the rio-hteous man.

6. And, again, the wicked Geh shouted thus : ' Rise up, ^/lo?^ father of us! for in that conflict I will shed thus much vexation^ on the righteous man and the labouring ox that, through my deeds, life will not be wanted, and I will destroy their living souls (nismo)^; I will vex the water, I will vex the plants, I will vex the fire of Auharmazd, I will make the whole creation of Auharmazd vexed/
7. And she so recounted those evil deeds a second time, that the evil spirit was delighted and started up from that confusion ; and he kissed Goh upon the head, and the pollution which they call menstruation became apparent in 6^eh.

8. He shouted to Ceh thus : ' What is thy wish ? so that I may give il thee.' And Geh. shouted to the evil spirit thus: 'A man is the wish, so give il to me.'

9. The form of the evil spirit was a log-like lizard's (vazak) body, and he appeared a young man of fifteen years to Goh, and that brought the thoughts of 6^eh to him ^

^ The word vesh or vish may stand either for besh, 'distress, vexation,' as here assumed, or for vish, ' poison,' as translated by Windischmann and Justi in accordance with the Paz. MSS.

^ That this is the Huzvari^ of ruban, 'soul,' appears from Chap. XV, 3-5, where both words are used indifferently ; but it is not given in the Huz.-Paz. Glossary. It is evidently equivalent to Chald. nijma, and ought probably to have the traditional pronunciation nisman, an abbreviation of nismman.

^ This seems to be the literal meaning of the sentence, and is confirmed by Chap. XXVIII, i, but Windischmann and Justi understand that the evil spirit formed a youth for Geh out of a toad's body. The incident in the text may be compared with Milton's idea of Satan and Sin in Paradise Lost, Book II, 745-765-

CHAPTER III, 6-16. 17

10. Afterwards, the evil spirit, with the confederate demons, went towards the kiminaries, and he saw the sky ; and he led them up, fraught with malicious intentions. 11. He stood upon one-third^ of the inside of the sky, and he sprang, like a snake, out of the sky down to the earth.

12. In the month Fravar^Ti'in and the day Auharmazd ^ he rushed in at noon, and thereby the sky was as shattered and frightened by him, as a sheep by a wolf 13. He came on to the water which was arranged ^ below the earth, and then the middle of this earth was pierced and entered by him.
13. Afterwards, he came to the vegetation, then to the ox, then to Gayomar^, and then he came to fire*; so, just like a fly, he rushed out upon the whole creation ; and he made the world quite as injured and dark ^ at midday as though it were in dark night. 15. And noxious creatures were diffused by him over the earth, biting and venomous, such as the snake, scorpion, frog (kalvak), and lizard (vazak), so that not so much as the point of a needle remained free from noxious creatures. 16, And blight'' was diffused by him over the

^ Perhaps referring to the proportion of the sky which is overspread by the darkness of night. The whole sentence is rather obscure.

^ The vernal equinox (see Chap. XXV, 7).

^ Literally, ' and it was arranged.'

• For the details of these visitations, see Chaps. VI-X.

^ Reading khust torn; but it may be hangi(/t(im, 'most turbid, opaque.'

^ The word makha, 'blow, stroke,' is a Huzvari^- logogram not found in the glossaries; M6 has dar, 'wood,' but this may be a misreading, due to the original, from which M6 was copied, being difficult to read.

[5] C

vegetation, and it withered away immediately. 17. And avarice, want, pain, hunger, disease, kist, and lethargy were diffused by him abroad upon the ox and Gayomar^.

18. Before Jiis coming to the ox, Auharmazd ground up the healing fruity which some call 'bindk,' small in water openly before its eyes, so that its damage a7id discomfort from the calamity (zani^n) might be less ; and when it became at the same time lean and ill, as its breath went forth and it passed away, the ox also spoke thus : ' The cattle are to be created, and their work, labour, and care are to be appointed.'

19. And before his coming to Gayomar^, Atiharmazd brought forth a sweat upon Gayomar^, so long as he might recite a prayer (va^) of one stanza (vi/crast); moreover, Aiiharmazd formed that sweat into the youthful body of a man of fifteen years, radiant a7id tall. 20. When Gayomar^ issued from the sweat he saw the world dark as night, and the earth as though not a needle's point rem^Lined /ree from noxious creatures ; the celestial sphere was

in revolution, and the sun and moon remained in motion : and the world's struggle, owing to the clamour of the Mazinikan demons ^, was with the constellations.

21. And the evil spirit thought that the creatures of Afiharmazd were all rendered useless except

^ The word mivang is an unusual form of mivak, 'fruit.' It is probably to be traced to an Av. mivangh, which might mean ' fatness,' as Windischmann suggests.

^ The Mazainya daeva of the Avesta, and Mazendaran demons, or idolators, of Persian legends.

CHAPTER III, 17-27. 19

Giyomar^; and Asto-vidi^^ with a thousand demons, causers of death, were let forth by him on G^yomar^.

22. But his appointed time had not come, and he (Asto-vidart') obtained no means of noosing (avizi- ^ano) Jtiin; as it is said that, when the opposition of the evil spirit came, the period of the life and rule of Gayomar^ was appointed for thirty years.

23. After the coming of the adversary he lived thirty years, and Gayomar^ spoke thus : 'Although the destroyer has come, mankind will be all of my race ; and this one thing is good, when they perform, duty and good works/

24. And, afterwards, he (the evil spirit) came to fire, and he mingled smoke and darkness with it
25. The planets, with many demons, dashed against the celestial sphere, and they mixed the constellations ; and the whole creation was as disfigured as though fire disfigured every place and smoke arose over it. 26. And ninety days and nights the heavenly angels were contending in the world with the confederate demons of the evil spirit, and hurled them confounded to hell; and the rampart of the sky was formed so that the adversary should not be able to mingle with it.

27. Hell is in the middle of the earth; there where the evil spirit pierced the earth ^ and rushed in upon it, as all the possessions of the world were

1 The demon of death, Asto-vidhotu in the Avesta (Vend. IV, 137. V, 25, 31), who is supposed 'to cast a halter around the necks of the dead to drag them to hell, but if their good works have exceeded their sins they throw off the noose and go to heaven' (Haug's Essays, 2nd ed. p. 321). This name is misread Astiviha^/ by Pazand writers.

2 See § 13.

C 2

changing into duality, and persecution, contention, and mingling of high and low became manifest.

Chapter IV.

I. This also is said, that when the primeval ox^ passed away it fell to the right hand, and Gayomar^ afterwards, when he passed away, to the left hand. 2. G65urvan2, ^g ^i^g sq^i of the primeval ox came out from the body of the ox, stood up before the ox and cried to Auharmazd, as much as a thousand men when they sustain a cry at one time, thus : ' With whom is the guardianship of the creatures left by thee, when ruin has broken into the earth, and vegetation is withered, and water is troubled ? Where is the man ^ of whom it was said by thee thus : I ivill produce him, so that he may preach carefulness ?'

3. And Auharmazd spoke thus : ' You are made ill ^, O Go^Cirvan ! you have the illness which the evil spirit brought on ; if it were proper to produce that man in this earth at this time, the evil spirit would not have been oppressive in it.'

^ Literally, ' the sole-created ox ' from whom all the animals and some plants are supposed to have proceeded (see Chaps. X and XIV), as mankind proceeded from Gay6mar(f. It is the ox of the primitive creation, mentioned in Chap. Ill, 14, 18.

^ The spiritual representative of the primeval ox, called Qewsurva, ' soul of the bull,' in the Avesta, of which name G6,mrvan is a corruption. The complaint of Gojurvan is recorded in the Gathas, the oldest part of the Avesta (see Yas. XXIX).

^ Referring to Zaratujt.

• In K20, ' You are ill.'

CHAPTER IV, I-V, I. 2 1

4. Forth GoJiirvan walked to the star station (payak) and cried in the same manner, and forth to the moon station and cried in the same manner, and forth to the sun station, and then the guardian spirit of Zaratu5t was exhibited to her, and Aiiharmazd said thus M ' I will produce for the world him who will preach carefulness.' 5. Contented became the spirit Goi-urvan, and assented thus : * I will nourish the creatures ;' that is, she became again consenting to a worldly creation in the world.

Chapter V.

I. Seven chieftains of the planets have come unto the seven chieftains of the constellations ^ as the planet Mercury (Tir) unto Ti^tar, the planet Mars (Vahram) unto Haptok-ring, the planet Jupiter (Auharmazd) unto Vanand, the planet Venus (Ana- \i\d) unto Sataves, the planet Saturn (Kevan) unto the great one of the middle of the sky, Go/^ihar •'

^ As the text stands in the MSS. it means, ' and then the guardian spirit of Zaratiut demonstrated to her thus;' but whether it be intended to represent the fravahar as producing the creature is doubtful. The angel Goj, who is identified with Gojurvan, is usually considered a female, but this is hardly consistent with being the soul of a bull (see Chap. X, i, 2), though applicable enough to a representative of the earth. In the Selections of Za(/-sparam, II, 6, however, this mythological animal is said to have been a female (see Appendix to Bundahi^).

^ Five of these are mentioned in Chap. II, 7, 8, to which the sun and moon are here added.

^ As this name stands in the MSS. it may be read Gur^dar (as in the Paz. MSS.), GurX'ihar, or Dur/^ihar ; the reading is very uncertain, and Windischmann suggests Gurg-/iihar, ' wolf progeny ' (compare vehrko-^ithrain Ardabahi^ Yait 8). A shooting star,

and the thievish (du^gun) Milxpar \ provided with tails, unto the sun and moon and stars. 2. The sun has attached Mu^par to its own radiance by mutual agreement, so that he may be less able to do harm (vinas).

3. Of Mount Alburn 2 j^ is declared, that around the world and Mount Terak ^ which is the middle of the world, the revolution of the sun is like a moat * around the world ; it turns back in a circuit ^ owing to the enclosure (var) of Mount Alburs around Terak. 4. As it is said that ?V is the Terak of Alburn from behind which my sun and moon and stars return again ^ 5. For there are a hundred

or meteor, is probably meant (see Chap. XXX, 18, 31), and as it is the special disturber of the moon, it may be G6-/^ihar (Av. gao- ^ithra, 'of ox-Hneage'), a common epithet of the moon; the Pahlavi letter k being often written something Hke the compound rk ; and this supposition is confirmed by the G6k--^ihar of TD in Chap. XXVIII, 44.

^ This is written Mu^-parik in TD in Chap. XXVIII, 44, and seems to be the mu.? pairika of Yas. XVII, 46, LXVII, 23, as noticed by Windischmann ; it is probably meant here for a comet, as it is attached to the sun. The zodiacal light and milky way have too little of the wandering character of planets to be considered planetary opponents of the sun and moon.

2 The hara berezaiti, 'lofty mountain-range,' of the Avesta, which is an ideal representative of the loftiest mountains known to the ancient Iranians, the Alburz range in Mazendaran, south of the Caspian. See Chaps. VIII, 2, XII, i, 3.

' The Taera of Yas. XLI, 24, Ram Yt. 7, Zamyad Yt. 6. See

Chap. XII, 2, 4-

• The word maya-gir is a Huz. hybrid for av-gir, 'a waterholder, or ditch.'

•"' The word may be either ave^ak or khavi^ak, with this

meaning.

® This appears to be a quotation from the Rashnu Ya.ft, 25. The Huz. word for ' month ' is here used for the ' moon.'

CHAPTER V, 2-6. 23

and eighty apertures (ro^in) in the east, and a hundred and eighty in the west, through Alburn ; and the sun, every day, comes in through an aperture, and goes out through an aperture ^ ; and the whole connection and motion of the moon and constellations and planets is with it : every day it always illumines (or warms) three regions (keshvar)^ and a half, as is evident to the eyesight. 6. And twice in every year the day and night are equal, for on the original attack =*, when^ it (the sun) went forth from its first degree (khur^^ak), the day and night were equal, it was the season of spring ; when it arrives at the first degree of Kala/C^ang (Cancer) the time of day is greatest, it is the beginning of summer; when it arrives at the sign (khurrt'ak) Tara^k (Libra) the day and night are equal, it is the beginning of autumn ; when it arrives at the sign Vahik (Capricorn) the night is a maximum, it is the beginning of winter ; and when it arrives at Varak (Aries) the night and day have again become equal, as when it

7 This mode of accounting for the varying position of sunrise and sunset resembles that in the Book of Enoch, LXXI, but only six eastern and six western gates of heaven are there mentioned, and the sun changes its gates of entrance and exit only once a month, instead of daily.

2 See § 9 and Chap. XI.

' The reading of this word is doubtful, although its meaning is tolerably clear. The Paz. INISS. read har do, ' both ;' Justi reads ardab, ' quarrel ;' and in the Selections of Zac^-sparam it is written ara'ik. It seems probable that the word is kharah, ' attack,' which being written exactly like arde (Av. ashya, see Yas. LVI, i, i) has had a circumflex added to indicate the supposed d, and this false reading has led to the more modern form ar^/ik (Pers. ard, 'anger'). But probabilities in obscure matters are often treacherous guides.

• Reading amat, ' when,' instead of mun, ' which,' throughout the sentence (see note to Chap. I, 7).

went forth from Varak. 7. So that when it comes back to Varak, in three hundred and sixty days and the five Gatha days \ it goes in and comes out through one and the same aperture ; the aperture is not mentioned, for if it had been mentioned the demons would have known the secret, and been able to introduce disaster.

8. From there where the sun comes on on the longest day to where it comes on on the shortest day is the east region Savah ; from there where it comes on on the shortest day to where it goes off on the shortest day is the direction of the south regions Fradart'afsh and Vida^afsh ; from there where it goes in on the shortest day to zvhcre it goes in on the longest day is the west region Arzah ; from there where it comes in on the longest day to there where it goes in on the longest day are the north regions Vortibar^t attdWorugdiVSt'^. 9. When the sun comes on, it illumines (or warms) the regions of Savah, Fradart^afsh, Vida^afsh, and half of Khvaniras ^ ; when it goes in on the dark side, it illumines the regions of Arzah, Vorubari-t, Vdru^ar^'t, and one half of Khvaniras ; when it is day here it is night there.

^ The five supplementary days added to the last of the twelve months, of thirty days each, to complete the year. For these days no additional apertures are provided in Alburz, and the sun appears to have the choice of either of the two centre apertures out of the 180 on each side of the world. This arrangement seems to indicate that the idea of the apertures is older than the rectification of the calendar which added the five Gatha days to an original year of 360 days.

^ This sentence occurs, without the names of the keshvars or regions, in the Pahl. Vend. XIX, 19. For the keshvars see Chap. XI.

^ Often corrupted into Khaniras in the MSS.

CHAPTER V, 7 -VII, I. 25

Chapter VI.

I. On the conflict^ of the creations of the world with the antagonism of the evil spirit it is said in revelation, that the evil spirit, even as he rushed in and looked upon the pure bravery of the angels and his own violence ^, wished to rush back. 2. The spirit of the sky is himself like one of the warriors who has put on armour ; he arrayed the sky against the evil spirit, and led on in the contest, until Aiiharmazd had completed a rampart around, stronger than the sky and in front of the sky. 3. And his guardian spirits (fravahar) of warriors and the righteous, on war horses and spear in hand, were around the sky; such-like as the hair on the head is the similitude (anguni-aitak) of those who hold the watch of the rampart. 4. And no passage was found by the evil spirit, who rushed back ; and he beheld the annihilation of the demons and his own impotence, as Auharmazd did his own final triumph, producing the renovation of the tmiverse for ever and everlasting.

Chapter VII.

I. The second conflict was waged with the water, because, as the star Tii'tar was in Cancer, the water which is in the subdivision they call Avrak ^ was

^ This is the doubtful word translated ' attack ' in Chap. V, 6 (see the note there) ; it also occurs at the beginning of each of the following four chapters.

^ Reading zorih ; but it may be ziirih, ' falsity.' ' The ninth lunar mansion (see Chap. II, 3) corresponding with the middle of Cancer. Tii-tar (Sirius) being in Cancer probably

pouring, on the same day when the destroyer rushed in, and came again into notice for mischief (avarak) in the direction of the west. 2. For every single month is the owner of one constellation ; the month Tlr is the fourth month ^ of the year, and Cancer the fourth constellation from Aries, so it is the owner of Cancer, into which Ti^tar sprang, and displayed the characteristics of a producer of rain ; and he brought on the water aloft by the strength of the wind. 3. Co-operators with Ti^tar were Vohtiman and the angel Hom, with the assistance of the angel Bur^ and the righteous guardian spirits in orderly arrangement.

4. Ti^tar was converted into three forms, the form of a man and the form of a horse and the form of a bull ^ ; thirty days and nights he was distinguished in brilliance^, and in each form he produced rain ten days and nights ; as the astrologers say that every constellation has three forms. 5. Every single drop of that rain became as big as a bowl, and the water stood the height of a man over the whole of this earth ; and the noxious creatures on the earth being all killed by the rain, went into the holes of the earth ^.

means that it rises about the same time as the stars of Cancer, as is actually the case.

^ See Chap. XXV, 20.

^ See Tutar Yt. 13, 16, 18, where it is stated that Tijtar assumes the form of a man for the first ten nights, of a bull for the second ten nights, and of a horse for the third ten nights. Also in Vend. XIX, 126 Tutar is specially invoked in his form of a bull.

• Or it may be translated, ' he hovered in the light,' as Windischmann and Justi have it.

• In comparing the inundation produced by TiJtar with the Noachian deluge, it must be recollected that the former is represented as occurring before mankind had propagated on the earth.

CHAPTER VII, 2-IO. 27

6. And, afterwards, the wind spirit, so that it may not be contaminated (gumikht), stirs up the wind a7id atmosphere as the life stirs in the body; and the water was all swept away by it, and was brought out to the borders of the earth, and the wide-formed^ ocean arose therefrom. 7. The noxious creatures remained dead within the earth, and their venom and stench were mingled with the earth, and in order to carry that poison away from the earth Ti5tar went down into the ocean in the form of a white horse with long hoofs ^.

8. And Apiosh ^ the demon, came meeting him in the likeness of a black horse with clumsy (kund) hoofs; a mile (parasang)* away from him fled Ti^tar, through the fright which drove h'/n away.

9. And Ti^tar begged for success from Auharmazd, and Auharmazd gave Mm strength and power, as it is said, that unto Ti^ar was brought at once the strength of ten vigorous horses, ten vigorous camels, ten vigorous bulls, ten mountains, and ten rivers ^

10. A mile away from him fled Apaosh, the demon, through fright at Ms strength ; on account of this they speak of an 3.Yrow-s/iol with Tinar's strength in the sense 0/ a mile.

^ The term farakhii-karfl', 'wide-formed,' is a free Pahlavi translation of Av. vouru-kasha, 'wide-shored,' or 'having wide abysses,' applied to the boundless ocean (see Chap. XIII, i).

2 For the Avesta account of this expedition of Tutar, see Tijtar Yt. 20-29.

^ IMiswritten Apavj or Apava.f in Pazand, by all MSS. in this chapter, but see Chap. XXVIII, 39.

• The word parasang is here used for Av. hathra, which was about an English mile (see Chap. XXVI, i).

° A quotation from Tijtar Yt. 25.

II. Afterwards, with a cloud for a jar (khumb) — thus they call the measure which was a means of the work — he seized upon the water and made it rain most prodigiously, in drops like bull's heads and men's heads, pouring in handfuls and pouring in armfuls, both great and small, 12. On the production of that rain the demons Aspen^argak ^ and Apaosh contended ivith it, and the fire Vazi^tturned its club over ; and owing to the blow of the club Aspen^argak made a very grievous noise, as even now, in a conflict with the producer of rain, a groaning and raging^ are manifest. 13. And ten nights and days rain was produced by him in that manner, and the poison and venom of the noxious creatures which were in the earth were all mixed up in the water, and the water became quite salt, because there remained in the earth sonic of those germs which noxious creatures ever collect.

14. Afterwards, the wind, in the same manner as before, restrained the water, at the end of three days, on various sides of the earth ; and the three great seas and twenty-three small seas* arose therefrom, and two fountains (/Yashmak) of the sea thereby became manifest, one the A'e/^ast lake, and one the Sovbar^, whose sources are connected with the

^ Mentioned in Vend. XIX, 135, thus: 'thou shouldst propitiate the fire Vazi^ta, the smiter of the demon Spen^aghra.' It is also written Spen^argak in Chap. XVII, i, and Aspen^aroga in Chap. XXVIII, 39.

^ That is, the lightning (see Chap. XVII, i).

^ Or, ' a tumult and flashing.' Justi has ' howling and shrieking;' the two words being very ambiguous in the original.

• See Chap. XIII, 6.

^ See Chap. XXII, 1-3.

CHAPTER VII, I I -VIII, 2. 29

fountain of the sea. 15. And at its north side ^ two rivers flowed out, and went one to the east and one to the west ; they are the Arag river and the Veh river; as it is said thus: 'Through those fingerbreadth trickhngs do thou pour and draw forth two such waters, O Auharmazd!' 16. Both those rivers wind about through all the extremities of the earth, and interminMe arain with the water of the wideformed ocean. 1 7. As those two rivers flowed out, and from the same place of origin as theirs, eighteen - navigable rivers flowed out, and after the other waters have flowed out from those navigable streams they all flow back to the Arag ^ river and Veh river, whose fertilization (khvapardarih) of the world arises therefrom.

Chapter VIII.

o. On the conflict w^hich the evil spirit waged with

the earth.

I. As the evil spirit rushed in, the earth shook*, and the substance of mountains was created in the earth. 2. First, Mount Albtar^: arose ; afterwards,

^ Probably meaning the north side of the Aredvivsur fountain of the sea, which is said to be on the lofty Hugar, a portion of Alburz, from the northern side of which these two semi-mythical rivers are said to flow (see Chaps. XII, 5, XX, i).

^ See Chap, XX, 2.

^ Here written Areng, but the usual Pahlavi reading is Arag ; the nasal of the Av. Rangha being generally omitted in Pahlavi, as other nasals are sometimes; thus we often find sag for sang, ' stone.*

■* The word ^udni(/ is a transposition of ^undi^, a graphical variant of^unbi^, 'shook.'

the Other ranges of mountains (kofaniha) of the middle of the earth ; for as Albiir,^ grew forth all the mountains remained in motion, for they have all grown forth from the root of Albiir^. 3. At that time they came up from the earth, like a tree which has grown up to the clouds and its root^ to the bottom; and their root passed on that way/r^w one to the other, and they are arranged in mutual connection. 4. Afterwards, about that wonderful shaking out from the earth, they say that a great mountain is the knot of lands ; and the passage for the waters within the mountains is the root which is below the mountains ; they forsake the upper parts so that they may flow into it, just as the roots of trees pass into the earth; a counterpart (anguniaitak) of the blood in the arteries of men, which gives strength to the whole body. 5. In numbers ^ apart from Alblar^-, all the mountains grew up out of the earth in eighteen years ^ from which arises the perfection ^ of men's advantage.

Chapter IX.

I. The conflict waged with plants was that when'^ they became quite dry. 2. Amerodart' the arch-

1 M6 has ra/^ak, but this and many other strange words are probably due to the copyist of that MS. having an original before him which was nearly illegible in many places.

2 Or, 'as it were innumerable;' the word amar meaning both ' number ' and ' innumerable.'

3 See Chap. XII, i.

" The word must be farhakhtagan, 'proprieties,' both here and in Chap. IX, 6, as farhakhti^n is an ungrammatical form.

■' Reading amat, ' when/ instead of mun, ' which ' (see the note to Chap. I, 7).

CHAPTER VIII, 3-X, I. 31

angel, as the vegetation was his own, pounded the plants small, and mixed them up with the water which Tii-tar seized, and Tii"tar made that water rain down upon the whole earth. 3. On the whole earth plants grew up like hair upon the heads of men. 4. Ten thousand ^ of them grew forth of one special description, for keeping away the ten thousand species of disease which the evil spirit produced for the creatures ; and from those ten thousand, the 100,000 species^ of plants have grown forth.

5. From that same germ of plants the tree of all germs ^ was given forth, and grew up in the wideformed ocean, from which the germs of all species of plants ever increased. 6. And near to that tree of all germs the Gokar^tree* was produced, for keeping away deformed (duj.pa^) decrepitude; and }i^ full perfection of the world arose therefrom.

Chapter X.

0. On the conflict waged with the primeval ox.

1. As it passed away^, owing to the vegetable principle (/^iharak) proceeding from every limb of the ox, fifty and five species of grain ^ and twelve species of medicinal plants grew forth from the earth, and their splendour and strength were the

^ See Chap. XXVII, 2.

"^ Here 120,000 are mentioned, but see Chap. XXVII, 2, and Selections of Za(/-sparam, VIII, 2.

^ Or, 'of all seeds' (see Chap. XVIII, 9).

« The white-Horn tree (see Chaps. XVIII, 1-6, XXVII, 4).

5 See Chap. IV, i. « See Chaps. XIV, i, XXVII, 2.

^2 BUNDAHW.

O

seminal energy (tokh mi h) of the OX. 2. Delivered to the moon station \ that seed was thoroughly purified by the light of the moon, fully prepared in every way, and produced life in a body. 3. Thence arose two oxen, one male and one female ; and, afterwards, two hundred and eighty-two species of each kind ^ became manifest upon the earth. 4. The dwelling (manist) of the birds is in the air, and the fish are in the midst of the water.

Chapter XI.

I. On the nature of the earth it says in revelation, that there are thirty and three kinds ^ of land. 2. On the day when Tt^'tar produced the rain, when its seas arose therefrom, the whole place, half taken up by water, was converted into seven portions ; this portion ^ as much as one-half, is the middle, and six portions are around ; those six portions are together as much as Khvaniras. 3. The name

• See Chap. XIV, 3. In the Mah Yt. o, 7, blessings are invoked for 'the moon of ox lineage' (gaO/^ithra) in conjunction with the ' sole-created ox and the ox of many species.' In the Avesta the gender of these two primeval oxen appears doubtful, owing probably to the dual gen. masc. of their epithets being of the same form as a sing. gen. fem.

^ That is, of each sex. See Chap. XIV, 13, 27. In all three occurrences of this number K20 has 272, but all other MSS. have 282 (except M6 in this place only).

^ K2ob has 'thirty-two kinds.'

• That is, Khvaniras; or it may be 'one portion,' as hana, 'this,' is often used for ae, 'one,' because the Pazind form of both words is e.

CHAPTER X, 2 -XI, 5. 33

keshvar ('zone or region ') is also applied to them, and they existed side by side (kash kash)^ as on the east side of this portion (Khvantras) is the Savah region, on the west is the Arzah region ; the two portions on the south side are the Frada^^afsh and Vidart^afsh regions, the two portions on the north side are the Vorubar^t and Voru^ar^-t regions, and that in the middle is Khvaniras. 4. And Khvaniras has the sea, for one part of the wide-formed ocean wound about around it; and from V6rubar(rt and Vorii^ar^t a lofty mountain grew up ; so that it is not possible for any one to go from region to region ^.

5. And of these seven regions every benefit was created most in Khvaniras, and the evil spirit also produced most for Khvaniras, on account of the superiority (sarih)'' which he saw in it. 6. For the Kayanians and heroes were created in Khvaniras ; and the good religion of the Mazdayasnians was created in Khvaniras, and afterwards conveyed to the other regions ; Soshyans ^ is born in Khvaniras, who makes the evil spirit impotent, and causes the resurrection and future existence.

^ Possibly an attempt to connect the term keshvar with kash; but the sentence may also be translated thus : ' and they formed various districts like this portion; on the east side is the Savah region/ &c.

2 In the Pahlavi Vend. I, 4a, and in the Mainyo-i-kharc?, IX, 6, it is added, ' except with the permission of the angels ' or the

demons.

3 So in M6 ; but K20 has za^farih, which would imply, ' for the

destruction of what he saw of it.'

• Always spelt so in the Bundahij MSS. K20 and M6, and corrupted into Soshyos in Pazand ; but it is more usually written Soshans in other Pahlavi works, and its Avesta form is Saoshyas (see Chap. XXXII, 8).

[5] ^

Chapter XII.

I. On the nature of mountains it says in revelation, that, at first, the mountains have grown forth in eighteen years ; and Albiir(^ ever grew till the completion of eight hundred years ; two hundred years 2ip to the star station (pa yak), two hundred years to the moon station, two hundred years to the sun station, and two hundred years to the endless liorht^ 2. While the other mountains have g^rown out of Alburn, in number 2244 mountains, and are Hugar the lofty-, Terak of Alburn, A"akart^-i-Daitik, and the Are^'ur ridge, the Afisindom mountain. Mount Aparsen which they say is the mountain of Pars, Mount Zari^^f also which is Mount Manu5, Mount Aira/^, Mount Kaf, Mount Va^^ges, Mount Aushdartar, Mount Are-s-ur-bum, Mount Royimhomand, Mount Padashkhvargar which is the greatest in Khvarih, the mountain which they call A'ino, Mount Revand, Mount Darspet the Bakyir mountain. Mount Kabed-i-ikaft, Mount Siyak-muimand, Mount Vafar-homand, Mount Spendyart' and Kondr^sp, Mount Asnavand and Kondras, Mount

^ These are the four grades of the Mazdayasnian heaven.

^ In all the geographical details, mentioned in the Bundahij, there is a strange mixture of mythical tradition with actual fact. The author of the work finds names mentioned in the Avesta, by old writers of another country, and endeavours to identify them with places known to himself; much in the same way as attempts have been made to identify the geographical details of the garden of Eden. Most of the names of these mountains occur in the Zamyad Yart, or in other parts of the Avesta, as will be noticed in detail further on. The number 2244 is also mentioned in § 7 of that Yai't. A very able commentary on this chapter will be found in Windischmann's Zoroastriche Studien, pp. 1-19.

CHAPTER XII, 1-6. 35

Si/C'idav ^ a mountain among those which are in Kangde^' ^, ^which they say that they are a comfort and delight of the good creator, the smaller hills.

3. I will mention them also a second time ; Albur-^^ is around this earth and is connected with the sky. 4, The Terak ^ of AlbLir^" is that through which the stars, moon, a7id sun pass ^ in, and through it they come back. 5. Hugar the lofty *^ is that from which the water of Aredvivsur '^ leaps down the height of a thousand men. 6. The Ausindom ^ mountain is that which, being of ruby

^ The Av. Si/^idava of Zamyad Yt. 5.

^ See Chap. XXIX, 4, 10; the name is here written Kandes in K20. In M6 the word is kof, ' mountain,' which is almost identical in form ; if this be the correct reading, the translation will be, ' a mountain among those in the mountain which they say is agreeable and the delight,' &c. This mountain is, however, probably intended for the Av. Awtare-kangha, ' within Kangha,' of Zamyad Yt. 4-

^ The Haraiti-barei- of Zamyad Yt. i ; but it is more usually called Hara berezaiti (see Chap. V, 3).

• A central peak of the mythic Albiarz, around which the heavenly bodies are said to revolve (see Chap. V, 3). It is the Av. Taera, mentioned in Yas. XLI, 24, Ram Yt. 7, Zamyad Yt. 6.

® So in M6, but K20 has 'go in.'

• This appears to be another peak of the mythic Albfir^, probably in the west, as it is connected with Sataves, the western chieftain of the constellations (see Chaps. XXIV, 17, and II, 7). It is the Av. Hukairya berezo, of Yas. LXIV, 14, Aban Yt. 3, 25, 96, Qtos Yt. 8, Mihir Yt. 88, RashnuYt. 24, FravardinYt. 6, RamYt. 15.

^ See Chap. XIII, 3-5.

^ In Auharmazd Yt. 31 and Zamyad Yt. 2, 66, an Ushidhao mountain is mentioned as having many mountain waters around it, but this seems to be a near neighbour of the Ushidarena mountain (see § 15). The details in the text correspond with the description of the Hindva mountain, given in Tii'tar Yt. 32, thus : us Hindvao? paiti garoi^ yo hijtaiti maidhtm zrayangho vouru-kashahe, ' up on the Hindva mountain, which stands amid the wide-shored

D 2

(khun-ahino), of the substance of the sky\ is in the midst of the wide-formed ocean, so that its water, which is from Hugar, pours down into it (the ocean). 7. A'aka^'-i-Daitik ('the judicial peak') is that of the middle of the world, the height of a hundred men, on which the A"invar bridge'^ stands ; and they take account of the soul at that place. 8. The Are^'ur ^ ridge [of the Alburn mountain] is a summit at the gate of hell, where they always hold the concourse of the demons. 9. This also is said, that, excepting Alburn, the Aparsen * mountain is the

ocean;' and the Pahlavi name, Ausindom, has probably arisen from the us Hindva(/ of this passage, as suggested by Justi. (See Chaps. XIII, 5, and XVIII, 10, xi.)

^ The sky is considered to be a true firmament, or hard and indestructible dome.

"^ The ^invato-peretu of the Avesta, mentioned even in the Gathas. In the Pahlavi Vend. XIX, loi, it is stated that 'they pass across by the A'invafi? bridge, whose two extremities are their own heavenly angels, one stands at ^akai^-i-Daitik, and one at Alburn;' the former mountain seems not to be mentioned in the Avesta, but the bridge is the path of the soul to the other world ; if righteous the soul passes by it easily over Alburn (the confines of this world) into paradise, but if wacked it drops off the bridge into hell.

^ See Vend. Ill, 23, XIX, 140. The words in brackets may perhaps be inserted by mistake, but they occur in all MSS. examined, and there is nothing inconsistent with tradition in supposing Arezur to be the extreme northern range of the mythic Alburn which surrounds the earth, being the place where demons chiefly congregate.

• Justi adopts the reading Harparsen, which occurs in K20 four times out of eleven, but is corrected thrice. Windischmann suggests that this mountain is the Av. jkyata (or i.rkata) upairi-saena of Yas. X, 29, and Zamyad Yt. 3, which the Pahlavi translator of the Yasna explains as ' the Parsen crag.' It seems to be a general name for the principal mountain ranges in the south and east of Iran, as may be seen on comparing this passage and Chap. XXIV,

CHAPTER XII, 7-15. 37

greatest ; the Aparsen mountain they call the mountain of Pars, and its beginning is in Sagastan ^ and its end in Khu^istan. 10. Mount Manu^^ is great ; the mountain on which Maniu/^ihar was born.

II. The remaining mountains have chiefly grown from those; as it is said that the elevation (afsarih) of the districts had arisen most around those three mountains ^ 12. Mount Aira/^ '^ is in the middle from Hamart'an to Khvari^'em, and has grown from Mount Aparsen. 13. Mount [A'ino]^, which is on its east, on the frontier of Turkistdn, is connected also with Aparsen. 14. Mount Kaf*^ has grown from the same Mount Aparsen. 15. Mount Aushd^^-

28, with Chap. XX, 16, 17, 21, 22, where the Haro, Hetumand, Marv, and Balkh rivers are said to spring from IMount Aparsen ; but its application to the southern range is perhaps due to the etymological attempt, in the text, to connect it with Pars. The Selections of Za^-sparam, VII, 7, have Almstan for Khu^istan.

^ This name can also be read Sistan.

2 In § 2 it is also called Zarirt', but in Zamyad Yt. i Zeredho and Aredho-manusha are mentioned as neighbouring mountains. The word ' great ' is omitted in M6.

^ That is, around the ranges of Alburz, Aparsen, and Maniu.

• Perhaps intended for the Erezisho of Zamyad Yt. 2. The description would apply to any of the mountains near Nuapur.

^ This name is omitted in the MSS., but is taken from § 2 as suggested by Justi. Perhaps it may be connected with ' the country of Sem' (Chap. XV, 29), which is explained as being ^inistan, probably the land of Samarkand, which place was formerly called A'ln, according to a passage in some MSS. of Tabari's Chronicle, quoted in Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 298.

® Not Kaf, nor is it mentioned in the Pahlavi Vend. V, 57, as supposed by Justi ; the kaf kop araya^ of Spiegel's edition of the Pahlavi text being a misprint for kafako paraya(/, ' it traverses a fissure' (see Haug's Essays, 2nd ed. p. 326, note 2).

tar^ is in Saorastan. 16. Mount Are^ur^ is that which is in the direction of Arum. 17. The Padashkhvargar^ mountain is that which is in Taparistan and the side of Gilan. 18. The Revand"^ mountain is in Khurasan ^ on which the Bur^tn fire« was estabhshed ; and its 7iame Revand ineajis this, that it is glorious. 19. The Va^'ges'^ mountain is that which is on the frontier of the Va(%esians ; that quarter is full of timber and full of trees. 20. The Bakyir^ mountain is that which Frasiyaz/ of Tur used as a stronghold, and he made his residence within it; and m the days of Yim ^ a myriad towns and cities were erected on its pleasant and prosperous territory. 21. Mount Kabed-^ikaft^^ ('very rugged')

^ The Av. Ushi-darena of Yas. I, 41, II, 54, III, 55, IV, 45, XXII, 31, XXV, 22, Afiharmazd Yt. 31, Zamyad Yt. o, 2, 97.

'^ Called Aresur-bum in § 2, which name stands for the sixth and seventh mountains, Erezuro and Bumyo, in Zamyad Yt. 2. The land of Arum was the eastern empire of the Romans.

^ Evidently the momitain range south of the Caspian, now called Alburn ; but whether this actual Alburs is to be considered a part of the mythic Alburn is not very clear.

• The Av. Raevflius, ' shining,' of Zamyad Yt. 6. It is also called the Ridge of Vi^-tasp (see § 34).

5 Or, 'the east.' « See Chap. XVII, 8.

^ The Av. Vaiti-gaeso, the twelfth mountain in Zamyad Yt. 2 ; Badghes in Persian.

Mn § 2 it is Bakyir, which Justi thinks is another name for Mount Darspet (' white poplar ') ; the latter name not being repeated here makes this supposition probable.

^ K20 has rum and M6 has lanman, but both explained by the Paz. gloss Yim, which is also the reading of the Paz. MSS. If the gloss be rejected the most probable translation would be, ' and in our days Shatro-ram (or ramim), the victorious, erected on it a myriad towns and cities.'

^^ Windischmann suggests that this may be intended for the Av. jkyata or ijkata mentioned in the note on Aparsen in § 9.

CHAPTER XII, 16-28.

is that in Pars, out of the same Mount Aparsen. 22. Mount Siyak-homand ('being black') and Mount Vafar-homand ('having snow')\ as far as their Kavul borders, have grown out of it (Aparsen) towards the direction of A'ino. 23. The Spendykd''^ mountain is in the circuit (var) of Revand^ 24. The Kondrasp* mountain, on the summit of which is Lake Sovbar ^ is in the district (or by the town) of Tus. 25. The Kondras*^ mountain is in Airan-ve^. 26. The Asnavand '^ mountain is in Ataro-patakan. 27. The Royi^n-homand '^ (' having growth ') mountain is that on which vegetation has grown.

28. Whatever^ mountains are those which are in every place of the various districts and various

1 The Av. Syamaka and Vafrayau of Zamyad Yt. 5 ; and probably the Shah-koh and Safed-koh of Afghanistan. With regard to A'ino, see the note on § 13. The former mountain is called Siyak-mui-mand, 'having black hair,' in § 2, which is certainly a more grammatical form than Siyak-homand.

2 The Av. Spewto-data of Zamyad Yt. 6.

» The term var often means 'lake,' but we are not informed of any Lake Revand, though a mountain of that name is described in § 18 ; so it seems advisable to take var here in its wider sense of ' enclosure, circuit, district.'

• The Av. Kadrva-aspa of Zamyad Yt. 6.

s See Chap. XXII, 3. All MSS. have Sobar here.

® If the circumflex be used in Pahlavi to indicate not only the consonant d, but also the vowel t, e when it follows a vowel, as seems probable, this name can be read Koiras ; in any case, it is evidently intended for the Av. Kaoirisa in Zamyad Yt. 6. It is written Kondras in § 2.

^ The Av. Asnavau of Zamyad Yt. 5, Atash Nyay. 5, Siroz. 9. See also Chap. XVII, 7.

» The Av. Raoidhito, the eighth mountain of Zamyad Yt. 2.

3 So in M6 and the Paz. MSS., but K20 has, ' The country mountains.'

countries, and cause the tillage and prosperity therein, are many in name and many in number, and have grown from these same mountains. 29. As Mount Ganava^, Mount Asparq^, Mount Pahargar, Mount Dimavand, Mount Ravak, Mount Zarin, Mount Gesbakht, Mount Davart', Mount Mt^in, and Mount Marak \ which have all grown from Mount Aparsen, of which the other mountains are enumerated. 30. For the Dava^^ mountain has grown into Khu^istan likewise from the Aparsen mountain. 31. The Dimavand^ mountain is that in which Bevarasp is bound, ^2. From. the same Padashkhvargar mountain unto Mount Kumi^- *, which they call Mount Mad6frya(^ (' Come-to-help ') — that in which Vi^tasp routed Ar^asp — is Mount Miyan-idaj-t ('mid-plain')^, and was broken off from that mountain there. ■^'X,. They say, in the war of the religion, when there was confusion among the Iranians it broke off from that mountain, and slid down into the middle of the plain ; the Iranians were saved by

^ This list is evidently intended to include the chief mountains known to the author of the Bundahii', which he could not identify with any of those mentioned in the Avesta.

2 This is the Pazand reading of the name, on which very little reliance can be placed ; the Pahlavi can also be read Dana^, and it may be the Deana mountain, 12,000 feet high, near Kajki-zard.

^ See Chap. XXIX, 9. This volcanic mountain, about 20,000 feet high and near Teheran, still retains this ancient Persian name, meaning ' wintry.' It is the chief mountain of the Padashkhvargar range, which the Bundahii' evidently considers as an offshoot of the Aparsen ranges.

• The present name of a mountain between Nuapur and the desert.

® The name of a place about midway between Astarabad and Nuapur. This mountain is called Mi^in in § 29, probably from a place called Mezinan in the same neighbourhood.

CHAPTER XII, 2 9 -XIII, I. 4 '^

it, and it was called ' Come-to-help ' by them. 34. The Ganavar/i mountain is likewise there, on the Ridge of Vi5tasp(pt:i^t-iVi5taspan)2 at the abode of the Bumn-Mitro fire, nine leagues (parasang) to the west. 35. Ravak Bi^an^ is in Zravaka^; this place, some say, is Zravart', some call it Bi^^an, some Kalak; from this the road of two sides of the mountain is down the middle of a fortress ; for this reason, that is, because it is there formed, they call Kalak a fortress ; this place they also call within the land of Sarak. 36. Mount Asparo^^^ is established from the country of Lake A'e/C-ast^ unto Pars. 37. Pahargar {'the Pahar range') is in Khurasan. 38. Mount Marak« is in Laran. 39. Mount Zarin is in Turkistan. 40. Mount Bakht-tan ^ is in Spahan.

41. The rest, apart from this enumeration, which they reckon as fostering hills of the country in the religion of the Mazdayasnians, are the small hills, those which have grown piecemeal in places.

Chapter XIII.

I. On the nature of seas it says in revelation, that the wide-formed ocean keeps one-third of this earth on the south side of the border of Alburn ^ and so

1 The Pers. Kanabad, or Gunabad, is near Cumin.

2 Another name for Momit Revand (§ 18). See Chap. XVII, 8. ^ Probably in Kirman.

^ The mountain ranges of western Persia, including the IMount Zagros of classical writers, s See Chap. XXII, 2.

^ Probably the Merkhinah range in northern Laristan. ' The Bakhtiyari range in the province of Ispahan. ^ Or perhaps better thus : ' the wide-formed ocean is in the

wide-formed is the ocean that the water of a thousand lakes is held by it, such as the source Aredvivsur\ which some say is the fountain lake. 2. Every particular lake is of a particular kind ^, some are great, and some are small ; some are so large that a man with a horse might compass them around in forty days^, which is 1700 leagues (parasang) in extent.

3. Through the warmth and clearness of the water, purifying more than other waters, everything continually flows from the source Aredvivsur. 4. At the south of Mount Albur^' a hundred thousand golden channels are there formed, and that water goes with warmth and clearness, through the channels, on to Hugar the lofty*; on the summit of that mountain is a lake^; into that lake it flows, becomes quite purified, and comes back through a different golden channel. 5. At the height of a thousand men an open golden branch from that channel is connected with Mount Ausindom ^ amid the wideformed ocean ; from there one portion flows forth to the ocean for the purification of the sea, and one portion drizzles in moisture upon the whole of this earth, and all the creations of Auharmazd acquire

direction of the south limit of Alburs, and possesses one-third of this earth.'

A

^ The Av. Ardvi sura of Aban Yt. i, &c.

^ Literally, ' for every single lake there is a single kind ; ' but we may perhaps read la, ' not,' instead of the very similar rai, ' for,' and translate as follows : ' every single lake is not of one kind;' which expresses very nearly the same meaning.

^ Compare Aban Yt. 10 1.

^ See Chap. XII, 5.

^ Lake Urvis (see Chap. XXII, 11).

« See Chaps. XII, 6, and XVIII, 10, n.

CHAPTER XIII, 2-II. 43

health from it, and it dispels the dryness of the atmosphere.

6. Of the salt seas three are principal, and twentythree are small. 7. Of the three which are principal, one is the Putik, one the Kamrurt', and one the KSahi-bun. 8. Of all three the Putik ^ is the largest, in which is a flow and ebb, on the same side as the wide-formed ocean, and it is joined to the wideformed ocean. 9. Amid this wide-formed ocean, on the Putik side, it has a sea which they call the Gulf (var) of Sataves -. 10. Thick and salt the stench ^ wishes to gfo from the sea Putik to the wide-formed ocean; with a mighty high wind therefrom, the Gulf of Sataves drives away whatever is stench, and whatever is pure and clean goes into the wideformed ocean and the source Aredvivsur ; and that flows back a second time to Putik ^ 11. The control ^ of this sea (the Putik) is connected with the

^ The Av. Puitika of Vend. V, 52, 57, and evidently the Persian Gulf.

2 So called from the constellation Sataves (§ 12), see Chap. II, 7. The details given in the text are appHcable to the Gulf and Sea of 'Uman, the Arabian Sea of Europeans. The description of this Gulf, given in the Pahl. Vend. V, 57, which is rather obscure, is as follows: 'In purification the impurities flow, in the purity of water, from the sea Putik into the wide-formed ocean ; at the southernmost side the ivater stands back in mist, and the blue body of Sataves stands back around it. Putik stands out from the side of Sataves, this is where it is. From which side it stands is not clear to me. The water comes to Sataves through the bottom ; some say that it traverses a fissure.'

^ Perhaps a better reading would be sturg sur-i gondakih, ' the intense saltness which is stench.' The author appears to have had some vague idea of the monsoon.

• Or, perhaps, ' the other (the stench) flows back to Putik.'

^ Reading band; but it may be bod, 'consciousness, sensitiveness.'

moon and wind ; it comes again and goes down, in increase and decrease, because of her revolving. 12. The control^ also of the Gulf of Sataves is attached to the constellation Sataves, in whose protection are the seas of the southern quarter, just as those on the northern side are in the protection of Haptok-ring '^. 13. Concerning the flow ^^;^(2f ebb it is said, that everywhere from the presence of the moon two winds continually blow, whose abode is in the Gulf of Sataves, one they call the down-draught, and one the up-draught; when the up-draught blows it is the flow, and when the down-draught blows it is the ebb^ 14, In the other seas there is nothing of the nature of a revolution of the moon therein, and there are no flow and ebb. 15. The sea of Kamru(2'^ is that which they pass by, in the north, in Taparistan ; that of ^'aht-bun ^ is in Arum.

16. Of the small seas that which was most whole-

^ See p. 43, note 5.

^ See Chap. II, 7.

^ This is not a confused attempt to explain the tides as the effect of the land and sea breezes, as might be suspected at first, but is a reasonable conclusion from imaginary facts. Assuming that the wind always blows eastward and westward from the moon, it follows that as the moon rises an easterly wind must blow, which may be supposed to drive the flood tide westward into the Persian Gulf; until the moon passes the meridian, when the wind, changing to the west, ought to drive the ebb tide eastward out of the Gulf, thus accounting for one flow and ebb every day, dependent on the position of the moon.

• Evidently the Caspian, which lies north of Taparistan, a province including part of Mazendaran.

^ Or perhaps Gahi-bun, meaning probably the Mediterranean or Euxine, if not both of them ; the author appears merely to have heard of the existence of such a sea in Asia Minor (Arum). In the Selections of Za^-sparam, VI, 14, it is called Gehan-bun.

CHAPTER XIII, 12 -XIV, 2. 45

some 1 was the sea Kyansih ^, such as is in Sagastan ; at first, noxious creatures, snakes, and lizards (vazagh) were not in it, and the water was sweeter than in any of the other seas; later (da^tgar) it became salt ; at the closest, on account of the stench, it is not possible to go so near as one league, so very great are the stench and saltness through the violence of the hot wind. 1 7. When the renovation of the univej^se occurs it zc/// again become sweets

Chapter XIV.

I. On the nature of the five classes of animals (go spend) it says in revelation, that, when the primeval ox passed away*, there where the marrow came out grain grew up ^ of fifty and five species, and twelve ^ species of medicinal plants grew ; as it says, that out of the marrow is every separate creature, every single thing whose lodgment is in the marrow ''. 2. From the horns a7'ose peas (mi^uk),

^ Comparing nistum with Pers. ni^t, 'healthy.'

2 The Av. Kasu of Vend. XIX, 18, and Zamyad Yt. dd, 92 (see also Chaps. XX, 34, and XXI, 7). A brackish lake and swamp now called Hamun, ' the desert,' or Zarah, ' the sea,' and which formerly contained fresher water than it does now.

3 The MSS. here add the first sentence of Chap. XX, and there is every reason to believe that Chaps. XX-XXII originally occupied this position, between XIII and XIV, (see the list of the contents of TD in the Introduction.)

• See Chaps. IV, i, and X, i.

= All MSS. have lakhvar, ' again,' but this is probably a blunder for lala, ' up.'

^ K20 has 'fifteen' here, but 'twelve' in Chaps. X, i, and XXVII, 2.

■^ K20 has 'of every single thing the lodgment is in the marrow,'

from the nose the leek, from the blood the grapevine ^ from which they make wine — on this account wine abounds with blood — from the lungs the ruelike herbs, from the middle of the heart ^ thyme y^'r keeping away stench, and every one of the others as revealed in the Avesta.

3. The seed of the ox was carried up to the moon station ^ ; there it was thoroughly purified, and produced the manifold species of animals *. 4. First, two oxen, one male and one female, and, afterwards, one pair of every single species was let go into the earth, and was discernible in Airan-ve^yi?r a Hasar (' mile '), which is like a Parasang (' league ') ^ ; as it says, that, on account of the valuableness of the ox, it was created twice, one time as an ox, and one time as the manifold species of animals. 5. A thousand days and nights they were without eating, and first water and afterwards herbage (atirvar) were devoured by them.

6. And, afterwards, the three classes (kar^ak) of animals were produced therefrom, as it says that first were the goat and sheep, and then the camel

^ Probably kart'uk-i raz may mean ' the pumpkin and grape.'

2 Reading dJl; but the word may also be read sar, 'the head/ or jigar, ' the liver.'

^ See Chap. X, 2.

• This translation suits both text and context very well, but gospend pur-sarfl'ak is evidently intended for the Av. gauipouru-saredho, 'the ox of many species,' of Mah Yt. o, 7, and

SA A iroz. 12.

^ Reading mun a6 parasang humanak; if 3 be read for ae

the translation must be, ' three of which are like a Parasang,' for

a Hasar cannot be equal to three Parasangs (see Chaps. XVI, 7,

and XXVI). The phrase in the text probably means merely that

a Hasar is a measure for long distances, just as a Parasang is.

CHAPTER XIV, 3-13. 47

and swine, and then the horse and ass. 7. For, first, those suitable for grazing were created therefrom, those are now kept in the valley (lai); the second created were those of the hill summits (sari de^) \ which are wide-travellers, and habits (nihadak) are not taught to them by hand ; the third created were those dwelling in the water.

8. As for the genera (khadutnak), the first genus is that which has the foot cloven in two, and is suitable for grazing ; of which a camel larger than a horse is small and new-born. 9. The second genus is ass-footed, of which the swift ^ horse is the largest, and the ass the least. 10. The third genus is that of the five-dividing paw, of which the dog is the largest, and the civet-cat the least. 11. The fourth genus is the flying, of which the griffon of three natures ^ is the largest, and the chaffinch * the least.
9. The fifth genus is that of the water, of which the Kar fish ^ is the largest, and the Nemadu^ the least.

13. These five genera are apportioned out into

1 Justi reads girisa)^, the Av. gairisha/1'6, ' mountain-frequenting,' of Tutar Yt. 36 ; but this is doubtful.

2 Pahl. zibal = Pers. zibal.

3 The Paz. sin-i se avina is the Pahh sen-i 3 khaduinak of Chap. XXIV, II, 29, the Sin bird or Simurgh of Persian legends, the Av. saena. The word avina is a Paz. misreading either of ainak, 'kind, sort,' or of an^anak, 'dividing.' The mixture of Pazand and Pahlavi in this and some other chapters is rather perplexing, but the Pazand misreadings can usually be corrected after transliterating them back into Pahlavi characters.

• Reading va taru (Pers. tar).

5 See Chaps. XVIII, 3, and XXIV, 13.

« If this Pazand word be written in Pahlavi letters it may be read va magan, which may stand for va magil, ' and the leech;' but this is very uncertain.

two hundred and eighty-two ^ species (sar^ak). 14. First are five species of goat, the ass-goat-, the milch-goat, the mountain-goat, the fawn, and the covimon goat. 15. Second, five species of sheep, that with a tail, that which has no tail, the dogsheep, the wether, and the Kuri^k sheep, a sheep whose horn is great ; it possesses a grandeur ^ like unto a horse, and they use it mostly for a steed (bara), as it is said that Manuj/'ihar kept a Kuri^k as a steed. 16. Third, two species of camel, the mountain one and that suitable for grazing ; for one is fit to keep in the mountain, and one in the plain ; they are one-humped and two-humped. 1 7. Fourth, fifteen species of ox, the white, mud-coloured *, red, yellow, black, and dappled, the elk, the buffalo, the camel-leopard ox, the fish-chewing^ ox, the Fari' ox, the Ka^^u, a7id other species of ox. 18. Fifth, eight species of horse, the Arab, the Persian, the mule ^ the ass, the wild ass (gor), the hippopotamus (asp-i avi), and other species of horse. 19. Sixth, ten species of dog, the shepherd's dog, the village-dog which is the house-protector, the blood-hound, the slender hound ^ the water-

^ K20 alone has 272 (see Chap. X, 3).

2 The khar-buz (see Chap. XXIV, 2).

^ Supposing se koh to be a Paz. misreading of Pahl. i-ukuh. Justi's translation is : 'it inhabits the three mountains, like the horse.'

• Paz. ashgun is evidently for Pahl. hajgun.

^ Transcribing the Paz. mahi khu ushan into Pahlavi it maybe read mahikan-khvashan (khashan.?).

^ Instead of these first three species M6 has ' the white, black, yellow, bay, a^id chestnut.' K20 omits ' the ass ' by mistake.

"' These first four species are the Av. pasuj-haurvo, y\shaurvo, vohunazgo, and tauruno of Vend. V, 92-98, XIII, 21, 26-74, 117, 164, 165.

CHAPTER XIV, 14-22. 49

beaver^ which they call the water-dog, the fox, the ichneumon (rasu), the hedgehog which they call ' thorny-back,' the porcupine ^ mid the civet-cat ; of which, two species are those accustomed " to burrows, one the fox and one the ichneumon; and those accustomed to jungle are such as the porcupine which has spines on its back, and the hedgehog which is similar. 20. Seventh, five species of the black ■* hare ; two are wild species, one dwelling in a burrow ^ and one dwelling in the jungle. 21. Eighth, eight species of weasel ; one the marten, one the black marten, the squirrel, the V)ez ermine '^, the white ermine, and other species of weasel. 22, Ninth, eight species oi vdlW^ anii7tals ; one is that which is recognised by its musk'^, one

^ The Av. bawrii' upapo of AbanYt. 129.

^ The word indra has usually been taken as a Paz. misreading of the Pahl. audrak (Av. udra, 'otter,' of Vend. XIII, 48, 167, 169, XIV, 2), but this would be more probably read andra. The Pahl. sugar, ' porcupine,' is just as likely to be misread indra, and its meaning suits the context better.

^ The Paz. amokhtcyn, which is an ungrammatical form, is evidently a misreading of the Pahl. amukhtagan.

• Kzo has seya, M6 has zyagi hest. Perhaps some old copyist has corrected siyak-gosh into khar-gosh, and to both the epithets have crept into the text, the word ' black' being superfluous.

^ Reading khan-manii-t, the Paz. khu being an obvious misreading of khan.

^ The Paz. b^z is written bedh in the Pazand MS. (the z in M6 being shaped something like dh), and Justi supposes it represents the Arabic abyadh or baidha, 'white,' and is explained by the Pers. saped, 'white/ which follows; but there is nothing in the text to indicate that the second name is an explanation of the first. It is more probable that b^z represents the Pers. bi^ad, ' reddish, rufous, variegated,' an epithet quite applicable to the ermine in its summer fur.

"^ Or, ' is known as the musk animaV.

[5] E

the musk animal with a bag in which is their pleasant scent, the Bi^-musk ^ which eats the V)\skerb, the black musk which is the enemy of the serpent that is numerous in rivers, and other species of musk animals. 23. Tenth, one hundred and ten species of birds; flying creatures (vey = vai) such as the griffon bird ^ the Kar^ipt ^, the eagle, the Kahrkas'^ which they call the vulture, the crow, the Arda, the crane, and the tenth ^ is the bat. 24, There are two of them which have milk in the teat a7id suckle their young, the griffon bird and the bat which flies in the night ; as they say that the bat is created of three races (sarrt'ak), the race (ay in a) of the dog, the bird, aitd the musk animal; for it flies like a bird, has many teeth like a dog, and'is dwelling in holes like a musk-rat. 25. These hundred and ten species of birds are distributed into eight groups (khaduinak), mostly as scattered about as when a man scatters seed, and drops the seed in his fingers to the ground, large, middling, and small. 26. Eleventh ^, fish were created of ten

^ A kin 1 of musk-rat; ihe bi^ it eats is said to be the Napellus INIoysis.

2 Pahl. seno muruk, the simurgh of Persian tradition, and Av. meregho saeno of Bahram Yt. 41.

^ See Chap. XIX, 16. * See Chap. XIX, 25.

^ Counting the 'flying creatures' and 'the vulture' as distinct species, ' the bat ' is the tenth. It has been generally supposed that we should read ' eleventh,' and consider the bats as an eleventh group, especially as the MSS. call the next group (the fish) the 'twelfth;' but this view is contradicted by the remarks about the bats being mingled with those about the birds, and also by Za^- sparam in his Selections, Chap. IX, 14 (see App. to Bund.), not mentioning any group of bats among the other animals.

•■' All the MSS. have ' twelfth,' but they give no ' eleventh ' nor 'thirteenth,' though they have 'fourteenth' in § 29. These irre-

CHAPTER XIV, 23-29. 51

Species; first, the fish Am^ the Arzuva, the Arziika, the Marzuka, and other Avesta names ^. 27. Afterwards, within each species, species within species are created, so the total is two hundred and eighty-two species ^.

28. Of the dog they say that out of the star station, that is, azvay from the direction of the constellation Haptok-ring, was given to him further by a stage (yo^ist)* than to men, on account of his protection of sheep, and as associating with sheep and men ; for this the dog is purposely adapted ^, as three more kinds of advantage are given to him than to man, he has his own boots, his own clothing*', and may wander about without self-exertion.
29. The twelfth '^ is the sharp-toothed beast of

gularities seem to indicate that part of this chapter has been omitted by some old copyist.

1 See Chaps. XVIII, 5, and XXIV, 13.

^ None of these names are found in the portion of the Avesta now extant.

^ K20 alone has 272 (see Chap. X, 3). The actual total number of species mentioned is 186, leaving ninety-six for the ' species within species.' Zaa'-sparam in his Selections, Chap. IX, 14, differs from the numbers given in the text merely in giving ten species of ox, instead of fifteen ; so the total of his details is 181, leaving 10 1 sub-species to make up his grand total of 282 (see App. to Bund.)

• A yo^ist (compare Sans, yo^ana) was probably from fifteen to sixteen English miles, as it consisted of sixteen hasar, each of one thousand steps of the two feet (see Chap. XXVI, i). This sentence seems to imply that on account of the useful quahties of the dog he has a part of the lowermost grade of paradise allotted to him, further from the demon-haunted north than that allotted to the men whose inferior order of merit does not entitle them to enter the higher grades of paradise.

^ Reading ahang-homand, 'having a purpose.'

^ Compare Vend. XIII, 106.

■^ All the MSS. have ' fourteenth,' but they give no ' thirteenth.'

E 2

which the leader of the flock is in such great fear, for that flock of sheep is very badly maintained which has no doer.

30. Auharmazd said when the bird Varesha ^ was created by him, which is a bird of prey, thus : ' Thou art created by me, O bird Varesha! so that my vexation may be greater than my satisfaction with thee, for thou doest the will of the evil spirit more than that of me ; like the wicked man who did not become satiated with wealth, thou also dost not become satiated with the slaughter of birds ; but if thou be not created by me, O bird Varesha ! thou wouldst be created by him, the evil spirit, as a kite 2 with the body of a Varpa ^ by which no creature would be left alive.'

31. Many animals are created in all these species for this reason, that when one shall be perishing through the evil spirit, one shall remain.

Chapter XV.

I. On the nature of men it says in revelation, that Gayomar^^, in passing away'^, gave forth seed ; that seed was thoroughly purified by the motion of

^ No doubt 'a hawk' (Pers. va^ah or bajah), as mentioned by Justi ; Av. vare would become v a or b a in Persian.

2 Compare gurik with Pers. varik, varka, varkak, varkak, vargah, ' an eagle, falcon, kite, or hawk.'

^ Transcribing the Paz. varpa eyi into Pahlavi we have varpak-ae, which is very nearly the same in form as vari/C'ak-ae, 'a hut or cottage' (Pers. guri^-ah-e); so the formidable bird which the evil spirit might have created was ' a kite with a body like a cottage.'

• See Chap. IV, i.

CHAPTER XIV, 30 -XV, 4. 53

the light of the sun, and Neryosang ^ kept charge of two portions, and Spendarma^f^ received one portion. 2. And in forty years, with the shape of a one-stemmed Rivas-//^;^^ ^, and the fifteen years of its fifteen leaves, Matro and Matroyao ^ grew up from the earth in such a manner that their arms rested behind on their shoulders (dosh), and one joined to the other they were connected together and both alike. 3. And the waists of both of them were brought close and so connected together that it was not clear which is the male and which the female, and which is the ^/^^ whose living soul (nismo) of Auharmazd is not away ^ 4. As it is said thus : 'Which is created before, the soul (nismo) or the body? And Auharmazd said that the soul is created before, and the body after, for him who was

1 Av. Nairyo-sangha of Yas. XVII, 68, LXX, 92, Vend. XIX, III, 112, XXII, 22, &c, ; the angel who is said to be Auharmazd's usual messenger to mankind.

2 The female archangel who is supposed to have special charge of the earth (see Chap. I, 26).

^ A plant allied to the rhubarb, the shoots of which supply an acid juice used by the Persians for acidulating preserves and drinks.

• These names are merely variants of the Mashya and Mashyot of the latter part of this chapter (nom. dual, m. and f., of Av. mashya, 'mortal'). This is shown by the Pandnamak-i Zaratmt, saying : ' and my human nature is from Matroih and IMatroyaoih, from which first generation and seed from Gayomara? I have sprung.' And the names are also found in the more Persian forms Maharih and Mahariyaoyih (see the note to § 22). Windischmann considered the meaning to be that ' they grew up on the day Mitroof the month Mitro,' that is, the sixteenth day of the seventh month of the Parsi year ; this is not confirmed, however, by Za^- sparam in his Selections, Chap. X, 4 (see App. to Bund.)

'' That is, whether they had souls or not. That nismo is the Huzvarij for ruban, 'soul,' appears clearly in § 4, where both words are used for the same thing.

created; it is given into the body that it may produce activity, and the body is created only for activity;' hence the conclusion is this, that the soul (ruban) is created before and the body after. 5. And both of them changed from the shape of a plant into the shape of man, and the breath (nismo) went spiritually into them, which is the soul (ruban); and now, moreover, in that similitude a tree had grown up whose fruit was the ten varieties of man \

6. Auharmazd spoke to Mashya and Mashyoi thus : * You are man, you are the ancestry of the world, and you are created perfect in devotion ^ by me ; perform devotedly the duty of the law, think good thoughts, speak good words, do good deeds, and worship no demons ! ' 7. Both of them first thought this, that one of them should please the other, as he is a man for him ; and the first deed done by them was this, when they went out they washed ^ themselves thoroughly ; and the first words spoken by them were these, that Auharmazd created the water and earth, plants and animals, the stars, moon, and sun, and all prosperity ^hose origin and effect are from the manifestation of righteousness ^ 8. And, afterwards, antagonism rushed into their minds, and their minds were

^ This evidently refers to another tree, which is supposed to have produced the ten varieties of human monstrosities (see § 31). ^ This would be a translation of the Avesta phrase, ' the best of

A

Armaiti (the spirit of the earth).'

^ Comparing me^id? with Pers. ma^id; but the verb is very ambiguous, as it may mean, ' they feasted themselves/ or ' they made water.'

" The last phrase appears to be quoted from the Pahlavi Ha^okht Nask, I, 2.

CHAPTER XV, 5-13. 55

thoroughly corrupted, and they exclaimed that the evil spirit created the water and earth, plants and animals, and the other things as afore^2i^\A. 9. That false speech was spoken through the wall of the demons, and the evil spirit possessed himself of this first enjoyment from them ; through that false speech they both became wicked, and their souls are in hell until the future existence.

10. And they had gone thirty days without food
    covered with clothing of herbage (giyah); and -sSx^r the thirty days they went forth into the wilderness, came to a white-haired goat, and milked the milk from the udder with their mouths. 11. When they had devoured the milk Mashya said to Mashyoi thus : ' My delight was owing to it when I had not devoured the milk, and my delight is more delightful now when it is devoured by my vile body.'
11. That second false speech enhanced the power of the demons, and the taste of the food w^as taken away by them, so that out of a hundred parts one part remained.

13. Afterwards, in another thirty days and nights they came to a sheep, fat ^ and white-jawed, and they slaughtered it ; and fire was extracted by them out of the wood of the lote-plum ^ and box-tree, through the guidance of the heavenly angels, since both woods were most productive of fire for them ;

^ Reading akhurij-n instead of the khurijn of all MSS. which is hardly intelligible. Perhaps av-khuri^n, 'drinking water,' ought to be read, as it is alluded to in Chap. XXX, i.

2 Comparing gefar with Av. garewa and Pers. ^arb, but this identification may not be correct.

2 The kunar, a thorny tree, allied to the jujube, which bears a small plum-like fruit.

and the fire was stimulated by their mouths ; and the first fuel kindled by them was dry grass, kendar, lotos, date palm leaves, and myrtle ; and they made a roast of the sheep. 14. And they dropped three handfuls of the meat into the fire, mid said : ' This is the share of the fire ' One piece of the rest they tossed to the sky, and said : ' This is the share of the angels.' A bird, the vulture, advanced and carried some of it away from before them, as a dog ate the first meat. 15. And, first, a clothing of skins covered them ; afterwards, it is said, woven garments were prepared from a cloth woven ^ in the wilderness. 16. And they dug out a pit in the earth, and iron was obtained by them and beaten out with a stone, and without a forge they beat out a cutting edge ^ from it ; and they cut wood with it, and prepared a wooden shelter from the sun (pei'-khur).

1 7. Owing to the gracelessness which they practised, the demons became more oppressive, and they themselves carried on unnatural malice between themselves ; they advanced one against the other, and smote and tore their hair and cheeks ^. 18. Then the demons shouted out of the darkness

^ INIost of this'sentence is omitted in K20 by mistake,

^ Reading khej-i-i ta*/, which Pahlavi words might be easilymisread ashabe tad, as given in Pazand in the text. That Paz. tadha stands for Pahl. ta^ak (Pers. tadah, 'spun, woven') is quite certain.

^ Or 'an axe,' according as we read tekh or tash. The order of the foregoing words, bara tapak-i, 'without a forge,' appears to have been reversed by mistake.

• Reading xod as equivalent to Pers. riii, ' face,' but it ought to be rod. Perhaps the word is lilt, 'bare,' and the translation should be, ' lore their hair bare.'

CHAPTER XV, 14-24. 57

thus : ' You are man ; worship the demon ! so that your demon of mahce may repose/ 19. Mashya went forth and milked a cow's milk, and poured it out towards the northern quarter ; through that the demons became more powerful, and ozuing to them they both became so dry-backed that in fifty winters they had no desire for intercourse, and though they had had intercourse they would have had no children. 20. And on the completion of fifty years the source of desire arose, first in Mashya and then /;/ Mashyoi, for Mashya said to Mashyoi thus : ' When I see thy shame my desires arise.' Then Mashyoi spoke thus : ' Brother Mashya ! when I see thy great desire I am also agitated^' 21. Afterwards, it became their mutual wish that the satisfaction of their desires should be accomplished, as they reflected thus : ' Our duty even for those fifty years was this.'

22. From them was born in nine months a pair, male and female ; and owing to tenderness for offspring ^ the mother devoured one, and the father one.
23. And, afterwards, Auharmazd took tenderness for offspring away from them, so that one may nourish a child, and the child may remain.

24. And from them arose seven pairs, male and

^ This is merely a paraphrase of the original.

2 Or, 'the deliciousness of children' (shirinih-i farzand). Justi has, ' owing to an eruption on the children the mother deserted one,' &c. ; but the legend of devouring the first children is still more clearly mentioned in the Pahlavi Rivayat, which forms the first book of the Dart^istan-i Dinik (preceding the ninety-two questions and answers to which that name is usually applied) as follows: Maharih va Mahariyaoyih dusharam rai nazdisto farzand-i naf^man bara va^tamund, ' Mashya and Mashyoi, through affection, at first ate up their own offspring.'

female, and each was a brother and sister-wife ; and from every one of them, in fifty years, children were born, and they themselves died in a hundred years.

25. Of those seven pairs one was Siyakmak, the name of the man, and Naj-ak ^ of the woman ; and from them a pair was born, whose names were Fravak of the man and Fravakain of the woman.

26. From them fifteen pairs were born, every single pair of whom became a race (sar^T^ak) ; and from them the constant continuance of the generations of the world arose.

27. Owing to the increase (zayii^n) of the whole fifteen races, nine races proceeded on the back of the ox Sarsaok -, through the wide-formed ocean, to the other six regions (keshvar), and stayed there ; and six races of men remained in Khvaniras.
28. Of those six races the name of the man of one pair was Ta-S' and of the woman Ta^'ak, and they went to the plain of the Ta^ikan (Arabs) ; and of one pair Hoshyang^ was the name of the man and Gu2'ak of the woman, and from them arose the Airanak^n (Iranians); and from one pair the Mazendarans ^ have arisen. 29. Among the number (pa van ae mar) were those who are in the coun-

1 Or 'Va^ak.'

^ See Chaps. XVII, 4, XIX, 13; the name is here written Srisaok in the MSS., and is a Pazand reading in all three places.

' Av. Haoshyangha of Aban Yt. 21, G6.f Yt. 3, Fravardin Yt. 137, Ram Yt. 7, Ashi Yt. 24, 26, Zamyad Yt. 26. His usual epithet is paradhata (Pahl. pe.r-da^), which is thus explained in the Pahlavi Vend. XX, 7: 'this early law (pej-da(fih) was this, that he first set going the law of sovereignty.' For this reason he is considered to be the founder of the earliest, or Pe^dadian, dynasty. See Chaps. XXXI, i, XXXIV, 3, 4.

■* The people of the southern coast of the Caspian, the Mazainya daeva, ' Mazainyan demons or idolators,' of the Avesta.

CHAPTER XV, 25-31. 59

tries of Siirak\ those who are in the country of Aner ^ those who are in the countries of Tur, those who are in the country of Sahn which is Arum, those who are in the country of Seni, that which is A'inistan, those who are in the country of Dai ^ and those who are in the country of Sind *. 30. Those, indeed, throughout the seven regions are all from the lineage of Fravak, son of Siyakmak, son of Mashya.

31. As there were ten varieties of man ^ and fifteen races from Fravak, there were twenty-five races all from the seed of Gayomar^ ; the varieties are snch as those of the earth, of the water, the breast-eared, the breast-eyed, the one-legged, those also who have wings like a bat, those of the forest, with tails, and who have hair on the body^

^ Not Syria (which is Suristan, see Chap. XX, 10), but the Suiik of the Pahlavi Vend. I, 14, which translates Av. Sughdha, the land east of the Oxus (see Chap. XX, 8). Windischmann reads it as Paz. Erak.

2 Probably for Av. anairya/ non-Aryan,' which seems specially applied to the lands east of the Caspian.

3 The countries of Tur, Salm, Seni, and Dai are all mentioned successively in Fravardin Yt. 143, 144, in their Avesta forms Tuirya, Sairima, Saini, and Dahi. The country of Tur was part of the present Turkistan, that of Salm is rightly identified with Arum (the eastern Roman Empire, or Asia Minor) in the text ; the country of Seni (miswritten Send), being identified with A'inistan, was probably the territory of Samarkand, and may perhaps be connected with Mount i^'ino (see Chap. XII, 2, 13) ; and the land of Dai must be sought somewhere in the same neighbourhood.

• Bactria or any part of north-western India may be intended ; wherever Brahmans and Buddhists existed (as they did in Bactria) was considered a part of India in Sasanian times.

^ Grown on a separate tree (see § 5).

^ Only seven varieties of human monsters are here enumerated,

6o BUNDAHT5'.

Chapter XVI.

I. On the nature of generation it says in revelation, that a woman when she comes out from menstruation, during ten days and nights, when they go near unto her, soon becomes pregnant. 2. When she is cleansed from her menstruation, and when the time for pregnancy has come, always when the seed of the man is the more powerful a son arises from it ; when that of the woman is the more powerful, a daughter ; when both seeds are equal, twins and triplets. 3. If the male seed comes the sooner, it adds to the female, and she becomes robust ; if the female seed comes the sooner, it becomes blood, and the leanness of the female arises therefrom.

4. The female seed is cold and moist, and its flow is from the loins, and the colour is white, red, and yellow ; and the male seed is hot and dry, its flow is from the brain of the head, and the colour is white and mud-coloured (hai-gun). 5. AlP the seed of the females which issues beforehand, takes a place within the womb, and the seed of the males will remain above it, and will fill the space of the womb ; whatever refrains therefrom becomes blood again, enters into the veins of the females, and at the time any one is born it becomes milk and

for the last three details seem to refer to one variety, the monkeys. The Parst MS. of miscellaneous texts, My (fol. 120), says, 'The names of the ten species of men are the breast-eyed, the three-eyed, the breast-eared, the elephant-eared, the one-legged, the webfooted, the leopard-headed, the lion-headed, the camel-headed, and the dog-headed.' ^ M6 has ' always.'

CHAPTER XVI, I -XVII, I. 6l

nourishes him, as all milk arises from the seed of the males, and the blood is that of the females.

6. These four things, they say, are male, and these female : the sky, metal, wind, and fire are male, and are never otherwise ; the water, earth, plants, and fish are female, and are never otherwise ; the remainino^ creation consists of male and female.

7. As regards the fish ^ it says that, at the time of excitement, they go forwards and come back in the water, two and two, the length of a mile (hasar), which is one-fourth of a league (para sang), in the running v/ater ; in that coming and going they then rub their bodies together, and a kind of sweat drops out betwixt them, and both become^pregnant.

Chapter XVII.

I. On the nature of fire it says in revelation, that fire is produced of five kinds, namely, the fire Berezi-savang 2, the fire which shoots up before Auharmazd the lord; the fire Vohu-fryan ^ the fire which is in the bodies of men and animals ; the fire Urvazi.9t^ the fire which is in plants; the fire

1 K20 has ' the male fish,' which is inconsistent with the preceding sentence.

2 These Avesta names of the five kinds of fire are enumerated in Yas. XVII, 63-67, and the Pahlavi translation of that passage interchanges the attributes ascribed to the first and fifth in the text, thus it calls the first ' the fire of sublime benefit in connection with Varahran (Bahram).' See also Selections of Za^-sparam, XI, i.

3 ' The fire of the good diff"user ( or off'erer), that within the bodies of men ' (Pahl. Yas. XVII, 64).

• ' The fire of prosperous (or abundant) life, that within plants ' (Pahl. Yas. XVII, 65).

Vazii-t \ the fire which is in a cloud which stands opposed to Spen^argak in conflict; the fire Spenii-t^, the fire which they keep in use in the world, likewise the fire of Vahram'^. 2. Of those five fires one consumes both water and food, as that which is in the bodies of men ; one consumes water and consumes no food, as that which is in plants, which live and grow through water ; one consumes food and consumes no water, as that which they keep in use in the world, and likewise the fire of Vahram ; one consumes no water and no food, as the fire Vazi^-t. 3. The Berezi-savang is that in the earth and mountains ajid other things, which * Auharmazd created, ill the original creation, like three breathing souls (nismo); through the watchfulness and protection dice to them the world ever develops (vakhshe^?).

4. And in the reign of Takhmorup ^, when men continually passed, on the back of the ox Sarsaok '^, from Khvaniras to the other regions, one night

^ ' The fire Vazijt, that which smites the demon Spen^arga ' (Pahl. Yas. XVII, 66). See Chap. VII, 12.

^ ' The propitious fire ivJiich stands in heaven before Auharmazd in a spiritual state' (Pahl. Yas. XVII, 67).

^ The Bahram fire, or sacred fire at places of worship.

• M6 has min, instead of mun, which alters the translation, but not the meaning. This appears to be a different account of the fire Berezi-savang to that given in § i, but it merely implies that it is fire in its spiritual state, and the name can, therefore, be applied to any natural fire which can be attributed to supernatural agency, such as burning springs of petroleum, volcanic eruptions, ignis fatuus, phosphorescence of the sea, &c,

^ The second Pe.s'dadian monarch (see Chaps. XXXI, 2, 3, XXXIV, 4).

•^ Written Srisaok in the INISS. in Chap. XV, 27; where it also appears that the sea was ' the wide-formed ocean.' See likewise Chap. XIX, 13.

CHAPTER XVII, 2-7. 63

amid the sea the wind rushed upon ^ the fireplace — the fireplace in which the fire was, such as was provided in three places on the back of the ox — which the wind dropped with the fire into the sea ; and all those three fires, like three breathing souls, continually shot up in the place and position of the fire on the back of the ox, so that it becomes quite light, and the men pass again through the sea.

5. And in the reign of Yim ^ every duty was performed more fully through the assistance of all those three fires ; and the fire Frobak^ was established by him at the appointed place (da^f-gas) on the Gadman-homand (' glorious ') mountain in Khvari^em *, which Yim constructed for them ; and the glory of Yim saves the fire Frobak from the hand of Dahak^.

6. In the reign of King Vi^tasp, upon revelation from the religion ^ it was established, out of Khvari^em, at the Roshan (' shining ') mountain in Kavulistan, the country of Kavul (Kabul), just as it remains there even now.

7. The fire Gu^asp, until the reign of Kai-Khusrob^ continually afforded the world protection in the manner aforesaid^ ; and when Kai-Khusrob ' was

^ Compare staft with Pers. i'itaftan, ' to hasten.'

2 The third Pe^-dadian monarch (see Chaps. XXXI, 3, 4, XXXIV, 4).

3 Also written Frobo, Froba, Frobak, or Frobag.

• The Av. ^z'airizem of Mihir Yt. 14, a province east of the Caspian.

5 It is doubtful whether va gadman, 'and the glory,' or nismo, 'the soul, reason' (see Chaps. XXIII, i, XXXIV, 4), should be read. And it may even be that ' the fire Frobak saves the soul of Yim,' &c. For Dahak see Chaps. XXXI, 6, XXXIV, 5.

" Or, ' upon declaration from revelation,'

■^ Here written Kai-Khusrobi.

Mn § 3. The ' three breathing souls ' of spiritual fire are supextirpating the idol-temples of Lake A^eX-ast^ it settled upon the mane of his horse, and drove away the darkness and gloom, and made it quite light, so that they might extirpate the idol-temples ; in the same locality the fire Giuasp was established at the appointed place on the Asnavand mountain 2.

8. The fire BurMn-Mitro, until the reign of King Vii-tasp, ever assisted 3, in like manner, in the world, and continually afforded protection ; and when the glorified ^ Zaratii^t was introduced to produce confidence in the progress of the religion, King Vii-tasp and Jiis offspring were steadfast in the religion of God^ and Vi^tasp established this fire at the appointed place on Mount Revand, where they say the Ridge of Vi-^tasp (pu^t-i Vi^taspan) is «.

9. All those three fires are the whole body of the fire of Vahram, together with the fire of the world, and those breathing souls are lodged in them ; a counterpart of the body of man when it forms in the womb of the mother, and a soul from the spiritworld settles within //, which controls the body while living ; when that body dies, the body mingles with the earth, and the soul goes back to the spirit.

posed to be incorporated in its three earthly representatives, the fires Frobak, Gujasp, and Burzin-Mitro respectively.

^ That is, of the province around that lake (see Chap. XXII, 2).

^ See Chap. XII, 26. Compare Selections of Za^^-sparam, VI, 22.

^ Taking v^gxd as equivalent to Pers. guzid; but it may be equivalent to Pers. vazid, ' grew, shot up.'

• The epithet anoshak-riaban (Pers. noshirvan) means literally ' immortal-souled.'

^ Or, ' of the angels,' which plural form is often used to express ' God.'

« See Chap. XII, 18, 34.

CHAPTER XVII, 8 -XVIII, 5. 65

Chapter XVIII.

I. On the nature of the tree they call Gokar*^^ it says in revelation, that it was the first day when the tree they call G6kar(/ grew in the deep mud ^ within the wide-formed ocean ; and it is necessary as a producer of the renovation of the universe, for they prepare its immortality therefrom. 2. The evil spirit has formed therein, among those which enter as opponents, a lizard ^ as an opponent in that deep water, so that it may injure the Hom ^ 3. And for keeping away that lizard, Auharmazd has created there ten Kar fish ^ which, at all times, continually circle around the Hom, so that the head of one of those fish is continually towards the lizard. 4. And together with the lizard those fish are spiritually fed ^, that is, no food is necessary for them ; and till the renovation of the universe they remain in contention. 5. There are places where that fish is

^ A corruption of the Av. gaokerena of Vend. XX, 17, Auharmazd Yt. 30, Haptan Yt. 3, Siroz. 7. In the old MSS. of the Bundahij the form go kar ^/ occurs thrice, gokarn once, and gogrv once.

^ Reading gil, 'mud.' Windischmann and Justi prefer gar, ' mountain,' and have ' depth of the mountain.'

^ That the writer of the Bundahi)r applies the term vazagh to a lizard, rather than a frog, appears from the ' log-like lizard's body ' of Chap. Ill, 9.

• That is, the Gokar^ tree, which is the white Hom (see Chap. XXVII, 4).

^ The Av. karo masyo of Vend. XIX, 140, Bahram Yt. 29, Dm Yt. 7 ; see also Chap. XXIV, 13.

" Windischmann and Justi prefer translating thus : ' Moreover, the lizard is the spiritual food of those fish;' but this can hardly be reconciled with the Pahlavi text.

[5] F

written of as 'the Ari^^ of the water;' as it says that the greatest of the creatures of Aiiharmazd is that fish, and the greatest of those proceeding from the evil spirit is that Hzard ; with the jaws of their bodies, moreover, they snap in two whatever of the creatures of both spirits has entered between them, except that one fish which is the Vas of Pan/'asartVaran ^. 6. This, too, is said, that those fish are so serpent-hke^ in that deep water, they know the scratch (malij-n) of a needle's point by which the water shall increase, or by which it is diminishinof,

7. Regarding the Vas of Pan/'asart'varan it is declared that it moves within the wide-formed ocean, and its length is as much as what a man, while in a swift race, will walk from dawn till when the sun goes down ; so much that it does not itself move ^ the length of the whole of its great body, 8. This, too, is said, that the creatures of the waters live also specially under its guardianship.

9. The tree of many seeds has grown amid the wide-formed ocean, 'and in its seed are all plants; some say // is the proper-curing, some the energeticcuring, some the all-curing ^.

1 See Chaps. XIV, 26, and XXIV, 13.

^ The Av. vasim yam paw/^asadvarum of Yas. XLI, 27. •■' Transcribing the Paz. maradu into Pahlavi we have mar ayin, ' snake's manner.' Compare the text with Bahram Yt. 29.

• K20 omits the words from ' walk ' to ' move.'

• This is the tree of the saena or Simurgh, as described in Rashnu Yt. 17, and these three epithets are translations of its three titles, hubi^, eredhwo-bii-, and vispo-bij. See also Chap. XXVII, 2, 3.

CHAPTER XVIII, 6 -XIX, I. 6?

lo. Between 1 these trees of such kinds- is formed the mountain with cavities, 9999 thousand myriads in number, each myriad being ten thousand. II. Unto that mountain is given the protection of the waters, so that water streams forth from there, in the rivulet channels, to the land of the seven regions, as the source of all the sea-water in the land of the seven regions is from there ^

Chapter XIX.

I. Regarding the three-legged ass* they say, that it stands amid the wide-formed ocean, and its feet are three, eyes six, mouths'^ nine, ears two, and horn

' This must have been the original meaning of the Huz, den (ben in the Sasanian inscriptions) before it was used as a synonym of Paz. andar, ' within.' The mountain is between the white-Horn tree and the tree of many seeds.

2 Transcribing the Paz. oinoh into Pahlavi we have ^n-giinak, ' that kind ;' or the word may be a niiswriting of Paz. ano, 'there.'

3 This description of the mountain seems to identify it with the Ausindom mountain of Chaps. XII, 6, and XIII, 5.

• The Av. khara, 'which is righteous ««(/ which stands in the middle of the wide-shored ocean' (Yas. XLI, 28). Darmesteter, in his Orrnazd et Ahriman (pp. 148-151), considers this mythological monster as a meteorological myth, a personification of clouds and storm ; and, no doubt, a vivid imagination may trace a striking resemblance between some of the monster's attributes and certain fanciful ideas regarding the phenomena of nature; the difficulty is to account for the remaining attributes, and to be sure that these fanciful ideas were really held by Mazdayasnians of old. Another plausible view is to consider such mythological beings as foreign gods tolerated by the priesthood, from politic motives, as objects worthy of reverence; even as the goddess Anahiia was tolerated in the form of the angel of water.

^ This is the traditional meaning of the word, which (if this

F 2

one, body white, food spiritual, and it is righteous. 2. And two of its six eyes are in the position of eyes, two on the top of the head, and two in the position of the hump ^ ; with the sharpness of those six eyes it overcomes and destroys. 3. Of the nine mouths three are in the head, three in the hump, and three in the inner part of the flanks ; and each mouth is about the size of a cottage, and it is itself as large as Mount Alvand ^. 4. Each one of the three feet, when it is placed on the ground, is as much as a flock [gird) of a thousand sheep comes under when the)' repose together ; and each pastern 2 is so great in its circuit that a thousand men with a thousand horses may pass inside. 5. As for the two ears it is Mazendaran which they will encompass. 6. The one horn is as it were of gold and hollow, and a thousand branch horns ^ have grown upon it, some befitting ^ a camel, some befitting a horse, some befitting an ox, some befitting an ass, both great and small. 7. With that horn it will vanquish and dissipate all the vile corruption due to the eflbrts of noxious creatures.

meaning be correct) ought probably to be read yong, and be traced to Av. ^eaungh (Yas. XXVIII, 11). In the MSS. the word is marked as if it were pronounced gund, which means ' a testicle.'

^ The hump is probably supposed to be over the shoulders, as in the Indian ox, and not like that of the camel.

^ Near Hamadan, rising 11,000 feet above the sea, or 6000 above Hamadan. It may be one of the Av. Aurvawto of Zamyad Yt. 3. The Pazand MSS. read Hunavand.

^ Literally, ' the small of the foot,' khur^/ak-i ragelman.

• Or, 'a thousand cavities (srubo, Pers. surub, 'cavern') have grown in it.'

'^ Reading ziyak; compare Pers. ziyidan, ' to suit, befit.'

CHAPTER XIX, 2-13. 6g

8. When that ass shall hold its neck in the ocean its ears will terrify (asahme^^), and all the water of the wide-formed ocean will shake with agitation, and the side of Ganiva^^ will tremble (shivanert').

9. When it utters a cry all female water-creatures, of the creatures of Auharmazd, will become pregnant ; and all pregnant noxious water-creatures, when they hear that cry, will cast their young.

10. When it stales in the ocean all the sea-water will become purified, which is in the seven regions of the earth — it is even on that account when all asses which come into water stale in the water — as it says thus : ' If, O three-legged ass ! you were not created for the water, all the water in the sea would have perished from the contamination which the poison of the evil spirit has brought into its water, through the death of the creatures of Auharmazd.'

1 1. TLvtar seizes the water ^ more completely from the ocean with the assistance of the three-legged ass. 12. Of ambergris also (ambar-i/C') // is declared, that it is the dung of the three-legged ass ; for if it has much spirit food, then also the moisture of the liquid nourishment goes through the veins pertaining to the body into the urine, and the dung is cast away.

13. Of the ox Hadhayo-s-^ which they call Sarsaok^ it says, that in the original creation men passed from region to region upon it, and in the

^ A mountain (see Chap. XII, 29, 34).

2 See Chap. VII, 11.

3 Written Hadayav^ in the MSS. in Chap. XXX, 25, and Hadhaya^ in the Dart'istan-i Dinik, Part II, reply 89 ; it is a Pazand reading in all three places.

• See Chaps. XV, 27, XVII, 4.

JO BUNDAHI5'.

renovation of the iiniversc they prepare Hush (the beverage producing immortality) from it. 14. It is said, that hfe is in the hand of that foremost man, at the end of his years \ who has constructed the most defences around this earth, until the renovation of the universe is requisite.

15. Regarding the bird A'amroi-- it says, that it is on the summit of Mount Alburn; and every three years many come from the non-Iranian districts for booty (gir^) ^ by going to bring damage (ziyan) on the Iranian districts, and to effect the devastation of the world ; then the angel Bur^ ^, having come up from the low country of Lake A rag ^, arouses that very bird A'amroi", and it flies upon the loftiest of all the lofty mountains, and picks up all those non- Iranian districts as a bird does corn.

16. Regarding Kar^ipt '^ they say, that It knew how to speak words, and brought the religion to the enclosure which YIm made, and circulated it; there they utter the Avesta In the language of birds.

^ Transcribing the Paz. j'vadyi into Pahlavi we have jnatih,

• term of years.' The whole sentence is very obscure.

"^ Written ^amro^ in Chap. XXIV, 29. It is the Av. A'amraoj (gen. of A'amru) of Fravardin Yt. 109. See also Chap. XXVII, 3.

^ Or, ' to an assembly.'

• The Av. Bere^ya of Yas. I, 21, II, 27, III, 35, 'a spirit cooperating with the Ushahina Gah, who causes the increase of herds and corn.'

^ Or, 'of the district of Arag ' (see the note on Chap. XII, 23). Although no Lake Arag is described in Chap. XXII, some of the epithets referring to its Avesta equivalent Rangha are more applicable to a lake than to a river, as in Bahram Yt. 29. Possibly the low lands between the Caspian and Aral, or on the shores of the Caspian, are meant.

^ The Av. vij- kari'ipta of Vend. II, 139, where, however, vij

CHAPTER XIX, 14-23.

17. Regarding the ox-fish they say, that it exists in all seas ; when it utters a cry all fish become pregnant, and all noxious water-creatures cast their young.

18. The griffon bird \ which is a bat, is noticed (kar«f) twice in another chapter (baba).

19. Regarding the bird Ashozu^t -, which is the bird Zobara^-vahman and also the bird So\i ^ they say that it has given an Avesta with its tongue ; when it speaks the demons tremble at it and take nothing away there ; a W2i'-pariiig, when it is not prayed over (afsu^), the demons and wizards seize, and like an arrow it shoots at and kills that bird. 20, On this account the bird seizes and devours a nail-parino- when it is prayed over, so that the demons may not control its use ; when it is not prayed over it does not devour it, and the demons are able to commit an offence with it.

2 1 . Also other beasts and birds are created all in opposition to noxious creatures, as it says, that when the birds and beasts are all in opposition to noxious creatures and wizards, (cfc.^ 22. This, too, it says, that of all precious*^ birds the crow (valagh) is the most precious. 23. Regarding the white falcon it

does not mean ' bird,' and the Pahlavi translator calls It ' a quadruped.' In the Pahl. Visp. I, i, ' the Kar^-ipt is the chief of flying creatures,' and the Bundahij also takes it as a bird (see Chaps. XIV, 23, XXIV, 11).

1 See Chaps. XIV, 11, 23, 24, XXIV, n, 29.

2 The Av. Asho-zujta of Vend. XVII, 26, 28. ^ Compare Pers. ziilah, 'a sparrow or lark.'

• Compare Pers. ^ak, ' a magpie.' ^ This quotation is evidently left incomplete. ^ The Pahlavi word is ambiguous; it may be read zil, 'cheap, common,' or it may be zagar = yakar, 'dear, precious,' but the

says, that it kills the serpent with wings. 24. The magpie (kaskinak) bird kills the locust, and is created in opposition to it. 25. The Kahrkas
dwelling in decay, which is the vulture, is created for devouring dead matter (nasai) ; so also are the crow (valak)- and the mountain kite.

26. The mountain ox, the mountain goat, the deer, the wild ass, and other beasts devour all snakes. 27, So also, of other animals, dogs are created in opposition to the wolf species, a)id for securing the protection of sheep ; the fox is created in opposition to the demon Khava ; the ichneumon is created in opposition to the venomous snake (gar^'ak) rt/^^ other noxious creatures in burrows; so also the great vausk-animal is created in opposition ^ to ravenous intestinal worms (ka(i!'uk-danak garsak). 28. The hedgehog is created in opposition to the ant which carries off grain *, as it says, that the hedgehog, every time that it voids urine into an ant's nest, will destroy a thousand ants; when the grain-carrier travels over the earth it prolatter seems most probable, although the crow is perhaps as ' common ' as it is ' precious,' as a scavenger in the East. Singularly enough Pers. arzan is a synonym to both words, as it means both ' cheap ' and ' worthy.'

' The Av. kahrkasa of Vend. Ill, 66, IX, 181, Aban Yt. 61, Mihir Yt, 129 ; its epithet zarman-manijn, ' dwelling in decay," is evidently intended as a translation of the Av. zarenumaini.y, applied to it in Bahram Yt. 33, Din Yt. 13.

2 The text should probably be valak-i siyak va sar-i gar, 'the black crow and the mountain kite,' which are given as different birds in Shayast-la-shayast, li, 5.

^ K20 omits the words from this ' opposition ' to the next one.

■* The mor-i danak-kash is the Av. maoiri^ dano-karsho of Vend. XIV, 14, XVI, 28, XVIII, 146.

CHAPTER XIX, 24-34. 75

duces a hollow track ^ ; when the hedgehog travels over it the track goes away from it, and it becomes level. 29. The water-beaver is created in opposition to the demon which is in the water. 30. The conclusion is this, that, of all beasts and birds and fishes, every one is created in opposition to some noxious creature.

31. Regarding the vulture (karkas) it says, that, even from his hiohest flicrht, he sees when flesh the size of a fist is on the ground ; and the scent of musk is created under his wing, so that if, in devouring dead matter, the stench of the dead matter comes Old from it, he puts his head back under the wing and is comfortable again. 32. Regarding the Arab horse they say, that if, in a dark night, a single hair occurs on the ground, he sees it.

■^■}). The cock is created in opposition to demons and wizards, co-operating with the dog ; as it says in revelation, that, of the creatures of the world, those which are co-operating with Srosh ^, in destroying the fiends, are the cock and the dog. 34. This, too, it says, that it would not have been managed if I had not created the shepherd's dog, which is the Pasu^-haurva ^ and the house watchdog, the Vii--haurva^; for it says in revelation, that the dog is a destroyer of such a fiend as covetous-

^ Comparing surak with Pers. suragh in preference to surakh or siilakh, ' a hole.'

^ Av. Sraosha, the angel who is said specially to protect the world from demons at night ; he is usually styled ' the righteous,' and is the special opponent of the demon Aeshm, ' Wrath ' (see Chap. XXX, 29).

^ These are the Avesta names of those two kinds of dog (see Chap. XIV, 19).

ness, among those which are in the nature (aitih) of man and of animals. 35. Moreover it says, that, inasmuch as it will destroy all the disobedient, when it barks it will destroy pain ^ ; and its flesh and fat are remedies for driving away decay and pain from men ^.

36, Auharmazd created nothing useless whatever, for all these (kola ae) are created for advantage; when one does not understand the reason of them, it is necessary to ask the Dastur (' high-priest '), for his five dispositions (khuk)^ are created in this way that he may continually destroy the fiend (or deceit).

Chapter XX.

I. On the nature of rivers It says in revelation, that these two rivers flow forth from the north, part from Alburs ajid part from the Alburn of Auhar-

^ Or it may be thus : ' For it says thus : Wherewith will it destroy ? When it barks it will destroy the assembly (girr/) of all the disobedient.'

"^ This is the most obvious meaning, but Spiegel (in a note to Windischmann's Zoroastrische Studien, p. 95) translates both this sentence and the next very differently, so as to harmonize with Vend. XIII, 78, 99.

^ The five dispositions (khim) of priests are thus detailed in old Pahlavi MSS. : ' First, innocence ; second, discreetness of thoughts, words, and deeds ; third, holding the priestly office as that of a very wise and very true-speaking master, who has learned religion attentively and teaches // truly ; fourth, celebrating the worship of God (yazdan) with a ritual (nirang) of rightly spoken words and scriptures known by heart (n arm naskiha); fifih, remaining day and night propitiatingly in his vocation, struggling with his own resistance (hamestar), and, all life long, not turning away from steadfastness in religion, and being energetic in his vocation.'

CHAPTER XIX, 35 -XX, 4, 7$

mazcl ^ ; one towards the west, that is the Arag ^ ; a7id one towards the east, that is the Veh river. 2. After them eighteen rivers flowed forth from the same source, just as the remaining waters have flowed forth from them in great multitude ; as they say that they flowed out so very fast, one from the other, as when a man recites one Ashem-vohu^ of a series (pa(^isar). 3. All of those, with the same water, are again mingled with these rivers, that is, the Arag river a7id Veh river. 4. Both of them continually circulate through the two extremities of the earth, and pass into the sea; and all the regions feast owing to the discharge (zahak) of both, which, after both arrive together at the wide-formed ocean, returns to the sources whence they flowed out ; as it says in revelation, that just as the light comes in through Alburs a^id goes out through Alburn:*, the

^ So in K20, and if correct (being only partially confirmed by the fragment of this chapter found in all MSS. between Chaps. XIII and XIV) this reading implies that the rivers are derived partly from the mountains of Alburi^, and partly from the celestial Alburn, or the clouds in the sky. M6 has ' flow forth from the north part of the eastern Albiar^.'

^ For further details regarding these two semi-mythical rivers see §§ 8, 9.

^ The sacred formula most frequently recited by the Parsis, and often several times in succession, like the Pater-noster of some Christians ; it is not, however, a prayer, but a declaratory formula in ' praise of righteousness ' (which phrase is often used as its name in Pahlavi). It consists of twelve Avesta words, as follows :

Ashem vohu vahijtem asti,

usta asti; ujta ahmai

hya^ ashai vahijtai ashem. And it may be translated in the following manner : ' Righteousness is the best good, a blessing it is ; a blessing be to that which is righteousness to perfect rectitude' (Asha-vahi^ta the archangel). ^* See Chap. V, 5.

water also comes out through Albt^r^' and goes away through Albiir^'. 5. This, too, it says, that the spirit of the Arag begged of Aiiharmazd thus : ' O first omniscient creative power ^ ! from whom the Veh river begged for the welfare that thou mightest grant, do thou then grant it in my quantity!' 6. The spirit of the Veh river similarly begged of Auharmazd for the Arag river ; and on account of loving assistance, one towards the other, they flowed forth with equal strength, as before the coming of the destroyer they proceeded without rapids, and when the fiend shall be destroyed ^ they will again be without rapids.

7. Of those eighteen principal rivers, distinct from the Arag river and Veh river, and the other rivers which flow out from them, I will mention the more famous^: the Arag river, the Veh river, the Dlglat^ river they call also again the Veh river ^, the Frat river, the Daitik river, the Dargam river, the Zondak river, the Haroi river, the Marv river, the Hetumand river, the Akhoshir river, the Navada*^ river, the Zii"mand river, the Khve^and river, the Balkh river, the Mehrva river they call the Hendva river, the Sped' river, the Rad ^ river which they call also the Koir, the Khvarae river which they call

^ So in M6, but K20 has, ' First is the propitiation of all kinds,'

^ Literally, ' when they shall destroy the fiend.'

^ For details regarding these rivers see the sequel.

■* The Paz. Deyrid is evidently a misreading of Pahl. Diglat or Digrat, which occurs in § 12.

^ So in K20, but M6 (omitting two words) has, 'they call also the Didgar.'

• No further details are given, in this chapter, about this river, but it seems to be the river Nahvtak of Chap. XXI, 6, the Naivtak of Chap. XXIX, 4, 5.

^ K20 has ' Spend.' « Called Tort 'n S 2^.

CHAPTER XX, 5-9. 77

also the Mesrgan, the Harhaz^ river, the Teremet river, the Khvanaidi^^ river, the Dara^a river, the Kasik river, the ^ecl ^ (' shining ') river Peda-meyan or A'atru-meyan river of Mokarstan.

8. I zvill mention them also a second time : the Arae '^ river is that of which it is said that it comes out from Albilr^ in the land of Surak ^ in which they call it also the Ami ; it passes on through the land of Spetos, which they also call Mesr, and they call it there the river Niv^ 9. The Veh ' river

• Miswritten Araz in Pazand, both here and in § 27.

2 M6 has Khvanainidi.r, but in K20 it is doubtful whether the extra syllable (which is interlined) is intended to be inserted or substituted ; the shorter form is, however, more reconcilable with the Pahlavi form of Vendesej in § 29.

• As there is no description of any ^ed river it is probably only an epithet of the Peda-meyan or A'atru-meyan (pert'ak being the usual Pahlavi equivalent of Av. yi-ithro). Justi suggests that Mokarstan (Mokarsta rm/in M6) stands for Pers. Moghulstan, ' the country of the Moghuls,' but this is doubtful.

• Sometimes written Arang or Areng, but the nasal is usually omitted; it is the Av. Rangha of Aban Yt. 63, Rashnu Yt. 18, Ram Yt. 2 7,^vhich is described more like a lake or sea in Vend. I, 77, Bahram Yt. 29. This semi-mythical river is supposed to encompass a great part of the known world (see Chap. VII, 16), and the Bundahix probably means to trace its course down the Amu (Oxus) from Sogdiana, across the Caspian, up the Aras (Araxes) or the Kur (Cyrus), through the Euxine^ and Mediterranean, and up the Nile to the Indian Ocean. The Amu (Oxus) is also sometimes considered a part of the Veh river or Indus (see §§22,28).

5 Sogdiana (see Chap. XV, 29), the country of the Amu river.

^ The combination of the three names in this clause, as Justi observes, renders it probable that we should read, ' the land of Egypt,' which is called Misr, and where the river is the Nile. The letter S in Paz. Spetos is very like an obsolete form of Av. g, or it may be read as Pahl. ik or ig, so the name may originally have been Gpetos or Ikpetos ; and the Paz. Niv, if transcribed into Pahlavi, can also be read Nil.

■^ The ' good ' river, which, with the Arag and the ocean, completes

passes on in the east, goes through the land of SincP, and flows to the sea in Hindustan, and they call it there the Mehra^ river. lo. The sources of the Fr^t^ river are from the frontier of Arum, they feed upon it in Siiristan, and it flows to the Diglat river ; and of this Frat it is ^ that they produce irrigation over the land. ii. It is declared that Manui-y^lhar excavated the sources, and cast back the water all to one place, as it says thus : ' 1 reverence the Frat, full of fish, which ManiU/^ihar excavated for the benefit of his own soul, and he seized the water and o^ave to drink ^.' 12. The Dielat*^ river comes out from Salman '', and flows to the sea in Khu^istan. 13. The Daitik ^ river is the river

the circuit of the known world, and is evidently identified with the Indus ; sometimes it seems also to include the Amii (Oxus), as Bactria was considered a part of India ; thus we find the Balkh and Teremet rivers flowing into the Veh (see §§ 22, 28).

' See § 30.

^ No doubt the Mehrva or Hendva river of § 7, and the Mihran of Ouseley's Oriental Geography of the pseudo Ibn 'Haijqal, pp. 148-155, which appears to combine the Satli^ and lower Indus. The final n is usually omitted by the Bundahii- after a in Pazand words. This river is also called Kasak (see § 30).

^ The Euphrates, which rises in Armenia (part of the eastern empire of the Romans), traverses Syria, and joins the Tigris.

• Or, ' and its convenience is this ;' a play upon the words farhat and Frat, which are identical in Pahlavi.

® Referring probably to canals for irrigation along the course of the Euphrates.

•^ The Tigris (Arabic Di^^dat), Hiddekel of Gen. ii. 14, Dan. X. 4, and perhaps the Av. tighrij of Ti.ytar Yt. 6, 37 ; misread Deirid in Pazand.

'' The country of Salm (see Chap. XV, 29), son of Fre^iin (see Chap. XXXI, 9, 10). The name can also be read Dilman, which is the name of a place in the same neighbourhood.

• The Av. Daitya of Vend. XIX, 5, ACiharmazd Yt. 21, Aban Yt. 112, Gos Yt. 29. The ' good daitya of Airyana-va%-6 ' is also

CHAPTER XX, 10-19. 79

which comes out from Airan-vef, and goes out through the hill-country ^l of all rivers the noxious creatures in it are most, as it says, that the Daitik river is full of noxious creatures. 14. The Dargam river is in Sude. 15. The Zend ^ river passes through the mountains of Pan^istan, and flows away to the Haro river. 16. The Haro ^ river flows out from the Aparsen ranged 17. The Hettamand^ river is in Sagastan, and its sources are from the Aparsen range ; this is distinct from that which Frasiya(7 conducted away ^ 18. The river Akhoshir is in Kumi^l 19. The Zi^mand^ river, in the direcmentioned in Vend. I, 6, II, 42, 43, Aban Yt. 17, 104, Ram Yt. 2, but this may not be a river, though the phrase has, no doubt, led to locating the river Daiiik in Airan-ve§-.

• Paz. gopestan in K20, which is evidently Pahl. kofistan, but not the Kohistan of southern Persia. M6 has ' the mountain of Pan^istan,' which must be incorrect, as according to §§^i5. 16, this is in north-east Khurasan, and too far from Airan-ve^^ in Ataro-patakan (Adar-birran), see Chap. XXIX, 12. Justi proposes to read Gur- ^istan (Georgia), and identifies the Daitik with the^ Araxes. But, adhering to the text of K20, the Daitik rises in Adar-bi^an and departs through a hill-country, a description applicable, not only to the Araxes, but also more particularly to the Safed Rud or white river; although this river seems to be mentioned again as the Sped or Spend river in § 23.

2 Written Zondak in § 7. This can hardly be the Zendah river of Ispahan, but is probably the Te^end river, which flows past Meshhed into the Heri river.

^ This is the Heri, which flows past Herat.

• See Chap. XII, 9.

^ The Etymander of classical writers, now the Helmand in Afghanistan. The Av. Haeiumat of Vend. I, 50, XIX, 130, Zamyad Yt. 66, is the name of the country through which it flows.

® See § 34 and Chap. XXI, 6.

■^ The district about Damaghan.

• Perhaps the Zarafi'an.

8o BUNDAHI^.

tion of Soghd, flows away towards the Khve^and river. 20. The Khve^and ^ river goes on through the midst of Samarkand and Pargana, and they call it also the river Ashard. 2 1 . The Marv ^ river, a glorious river in the east ^, flows out from the Aparsen range. 22. The Balkh river comes owX. from the Aparsen mountain of Bamikan*, and flows on to the Veh^ river, 23. The Sped'' river is in Ataropatakan; they say that Dahak begged a favour" here from Aharman and the demons. 24. The Tort '^ river, which they call also the Koir, comes out from

^ This is evidently not the small affluent now called the Khu^'-and, but the great Syr-darya or laxartes, which flows through the provinces of Farghanah and Samarkand, past Kokand, Khu_^and, and Tashkand, into the Aral. The Paz. Ashard represents Pahl. Khshart, or Ashart (laxartes).

2 The Murghab.

^ Or, ' in Khurasan.'

• Bamian, near which the river of Balkh has its source.

^ Justi observes that it should be ' the Arag river ; ' but according to an Armenian writer of the seventh centurv the Persians called the Oxus the Veh river, and considered it to be in India, because Buddhists occupied the country on its banks (see Garrez in Journal Asiatique for 1869, pp. 161- 198). It would seem, therefore, that the Oxus was sometimes (or in early times) considered a part of the Arag (Araxes), and sometimes (or in later times) a part of the Veh (Indus).

^ So in IM6, but K20 has ' Spend,' both here and in § 7. The name of this river corresponds with that of the Safed Rud, although the position of that river agrees best with the account given of the Dailik in § 13.

"' Compare Ram Yt. 19, 20. K20 has ' there,' instead of 'here.'

^ Called Rad in § 7 (by the loss of the first letter of the original Pahlavi name) ; by its alternative name, Koir, Justi identifies it as the Kijr in Georgia, flowing into the Caspian, or sea of Vergan, the Av. Vehrkana (Hyrcania) of Vend. I, 42, which is Gurgan in Pahlavi.

CHAPTER XX, 20-30, 81

the sea of Giklan ^ and flows to the sea of Vergan ^.

25. The Zahavayi ^ is the river which comes out

A

from Ataro-patakan, and flows to the sea in Pars.

26. The sources of the Khvarae * river are from Spahan^; it passes on through Khu^istan, flows forth to the Diglat *' river, and in Spahan they call it the Mesrkan " river. 27. The Harhaz^ river is in Taparistan, and its sources are from Mount Dimavand.

28. The Teremet'^ river flows away to the Veh river.

29. The Vendesei'^^ river is in that part of Pars which they call Sagastan. 30. The Kasak ^^ river comes out through a ravine (kaf) in the province of Tus '^, and they call it there the Kasp river ; more-

^ M6 has Pdz. Keyaseh, but this is in Sagastan (see Chap. XIII, 16).

^ The MSS. have Verga, but the final nasal after a is often omitted in Pazand readings in the Bundahi^-.

^ Not mentioned in § 7. Possibly one of the rivers Zab, which rise on the borders of Adarbi^an, flow into the Tigris, and so reach the Persian Gulf, the sea on the coast of Pars. Or it may be the Shirvan, another affluent of the Tigris, which flows through the district of Zohab.

• The Kuran, upon which the town of Shustar was founded by one of the early Sasanian kings, who also dug a canal, east of the town, so as to form a loop branch of the river ; this canal was called Nahr-i Masruqan by Oriental geographers (see Rawlinson, Journal Roy. Geogr. Soc. vol. ix. pp. 73-75).

^ Ispahan in Persian.

^ Miswritten Dayrid in Pazand (see § 12).

■^ Written in Pazand without the final n, as usual. This is the old name of the canal forming the eastern branch of the Kuran at Shustar ; it is now called Ab-i Gargar.

^ Flows into the Caspian near Amul.

' Probably the river which flows into the Amu (Oxus) at Tarmaz ; but, in that case, the Oxus is here again identified with the Veh (Indus) as in § 22, instead of the Arag (Araxes) as in § 8.

'" Called Khvanaidij, or Khvanainidi)f, in § 7.

11 Called Kasik in § 7. 12 q^^^^ ^^ Meshhed.

[5] G

over, the river, which is there the Veh, they call the Kasak^ even in Sind they call it the Kasak. 31. The Pert'ak-miyan ^ which is the river A^atru-miyan, is that which is in Kangde^:^ 32. The Dara^a river is in Airan-vef, on the bank (bar) of which was the dwelling of Porushasp, the father of Zaratu5-t* 33. The other innumerable waters and rivers, springs and channels are one in origin with those ^ ; so in various districts and various places they call them by various names.

34. Regarding Frasiyaz^ ^ they say, that a thousand springs were conducted away by him into the sea Kyansih '', suitable for horses, suitable for camels, suitable for oxen, suitable for asses, both great and small ^ ; and he conducted the spring Zarinmand (or golden source), which is the Hetumand ^ river they say, into the same sea ; and he conducted the seven navigable waters of the source of the Va/c-aeni ^^ river into the same sea, and made men settle there.

^ Or, ' this same Veh river they call there the Kasak ; even in Sent they call it the Kasak;' Seni is apt to be miswritten Send or Sind (see Chap. XV, 29).

^ See § 7. The latter half of both names can also be read mahan, maho, or'mahan. Peshyotan, son ofVi^tasp, seems to have taken a surname from this river (see Chap. XXIX, 5).

^ See Chap. XXIX, 10.

• See Chaps. XXIV, 15, XXXII, i, 2. ^ Or, ' are from those as a source.'

® The MSS. have ' Poriishasp,' but compare § 17 and Chap. XXI, 6. The two names are somewhat alike in Pahlavi writing. ^ See Chap. XIII, 16.

• Compare Chap. XIX, 6. K20 omits the words ' suitable for asses ' here.

® Another Hetumand according to § 17. Possibly a dried-up bed of that river.

''' K20 has Vataeni; k and t being much alike in Pazand. The

CHAPTER XX, 31 -XXI, 2. 8

J

Chapter XXI ^

I. In revelation they mention seventeen ^ species of liquid (maya), as one liquid resides in plants^; second, that which is flowing from the mountains, that is, the rivers ; third, that which is rain-water ; fourth, that of tanks and other special constructions ; fifth, the semen of animals and men; sixth, the urine of animals and men * ; seventh, the sweat of animals and men ; the eighth liquid is that in the skin of animals and men ; ninth, the tears of animals and men ; tenth, the blood of animals and men; eleventh, the oil in animals and men, a necessary in both worlds ^ ; twelfth, the saliva of animals and men, with which they nourish the embryo**; the thirteenth is that which is under the bark "^ of plants, as it is said that every bark has a liquid, through which a drop appears on a twig (tekh) when placed four finger-breadths before a fire^ fourteenth, the milk of animals and men. 2. All these, through growth, or

'navigable (navtak) waters' may be 'the Navada river' of § 7, ' the river Nahvtak ' of Chap. XXI, 6, and Naivtak of Chap. XXIX, 4, 5-

^ This chapter is evidently a continuation of the preceding one.

2 Only fourteen are mentioned in the details which follow.

^ Most of these details are derived from the Pahl. Yas. XXXVIII, 7-9, 13, 14; and several varieties of water are also described in Yas. LXVII, 15.

• This sixth liquid is omitted by K20.

^ Departed souls are said to be fed with oil in paradise.

^ K20 omits the word pus, ' embryo.'

' The meaning 'bark' for Paz. ay van is merely a guess; Anquetil has 'sap' (compare Pers. avina, 'juice'), but this is hardly consistent with the rest of the sentence.

« See Chap. XXVII, 25.

G 2

the body which is formed, mingle again with the rivers, for the body which is formed mid the growth are both one.

3. This, too, they say, that of these three rivers, that is, the Arag river, the Marv river, and the Veh^ river, the spirits were dissatisfied, so that they would not flow into the world, owing to the defilement of stagnant water (armei't) which they beheld, so that they were in tribulation through it until Zaratui^t was exhibited to them, whom I (Auharmazd) will create, who ivill pour sixfold holy-water (zor) into it and make it again wholesome; he w^ill preach carefulness ^. 4. This, too, it says, that, of water whose holy-water is more and pollution less, the holy-water has come in excess, and in three years it goes back to the sources ^ ; that of which the pollution a7id holy-water have both become equal, arrives back in six years ; that of which the pollution is more and holy-water less, arrives back in nine years.
4. So, also, the growth of plants is connected, in this manner, strongly with the root^; so, likewise, the blessings (afrln) which the righteous utter, come back, in this proportion, to themselves.

6. Regarding the river Nahvtak ■' it says, that Frasiyaz^ of Tur conducted it away ; and when "

^ K20 has ' Hetumand.' but M6 has ' ^.S'apir,' the Huz. equivalent of ' Veh,' which is more probable. ^ Or, ' abstinencey)-ci»z impurity^.

• The source Aredvivsur (see Chap. XIII, 3, 10).

• That is, by the sap circulating like the waters of the earth. The greater part of this sentence is omitted in K20.

^ Probably 'the Navada ' and 'navigable waters' of Chap. XX, 7, 34, and Naivtak of Chap. XXIX, 4, 5.

" Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mun, 'which' (see note to Chap. I, 7).

CHAPTER XXI, 3 -XXII, 3. 85

Hushe(/ar^ comes it luill flow asfain suitable for horses ; so, also, luill the fountains of the sea Kyansih^. 7. Kyansih^ is the one where the home (^inak) of the Kayan race is.

Chapter XXI L

1. On the nature of lakes it says in revelation, that thus many fountains of waters have come into notice, which they call lakes (var); counterparts of the eyes (i'ashm) of men are those fountains (/Yashmak) of waters; such as Lake A^e/'ast, Lake Sovbar, Lake Khvarisem ■'^, Lake Frazclan, Lake Zarinmand, Lake Asvast, Lake Husru, Lake Sataves, Lake Urvis.

2, I zvill mention them also a second time : Lake A'e/^ast* is in Ataro-patakan, warm is the water and opposed to harm, so that nothing whatever is living in it; and its source is connected with the wideformed ocean ^ 3. Lake Sovbar is in the upper district and country on the summit of the mountain of Tus *■' ; as it says, that the Su^/-bahar ^ (' share of benefit ') is propitious and good from which abound-

^ Written Khiirshe^ar, as usual in Bundahii- (see Chap. XXXII, 8).

2 Written Kayaseh in Pazand (see Chap. XIII, 16).

^ Paz. Khvarazm both here and in § 4.

• Av. A'ae/'asta of Aban Yt. 49, Goj Yt. 18, 21, 22, Ashi Yt. 38, 41, Siroz. 9. The present Lake Urumiyah in Adarbi^an, which is called Khe^jo-est, or A'e^est, by 'Hamdu-1-lah Mustaufi.

^ Implying that the water is salt.

« The Kondrasp mountain (see Chap. XII, 24). This lake is probably a small sheet of water on the mountains near Meshhed.

■^ Evidently a punning etymology of the name of this lake.

ing liberality is produced. 4. Regarding Lake Khvarisem^ it says that excellent benefit is produced from it, ^/la^ is, Arshi^ang^ the rich in wealth, the well-portioned zaif/i abounding pleasure. 5. Lake Frazdan^ is in Sagastan ; they say, where a generous man, w/io 2s righteous, throws anything into it, it receives ?V; when not righteous, it throws i^ out aofain ; its source also is connected with the wideformed ocean. 6. Lake Zarinmand is in Hamai^an'*. 7. Reeardine Lake Asvast it is declared that the undefiled^ water which it contains is always constantly flowing into the sea, so bright and copious '' that one might say that the sun had come into it and looked at Lake Asvast, into that water which is requisite for restoring the dead in the renovation of the univei'-se. 8. Lake Husru' is within fifty ^

^ The province of Khvarigem was between the Aral and Caspian, along the ancient course of the Oxus (see Chap. XVII, 5). This lake has been identified with the Aral.

2 Av. ashij vanguhi, ' good rectitude,' personified as a female angel whose praises are celebrated in the Ashi Yart ; in later times she has been considered as the angel dispensing wealth and possessions. She is also called Ar«/ (Av. areta, which is synonymous Avith asha), see Chap. XXVII, 24.

^ The 'Frazdanava water' of Aban Yt. 108 and Farhang-i Oimkhaduk, p. 17. Justi identifies it with the Ab-istadah ('standing water") lake, south of Ghazni. It is here represented as a salt lake.

• K20 adds, 'they say.' This lake cannot be the spring Zarinmand of Chap. XX, 34.

•'■■ Paz. avnasti transcribed into Pahlavi is avinastag, 'unspoiled,' the equivalent of Av. anahita in Yas. LXIV, i, 16, Visp. I, 18.

" K20 has 'glorious' as a gloss to 'copious.'

'' The Av. Haosravangha of Siroz. 9, ' the lake which is named Husravau' of Zamyad Yt. 56. It may be either Lake Van or Lake Sevan, which are nearly equidistant from Lake Urumiyah.

• M6 has ' four leagues.'

CHAPTER XXII, 4-XXIII, 3. S7

leagues (parasang) of Lake K^kd^st. 9, Lake (or, rather, Gulf) Sataves ^ is that already written aboiU, between the wide-formed ocean and \\q Putik. 10, It is said that in Kamindan is an abyss (zafar), from which everything they throw in always comes back, and it will not receive it unless alive (^^anvar); when they throw a living creature into it, it carries ?'/ down ; men say that a fountain from hell is in it. 1 1. Lake Urvis is on Hugar the lofty ^.

Chapter XXII L

1. On the nature of the ape and the bear they say, that Yim, when reason (nismo) departed from him ^, for fear of the demons took a demoness as wife, and gave Yimak, who was his sister, to a demon as wife ; and from them have originated the tailed ape and bear and other species of degeneracy.

2. This, too, they say, that in the reign of As-i Dahak ^ a young woman was admitted to a demon, and a young man was admitted to a witch (parik), and on seeing them they had intercourse ; owing to that one intercourse the black-skinned negro arose from them. 3. When Fre(^un ^ came to them they fled from the country of Iran, and settled upon the sea-coast ; now, through the invasion of the Arabs, they are again diffused through the country of Iran.

• See Chap. XIII, 9-13.

2 See Chaps. XII, 5, XIII, 4.

^ See Chap. XXXIV, 4. This is the Jamshed of the Shahnamah. Perhaps for ' reason ' we should read ' glory.'

• See Chaps. XXXI, 6, XXXIV, 5. " See Chap. XXXIV, 6.

Chapter XXIV.

I. On the chieftainship of men and animals and every single thing it says in revelation, that first of the human species Gay6mar(af was produced, brilliant and white, with eyes which looked out for the great one, him who was here the Zaratui"tr6tum (chief high-priest); the chieftainship of all things was from Zaratu^t^ 2. The white ass-goat^, which holds its head down, is the chief of goats, the first of those species created ^ 3. The black sheep which is fat and white-jawed is the chief of sheep ; it was the first of those species created '. 4. The camel with white-haired knees and two humps is the chief of camels. 5. First the black-haired ox with yellow knees was created; he is the chief of oxen. 6. First the dazzling white (arus) horse, with yellow ears, glossy hair, and white eyes, was produced ; he is the chief of horses. 7. The white, cat-footed * ass is the chief of asses. 8. First of dogs the fair (arus) dog with yellow hair was produced; he is the chief of dogs. 9. The hare was produced brown

^ So in all MSS., but by reading mun, 'who/ instead of min, ' from,' we should have, ' him who ivas here the chief high-priest and chieftainship of all things, who was Zaratiut.' The Pahlavi Visp. I, I, gives the following list of chiefs : ' The chief of spirits is Auharmazd, the chief of worldly existences is Zaratiut, the chief of water-creatures is the Kar-fish, the chief of /^wrt'-animals is the ermine, the chief of flying-creatures is the Kar^-ipt, the chief of the wide -travellers is the . . . , the chief of those suitable for grazing is the ass-goat.'

"" See Chap. XIV, 14.

^ It is doubtful whether the phrase, ' the first of those species created,' belongs to this sentence or the following one.

■* Or, 'cat-legged.'

CHAPTER XXIV, I-I 7. 89

(bur); he is the chief of the wide-travellers. lo. Those beasts which have no dread whatever of the hand are evil. 1 1. First of birds the griffon of three natures ^ was created, not for here (this world), for the Karj)ipt - is the chief, which they call the falcon (/^ark), that which revelation says was brought to the enclosure formed by Yim. 12. First of fur animals the white ermine was produced ; he is the chief of fur animals ; as it says that it is the white ermine which came unto the assembly of the archangels. 13. The Kar-fish, or Ari^ ^, is the chief of the water-creatures. 14. The Daitik '^ river is the chief of streams. 15. The Dara/a*^ river is the chief of exalted rivers, for the dwelling of the father of Zaratu.Tt was on its banks *^, and Zaratu5-t was born there. 16. The hoary forest"^ is the chief of forests. 17. Hugar the lofty ^ on which the water of Aredvivsur flows and leaps, is the chief of summits, since it is that above which is the revolution of the constellation Sataves^, the chief of reser-

^ The Simurgh (see § 29 and Chap. XIV, 11, 23, 24). In IMkh. LXII, 37-39, it is mentioned as follows : ' And Sinamru's restingplace is on the tree which is opposed to harm, of all seeds ; and always when he rises aloft a thousand twigs wall shoot forth from that tree ; and when he alights he will break off the thousand twigs, and he sheds their seed therefrom.'

'^ See Chap. XIX, 16. In § 29 A'amroj is said to be the chief.

3 See Chaps. XIV, 12, 26, XVIII, 3-6.

• See Chap. XX, 13.

5 See Chap. XX, 32.

« The MSS. have ' in Balkh ' instead of 'on the banks.'

^ The ariis-i razur is the Av. spaetitem razurem of Ram Yt. 31.

« See Chap. XII, 5.

^ See Chap. II, 7.

voirs^ i8. The Horn which is out-squeezed is the chief of medicinal plants-. 19. Wheat is the chief of large-seeded ^ grains. 20. The desert wormwood is the chief of unmedicinaP plants. 21. The summer vetch, which they also call 'pag' (gavirs), is the chief of small-seeded grains ^ 22. The Kustik (sacred thread-girdle) is the chief of clothes. 23. The Bazayvana ^ is the chief of seas. 24. Of two men, when they come forward together, the wiser and more truthful is chief.

25. This, too, it says in revelation, that Auharmazd created the whole material world one abode, so that all may be one ; for there is much splendour and glory of industry in the world. 26. Whatsoever he performs, who practises that which is good, is the value of the water of life ^ ; since water is not created alike ^ in value, for the undefiled water of Aredvivsur is worth the whole water of the sky and earth of Khvaniras^, except the Arag river^", created by Auharmazd. 27. Of trees the myrtle and date,

^ The meaning of Paz. gobara is doubtful, but it is here taken as standing for Pahl. gobalan, equivalent to the plural of Pers. gol or k 6 1, ' a reservoir ;' Sataves being a specially 'watery' constellation (see TiJtar Yt. o). Justi traces gobaran to Av. gufra, and translates it by 'protecting stars!

^ Paz. khvad and ba/^aga evidently stand for Pahl. hu^(Av. huta) and bezashk.

^ Compare Av. ay-danunam-){'a yavananam (TiJtar Yt. 29).

• Paz. aba/i'aga stands for Pahl. abe^ashk.

^ Compare Av. kasu-danunum-z^a vastramlm (Tutar Yt. 29). " Justi identifies this with Lake Van, but perhaps Lake Sevan may be meant.

'' Or, 'its value is water.' K20 omits the word 'water.'

• Reading ham instead of hamak, 'all.' ' See Chap. XI, 2-6.

'" See Chap. XX, 8.

CHAPTER XXIV, I 8 -XXV, 3. 9 I

on which model, it is said, trees were formed, are worth all the trees of Khvaniras, except the Gokar^ tree ^ with which they restore the dead.

28. Of n-iountains Mount Aparsen's beginning is in Sagastan and end in Khu^lstan, some say it is all the mountains of Pars, and is chief of all mountains except Alburs. 29. Of birds A'amro^^ is chief, who is worth all the birds in Khvaniras, except the griffon of three natures. 30. The conclusion is this, that every one who performs a great duty has then much value.

Chapter XXV.

I. On matters of religion ^^ it says in revelation thus : 'The creatures of the world were created by me complete in three hundred and sixty-five days,' that is, the six periods of the Gahanbars which are completed in a year. 2. It is always necessary first to count the day a7id afterwards the night, for first the day goes off, and then the night comes on ^. 3. And from the season (gas) of Me^/6k-shem^

1 See Chap. XVIII, 1-4.

2 See Chap. XIX, 15, where it is written I^amvds. This § is at variance with § 11, which gives the chieftainship to Kar^ipt.

^ That is, ' on the periods /or observance of religious duties.'

• The Jewish and Muhammadan practice is just the contrary, s The Av. maidhyo-shema of Yas. I, 27, II, 36, III, 41, Visp. I, 3, II, I, Afringan Gahanbar 2, 8. It is the second season-festival, held on the five days ending with the 105th day of the Parsi year, which formerly corresponded approximately to midsummer, according to the Bundahij. Later writings assert that it commemorates the creation of water.

which is the auspicious ^ day Khur of the month Tir^ to the season of Mert'iyarem^ which is the

^ A dispute as to the meaning of this word formed no small part of the Kabisah controversy, carried on between the leaders of the two rival sects of Parsis in Bombay about fifty years ago. Dastur Edalji Darabji, the high-priest of the predominant sect (who adhered to the traditional calendar of the Indian Parsis), insisted that it meant ' solar,' or ' belonging to the calendar rectified for solar time by the intercalation of a month every 120 years ;' Mulla Firuz, the high-priest of the new sect (who had adopted the calendar of the Persian Parsis, which is one month in advance of the other), asserted that the word had no connection with intercalation, but meant ' commencing,' or ' pertaining to New-year's day,' as translated into Sanskrit, by Neryosang, in Mkh. XLIX, 27. Anquedl translates it either as 'inclusive' or 'complete;' Windischmann simply skips it over ; and Justi translates it everywhere as ' inclusive.' Dastur Edalji reads the word vehi^aki or vehi^§-ak; Neryosang has vahe-za; Mulla Firuz reads nai/'akik in the Bundahij, but vehi^akik in the Dinkarfl^, where the word also occurs; Jusd has nai/('akik. The meaning 'inclusive' suits the context in nearly all cases in the Bundahij-, but not elsewhere ; if it had that meaning the most probable reading would be vikhe^'-akik or nikhei^akik, ' arising, leaping over, including.' It is nearly always used in connection with dates or periods of time, and must be some epidiet of a very general character, not only applicable to intercalary periods, but also to New-year's day and dates in general ; something like the Arabic epithet mubarak, 'fortunate,' so commonly used in Persian dates. Dastur Edalji compares it with Pers. bihrak or bihtarak, 'intercalary month,' which is probably a corruption of it; and this suggests veh, 'good,' as one component of the epithet. The word maybe read veh-yazakik, ' for reverencing the good,' but as veh, 'good,' is an adjective, this would be an irregular form; a more probable reading is veh-i/('akik, 'for anything good,' which, when applied to a day, or any period of time, would imply that it is suitable for anything good, tiiat is, it is ' auspicious.' Sometimes the word is written vehiZ-ak, vehiX-akik, or vehi/'o; and epithets of similar forms in Pahlavi are applied by the writers of colophons to themselves, but these should be read vakhesak or nijivak, 'lowly, abject.'

^ The eleventh day of the fourth month, when the festival commences.

^ The Av. maidhyairya of Yas. T, 30, II, 39, III, 44,yisp. I,

CHAPTER XXV, 4-6. 93

auspicious day Vahram of the month Din ' — the short^5/? day — the night increases ; and from the season of Me(^iyarem to the season of Merf'ok-shem the night decreases and the day increases. 4. The summer day is as much as two of the shortest^ winter days, and the winter night is as much as two of the shortest summer nights \ 5. The summer day is twelve Hasars, the night six Hasars ; the winter night is twelve Hasars, the day six ; a Hasar bemg2i measure ^time and, in like manner, of land^ 6. In the season of Hamespamadayem '', that is, the

6, II, I, Af. Gahan. 2, 11. It is the fifth season-festival, held on the five days ending with the 290th day of the Parsi year, which formerly corresponded approximately to midwinter, according to the Bundahij-. Later writings assert that it commemorates the creation of animals.

^ The twentieth day of the tenth month, when the festival ends.

^ The word kah-ait is merely a hybrid Huzvari^ form of kahist, ' shortest,' which occurs in the next phrase.

^ This statement must be considered merely as an approximation. The longest day is twice the length of the shortest one in latitude 49°, that is, north of Paris, Vienna, and Odessa, if the length of the day be computed from sunrise to sunset ; and, if twilight be included, it is necessary to go still further north. In Adarbi^an, the northern province of Persia, the longest day is about 14.^ hours from sunrise to sunset, and the shortest is about 95 hours.

• According to this passage a hasar of time is one hour and twenty minutes ; it is the Av. hathra of the Farhang-i Oim-khadiik (p. 43, ed. Hoshangji), which says, ' of twelve Hasars is the longest day, and the day and night in which is the longest day are twelve of the longest Hasars, eighteen of the medium, and twenty-four of the least — an enumeration of the several measures of the Hasar.' For the hasar measure of land, see Chap. XXVI.

^ So in K20, but this name is rarely written twice alike; it is the Av. hamaspathmaedaya of Yas. I, 31, II, 40, III, 45, Visp. I, 7, II, I, Af. Gahan. 2, 12. It is the sixth season-festival, held on the five Gatha days which conclude the Parsi year, just before

five supplementary days at the end of the month Spendarmart', the day and night are again equal.

7. As from the auspicious day Auharmazd of the month Fravar^^in to the auspicious day Aniran of the month Mitro ^ is the summer of seven months, so from the auspicious day Auharmazd of the month Avan to the auspicious month Spendarma^/, on to the end of the five supple77ientary days ''-, is the winter of five months. 8. The priest fulfils the regulation (va/^ar) about a corpse «7/^ other things, by this calculation as to summer and winter. 9. In those seven months^ of summer the periods (gas) of the days and nights are five — since one celebrates the Rapitvin — namely, the period of daybreak is Havan, the period of midday is Rapitvin, the period of afternoon is Auzerin, when the appearance of the stars has come into the sky* until midnight is the period of Aibisrutem, from midnight until the stars become imperceptible is the period of Aushahin ^. 10. In winter are four periods, ior from daybreak till Auzerin is all Havan, and \^ rest as I have said ; and the reason of it is this, that the appearance ^ of winter is in the direction of the

the vernal equinox, according to the Bundahii-. Later writings assert that it commemorates the creation of man.

^ That is, from the first day of the first month to the last day of the seventh month.

^ That is, from the first day of the eighth month to the last of the five Gatha days, which are added to the twelfth month to complete the year of 365 days.

3 All MSS. have ' five months ' here.

• K20 has ' when the stars have come into sight.'

^ The Avesta names of the five Gahs are Havani, Rapithwina, Uzayeirina, Aiwisrfithrema, and Ushahina.

• Paz. ashari.y is evidently a misreading of Pahl. ashkarih.

CHAPTER XXV, 7- 1 4- 95

north, where the regions Vorubari-t ^ and Vorii^ar^t are ; the orighial dwelhng of summer, too, is in the south, where the regions Frada^T^afsh and Vidart^afsh are ; on the day Auharmazd of the auspicious month Avan the winter acquires strength and enters into the world, and the spirit of Rapitvtn goes from above-ground to below-ground, where the spring (khani) of waters is, and diffuses - warmth and moisture in the water, and so many roots of trees do not wither with cold and drought, ii. And on the auspicious day Ataro of the month Din ^ the winter arrives, with much cold, at Airan-ve^ ; and until the end, in the auspicious month Spendarmart', winter advances throucrh the whole world ; on this account

A

they kindle a fire everywhere on the day Ataro of the month Din, and it forms an indication that winter has come. 12. In those five months the water of springs and conduits is all warm *, for Rapitvin keeps warmth and moisture there, and one does not celebrate the period of Rapitvin. 13. As the day Auharmazd of the month Fravar^if^in advances it diminishes the strength which winter possesses, and summer comes in from its own original dwelling, and receives strength and dominion. 14. Rapitvin comes up from below-ground, and ripens the fruit of the trees ; on this account

1 See Chaps. V, 8, XI, 3. The north, being opposed to the south or midday quarter, is opposed to the midday period of Rapitvin, which, therefore, disappears as winter approaches from the north.

2 If, instead of khani for khanik, 'spring,' we read ahu-i, ' lord of,' the translation will be, ' so that the angel of waters may diffuse,' &c.

^ The ninth day of the tenth month.

• That iS; warmer than the air, as it is cooler in summer.

g6 BUNDAHW.

the water of springs is cold in summer \ for Rapitvin is not there; a7id those seven ^' months one celebrates the Rapitvin, a?id summer advances through the whole earth. 15. And yet in the direction of Hindustan, there where the original dwelling of summer is nearer, it is always neither cold nor hot ; for in the season which is the dominion of summer, the rain always dispels most of the heat, and it does not become perceptible ; in the winter rain does not fall, and the cold does not become very perceptible^. 16. In the northern direction, where the preparation of winter is, it is always cold ^ ; for in the summer mostly, on account of the more oppressive winter there, it is not possible so to dispel the cold that 0]ie might make // quite warm. 17. In the middle localities the cold of winter and heat of summer both come on vehemently.

18. Again, the year dependent on the revolving moon is not equal to the computed year on this account, for the moon ^ returns one time in twentynine, and one time in thirty days, and there are four

^ K20 has 'winter' by mistake.

2 K20 has ' six,' and M6 ' five,' instead of ' seven.'

^ This is a fairly accurate account of the effect of the monsoons over the greater part of India, as understood by a foreigner unacquainted with the different state of matters in a large portion of the Madras provinces.

• M6 has khurasan instead of arayi.vn, 'preparation,' which alters the sense into ' that is, Khiarasan, of which the winter is always cold.'

^ The MSS. have the Huzvarii- term for ' month,' which is sometimes used, by mistake, for ' moon.' It is doubtful which word the author intended to use here, but it is usual to count the days of a lunar month from the first actual appearance of the new moon, which usually occurs a full day afier the change of the moon.

CHAPTER XXV, I $-2 2. 97

hours (zaman) more than such a one of its years'^ ; as it says, that every one deceives where they speak about the moon (or month), except when they say that it cojnes twice in sixty days. 19. Whoever keeps the year by the revohition of the moon mingles summer with winter and winter with summer ^.

20. This, too, it says, that the auspicious month Fravarrt^'in, the month Arrf^avahirt, and the month Horvada^^ are spring; the month Tir, the month Amerodartf, and the month Shatvairo are summer ; the month Mitro, the month Avan, and the month Ataro are autumn ; the month Din, the month Vohuman, and the month Spendarmart^ are winter *.
21. And the sun comes from the sign (khur^ak) of Aries, into which it proceeded in the beginning, back to that sa-me place in three hundred and sixtyfive days and six short times (hours), which are one year. 22. As every three months it (the sun) advances through three constellations, more or less, the moon comes, in a hundred and eighty days, back to the place out of which it travelled in the beginning ^.

^ Meaning, probably, that the lunar year is four hours more than twelve months of 29 and 30 days each, alternately. It should be 8 hours, 48 minutes, and 37 seconds. The sentence seems defective, but it is evident from § 21 that zaman means ' hour.'

^ That is, the lunar year being eleven days shorter than the solar one, its months are constantly retrograding through the seasons.

^ Generally written Avarda^f in Pazand, and Khurdad in Persian.

• The names of the months are selected from the names of the days of the month (see Chap. XXVII, 24), but are arranged in a totally different order.

^ Probably meaning, that the new moon next the autumnal

[5] H

Chapter XXVI.

I. A Hasar^ on the ground is a Parasang of one thousand steps of the two feet. 2. A Parasang ^ is a measure as much as a far-seeing man may look out, see a beast of burden, and make known that it is black or white. 3. And the measure of a man is eight medium spans ^

equinox is to be looked for in the same quarter as the new moon nearest the vernal equinox, the moon's declination being nearly the same in both cases.

1 Av. hathra of Vend. II, 65, VIII, 280, 287, 291, Tutar Yt. 23, 29. The statements regarding the length of a Hasar are rather perplexing, for we are told that it 'is like a Parasang' (Chap. XIV, 4), that ' the length of a Hasar is one-fourth of a Parasang ' (Chap. XVI, 7), and that ' a medium Hasar on the ground, which they also call a Parasang, is a thousand steps of the two feet when walking with propriety' (Farhang-i Oim-khaduk, ed. Hosh. p. 42). To reconcile these statements we must conclude that the Hasar is like a Parasang merely in the sense of being a long measure of distance, that it is really the mille passus or mile of the Romans, and that it is a quarter of the actual Parasang. At the same time, as it was usual to call a Hasar by the name of a Parasang, we are often left in doubt whether a mile or a league is meant, when a Hasar or Parasang is mentioned. The Farhang-i Oim-khaduk (p. 41) also mendons other measures of distance, such as the ta/^ar (Av. ta/^ara) of two Hasars, the asvast (or a6ast) of four Hasars, the dashm^st (Av. dakhshmaiti) of eight Hasars, and the yo^est (A v. yi^aiasti or yu^aiasti) of sixteen Hasars.

2 A Parasang is usually from 3^ to 4 English miles, but perhaps a Hasar is meant here.

^Reading vitast-i miyanak instead of vitast damanak. The Farhang-i Oim-khaduk (p. 41) mentions three kinds of spans, the Av. vitast i (Vend. VIII, 243, 245, XVII, 13) of twelve fingerbreadths (an gust), or about 9 inches, which is a full span between the thumb and little finger (the one mentioned in the text) ; the Av. di.yti (Vend. XVII, 13) often finger-breadths, or about 7 J inches, which is a span between the thumb and middle finger ; and the

CHAPTER XXVI, I-XXVII, 2. 99

Chapter XXVII.

1. On the nature of plants it says in revelation, that, before the coming of the destroyer, vegetation had no thorn and bark about it ; and, afterwards, when the destroyer came, it became coated with bark and thorny ^ for antagonism mingled with every single thing ; owing to that cause vegetation is also much mixed with poison, like Bii" the height of hemp (kand)2, that is poisonous, for men when they eat it die.

2. In like manner even as the animals, with grain of fifty and five species and twelve species of medicinal plants, have arisen from the primeval ox ^ ten thousand* species among the species of principal

Av. uzajti (Pahl. lala-a^t) of eight finger-breadths, or about 6 inches, which is a span between the thumb and fore-finger. Other measures mentioned by the same authority are the pat (Av. pad ha, Vend. IX, 15, 20, 29), 'foot,' of fourteen finger-breadths, or about loi inches; the gam (Av. gaya, Vend. Ill, 57, &c.), ' step,' which 'in the Vendidad is three pai,' or about 2 feet 7| inches, 'and in other places is said to be two frarast' (Av. frarathni in Vend. VII, 76, 79,87); so the frarast, which is probably the distance from the neck to the extended elbow, is half a gam, or from 15 to 16 inches. Two other measures are mentioned in Vend. VII, 79, 87, 90, IX, 8, the Av. frabazu, ' fore-arm or cubit' from elbow to finger-ends, which is about 18 inches (or it may be a half fathom) ; and Av. vibazu, which is probably the ' fathom,' or extent of the two arms out-stretched, from 5| to 6 feet.

1 ]M6 has * poisonous,' but is evidently copied from an original almost illegible in some places.

"^ Perhaps 'hemp the height of Bu' would better express the Pahlavi words, but Bu (Napellus Moysis) is often mentioned as a poisonous plant. The phrase may also be translated ' Hke Bu and tall hemp.'

3 See Chap. XIV, i.

• M6 has ' a thousand,' but marks an omission. See Chap. IX, 4.

H 2

lOO BUNDAHI5'.

plants, and a hundred thousand species among ordinary plants have grown from all these seeds of the tree opposed to harm^, the many-seeded, which has grown in the wide-formed ocean. 3. When the seeds of all these plants, with those from the primeval ox, have arisen upon it, every year the bird^ strips that tree and mingles all the seeds in the water ; Ti^tar seizes them with the rain-water and rains them on to all regions. 4. Near to that tree the white Horn, the healing and undefiled, has grown at the source of the water of Aredvivsur ^ ; every one who eats it becomes immortal, and they call it the Gokar^* tree, as it is said that Hom is expelling death ^ ; also in the renovation of the 2iniverse they prepare its immortality therefrom " ; and it is the chief of plants '^.

5. These are as many genera of plants as exist : trees and shrubs, fruit-trees, corn, flowers, aromatic herbs, sa'lads, spices, grass, wild plants, medicinal

^ See Chaps. IX, 5, XVIII, 9, XXIX, 5.

^ The apparently contradictory account in Chap. IX, 2, refers only to the first production of material plants from their spiritual or ideal representative. The bird here mentioned is A'^amroi- (see Chaps. XIX, 15, XXIV, 29), as appears from the following passage (Mkh. LXII, 40-42): 'And the bird Aamroj for ever sits in that vicinity ; and his work is this, that he collects that seed which sheds from the tree of all seeds, which is opposed to harm, and conveys ?"/ there where TiJtar seizes the water, so that Tutar may seize the water with that seed of all kinds, and may rain if on the world with the rain.'

' See Chaps. XII, 5, XIII, 3-5.

• Here written Gokarn in all MSS. See Chaps. IX, 6, XVIII, I, 2.

^ That is, in Yas. IX, where Haoma is entitled dtiraosha. « See Chap. XXIV, 27. ' See Chap. XXIV, 18.

CHAPTER XXVII, 3-II. lOI

plants, gum. plants, and aW producing ^ oil, dyes, a?id clothino". 6. I wi'll mention them also a second time : all whose fruit is not welcome as food of men, a7id are perennial (s^lvar), as the cypress, the plane, the white poplar, the box, and others of this genus, they call trees and shrubs (dar va dirakht). 7, The produce of everything welcome as food of men, tlmt is perennial, as the date, the myrtle, the loteplum -, the grape, the quince, the apple, the citron, the pomegranate, the peach, the fig, the walnut, the almond, a/id others in this genus, they call fruit (mivak). 8. Whatever requires labour with the spade ^ and is perennial, they call a shrub (dirakht).

9. Whatever requires that they take its crop through labour, a7id its root withers away, such as wheat, barley, grain, various kinds ^ of pulse, vetches, and others of this genus, they call corn (^ur^ak),

10. Y^very plant with fragrant leaves, which is cultivated by the hand-labour of men, and is perennial (hamvar), they call an aromatic herb (siparam). 1 1. Whatever sweet-scented blossom arises at various seasons through the hand-labour of men, or has a perennial root and blossoms in its season with new shoots and sweet-scented blossoms, as the rose, the narcissus, the jasmine, the dog-rose (nestarun),

^ Comparing this list with the subsequent repetition it appears probable that hamak bara is a corruption of aesam bod (see §§ 19, 21), and that we ought to read ' g\xm plan/s, woods, scents, and plants for oil, dyes, and clothing.' M6 has ' oil a?id dyes for clothing.'

■^ The kunar (see Chap. XV, 13).

^ The Paz. pehani (which is omitted in K20) is evidently a misreading of Pahl. pashang, ' a hoe-like spade.'

• M6 adds Paz. gavina (Pahl. gunak) to gvi^/ gvi(/ mungan, without altering the meaning materially.

the tulip, the colocynth (kavastik), the pandanus (kedi), the /C-amba, the ox-eye (heri), the crocus, the swallow-wort (zarda), the violet, the karda, and others of this genus, they call a flower (giil). 12. Everything whose sweet-scented fruit, or sweetscented blossom, arises in its season, without the hand-labour of men, they call a wild plant (vahar or nihal). 13. Whatever is welcome as food of cattle and beasts of burden they call grass (giyah). 14. Whatever enters into cakes (pe^-paraktha) they call spices (avzariha). 15. Whatever is welcome in eating of bread, as torn shoots^ of the coriander, water-cress (kaki^), the leek, and others of this genus, they call salad (terak)l 16. Whatever is like spinning =^ cotton, and others of this genus, they call clothing plants (^amak). 17. Whatever lentiH is greasy, as sesame, diishdang, hemp, zandak^, and others of this genus, they call an 6\-seed (rokano). 18. Whatever one can dye clothing with, as saffron, sapan-wood, zaX^ava, vaha, and others of this genus, they call a dyeplant (rag). 19. Whatever root, or gum ^ or wood

^ Reading stak dariff; Justi has ' baked shoots ;' Anquetil has 'the three following;' M6 has stak va karafs, 'shoots and parsley.'

2 Or tarak in § 5, Pers. tarah.

^ Reading Huz. neskhunan, 'twisting,' but the word is doubtful ; Justi has ' sitting on the plants which is a rather singular description

for cotton.

• Reading ma^-ag; Anquetil, Windischmann, and Justi read mazg, 'marrow,' but this is usually written otherwise.

^ Perhaps for zeto, 'olive,' as Anquetil supposes, and Justi assumes.

« Reading tuf (compare Pers. tuf, ' saliva').

CHAPTER XXVII, I 2-24. IO3

is scented, as frankincense \ vara^-t-, kiist, sandalwood, cardamom ^, camphor, orange-scented mint, and others of this genus, they call a scent (bod). 20. Whatever stickiness comes out from plants * they call gummy (zart'ak). 21. The timber which proceeds from the trees, when it is either dry or wet, they call wood (Z'iba). 22. Every one of all these plants which is so, they call medicinal (daruk)\

23. The principal fruits are ^thirty kinds (khaduinak), and ten species (sarrt'ak) of them are fit to eat inside and outside, as the fig, the apple, the quince, the citron, the grape, the mulberry, the pear, mid others of this kind ; ten are fit to eat outside, but not fit to eat inside, as the date, the peach, the white apricot, and others of this kind ; those which are fit to eat inside, biU not fit to eat outside, are the walnut, the almond, the pomegranate, the cocoanut ^, the filbert ^ the chesnut ^, the pistachio nut, the vargan, and whatever else of this description are very remarkable.

24 '\ This, too, it says, that every single flower is appropriate to an angel (ameshospend) ^'\ as the

1 Paz. kendri for Pahl. kundur probably. ^ Justi compares Pers. bargha^t.

^ Paz. kakura may be equivalent to Pers. qaqulah, 'cardamoms,' or to Pers. kakul or kakul, ' marjoram.'

• K20 omits a line, from here to the word ' either.'

^ The line which contained this sentence is torn off in K20.

• Paz. anarsar is a misreading of Pahl. anargil (Pers. nargil,
• cocoa-nut ').

■^ Paz. pendak, a misreading of Pahl. funduk.

• Paz. shahbrod, a misreading of Pahl. shahbalut; omitted in M6.

^ M6 begins a new chapter here.

" These are the thirty archangels and angels whose names are applied to the thirty days of the Parsi month, in the order in

I04 BUNDAHI,S.

white ^ jasmine (saman) is for Vohilman, the myrtle a?id jasmine (yasmin) are Auharmazd's own, the mouse-ear (or sweet marjoram) is Ashavahlit's ^ own, the basil-royal is Shatvairo's own, the musk flower is Spendarmart^'s, the lily is Horvada^'s, the /^amba is Amerodartf's, Dm-pavan-Ataro has the orangescented mint (vaa'rang-bod), Ataro has the marigold^ (adargun), the water-lily is Avan's, the white , marv is Khurshe^'s, the ranges^ is Mah's, the j violet is Tir's, the meren^ is Goi-'s, the karda is Din-pavan-Mitro's, all violets are Mitro's, the red chrysanthemum (kher) is Srosh's, the dog-rose (nestran) is Rashnu's, the cockscomb is Fravarrtfin's, the sisebar is Vahram's, the yellow chrysanthemum is Ram's, the orange-scented mint isVartf's'
the trigonella is Din-pavan-Din's, the hundredpetalled rose is Din's, all kinds of wild flowers (vahar) are Ar^'s', A^ta(^ has all the white Hom ^ the bread-baker's basil is Asman's, Zamyart' has the crocus, Maraspend has the Jiozver'^ of Ardashir,

which they are mentioned here, except that Auharmazd is the first day, and Vohijman is the second.

1 M6 has ' yellow/

^ Synonymous with the Ar(5'avahij't of Chap. I, 26.

^ Anquetil, Windischmann, and Justi have * the poppy.'

• M6 has Paz. Ig as only the first part of the word, and Justi translates it by 'red lac,' which is not a plant. Transcribing the Pazand into Pahlavi, perhaps the nearest probable word is rand, 'laurel.'

^ M6 has Paz. menr; Anquetil has 'vine blossom,' and is followed by Windischmann and Justi, but the word is very uncertain.

^' The remainder of this chapter is lost from K20.

' This female angel is also called Arshixang (see Chap. XXII, 4).

^ See § 4.

• M6 leaves a blank space for the name of the flower; perhaps it is the marv-i Ardashiran.

CHAPTER XXVII, 25-XXVIII, 2. IO5

Aniran has this Horn of the angel Horn \ of three

kinds.

25. It is concerning plants that every single kind ivith a drop of water on a twig (teh) they should hold four finger-breadths in front of the fire^; most of all it is the lotos (kunar) they speak of.

Chapter XXV II P.

[i. On the evil-doing of Aharman and the demons it says in revelation, that the evil which the evil spirit has produced for the creation of Auharmazd it is possible to tell by this winter * ; and his body is that of a hzard (vazagh)'^ zvhose place is filth (kaU). 2. He does not think, nor speak, nor act for the welfare (n ad ukih) of the creatures of Auharmazd ; and his business is unmercifulness and the destruction of this welfare, so that the creatures which Auharmazd shall increase he will destroy ; and his eyesight (/^ashm m\k\sv^^ does not refrain from doing the creatures harm. 3. As it says that, ' ever

^ Reading, in Pahlavi, Horn y^dato ae horn.

2 See Chap. XXI, i. Referring to the necessity of drying firewood before putting it on the fire. The kunar is specially mentioned, as one of the first fire-woods used by mankind, in Chap. XV, 13.

« Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, and XXXI are omitted in M6 and all MSS. descended from it, whether Pahlavi or Pazand ; and, owing to the loss of a folio from K20 before any of its extant copies were written, the first quarter of Chap. XXVIII has hitherto been missing, but is here supplied (enclosed in brackets) from TD, a MS. belonging to Mobad Tahmuras Dinshaw (see Introduction).

• Winter being one of the primary evils brought upon creation by Angra-mainyu (see Vend. I, 8-12).

^ See Chap. Ill, 9. '' Referring to ' the evil eye.'

I06 BUNDAHW.

since a creature was created by us, I, who am Aiiharmazd, have not rested at ease, on account of providing protection for my own creatures; and Hkewise not even he, the evil spirit, on account of contriving evil for the creatures.' 4. And by their devotion to witchcraft (yatuk-dinoih) he seduces mankind into affection for himself and disaffection to Auharmazd \ so that they forsake the religion of Auharmazd, and practise that of Aharman. 5. He casts this into the thoughts of men, that this religion of Auharmazd is nought, and it is not necessary to be steadfast in it, 6. Whoever gives that man anything, in whose law (cla^) this saying is established, then the evil spirit is propitiated by him, that is, he has acted by his pleasure.

7. The business of Akoman - is this, that he gave vile thoughts and discord to the creatures. 8. The business of the demon Andar is this, that he constrains the thouo^hts of the creatures from deeds of

o

virtue, just like a leader who lias well-constrained (sardar-i khup afsar^T^o); and he casts this into the thoughts of men, that it is not necessary to have the sacred shirt and thread- girdle. 9. The business of the demon Savar-\ that is a leader of the demons, is this, that is, misgovernment, oppressive anarchy, and drunkenness. 10. The business of the demon Naikiyas'* is this, that he gives discontent to the creatures ; as it says, that should this one

^ Compare Chap. I, 14.

• The six arch-fiends of this paragraph are those mentioned in Chaps. I, 27, XXX, 29.

^ Written Sovar in Chap. I, 27.

• Written Nakah6^ in Chap. I, 27, Naikiya^ when repeated in this sentence, and Paz. Naunghas in Chap. XXX, 29.

CHAPTER XXVIII, 3-I5. IO7

give anything to those men whose opinion (dad) is this, that it is not necessary to have the sacred shirt and f/iread-gird\e, then Andar, Savar, and Naikiyas are propitiated by him. ii. The demon Taprez^^ is he who mingles poison with plants and creatures ; as it says thus : ' Taprez/ the frustrater, and Zairii the maker of poison.' 12. All those six, it is said, are arch-fiends ^ of the demons; the rest are cooperating and confederate with them. 13. This, too, it says, that] ^ should one give [anything to] a man who says [that it is proper to have one boot], and in his law walking with one boot [is established, then] 4 the fiend Taprez; is propitiated [by him].

14. The demon Taromat^ [is he who] produces disobedience; the demon Mitokht^ is the har (dro- ^an) of the evil spirit' ; the demon AraA^ ('malice') is the spiteful fiend of the evil eye. 15. Theirs are the same^ appliances as the demon Aeshm's^^ as it

^ Written Tairey in Chap. I, 27. ' See Chap. Ill, 2.

" From this point the Pahlavi text is extant in K20, except some illegible words, the translation of which (supplied from TD) is here enclosed in brackets.

• Anquetil, misled by the lacuna in his IMS., thought that there was a change of subject here, and began a new chapter at this point. On this account the numbers of his chapters are henceforth one in excess of those in this translation.

5 Written Tarokmato in TD, and identified with Naunghas (Naikiyas) in Chap. XXX, 29 ; a personification of the Av. taromaiti, 'disobedience,' of Yas. XXXIII, 4, LIX, 8.

« A personification of the Av. mithaokhta, 'false-spoken,' of Yas. LIX, 8, Vend. XIX, 146, Visp. XXIII, 9, Zamyad Yt. 96.

^ TD has dru^gumanikih, 'the fiend of scepticism.'

« Av. araska of Yas. IX, 18, Ram Yt. 16, personified.

« The word homanam in K20 is a false Huzvarii- reading of ham, owing to the copyist reading am, ' I am ; ' TD has hamafzar, 'having like means.'

^° Or Khashm, 'wrath;' so written in K20, but it is usually

says that seven powers are given to Aeshm \ that he may utterly destroy the creatures therewith ; vrith those seven powers he will destroy seven ^ of the Kayan heroes in his own time, but one will remain. i6. There where Mitokht ('falsehood') arrives, Arabic (' malice ') becomes welcome, [and there where Ara^k is welcome]^ Aeshm lays a foundation *, and there where Aeshm has a foundation ^ many creatures perish, and he causes much non-Iranianism ''. 17. Aeshm mostly contrives all evil for the creatures of Auharmazd, and the evil deeds of those Kayan heroes have been more complete through Aeshm, as it says, that Aeshm, the impetuous assailant, causes them most^.

18. The demon Vizaresh ^ is he who struggles with the souls of men which have departed, those

Aeshm elsewhere; the Av. aeshma of Vend. IX, 37, X, 23, 27, &c. The Asmodeus of the Book of Tobit appears to be the Av. Aeshmo daevo, ' demon of wrath.'

^ TD has ' there were seven powers of Aeshm.' ^ TD has ' six,' which looks like an unlucky attempt to amend a correct text. Tradition tells us that only five Kayans reigned (see Chap. XXXI V, 7), and the Shahnamah also mentions Siyawush (Pahl. Kai-Siyavakhsh), who did not reign ; but eight Kayans, besides Loharasp and Vi.s-tasp, who were of collateral descent (see Chap. XXXI, 28), are mentioned in the Avesta, whence the author of the Bundahij would obtain much of his information (see Fravardin Yt. 132, Zamyad Yt. 71, 74).

^ The phrase in brackets occurs only in TD.

• Reading bunak as in TD; K20 has ' sends down a root.' ^ So in TD; K20 has ' where Aeshm keeps on.'

• That is, ' many foreign customs.'

■^ The word vesh, 'most,' is only in TD.

• So in TD ; K20 has Vi^esh. He is the Av. Vizaresha of Vend. XIX, 94, who is said to convey the souls of the departed to the A'invar/ bridge.

CHAPTER XXVIII, t6-2 2. IOQ

days and nights^ when they remain in the world; he carries them on, terror-stricken, and sits at the gate of hell. 19. The demon UdaMs he who, when a man sits in a private place, or when he eats at meals, strikes his knee spiritually on his back ^ so that he bawls out [and looks out, that chattering he may eat, chattering] he may evacuate [xitd), and chattering he may make water (meze^), so that he may not attain [unto the] best existence *.

[20. The demon Akatash ^ is the fiend of perversion (nikirayih), who makes the creatures averse (nikirai) from proper things ; as it says, that whoever has given anything to that person (tanti) whose opinion {A^d) is this, that it is not necessary to have a high-priest (dastobar), then the demon Aeshm is propitiated by him. 21. Whoever has given anything to that person whose opinion is this, and who says, that it is not necessary to have a snake-killer (mar- van), then Aharman, with the foregoing demons, is propitiated by him ; this is said of him who, when he sees a noxious creature, does not kill it. 22. A snake-killer {maro-gno)^ is a stick on the end of which a leathern thong is

1 TD has ' those three nights,' referring to the period that the soul is said to remain hovering about the body after death (see Haa'okht Nask, ed. Haug, II, 1-18, III, 1-17)-

2 So in K20 ; TD has Aiu/ak (see Pahl.Vend. XVIII, 70).

» TD has merely 'strikes a shpper (pac^in-posh) spiritually,' that is, invisibly, for the purpose of startling the man.

• The short phrases in brackets are taken from TD to supply words torn off from K20, which passes on to Chap. XXIX at this point, but TD supplies a continuation of Chap. XXVIII, which is added here, and enclosed in brackets.

" The Av. Akatasha of Vend. X, 23 Sp., XIX, 43 W.

« See PahlaviVend. XVIII, 5, 6.

I lO BUNDAHW.

provided ; and it is declared that every one of the good rehgion must possess one, that they may strike and kill noxious creatures and sinners more meritoriously with it.

23. Zarman ^ is the demon who makes decrepit (dui-pa^), whom they call old age (pirih). 24. A'ishmak^ is he who makes disastrous (vazandak), and also causes the whirlwind^ which passes over for disturbance. 25. The demon Vareno^ Is he who causes illicit intercourse, as it says thus :

• Vareno the defiling (alai).' 26. The demon Biishasp ^ is she who causes slothfulness ; Se^ is the fiend (drii^) who causes annihilation; and the demon Niyaz is he who causes distress.

27. The demon Az *' ('greediness') is he who swallows everything, and when, through destitution, nothing has come he eats himself; he is that fiendishness which, although the whole wealth of the world be given up to it, does not fill up and is not satisfied; as it says, that the eye of the covetous is a noose (gam and), and /;/ it the world is nought.
28. Y\is'^ is the demon who makes a hoard, and

^ A personification of the Av. zaurva of Vend. XIX, 43 W., Yas. IX, 18 Sp., Goj Yt. 10, Ram Yt. 16.

^ The reading of this name is uncertain.

^ The small whirlwinds, which usually precede a change of wind in India, are commonly known by the name of shaiTan, which indicates that such whirling columns of dust are popularly attributed to demoniacal agency.

■* A personification of Av. varena, ' desire,' in an evil sense.

^ Av. Bushyasta of Vend. XI, 28, 29, 36, 37, XVIII, 38, &c. The names of the three demons in this sentence are Persian words for ' sloth,' ' trouble,' and ' want.'

^ « Av. Azi of Vend. XVIII, 45, 5°, Yas. XVII, 46, LXVII, 22, Ajtad Yt. I.

■^ Compare Pers. payilj, 'covetous,' and piyfts, 'avarice.' Puj is evidently the demon of misers, and Az that of the selfish.

CHAPTER XXVIII, 23-35. ^^^

does not consume //, and does not give to any one ; as it says, that the power of the demon Az is owing to that person who, not content with his own wife, snatches away even those of others.

29. The demon Nas ^ is he who causes the polhition and contamination (nisrCii-tth), which they call nasai ('dead matter'). ^o. The demon Friftar ('deceiver') is he who seduces mankind. 31. The demon Spazg ^ (' slander') is he who brings and conveys discourse (milaya), and it is nothing in appearance such as he says ; and he shows that mankind fights «;/^ apologizes (avakhshine*/), individual with individual. 32. The demon Arast^ ('untrue') is he who speaks falsehood. '2,2)- The demon Aighash ^ is the malignant-eyed fiend who smites mankind with Ids eye. 34. The demon But ^ is he whom they worship among the Hindus, and his growth is lodged in idols, as one worships the horse as an idol*'. 35. Asto-vida^T^ ^ is the evil flyer (vae-i sari tar) who seizes the life ; as it says that, when

1 Av. Nasu of Vend. V, 85-106, VI, 65, 72, 74, 79, VII, 2-27, 70, VIII, 46, 48, 132-228, IX, 49-117, &c.

^ Av. spazga of Ardabahut Yt. 8, 11, 15.

^ Always written like anast.

• Av. aghashi of Vend. XX, 14, 20, 24, which appears to be 'the evil eye ;' but see § 36.

® Av. Buiti of Vend. XIX, 4, 6, 140, who must be identified with Pers. but, ' an idol,' Sans, bhuta, ' a goblin,' and not with Buddha.

® Reading afaj- vakhsh pavan butiha mahmano, X-igun but asp parastec/6, which evidently admits of many variations, but the meaning is rather obscure.

^ Here written Asti-vida^ (see Chap. Ill, 21). Vend. V, 25, 31 says, ' Asto-vidhotu binds him (the dying man) ; Vayo (the flying demon) conveys him bound;' from which it would appear that Ast6-vida^ and ' the evil flyer ' were originally considered as distinct demons.

Jiis hand strokes a man it is lethargy, when he casts // on the sick one it is fever, when he looks in his eyes he drives away the life, and they call it death. 36. The demon of the malignant eye (siir-iashmih) is he who will spoil anything which men see, when they do not say * in the name of God' (yazdan).

37. With every one of them are many demons and fiends co-operating, to specify whom a second time would be tedious ; demons, too, who are furies (khashmakan), are in great multitude it is said.
38. They are demons of ruin, pain, and growing old (zvaran), producers of vexation and bile, revivers of grief (nivagih), the progeny of gloom, and bringers of stench, decay, and vileness, who are many, very numerous, and very notorious ; and a portion of all of them is mingled in the bodies of men, and their characteristics are glaring in mankind.

39. The demon Apaosh ^ and the demon Aspen- ^argak ^ are those who remain in contest with the rain. 40. Of the evil spirit ^ are the law of vileness, the religion of sorcery, the weapons of fiendishness, and the perversion (khamih) of God's works ; and

^ Av. Apaosha of Tutar Yt. 21, 22, 27, 28, Aj-tad Yt. 2, 6 ; see also Chap. VII, 8, 10, 12.

2 Here written Aspen^aroga, but see Chaps. VII, 12, XVII, i. He is the Av. Spen^aghra of Vend. XIX, 135, and, being a demon, is not to be confounded with the demon-worshipper, Spi«^auruj-ka, of Goj Yt. 31, Ashi Yt. 51.

^ The ' evil spirit,' Ganrak-mainok, seems to be here treated as a demon distinct from Aharman, which is inconsistent with what is stated in §§ 1-6, and is contrary to general opinion. This inconsistency would indicate the possibility of this continuation of Chap. XXVIII in TD, or a portion of it, having been added by an editor in later times (although it is difficult to discover any difference of style in the language), if we did not find a similar confusion of the two names in Chap. XXX, 29, 30.

CHAPTER XXVIII, 36-44. I I 3

his wish is this, that is : 'Do not ask about me, and do not understand me ! for if ye ask about and understand me, ye will not come after me' 41. This, too, it says, that the evil spirit remains at the distance of a cry, even at the cry of a three-year-old cock (kuleng), even at the cry of an ass, even at the cry of a righteous man when one strikes him involuntarily and he utters a cry ^. 42. The demon Kundak^ is he who is the steed (barak) of wizards.

43. Various new demons arise from the various new sins the creatures may commit, and are produced for such purposes ; who make even those planets rush on which are in the celestial sphere, and they stand very numerously in the conflict. 44. Their ringleaders (kamarikan) are those seven pla7iets, the head and tail of G6/('ihar, and Mu^rpar ^

^ Compare Mkh. XL, 24-28: 'The one wish that Hormezd, the lord, desires from men is this, that " ye shall understand me (Hormezd), since every one who shall understand me comes after me, and strives for my satisfaction." And the one wish that Aharman desires from men is this, that " ye shall not understand me (Aharman), since whoever shall understand me wicked, his actions proceed not after me, and, moreover, no advantage and friendship come to me from that man." '

2 The sentence is rather obscure, but it seems to imply that such cries keep the evil spirit at a distance ; it is, however, just possible that it means that the cry of the evil spirit can be heard as far as such cries.

3 Av. Kunda of Vend. XI, 28, 36, XIX, 138.

• TD has Gok-Mar and Mft^-parik here, but see Chap. V, i, where these beings are included among the seven planetary leaders, and not counted in addidon to them. This is another inconsistency which leads to the suspicion that this continuation of the chapter may have been written by a later hand. According to this later view, the sun and moon must be included among those malevolent orbs, the planets.

[5] I

provided with a tail, which are ten. 45. And by them these ten worldly creations, that is, the sky, water, earth, vegetation, animals, metals, wind, light, fire, and mankind, are corrupted with all this vileness ; and from them calamity, captivity, disease, death, and other evils and corruptions ever come to water, vegetation, and the other creations which exist in the world, owing to the fiendishness of those ten. 46. They whom I have enumerated are furnished with the assistance and crafty (afzarhomand) nature of Aharman.

47. Regarding the cold, dry, stony, and dark interior of mysterious (tarik den afra^-pefl^ak) hell it says, that the darkness is fit to grasp with the hand \ and the stench is fit to cut with a knife ; and if they inflict the punishment of a thousand men within a single span, they (the men) think in this way, that they are alone ; and the loneliness is worse than its punishment ^. 48. And its connection (band) is with the seven planets, be it through much cold like Saturn"^ (Kevan), be it through much heat like Aharman; and their food is brimstone (gandak), and of succulents the lizard (vazagh), and other evil ^/^^f wretchedness (patyin).]

^ Compare Mkh. VII, 31:' and always their darkness is suchlike as though it be possible to grasp with the hand.'

^ Compare Ar(/a-Viraf-namak (LIV, 5-8) : ' As close as the ear to the eye, and as many as the hairs on the mane of a horse, so dose and many in number, the souls of the wicked stand, but they see not, and hear no sound, one from the other; every one thinks thus, " I am alone." '

^ Or, ' with more cold than Saturn.'

CHAPTER XXVIII, 45 -XXIX, 2. 11$

Chapter XXIX ^

I. On [the spiritual chieftainship ^ of the regions of the eartJ{\ it says in revelation, that every one of those six chieftainships^ has one spi^ntual chief; as the chief of Arzah is Ashashagahartf-e i^e^a^^dMn*, the chief of Savah is Hoazarodathhri-hana PareJtyaro^ the chief of Fradart'afsh is Spit6i(^-i Ausposinan ^ [the chief of Vida(/afsh is Airi(2'-rasp Ausposinan',] the chief of Vorubar^t is Huvasp^ the chief of V6ru^ar(rt is A^akhravak^ 2. Zaratiut is

^ For this chapter, which is numbered XXX by previous translators, we have to depend only on K20 and TD (see the note on the heading of Chap. XXVIII) ; and the words enclosed in brackets are supplied from TD, being either illegible or omitted in K20.

2 Perhaps ' patriarchate ' or ' episcopate ' would be a better translation of ra(/ih, and 'patriarch' or 'bishop' of ra^, in this chapter, as the chief high-priest (dastiir-i dasturan) and his office are evidently meant by these words.

^ Of the six other regions, distinct from this one of Khvaniras, see Chap. XI, 2-4.

• TD has Ashashag,hfi?-e aigh Nevawdan; both MSS. giving these names in a barbarous Pazand form which cannot be relied on. Perhaps this DastCir is the Av. Ashavanghu Bivawdangha of Fravardin Yt. no.

^ TD has Hoazarokakhhr-hana Parejtyro, all in Pazand in both MSS., except Huz. hana, which stands for Paz. e, here used for the idhafat i. Perhaps this Dastur is the Av. Garo-danghu Pairi^- tira of Fravardin Yt. no.

« So in TD; K20 has Paz. Spaitanid-i Huspasnyan. This Dastur is, no doubt, the Av. (gen.) Spitoi^ Uspasnaoj- of Fravardin Yt. 121.

■^ Omitted in K20, but, no doubt, this Dastur is the Av. Erezraspa Uspasnu of Fravardin Yt. 121.

• Av. Hvaspa of Fravardin Yt. 122.

» So in both MSS. As in the case of each of the preceding two pair of regions, two consecutive names of Dasturs have been taken from the Fravardin Ya^t, it may be supposed that the names

I 2

I I 6 BUNDAHI^.

Spiritual chief of the region of Khvaniras, and also of all the regions ; he is chief of the world of the righteous, and it is said that the whole religion was received by them from Zaratui^t \

3. In the region of Khvaniras are many places, from which, in this evil time of violent struggling with the adversary, a passage (vi^arg) is constructed by the power of the spiritual world (mainokih), and one calls them the beaten tracks^ of Khvaniras.

4. Counterparts of those other regions " are such places as Kangde^, the land of S^?ukavastan, the plain of the Arabs (Tadkan), the plain of Pe^yansai, the river Naivtak^ Airan-ve^, the enclosure (var) formed by Yim, and Kai"mir in India ^. 5. And one immortal chief acts in the government of each

taken for this third pair of regions will also be consecutive, and this Dastur must, therefore, be identified with the Av. A'athwaraspa of Fravardin Yt. 122.

^ TD has ' ZaratuJt is chief of this region of Khvaniras, and also of the whole world of the righteous ; all chieftainship, also, is from Zaratfijt, so that the whole religion,' &c.

2 Jusii has ' zones, climates ;' but transcribing Paz. habavanha back into Pahlavi we have a word which may be read khabanoha, pi. of khaban, ' a trampling-place ' (comp. Pers. khabidan). TD has khvabij-no-gas, which has the same meaning.

^ Meaning, probably, that they resemble the six smaller regions in being isolated and difficult of access; in other words, either mythical, or independent of Iranian rule.

• So in TD, which also omits the second, third, and fourth of these isolated territories. In K20 we might read ra(/va khiar/ak, ' chief and lord,' as an epithet of Airan-ve^. This river must be the Nahvtak of Chap. XXI, 6.

^ Reading Kaj'mir-i andar Hindu, but TD has Kai'mir-i andarfino; perhaps the last word was originally aniranak, in which case we should read ' the non-Iranian Ka^'mir.'

CHAPTER XXIX, 3-5. I I 7

of them ; as it says, that Peshyotanil ^ son of Vi^- tasp, whom they call A'itro-maino^, is in the country of Kangde^^; Aghrera^^^ sou of Pashang is in the land of S^ukavastan^, and they call him Gopatshah^ Pari-adga^ Z^^z^embya is in the plain of

^ The Av. Peshotanu of Vishtasp Yt. 4, where he is described as free from disease and death. TD has Peshyok-tanu. See also Chaps. XXXI, 29, XXXII, 5.

^ TD has Altro-maono, and it may be doubted whether the latter portion of the name be derived from Av. mainyu, 'spirit,' or nirt'ungho, ' moon.' The Da(/istan-i Dinik (Reply 89) calls him ' Patshayotanu who is called from the A^trok-mahano (or miyano),' the A'atru-miyan river of Chap. XX, 7, 31.

^ See § 10. TD has Kangdes-i bamik, ' Kangdez the splendid.'

• The Av. Aghraeratha Narava of Q,os Yt. 18, 22, Fravardin Yt. 131, Ashi Yt. 38, Zamyad Yt. 77 ; he is Aghrirath, brother of Afrasiyab, in the Shahndmah ; see also Chap. XXXI, 15.

® TD has Pahl. Sakikstan here, but Sokapastan in § 13 (the letters ik and p being often much alike in Pahlavi writing). K20 has Paz. Savkavatan, S(7ukavasta, and Savkavastan.

« TD has Gopat-malka, 'king of Gopat;' and Dart'. (Reply 89) states that ' the reign of Gopatshah is over the country of Gopato, coterminous with Airan-ve^, on the bank of the water of the Daitik ; and he keeps watch over the ox Hadhaya^, on whom occurred the various emigrations of men of old.' Mkh. (LXII, 31-36) says, ' Gopatshah remains in Airan-ve^, within the region of Khvaniras ; from foot to mid-body he is a bull, and from mid-body to top he is a man ; at all times he stays on the sea-shore, and always performs the worship of God, and always pours holy-water into the sea ; through the pouring of that holy-water innumerable noxious creatures in the sea will die ; for if he should not mostly perform that ceremonial, and should not pour that holy-water into the sea, and those innumerable noxious creatures should not perish, then always when rain falls the noxious creatures would fall like rain.' In Chap. XXXI, 20, he is said to be a son of Aghreraa'.

■^ So in K20; and Av. Parsha(fg(2U occurs in Fravardin Yt. 96, 127 ; but TD has Fradakhi'tar Khumbikan, and Da(/. (Reply 89) mentions ' Fradhakhjto son of Khiambikan' as one of the seven

Il8 BUNDAHW.

Pei-yansai \ and he is //jvembya for this reason, because they brought him up in a /^z^emb ('jar') for fear of Khashm (' Wrath ') ; [Asam-i ^ Yamahu^t is in the place which they call the River Naivtak] ; the tree opposed to harm" is in Airan-ve^; Urvatadnar * son of Zaratui"t is in the enclosure formed by Yim. 6. Regarding them it says, they are those who are immortal, as are Narsih ^ son of Vivanghau, Tus "^ son of No^ar^, Giw ^ son of Gu^'ar^', Ibairaz^ the causer of strife, and Ashavazd son of Pourudhakh^t^*^; and they will alP^ come forth, to the

immortal lords of Khvaniras, which name corresponds with the Av. Fradhakhj'ti Khu«bya of Fravardin Yt. 138.

^ TD has always Pahl. Pe^-ansih. No doubt the Pij'in valley is meant (see § 11).

^ Or it may be read Aeshm-i. This phrase occurs only in TD, but Da(/. (Reply 89) mentions ' the Avesta Yakhmayijad?, son of the same Fryano,' as one of the seven immortal lords of Khvaniras.

-' See Chap. XXVII, 2.

• See Chap. XXXII, 5.

■' Or Narsae in TD ; K20 has Paz. Narei, but see Chap. XXXI,

3. 5-

" Av. Tusa of Aban Yt. 53, 58, and an Iranian warrior in the

Shahnamah.

A

■^ Av. Naotara, whose descendants are mentioned in Aban Yt. 76, 98, Fravardin Yt. 102, Ram Yt. 35.

^ Av. Gaevani of Fravardin Yt. 115 is something like this name of one of the Iranian warriors in the Shahnamah.

' TD has Paz. Bairazd. Perhaps it is not a name, but a Pazand corruption of Pahl. aevarz, 'warrior, trooper' (traditionally); in which case we should have to read ' the warrior who was a causer of strife.'

^^ So in TD; K20 has 'Ashavand son of Porudakhi't,' and Daia'. (Reply 89) mentions ' Ashavazang son of Porudakhsloih ' as one of the seven immortal lords of Khvaniras. He is the Av. ' Ashavazdangh the Poumdhakhj-tiyan ' of Aban Yt. 72, Fravardin Yt. 112.

^' So in TD, but K20 has ' always.'

CHAPTER XXIX, 6-TO. IIQ

assistance of Soshyans, on the production of the renovation of the tcniverse.

7. Regarding Sam ^ it says, that he became immortal, dui owing to his disregard of the Mazdayasnian reHgion, a Turk whom they call Niha^^ wounded ki?n with an arrow, when he was asleep there, in the plain of Pei^yansai ; and it had brought upon him the unnatural lethargy (bushasp) zvhicJi overcame him in the midst of the heat^. 8. And the glory (far) of heaven stands over him* for the purpose that, when Kz-x Dahak^ becomes unfettered (ara^ak), he may arise and slay him ; and a myriad guardian spirits of the righteous are as a protection to him. 9. Of Dahak, whom they call Bevarasp, this, too, it says, that Fre^^un when he captured Dahak was not able to kill him, and afterwards confined him in Mount Dimavand*^; when he becomes unfettered, Sam arises, and smites and slays him.

10. As to Kangde^', // is in the direction of the east, at many leagues from the bed (var) '^ of the

^ This is not Sam the grandfather of Rustam, but the Av. Sama, who appears to have been an ancestor of Keresaspa (see Yas. IX, 30), called -Sam, grandfather of Gar^asp, in a passage interpolated in some copies of the Shahnamah (compare Chap. XXXI, 26, 27). Here, however, it appears from the Bahman Ya^t (III, 59, 60) that Keresaspa himself is meant, he being called Sama Keresaspa in Fravardin Yt. 61, 136.

"^ It can also be read Nihaz' or Niya^ in K20, and Nihav or Nihan in TD.

^ TD has ' as he lay in the midst of the heat.'

• TD has 'and the snow (vafar) has settled (nishast) over him.'

s See Chaps. XXXI, 6, XXXIV, 5.

« See Chap. XII, 31.

■^ TD has a^var, 'above,' instead of min var, ' from the bed.'

wide-formed ocean towards that side. 1 1. The plain of Pe^yansai is in Kavulistan, as it says, that the most remarkable upland (balist) in Kavulistan is where Pei-yansai is ; there it is hotter, on the more lofty elevations there is no heat^ 12. Airan-ve^ is in the direction of Ataro-patakan ^. 1 3. The land of S(a;ukavastan is on the way from Turkistan to A"inistan, in the direction of the north. 14. [The enclosure] ^ formed by Yim is /;/ the middle of Pars, in Sruva'*; thus, they say, that zuhat Yim formed (Yim-karrtf) is below Mount Yimakan ^ 1 5. Ka^mir is in Hindlistan.

Chapter XXX «.

I. On the nature of the resurrection and future existence it says in revelation, that, whereas Mashya and Mashyot, who grew up from the earth ^ first fed upon water, then plants, then milk, and then meat, men also, when their time of death has come, first desist from eating meat, then milk, then from

^ Or, ' the hottest there, through the very lofty elevation, is not heat.'

A

^ Pers. Adarbi^an.

^ The word var is omitted in K20.

• TD has Pahl. Srubak.

^ Or it may be read Damakan, but TD has A'amakan. It can hardly be Damaghan, as that is a town and district in Khurasan ; Justi also suggests the district of 6^amagan in Pars, and thinks Sruva means ' cypress wood,' there being a Salvastan between Shiraz and Fasa.

" This chapter is found in all MSS., and has been numbered XXXI by former translators.

^ See Chaps. XV, 2-16, XXXIV, 3.

CHAPTER XXIX, II -XXX, 5. 12 1

bread, till when ^ they shall die they always feed upon water. 2. So, likewise, in the millennium of Htjshe(/ar-mah -, the strength of appetite (az) will thus diminish, when men will remain three days and nights in superabundance (sirih) through one taste of consecrated food. 3. Then they will desist from meat food, and eat vegetables and milk ; afterwards, they abstain from milk food and abstain from vegetable food, and are feeding on water ; and for ten years before Soshyans ^ comes they remain without food, and do not die.

4. After Soshyans comes they prepare the raising of the dead, as it says, that Zaratui-t asked of Auharmazd thus : ' Whence does a body form again, which the wind has carried and the water conveyed (va^i(/)*? and how does the resurrection occur?'
5. Auharmazd answered thus : ' When through me the sky arose from the substance of the ruby^ without columns, on the spiritual support of far-compassed light; when through me the earth arose, which ^ bore the material life, and there is no

^ Reading amat, ' when,' instead of mun, ' which' (see the note on Chap. I, 7).

^ Written Khiarshec/ar-mah, or Khurshe^'-mah, in the Bundahij; see Chap. XXXII, 8, and Bahman Yt. Ill, 52, 53.

3 See Chaps. XI, 6, XXXII, 8, Bahman Yt. Ill, 62.

• Compare (Vend. V, 26) ' the water carries him up, the water carries hiiii down, the water casts him away.'

^ Compare Mkh. IX, 7.

" All MSS. have min, 'out of,' but translators generally suppose it should be mun, 'which,' as the meaning of 'brought out of material life ' is by no means clear. Perliaps the two phrases might be construed together, thus : ' there is no other maintainer of the worldly creation, brought from the material life, than it.' Windischmann refers to Fravardin Yt. 9.

maintainer of the worldly creation but it ; when by me the sun and moon and stars are conducted in the firmament (andarvai) of luminous bodies; when by me corn was created so that, scattered about in the earth, it grew again and returned with increase ; when by me colour ^ of various kinds was created in plants ; when by me fire was created in plants and other things ^ without combustion ; when by me a son was created a7id fashioned ^ in the womb of a mother, and the structure (pii^ak) severally of the skin, nails, blood, feet, eyes, ears, and other things was produced; when by me legs were created for the water, so that it flows away, and the cloud was created which carries the water of the world and rains there where it has a purpose ; when by me the air was created which conveys in one s eyesight, through the strength of the wind, the lowermost upwards according to its will, and one is not able to grasp // with the hand out-stretched ; each one of them, when created by me, was herein more difficult than causine the resurrection, for* it is an assistance to me in the resurrection that they exist, dztt when they were formed it was not forming the future out of the pastl 6. Observe that when that which was not was then produced, why is it not possible to

^ Former translators all read rag, 'vein, pore;' but it probably stands for rang, ' colour, dye,' as in Chap. XXVII, 5, i8.

2 See Chap. XVII, i, 2.

' Paz. srahtid is evidently a misreading of Pahl. sri^tic^, 'formed, shaped.' Windischmann compares Fravardin Yt. ir, 22, 28.

• Here k\m is the Pazand of Huz. mamanam, 'for to me;' being a different word from the interrogative )^im, 'why?' of the next §.

^ Literally, * ivhai becomes out of tvhat was.'

CHAPTER XXX, 6-1 I. I 23

produce again that which was ? for at that time one will demand the bone from the spirit of earth, the blood from the water, the hair from the plants, mid the life from fire, since they were delivered to them in the original creation.'

7. First, the bones of Gay6mar(i^ are roused up, then those of Mashya and Mashyoi, then those of the rest of mankind ; in the fifty-seven years of Soshyans ^ they prepare all the dead, and all men stand up ; whoever is righteous and whoever is wicked, every human creature, they rouse up from the spot where its life departs. 8. Afterwards, when all material living beings assume again their bodies and forms, then they assign (bar a yehabund) them a single class ^. 9. Of the light accompanying (levatman) the sun, one half will be for Gayomar^T^, and one half will give enlightenment among the rest of men, so that the soul and body will know that this is my father, and this is my mother, and this is my brother, and this is my wife, and these are some other of my nearest relations.

10. Then is the assembly of the Sa^/vastaran ^, where all mankind will stand at this time ; in that assembly every one sees his own good deeds and his own evil deeds ; and then, in that assembly, a wicked man becomes as conspicuous as a white sheep among those which are black. 11. In that

^ K20 omits ' Soshyans.'

^ The phrase is obscure, and K20 omits the numeral 'one' (the idhafat of unity) ; but the meaning is probably that all former distinctions of class, or caste, are abolished.

^ Windischmann suggests that it may be ' the assembly of Isa^fvastar,' the eldest son of Zaratmt (see Chap. XXXII, 5); perhaps supposed to be presided over by him as the first supreme highpriest after Zaratmt's death.

assembly whatever righteous man was friend of a wicked one in the world, and the wicked man complains of him who is righteous, thus : ' Why did he not make me acquainted, when in the world, with the good deeds which he practised himself ? ' if he who is righteous did not inform him, then it is necessary for him to suffer shame accordingly in that assembly ^

12. Afterwards, they set the righteous man apart from the wicked ; and then the righteous is for heaven (garo^T'man), and they cast the wicked back to hell. 13. Three days and nights they inflict punishment bodily in hell, and then he beholds bodily those three days' happiness in heaven^. 14. As it says that, on the day when the righteous 7nan is parted from the wicked, the tears of every one, thereupon, run down unto Jiis legs. 15. When, after they set apart a father from his consort (hamba^), a brother from his brother, and a friend from

1 In the Ar^a-Viraf-namak (Chap. LXVIII) it is related that Ar(/a-Viraf saw the souls of a husband and wife, that of the husband destined for heaven, and that of the wife for hell ; but the wife clung to her husband and asked why they should be separated, and he told her it was on account of her neglect of religious duties; whereupon she reproached him for not teaching andchasdsingher.. ' And, afterwards, the man went to heaven and the woman to hell. And owing to the repentance of that woman she was in no other affliction in hell but darkness and stench. And that man sat in the midst of the righteous of heaven in shame, from not converdng and not teaching the woman, who might have become virtuous in his keeping.'

2 As an aggravation of his punishment in hell. It has generally been supposed that this last phrase refers to the reward of the righteous man, but this cannot be the case unless akhar be taken in the sense of ' other,' which is unlikely ; besides, beholding the happiness of others would be no reward to an Oriental mind.

CHAPTER XXX, 12-1 9. I25

his friend, they suffer, every one for his own deeds, and weep, the righteous for the wicked, and the wicked about himself; for there may be a father who is righteous and a son wicked, and there may be one brother who is righteous and one wicked. 16. Those for whose pecuHar deeds it is appointed, such as Dahak and Frasiyaz^ of Tur, and others of this sort, as those deserving death (marg-ar^anan), undergo a punishment no other men undergo ; they call it ' the punishment of the three nights ^'

17. Among his producers of the renovation of the universe, those righteous men of whom it is written ^ that they are living, fifteen men and fifteen damsels, will come to the assistance of Soshyans. i8. As Go/'ihar^ falls in the celestial sphere from a moonbeam on to the earth, the distress of the earth becomes such-like as that of a sheep when a wolf falls upon it. 19. Afterwards, the fire and halo* melt the metal of Shatvairo, in the hills and mountains, and it remains on this earth like a river.

^ According to the Pahlavi Vend. VII, 136 (p. 96, Sp.) it appears that a person who has committed a marg-ar^an or mortal sin, without performing patit or renunciation of sin thereafter, remains in hell till the future existence, when he is brought out, beheaded three times for each mortal sin unrepented of, and then cast back into hell to undergo the punishment tishram khshafnam ('of the three nights ') before he becomes righteous \ some say, however, that this punishment is not inflicted for a single mortal sin. This period of three nights' punishment is quite a different matter from the three nights' hovering of the soul about the body after death.

^ See Chap. XXIX, 5, 6. As the text stands in the MSS. it is uncertain whether the fifteen men and fifteen damsels are a portion of these righteous immortals, or an addition to them.

• Probably a meteor (see Chap. V, i).

• Reading khirman; M6 has 'the fire and angel Airman (Av. Airyaman) melt the metal in the hills,' &c.

20. Then all men will pass into that melted metal and will become pure ; when one is righteous, then it seems to him just as though he walks continually in warm milk ; but when wicked, then it seems to him in such manner as though, in the world, he walks continually in melted metal.

21. Afterwards, with the greatest affection, all men come together, father and son and brother and friend ask one another thus : ' Where has it ^ been these many years, and what was the judgment upon thy soul ? hast thou been righteous or wicked ?' 2 2. The first soul the body sees, it enquires of it with those words (guft). 23. All men become of one voice and administer loud praise to Auharmazd and the archano-els.

24. Auharmazd completes his work at that time, and the creatures become so that it is not necessary to make any effort about them ; and among those by whom the dead are prepared, it is not necessary that any effort be made. 25. Soshyans, with his assistants, performs a Ya^'ii'n cereniotiy in preparing the dead, and they slaughter the ox Hadhayoi-^ in that Ya^'ii'n ; from the fat of that ox and the white Hom ^ they prepare Hush, and give it to all men, and all men become immortal for ever and everlasting. 26. This, too, it says, that whoever has been the size of a man, they restore him then with an age of forty years ; they who have been little when not dead, they restore then with an age of fifteen years ; and they give every one his wife, and

^ K20 has 'have I;' probably homanih, 'hast thou,' was the original reading.

^ See Chap. XIX, 13. 3 See Chap. XXVII, 4.

CHAPTER XXX, 20-28. I 27

show him his children with the wife ; so they act as now in the world, but there is no begetting of children.

27. Afterwards, Soshyans and his assistants, by order of the creator Auharmazd, give every man the reward and recompense suitable to his deeds ; this is even the righteous existence (ait) where it is said that they convey him to paradise (vahi^t), and the heaven (garo^man) of Auharmazd takes up the body (kerp) as itself requires; with that assistance he continually advances for ever and everlasting. 28. This, too, it says, that whoever has performed no worship (ya^t), and has ordered no Getl-kharirtf^ and has bestowed no clothes as a righteous gift, is naked there ; and he performs the worship (ya^t) of Auharmazd, and the heavenly angels 2 provide him the use of his clothing.

1 The Sad-dar Bundahi^ says that by Geti-khari^ ' heaven is

purchased in the world, and one's own place brought to hand in

heaven.' The Rivayat of Dastur Barzu (as quoted in MS. 29 of

Bombay University Parsi Collection) gives the following details in

Persian : ' To celebrate Geti-kharid it is necessary that two herbads (priests) perform the Nabar, and with each khshnuman

which they pray it is fit and necessary that both her bads have

had the Nabar; and the first day they recite the Nonabar yaxt,

and consecrate the Nonabar dron and the Nonabar afringan

which they recite in each Gah ; in the Havan Gah it is necessary

to recite fravarane (as in Yas. Ill, 24 W. to end), ahurahe

mazdfl'U raevato (as in Auharmazd Yt. o, to) frasastayae-^a, then

Yas. Ill, 25 W., XVII, 1-55 Sp., ashem vohu thrice, afrinami

khshathryan (as in Afringan I, 14, to end). The second day

the Srosh ya^t and Srosh dron and afringan are to be recited;

and the third day it is necessary to recite the Sirozah y a Jt, the

Sirozah dron and afringan dahman; and it is needful to recite

the second and third afringans in each Gah, and each day to

consecrate the barsom and dron afresh with seven twigs, so that

it may not be ineffective.'

2 Paz. gehan is probably a misreading of Pahl. yazdan, as

29- Afterwards, Auharmazd seizes on ^ the evil spirit, Vohuman on Akoman^, Ashavahii't on Andar^ Shatvairo on Savar, Spendarmaflf on Taromat who is Naiinghas ^, Horvada^f and Ameroda^ on Tairez/ and Zairi/^^, true-speaking on what is evilspeaking, Srosh ^ on Aeshm ^ 30. Then two fiends remain at large, Aharman ^ and A^"^; Auharmazd comes to the world, himself the Zota and Srosh the Raspi ^*^, and holds the Kusti in his hand ;

neither ' the spirit of the world,' nor ' the spirit of the Gahs ' is a likely phrase. It is possible, however, that mainok gehan is a misreading of min atvyahan, ' from the girdle,' and we should translate as follows: 'and out of its girdle (that is, the kusti of the barsom used in the ceremony) he produces the effect of his clothing.'

' Instead of vakhdund, 'seize on,' we should probably read vanend, ' smite,' as in the parallel passages mentioned below.

^ Compare Zamyad Yt. 96. Each archangel (see Chap. I, 25, 26) here seizes the arch-fiend (see Chaps. I, 27, XXVIII, 7-12) who is his special opponent.

^ Here written Paz. Inder. Compare Pahlavi Yas. XLVII, i : ' When among the creation, in the future existence, righteousness smites the fiend, Ashavahijt smites Indar.'

• Written Nakahe^? in Chap. I, 27, and Naikiyas in Chap. XXVIII, 10, where he is described as a distinct demon from Taromat in XXVIII, 14.

^ Here written Tarez' and Zari/^.

^ Av. Sraosha, a personification of attentive hearing and obedience, who is said to watch over the world and defend it from the demons, especially at night; see Vend. XVIII, 48, 51, 70, &c., Yas. LVI, Srosh Yt. Hadokht, &c.

^ See Chap. XXVIII, 15-17.

® Comparing § 29 with § 30 it is not very clear whether the author of the Bundahi^- considered Aharman and the evil spirit as the same or different demons; compare also Chap. XXVIII, 1-6 with 40, 41.

« See Chap. XXVIII, 27.

" The Zota is the chief officiating priest in all ceremonies, and the Raspi is the assistant priest.

CHAPTER XXX, 29-33. I 29

defeated by the Kiisti ^ formula the resources of the evil spirit and Az act most impotently, and by the . passage through which he rushed into the sky^ he runs back to gloom and darkness. 31. G6/(ihar^ burns the serpent (mar)'^ in the melted metal, and the stench and pollution which were in hell are burned in that metal, and it (hell) becomes quite pure. 32. He (Auharmazd) sets the vault ^ into which the evil spirit fled, in that metal ; he brings the land of hell back for the enlargement of the world *^; the renovation arises in the universe by his will, and the world is immortal for ever and everlasting.

2,Z- This, too, it says, that this earth becomes an iceless ^ slopeless plain ^ ; even the mountain ■',

^ The words zak g,hani, for an g^hani, are probably a misreading of aivyahan, 'the k^sti or sacred thread-girdle,' which is tied round the waist in a peculiar manner, during the recital of a particular formula, in which Auharmazd is blessed and Aharman and the demons are cursed.

2 See Chap. Ill, 10-12.^ * See § 18 and Chap. V, i.

• Probably referring to kz, which means both ' greediness ' and ' serpent.' It is, however, possible to read ' G6/^ihar the serpent burns in ' &c., and there can be no doubt that GokVa^x is represented as a malevolent being.

^ Or, perhaps, ' hiding-place.' Comparing K20 and M6 together the word seems to be alom, which may be compared with Heb. I3J'^^« 'a vault,' or Chald. i(?W 'a porch;' it may, however, be valom, which may be traced to D^y ' to conceal' In the old MSS. it is certainly not sholman, 'hell,' which is an emendation due to the modern copy in Paris.

^ Or, ' to the prosperity of the world.'

^ Former translators read anhikhar, ' undefiled,' but this does not suit the Pahlavi orthography so well as anhasar, 'iceless' (compare Pers. hasar, khasar, or khasar, 'ice'); cold and ice, being produced by the evil spirit, will disappear with him.

8 Paz. amavan is a misreading of Pahl. hamun, so the reading is anjip (compare Pers. s\h) hamun. Mountains, being the work of the evil spirit, disappear with him.

9 JTaka^-i-Daitik, see Chap. XII, 7.

[5] I^

whose summit is the support of the Aliivar bridge, they keep down, and it will not exist.

Chapter XXXI

o. On the race and genealogy of the Kayans. I. Hoshyang^ was son of Fravak, son of Siy^kmak 2, son of Mashya ^, son of Gayomar^. [2. Takhmorup ^ was son of Vivanghau ^, son of Yangha^i^'^, son ^Hoshyang. 3. Yim,]^ Takhmorup, Spitur^ and Narsih^", whom they also call 'the Rashnu of /^ino^^'

^ For this chapter, which is numbered XXXII by previous translators, we have to depend only on K20, TD, and K2ob (a fragment evidently derived from the same original as K20 and M6, but through some independent line of descent).

^ So in K20, but usually Hoshang (see Chaps. XV, 28, XXXIV,

3,4)-

^ See Chap. XV, 25, 30.

• See Chaps. XV, 2-24, 30, XXXIV, 3.

^ Av. Takhmo-urupa of Ram Yt. 1 1, Zamyad Yt. 28, Afrtn Zarat. 2 ; written Takhmorup in TD, which is the only MS. in which the passage enclosed in brackets is found, the omission of which by K20 was suspected byWindischmann (Zoroastriche Studien, p. 199). This king is the TahmAras of the Shahnamah. See also Chaps. XVII, 4, XXXIV, 4.

^ kvN^?.x^g\ia^x of Yas. IX, 11, 20, XXXII, 8, Vend. II, 8, 28, 94, Fravardin Yt. 130, Zamyad Yt. 35.

■^ As this Pazand name or title begins with a medial y, its initial vowel is probably omitted (see p. 141, note 8).

^ A v. Yima or Yima khshaeta of Vend. II, &c., the Jamshed of the Shahnamah (see Chaps. XVII, 5, XXXIV, 4).

' Av. Spityura of Zamyad Yt. 46.

" Here written Narsi in K20 and K2ob, and Nosih in TD ; but see § 5 and Chap. XXIX, 6. Windischmann suggests that he may be the Av. Aoshnara pouru-^^^ira of Fravardin Yt. 131, Af. Zarat. 2.

" An epithet equivalent to 'the Minos of China;' Rashnu being the angel of justice, who is said to weigh the meritorious deeds of

CHAPTER XXXI, 1-6. I3I

were all brothers. 4. From YIm and Yimak\ who was his sister, was born a pair, man and woman, and they became husband and wife together ; Mtrak the Aspiydn ^ and Zlydnak Zardahim were their names, and the lineage went on. 5. Spittar was he who, with Dahak, cut up Yim ^\ Narsih* lived then^ also, who7ii they call Nesr-gyavan ^ ; they say that such destiny (gadman) is allotted to him ^ that he shall pass every day in troubles, and shall make all food purified and pure.

6. Dahak ^ was son of Khrutasp, son of Zainigav,

the departed soul against its sins. Neither word is, however, quite certain, as rashnuk may stand for rasnik, 'spear,' and has also been translated by 'light' and ' hero;' ^ino, moreover, was probably not China, but Samarkand (see Chaps. XII, 13, 22, XV, 29).

1 See Chap. XXIII, i.

2 Av. Athwyana of Aban Yt. 33, Goj Yt. 13, Fravardin Yt. 131, Zamyad Yt. 36, &c., where it is the family name of Thraetaona, who is said to be a son of Athwya in Yas. IX, 23, 24. In the text this name seems to be used rather as a title than a patronymic, and in § 7 it appears to be a family surname.

^ As stated in Zamyad Yt. 46.

• Here written Narsak in K20 and K2ob, and Nosth in TD.

^ TD has ' together,' instead of ' then.'

^ So in K20, but K2ob has Narst-gyavan, and TD has Nosihviyavanik (or niyazanik). Perhaps we may assume the epithet to have been nigir-viyavanik (or niyazanik), 'one with a bewildering (or longing) glance.'

■^ Justi supposes this clause of the sentence refers to Yim and the disease which attacked his hand. If this be the case it may be translated as follows : 'they say aighash is produced on his hand (y ad man), so that,' &c. ; aighash being a disease, or evil, mentioned in Vend. XX, 14, 20, 24 ; compare Chap. XXVIII, 33.

^ Or kz-\ Dahak, the Av. Asi Dahaka, ' destructive serpent,' of Yas. IX, 25, Vend. I, 69, Aban Yt. 29, 34, Bahram Yt. 40, Zamyad Yt. 46-50. A name applied to a foreign dynasty (probably Semitic) personified as a single king, which conquered the dominions of Yim (see Chap. XXXIV, 5).

K 2

son of Viraf^ang, son of Tas', son of Fravak. son of Siyakmak ^ ; by his mother Dahak was of Udai ^, 5W^ of Bayak, son of Tambayak, son of Owokhm^, i"(?;^ of Pairi-urvaesm ^ ^^;^ of Gadhwithw ^, ^^/^ of Druf askan ^, ^^/2 of the evil spirit.

7. Fre^tiii the Aspiyan ^ z£/^5 ^(?;^ (?/ Pur-tora ® the

A A

Aspiyan, son of Sok-tora ^ the Aspiyan, son of Bor-

A A

tora the Aspiyan, son of Siyak-tora the Aspiyan, son of SpCi^'-tora the Aspiyan, son of Gefar-tora the Aspiyan, son of Ramak-tora the Aspiyan, son of

^ For the last three names, see Chap. XV, 25, 28.

2 Pahl. Au^/ in TD ; compare ' the demon Uda' of Chap. XXVIII, 19. The following two names look like 'fear' and 'gloom-fear,' both appropriate names for demons.

^ TD has Paz.Owoikh ; compare Av. aoiwra, ' a species of nightmare,' observing that r and 6 are often written alike in Pahlavi.

• TD and K2ob have Paz. Pairi-urva-urvaesm, and K20 has Pai-urvaesm.

5 TD has Paz. Gawithw.

" So in TD, but K20 has Paz. Drus-i ayaska, and K2ob has Dru^-i ayaska. It corresponds to Av. dru^aska in Vend. XIX, 139, Vij-tasp Yt. 26. This genealogy appears to trace Dahak's maternal descent through a series of demons.

^ Av. Thraetaona, son of Athwya,but generally called 'the Athwyanian,' who slew the destructive serpent (asi dahaka), see Yas. IX, 24, 25, Vend. I, 69, Aban Yt. 33, 61, Goi- Yt. 13, FravardinYt. 131, Bahram Yt. 40, Ram Yt. 23, Ashi Yt. 33, Zamyad Yt. 36, 92, If. Zarat. 2. In the Shahnamah he is called Feridun son of Abtin.

• This name is omitted in K20, but occurs in the other two IMSS. ; it is a Huzvarij hybrid equivalent to Paz. Pur-gau and Av. Pourugau, which is a title of an Athwyanian in Af. Zarat. 4, Vi.ytasp Yt.

2. This genealogy consists almost entirely of such hybrid names, which have a very artificial appearance, though suitable enough for a race of herdsmen, meaning, as they severally do, ' one with abundant oxen, with useful oxen, with the brown ox, with the black ox, with the white ox, with the fat ox, and with a herd of oxen.'

' So in TD, but the other two MSS. have Siyak-tora, which is probably wrong, as the same name occurs again in this genealogy.

CHAPTER XXXI, 7-II. 133

Vanfraghem' the Aspiyan, son of Yim, son of Vivanghau ; as these, apart from the Aspiyan Purtora, were ten generations, they every one Hved a hundred years, which becomes one thousand years ; those thousand years were the evil reign of Dahak. 8. By the Aspiyan Piir-tora was begotten Fre^un, who exacted vengeance for Yim; together zuith him^ also were the sons Barmayun and Katayun, btct Frertfun was fuller of glory than they.

9. By Fre^un three sons were begotten, Salm and Tuf and AirU- =* ; and by Airi/6 one son and one pair * were begotten ; the names of the couple of sons were Vani^ar and Anastokh ^ and the name of the daughter was Gu^ak*'. lo. Salm andTxxg slew them all, Airi/§ and his happy sons, but Fre^^un kept the daughter in concealment, and from that daughter a daughter was born "' ; they became aware of it, and the mother was slain by them. ii. Fre^un provided for the daughter ^ also in concealment, for

■ ' In TD this name can be read Vanfroki^n or Vanfrokgan.

2 TD has *as well as him.' K2ob omits most of this sentence by mistake.

' These sons, asWindischmann observes, are not mentioned in the extant Avesta, but their Avesta names, Sairima, Tuirya or Tura, and Airya or Airyu, may be gathered from the names of the countries over which they are supposed to have ruled (see Fravardin Yt. 143).

• TD has ' two sons and one daughter.'

^ TD has AnWar and Anastabo.

^ Or GvLgzk, in TD ; the other MSS. have Paz. Gan^^^a here, but Guzak in § 14 ; it is identical with the name of Hoshyang's sister and wife in Chap. XV, 28. In the Pazand Gamasp-namah the name of Fre^un's daughter is written Virak.

' Reading min zak dukht diikht-i z^d, as in K2ob and TD ; some uncertainty arises here from the words diikht, 'daughter,' and dvzd, *pair,' being written alike in Pahlavi.

^ TD has bartman, ' daughter,' indicating that the word in K20 must be read dukht, and not dva^, 'pair.'

ten generations, when Manui'-i Khurshe^-vinik was born from his mother, \so called because, as he was born, some of]^ the light of the sun (khurshe(3f) fell upon his nose (vintk). 12. From Manui'-i Khurshert'-vintk mid his sister ^ was Manu^-khurnar, and from Manui"-khurnar \and his sister] was Manu-f/^ihar born^, by whom Salm and Tu^^were slain in revenge for Airi/6^ 13. By Manui-Z'ihar were Frii-, No^T^ar^, and Durasrob ^ begotten.

14. Just as Maniu/C'ihar was of Manu^-khiirnar, of Manui'-khurnak', who was Mam-sozak ®, of Airak, of Thritak, of Bitak, of Fraziuak, of Zui-ak ^, of Fragtizak, of Guzak, of AiriX', of Fre(/un, so Frasiyaz:/^" was

^ The phrase in brackets occurs only in TD; and the whole passage from 'vinik' to 'sun' is omitted in K20, evidently by mistake.

"^ TD has 'from Manfij and his sister,' and K2ob has 'from Manuj-hu^ihar and Manui'-khurshed.'

^ The words in brackets occur only in TD, and K2ob has 'from Manu^-khurnar also was ]Manuj'-khurnak,_/)'ow Manuj--khurnak was ManmZ'ihar born,' but this introduction of an extra generation is not confirmed by the list of names in § 14. The term khurnak (or khurnak) seems to be merely a transcript of the Avesta word of which khurshe6?-vinik, 'sun-nose,' is a translation. The other term kh-urnar can also be read khurvar, but K20 has Paz. ^z'arnar, ManiJj/C'ihar is the Av. Manu^/^ithra of Fravardin Yt. 131, where he is styled the Airyavan, or descendant of Airyu (Airi/&).

^ TD has ' and vengeance exacted for AiriX'.'

" See Chap. XXIX, 6.

•^ Paz. Durasro, but the Pahlavi form, given in the text, occurs in § 31 and Chap. XXXII, i in TD, which MS. omits this § by mistake.

■^ The same as Manuj-i khftrshe(/-vinik, as noted above.

** This Pazand epithet seems to mean ' mother-burning,' and may have some connection with the legend mentioned in § 11. TD has mun am Gu^ak, 'whose mother was Gu^ak.'

• Kaob omits the five names from Airak to Zmak.

A

^° Av. Frangrasyan, the Turyan, of Yas. XI, 21, Aban Yt. 41,

CHAPTER XXXI, 12-21. I 35

of Pashang, of Zaeirn \ of Turak, of Spaenyasp, of Duroshasp, of TCi^, of Frert'tjn. 15. He (Frasiyaz/) as well as Karsevaz '^, whom they call Kadan ^, and Aghrerartf* were all three brothers.

[16^. Pashang andVisak were both brothers. 17. By Visak were Piran ^, Human, ^'an '^, and other brothers begotten. 18. By Frasiyaz^ were Frasp-i A'lir, 6an, She(/ak ^, and other sons begotten ; and Vispan-frya^ from whom Kai-Khusrob was born, was daughter of Frasiyaz^, and was of the same mother with Frasp-i A'ur. 19. From Frasp-i A'ur were Surak, Asiirik, and other children ; afid by them were Khvast-airikht, Yazdan-airikht, Y azdAn -samd, Freh-khur^, La-vahak^*^, and others begotten, a recital of whom zvoiild be tedious.

20. By Aghrerart^ was Gopatshah^^ begotten. 21. When Frasiyaz^ made Manu6"/vihar, with the Iranians, captive in the mountain-range (gar) of Padashkh-

Goj Yt. 18, 22, Ashi Yt. 38, 42, Zamyad Yt. 56-63, 82, 93; called Afrasiyab in the Shahnamah.

^ Zad^am in the Shahnamah.

^ Garsivaz in the Shahnamah.

^ TD has Pahl. Kirfan.

• See Chap. XXIX, 5.

^ The remainder of this chapter is found only in TD.

" Piran Visah is Afrasiyab's chief general in the Shahnamah, and Human and Pilsam are his brothers.

"^ This name is very ambiguous in Pahlavi, as it can be read many other ways.

• Shedah in the Shahnamah.

^ She is called Farangis in the Shahnamah.

^" The reading of several of these names is more or less uncertain, but the object of the author is evidently to apply opprobrious epithets to all the male descendants of Afrasiyab.

" TD has Gopat-^malka here, as also in Chap. XXIX, 5, where it is said to be a title of Aghrera^/ (always written Agrera^ in TD).

I ;6 BUNDAHI5.

J

var\ and scattered ruin and want among them, Aghrerartf begged a favour of God (yazdan), and he obtained the benefit that the army and champions of the Iranians were saved by him from that distress. 22. Frasiyaz^ slew Aghrera^ for that fault ; and Aghrera^f, as his recompense, begat such a son as Gopatshah.

23. Auzobo the Tuhmaspian 2, Kanak-i Barzi^-t, Arawii"anasp, arid Vaeta/^rt'-i Raghin6i(/ were the three sons aiid the daughter of Agaimai"vak ^, the son of N6(/ar, son of Manui-z^ihar, who begat Auzobo.
24. Kavart''* was a child in a waist-cloth (kuspii(^); they abandoned him on a river, and he froze upon the door-sills (kavartfakan) ; Auzobo perceived and took him, brought him up, and settled the name of the trembling child.

25. By Kavafl^ was Kai-Apiveh begotten; by Kai-Apiveh were Kai-Arsh, Kai-Vyarsh, Kai-Pisan, and Kai-Kaus begotten ; by Kai-Kaus was Siyavakhsh begotten ; by Siyavakhsh was Kai-Khusrob^

^ The mountains south of the Caspian (see Chap. XTI, 17).

^ Av. Uzava Tumaspana of Fravardin Yt. 131, called Zav, or Zab, son of Tahmasp, in the Shahnamah.

^ None of these names, which TD gives in Pazand, are to be found in the portion of the Avesta yet extant.

■* Av. Kavi Kavata of Fravardin Yt. 132, Zamyad Yt. 71, called Kai-Qubad in the Shahnamah. There appears to be an attempt, in the text, to derive his name from the ' door-sill ' on which he is said to have been found.

^ The Avesta names of these seven other Kayans are, respectively, Kavi Aipi-vanghu, Kavi Arshan, Kavi Byarshan, Kavi Pisanangh, Kavi Usadhan, Kavi Syavarshan, and Kavi Husravangh (see Fravardin Yt. 132, Zamyad Yt. 71, 74); omitting the third, they are called, respectively, Armin, Arij, Pa^in, Kai-Kavils, Siyavush, and Kai Khusro in the Shahnamah. TD, omitting the first letter, has Sano for Pisan j it also writes Kai-Kayuks and Kai-Khusrovi.

CHAPTER XXXI, 22-3O, 137

begotten. 26. Keresasp^ and ACirvakhsh ^ were both brothers. 27. Athrat ^ was son of Sihm, son of Tiirak, son of Spaenyasp, so7i of Diiroshasp *, son of Tilf, 5^;z of Fre^un. 28. Loharasp^ was son of Auzav ^ 5^;^ of Manu.?, ^^;^ of Kai-Ptstn ^ ^^;2 ^/ Kai-Apiveh, son of Kat-Kava^. 29. By Kai- Loharasp were Vi^tasp, Zarir ^, ^;^(if other brothers begotten ; by Vi^tasp were Spend-dac/'^ and Peshyotanu^^^ begotten ; and by Spend-da^ were Vohuman", Ataro-tarsah, Mitro-tarsah, and others begotten.

30. Artakhshatar descendant of Papak — of whom his mother zuas daughter — was son of Sasan^^, son of

^ Av. Keresaspa of Yas. IX, 31, 36, 39, Vend. I, 36, Aban Yt. 37, Fravardin Yt. 61, 136, Ram Yt. 27, Zamyad Yt. 38-44, Af. Zarat. 3 ; he is called Gar^asp in the Shahnamah.

2 Av. Urvakhshaya ofYas. IX, 31, RamYt. 28, Af. Zarat. 3. These brothers were sons of Thrita or Athrat, mentioned in the next §.

^ Av. Thrita of the Sama race (see Yas. IX, 30, Vend. XX, 1 1) and father of Keresaspa, whose genealogy is given in a passage interpolated in some copies of the Shahnamah as follows : Garjasp, Atrat, ^S"am, Turag, 6'idasb, Tur, Jamshed.

• Written Duroshap in TD, both here and in § 14.

^ Av. Aurva(/-aspa of Aban Yt. 105, Vij-tasp Yt. 34, 46, called Luhrasp in the Shahnamah.

^ Reading doubtful.

■^ Written Ka-Pisin here, but he is the same person as Kai- Pisan of § 25 ; the latter part of the name is written both Pisanangh and Pisina in the Avesta.

A

^ Probably Zargar (being Av. Zairivairi of Aban Yt. 112, 117, Fravardin Yt. loi), but called Zarir in the Shahnamah.

'•' Av. Spe«t6-data of Fravardin Yt. 103, Vijtasp Yt. 25, called Isfendiyar in the Shahnamah.

1° See Chaps. XXIX, 5, XXXII, 5.

" Called Bahman in the Shahnamah, and Arfl'ashtr the Kayanian in Bahman Yt. II, 17; the successor . of his grandfather Vijtasp (see Chap. XXXIV, 8).

^2 The text is rather obscure, but the Karnamak of Arrt'ashir-i Papakan states clearly that Art/ashir was son of Sasan by the

I ^8 BUNDAHI5.

Veh-afri^ and ^ Zarir, son of Sasan, son of Artakhshatar who was the said Vohuman son of Spend-da^f.

31. The mother of Kai-Apiveh was Farhank 2, daughter of him who is exalted on the heavenly path^, Urva(/-gai-frai't^, so7i of Rak, son of Durasrob, son of Manu5-/1har. 32. This, too, it says, that the glory ^ of Fre^^'un settled on the root of a reed (kanya) in the wide-formed ocean; and Noktarga^, through sorcery, formed a cow for tillage, and begat children there ; three years he carried the reeds there, and gave them to the cow, until the glory went on to the cow; he brought the cow, milked her milk, and gave it to his three sons ; as their walking was on hoofs, the glory did not go to the sons, but to Farhank. 33. Noktarga wished to injure^ Farhank, but Farhank went with the glory aivay from

daughter of Papak, a tributary ruler of Pars under Ardavan, the last of the A^kaniyan monarchs.

^ So in the Pahlavi text, which therefore makes Veh-afrid? a woman's name (like Pers. Beh-afrin) ; but this is doubtful, as the MSS. often confound va, 'and,' and i, '■ son of.'

^ In the Shahnamah Farhang is mother of Kai-Kavus. The Pahlavi name can also be read Faranak, the name of the mother of FeridiJn in the Shahnamah.

^ Paz. vidharg-afrai-taka, which looks more Hke an epithet than a name.

• Or, perhaps, ' Urva(f-ga son of Frajt.'

^ The divine glory which was supposed to accompany all legitimate sovereigns of Iran, from the time of Hoshyang even to that of the Sasanian dynasty ; it is the Av. /^z;arenangh of the Zamyad Yai't, and is said to have fled to the ocean for refuge during the reign of foreign dynasties and wicked kings (see Aban Yt. 42, Zamyad Yt. 51, 56, 59, 62).

• The last syllable is so written, in Pazand, in § 33.

' Reading han^i^ano, 'to injure,' instead of khun^^ano, which may mean 'to embrace;' the difference between the two words being merely the letter i.

CHAPTER XXXI, 3I-38, 1 39

the fierce (ttb) father, and made a vow (patyastak) thus: ' I will give my first son to Aushbam^.' 34. Then Aiishbam saved her from the father ; and the first son, Kai-Apiveh, she bore and gave to Aushbam, was a hero associating with Aushbam, and travelled in Aiishbam's company.

35. The mother of Aiizobo was the daughter of Namun the wizard, when Namak ^ was with

FA A A

rasiyaz^.

36. And, moreover, together with those begotten by Sam^ were six children in pairs, male and female; the name of one zuas Damnak, of one Khusrov, and of one Margandak, and the name of each man and woman together was one. 2)1' And the name of one besides them was Dastan ^ ; he was considered more eminent than they, and Sagansih^ and the southern quarter were given to him ; and Avar-shatro ^ and the governorship were given by him to Avarnak.
37. Of Avar-shatro this is said, that it is the district of Avarnak, and they offered blessings to Srosh and Ar(/avahi^t in succession ; on this account is their possession of horses and possession of arms ; and on account of firm religion, purity, and manifest joy, good estimation and extensive fame are greatly

^ This name means 'the dawn;' perhaps it maybe identified with Av. Usinemangh or Usenemangh of Fravardin Yt. 113, 140, whose wife Fr(?ni may possibly be the Farhank (or Franak) of the text.

^ So in TD, but it is probably only a variant of Namun.

^ The grandfather of Rustam (see § 41). In the Avesta he is usually called Sama Keresaspa with the title Nairiman^u ; while in the Shahnamah Sam is son of Nariman.

• Another name for Zal, the father of Rustam, in the Shahnamah.

° The same as Sagastan.

^ Or, perhaps, ' the upper district.'

I40 BUNDAHW.

among them. 39. To Damnak the governorship of Astiristan was given ; sovereignty and arranging the law of sovereignty, wilfulness and the stubborn defects they would bring, were among them. 40. To Sparnak ^ the governorship of Spahan ^ was given ; to Khusrov the governorship of Rai ^ was given ; to Margandak the kingdom, forest settlements, and mountain settlements of Padashkhvarear were given ; where they travel nomadically, and there are the forming of sheep-folds, prolificness, easy procreation, and continual triumph over enemies. 41. From Dastan proceeded RCu/astam * and Huzavarak ^]

Chapter XXXII «.

I. On the kindred of Porushasp^ son of Paitirasp®, son of Aurvadasp ^ son of Hae/^a^asp ^°, son of

^ He would seem not to have been a son of Sam, as he is not mentioned before. The reading of all these names is uncertain.

^ The Pahlavi form of Ispahan.

' Av. Ragha of Yas. XIX, 51, Vend. I, 60, whose ruins are near the modern Teheran.

• The usual Pahlavi form of Rustam.

® Or Auzvarak ; Rustam's brother is called Zavarah in the Shahnamah.

" This chapter, which is numbered XXXIII by previous translators, is found in all MSS., but in TD it forms a continuation of the preceding chapter, beginning with the name Porushasp.

"^ Av. Pourushaspa of Yas. IX, 42, 43, Vend. XIX, 15, 22, 143, Aban Yt. 18, &c.

• K20 has Paz. Spitarsp, and M6 has Paz. Pirtrasp (see note on Chap. XXXIII, i). The reading in the text is doubtful.

^ Omitted in K20 and TD.

'° Av. Hae/^a^aspa of Yas. XLV, 15, LII, 3.

CHAPTER XXXI, 39 -XXXII, 3. I4I

A'akhshnili' ^ son of Paitirasp, sou of Hardariri^, son of Hardar ^, son of Spitaman '*, son of Vidai't ^, son of Ayazem, son of Ra^an^, 5(?;2 of Durasrob ^ son of Manuj-/('ihar ^. 2. As Paitirasp //^^ two sons, one Porushasp and one Arasti ^, by Porushasp was Zaratfii-t begotten for a sanctuary of good religion ^°, ^;«^ by Arasti was Mert^yok-mah ^^ begotten. 3. Zaratii(s't, when he brought the rehgion, first celebrated

^ Windischmann suggests Av. A'akhshnoij- (gen.) of Fravardin Yt. 114.

^ K20 has Paz. Harjn and TD has Harakit/arj-no.

^ TD has Harai^ar, or Araifi^ar.

• Or Spitam (as the last syllable is the patronymical suffix), Av. Spitama, the usual patronymic of Zaratujt.

■' May be read Vadi.yt in TD.

" Possibly the same person as Rak in Chap. XXXI, 31 ; but see XXXIII, 3.

^ So in TD, but Paz. Durasrun in K20, M6.

^ This genealogy is somewhat differently given in theVa^arkar^-i Dinik (pp.28, 29), as published in Bombay by Dastur Peshotanji Behramji Sanjana in 1848; and is extended back, through the generations mentioned in Chap. XXXI, i, 2, 7, 14, to Gayomar^?', as follows : ' Poriishaspo son of Paitirasp, and Araspo son of Paitirasp, Urva«- dasp, Hae/^afl^asp, -ff'ikhshnuj, Paetirasp, Hardr^n, Haridar, Spitamano, Vaedi.s-t, Nayazem, Ra^ij'n, Durasrob, j\Ianiaj/^ihar sovereign of Iran, IManuj-khurnar, Manuj-khurnak, Neryosang, Varsi^-din, Vizak, Airyak, Aithritak, Ibitak, Frazi^ak, Zi^ak, Frasizak, Izak, Airi/J, Fre^/un lord of Khvaniras, Pur-tora the Aspikan, Nevak-tora the Aspikan, Sog-tora the Aspikan, Gefar-tord the Aspikan, Vanoi-fravijn the Aspikan, Yim lord of the seven regions, Vivanghau, Ayangha^, Anangha^/, Takhmorup, Hoshang the Pe^-da^, lord of the seven regions, Fravak, Siyamak, Mashyo whose wife was Mashyak, Gayokmar^/ the first man, and father of all mankind in the material world.'

^ Av. Arastaya of Fravardin Yt. 95 ; TD has Arastih.

" The Pazand words darga hidaini.? appear to be merely a misreading of Pahl. dargas-i hudinoih.

" Av. Maidhyo-maungha of Yas. L, 19, Fravardin Yt. 95, 106, He is said to have been Zaratujt's first disciple.

worship ^ and expounded in Airan-ve^, and Me^^yokmah received the rehgion from him. 4. The Mobads ^ of Pars are all traced back to this race of Manui"/'ihar.

5. Again, I say, by Zaratili"t^ wei^e begotten three sons and three daughters^; one son mas Isa^^vastar^, one Aurvata^-nar *^, and one Khiirshe^-z^thar'^ ; as Isar/vastar ivas chief of the priests he became the Mobad of Mobads, and passed away in the hundredth year of the religion ; Aurvata^-nar was an agriculturist, and the chief of the enclosure formed by Yim^, which is below the earth ; Khurshe«'-/ihar was a warrior, commander of the army of Peshyotanii, son of Vii-tasp, and dwells in Kangde^^; and of the three daughters the name of one was Fren, of one Srit, and of one Poru/^ist ^ 6. Aurvata^f-nar and Kh\irshe(3^-/(^ihar were from a serving (-^akar) wife^", the rest were from a privileged (pa^akhshah) wife.

^ Reading fra^ ya^t ; but it may be fra^ ga^t, 'wandered forth.'

^ The class of priests whose special duty is to perform all religious rites and ceremonies.

^ This paragraph is quoted, with a few alterations, in the Va^arkar6?-i Dinik, pp. 21-23.

• K20 omits the 'three daughters' here, by mistake.

^ Av. Isa^-vastra of Yas. XXIII, 4, XXVI, 17, Fravardin Yt. 98. " Av. Urvatart'-nara of Vend. II, 143, Fravardin Yt. 98. K20 and M6 have Aurvarta(f-nar, and TD has Aurvata(/-nar.

^ Av. Hvare-X'ithra of Fravardin Yt. 98 ; TD has Khur-/('ihar.

• See Chap. XXIX, 5. Windischmann and Justi consider the clause about Peshyotanu as inserted by mistake, and it is omitted in the Va^arkar(/-i Dinik (p. 21) ; it is found, however, in all MSS. of the Bundahij.

"^ These daughters are the Av. Frmi, Thriti, and Pouru-X'ista of Fravardin Yt. 139 ; the last is also mentioned in Yas. LII, 3.

'" The following is a summary of the Persian descriptions of the five kinds of marriage, as given in the Rivayats : —

A padshah (' ruling, or privileged ') wife is when a man marries,

CHAPTER XXXII, 4-7. I43

7 ^. By Isa^vastar was begotten a son whose name was Ururvi^a^, and they call him Aran^-i Bira^an^ ('fore-arm of brothers') for this reason, that, as they

with the parents' consent, an unbetrothed maiden out of a family, and she and her children remain his in both worlds.

A yukan or ayilk ('only child') wife is an only child, married with the parents' consent, and her first child belongs to them ; after its birth she becomes a padshah wife. She is entitled to onethird of her parents' property for giving up the child.

A satar ('adopted') wife is when a man over fifteen years of age dies childless and unmarried, and his relatives provide a maiden with a dowry, and marry her to another man ; when half her children belong to the dead man, and half to the living, and she herself is the dead man's wife in the other world.

A X'akar or /^akar ('serving') wife is a widow who marries again ; if she had no children by her first husband she is acting as a satar wife, and half her children by her second husband belong to her first one ; and she herself, in any case, belongs to her first husband in the other world.

A khud-j'arai or khud-sarai ('self-disposing') wife is one who marries without her parents' consent ; she inherits no property from her parents until her eldest son has given her as a padshah wife to his father.

■^ Instead of this sentence the Va_§-arkar(/-i Dinik (pp. 21, 22) has the following, which appears to rest upon a misinterpretation of the text : —

' And Zaratmt the righteous had three wives; all three were in the lifetime of Zaratmt, and all three wives were living throughout the lifetime of ZaratCut ; the name of one was Hvov, of the second Urvi^, of the third Arnio'-bareda. And from Urvi^, who was a privileged wife, four children were born ; one was the son Isa^/- vastar, and the three daughters, namely, Fren, Sritak, and Poru/^ist ; these four were from Urvi^. And from the wife Arni^-bareda two sons were born, one Aiirvart-nar, and the second Khiarshe(/-y{'ihar ; and Arni^-bareda was a serving wife, and the name of the former husband of Arni,o--bareda was Mitro-ayar. And from Hvov, who was a privileged wife, were three sons, namely, Hushe^ar, Hushe(/ar-mah, and Soshans, as it says,' &c. (as in § 8).

^ TD has Pahl. Aurvarvi^ak or Khixrurupak.

3 So in TD.

were from a serving wife, she then delivered them over to Isa(A':astar through adoption. 8, This, too, one knows, that three sons of Zaratu^t, namely, Hushert^ar, Husherf'ar-mah \ and Soshyans^, were from Hvov^; as it says, that Zaratui't went near unto Hvov three times, and each time the seed went to the ground ; the angel Neryosang^ received the brilliance and strength of that seed, delivered it with care to the angel Anahi(/^, and in time will blend it with a mother. 9. Nine thousand, nine hundred, and ninety-nine, and nine myriads ^ of the guardian spirits of the righteous are intrusted with its protection, so that the demons may not injure if^,

10. The name of the mother of Zaratui"t was Dughda ^ and the name of the father of the mother of ZaratLUt was Frahimrava ^.

^ Av. Ukhshyafi?-ereta and Ukhshya^-nemangh of Fravardin Yt. 128.

^ Av. Saoshyas of Vend. XIX, 18, Fravardin Yt. 129, &c. See Chaps. XI, 6, XXIX, 6, XXX, 3, 4, 7, 17, 25, 27.

^ Av. Hvovi of Fravardin Yt. 139, Din Yt. 15; the Pahlavi form of the name, as given once in TD, is Huvaobo.

• See Chap. XV, i.

^ Av. anahita of Aban Yt. i, &c. ; a female personification of 'unsullied' water, known generally by the epithet ardvi sura (the Aredvivsur of Chap. XIII), and whose name is also applied to the planet Venus (see Chap. V, i).

® So in M6 ; other MSS. have ' 9,999 myriads,' but see Fravardin Yt. 62.

■^ This last phrase, about the demons, is omitted in TD and the Va^§-arkar^-i Dinik.

■* The Avesta word for ' daughter.'

® TD has Paz. Fereahimruvana.

CHAPTER XXXII, 8-XXXIII, 3. I45

[Chapter XXXI I P.

o. The family of the Mobads (' priests'). • I. Bahak^ was son of Hubakht, son of Atarobondak, son of Mahda^, son of Me«fy6k-mah, son of Frah-vakhsh-vindartf^, son of Mert'yok-mah, son of Kartf^, son of Me^yok-mah, son of Arastih, son of Paitirisp^ 2. As Bahak was Mobad of Mobads (high-priest) unto Shahpuhar*^, son of Auharmazd, so Ka(/ was the great preceptor (farma^ar) unto Darai \

3. Ataro-pa^^^ was son of Maraspend, son of Da^- ar^a, son of Dart'ira^, son of Hildino, i'^;^ of Ataroda.d,son of Manui-iihar, i^^/^ of Vohuman-/('ihar, son of Fryano ^ son of Bahak ^^ i"^;? of Fre^iin, so7i of Fra-

^ This chapter is found only in TD, where it forms a continuation of the preceding, and affords a means (see §§ 10, 11) for determining the age of the recension of the text contained in that MS. As nearly all the names are written in Pahlavi letters, the pronunciation of many of them is merely a matter of guess.

^ Here written Bohak, but it is Bahak or Bak in § 2 ; compare Bahak in § 3, and Av. Baungha of Fravardin Yt. 124.

^ Compare Av. Frashavakhsha of Fravardin Yt. 109.

• Compare Av. Kata of Fravardin Yt. 124.

^ See Chap. XXXII, 2, for the last three generations ; TD has Pirtarasp here, like the variant of M6 in Chap. XXXII, i.

" The Sasanian king Shapur II, who reigned a.d. 309-379.

■^ According to the chronology of the Bundahi^ (Chap. XXXIV, 8, 9), Darai lived only some four centuries before Shapur II, for which period only seven generations of priests are here provided. This period, moreover, is certainly about three centuries less than the truth.

• This priest was prime minister of Shapur II.

• Compare Av. Fryana of Yas. XLV, 12.

'*• This name is repeated in TD, probably by mistake (compare Bahak in §§ i, 2).

[5] L

H^ BUNDAHI-S'.

shaitar\ son of Porushasp, so7i of Vin4sp, son of Nivar, son of Vakhsh, son of Vahidhros, son of Fra^t, son of Gak ^, son of Vakhsh, son of Frytln, i-^/^ of Ra^an, son of Durasrob, son of Mdnii-^/'ihar 3.

4. Mitro-vara-s was son of Nigas-afzu^^-dak, son of Shirtashosp, i'^;^ of Par^tva, son of Urva(^-ga, ^^;« of Taham, son of Zarir, son of Durasrob, 5we of Mginu^'^.
5. Durnamik zvas son of Zagh, son of Mai-v4k, son of Nort'ar^ ^^;/ of M4nu^/^ihar.

6. Mitro - ak4vi^ is son of Marrt'an-veh ^ son of Afrobag-vinda^T^, ^d??2 of Vind4^-i-pe^ak, son of Vaebtakht \ son of Bahak, ^^;2 of Vae-bukht. 7. The mother from whom I was born is Humai, daughter of Freh-mah, who also was the righteous daughter ^

^ This is probably a semi-Huzvarij form of Frasho^-tar.

^ Perhaps this name should be read along with the next one, so as to give the single Pazand name -Skinaj- or )5'kivaj.

^ See Chap. XXXII, i, for the last three generations. According to this genealogy Ataropa^-i Maraspendan was the twenty-third in descent from Maniu,^ihar, whereas his contemporary, Bahak (§ i), was twenty-second in descent from the same.

• No doubt Manuj-y^ihar is meant ; if not, we must read Manujdurnamik in connection with § 5.

^ Here written Ni^ar, but see Chaps. XXIX, 6, XXXI, 13. ® Here written Mar^Z-veh, but see § 8.

'' Here written Ae-vukht, but see § 8 ; it may be Vis-biikht, or V6j-bukht.

• The text is ami^ar munaj li a^^aj zerkhiin^ Humoi dukht-i Freh-mah-i/J aharob vukht (dukht?). We might perhaps read ' Freh-mah son of .^aharob-bukht,' but it seems more probable that §§ 7, 8 should be connected, and that the meaning intended is that Hfimai was daughter of Freh-mah (of a certain family) and of Puyijn-shad? (of another family) ; she was also the mother of the editor of that recension of the Bundahii' which is contained in TD ; but who was his father ? The singularly unnecessary repetition of the genealogy of the two brothers, Mitr6-akavi(/ and Puyijn-sha(/, in §§ 6, 8, leads to the suspicion that if the latter

CHAPTER XXXIII, 4-11. I47

of M4h-ay4r son of Mah-bondak, sou of Mah-bukht. 8. Puyii-n-sh^Y/ /^ ^^7^ of Mar^an-veh, son of Afrobagvindac/, i-w^ of Vinda^-i-pert'ak, i-^;/ of Vae-bukht, son of Bahak, son of Vae-bukht.

9. All the other Mobads who have been renowned hi the empire (khurt^ayih) were from the same family it is said, and were of this race of Manu^- ^'ihar\ 10. Those Mobads, likewise, who now exist are all from the same family they assert, and

I, too, they boast, whom they call ^ ' the administration of perfect rectitude' (Dart'akih-i Ashovahi^to)^.

I I. Yudan-Yim son of Vahram-sha^, son of Zaratu^t, Ataro-pa^ son of Maraspend, son of Za^-sparham *,

were his mother's father, the former was probably his own father or grandfather. Unfortunately the text makes no clear statement on the subject, and § 10 affords further material for guessing otherwise at his name and connections.

^ Compare Chap. XXXII, 4.

^ Reading va \k laband-i karitund.

' This looks more like a complimentary title than a name, and if the editor of the TD recension of the Bundahij vv'ere the son or grandson of Mitro-akavi^/ (§ 6) we have no means of ascertaining his name ; but if he were not descended from Mitro-akavi^ it is possible that §§ 10, 11 should be read together, and that he was the son of Yudan-Yim. Now we know, from the heading and colophon of the ninety-two questions and answers on religious subjects which are usually called the Dar/istan-i Dinik, and from the colophons of other writings which usually accompany that work, that those answers were composed and certain epistles were written by Manmy^ihar, son of Yudan-Yim, who was high-priest of Pars and Kirman in a.y. 250 (a. d. 881), and apparently a more important personage than his (probably younger) brother 7Adsparham, who is mentioned in § 11 as one of the priests contemporary with the editor of the TD recension. If this editor, therefore, were a son of Yudan-Yim (which is a possible interpretation of the text) he was most probably this same ManmX'ihar, author of the Dac/istan-i Dinik (see the Introduction, § 4).

• The last name is very probably superfluous, Zafi^-sparham

L 2

Zart'-sparham son of Ytidan-Yim \ Atar6-p4^ son of WkvcAd'^, Ashovahij't son of Freh-Srosh, and the other Mobads have sprung from the same family.

12. This, too, it says, that 'in one winter I will locate (^4kinam) the religion of the Mazdayasnians, which came out into the other six regions.']

having been written twice most likely by mistake. This Ataro-pa«/ son of Maraspend was probably the one mentioned in the following extract from the old Persian Rivayat IMS., No. 8 of the collection in the Indian Office Library at London (fol. 142 a) : —

' The book Dinkara? which the dasturs of the religion and the

A

ancients have compiled, likewise the blessed Adarbad son of Mahrasfend, son of Asavahist of the people of the good religion, in the year three hundred of Yazda^ard Shahryar, collected some of the more essential mysteries of the religion as instruction, and of these he formed this book.' That is, he was the last editor of the Dinkar;/, which seems to have remained unrevised since his time, as the present copies have descended from the MS. preserved by his family and first copied in a.y. 369.

' Zar/sparham was brother of the author of the Da/istan-i Dintk ; he was high-priest at Sirkan in the south, and evidently had access to the Bundahii-, of part of which he wrote a paraphrase (see Appendix). His name is usually written Za(/-sparam,

2 In the history of the Dinkar^/, given at the end of its third book (see Introd. to Farhang-i Oim-khaduk, p. xxxiv), we are told as follows: —

' After that, the well-meaning Ataro-pa^/ son of HemW, who was the leader of the people of the good religion, compiled, with the assistance of God, through inquiry, investigation, and much trouble, a new means of producing remembrance of the Mazdayasnian rehgion.' He did this, we are further told, by collecting all the decaying literature and perishing traditions into a work ' like the great original Dinkar^/, of a thousand chapters' (manak-i zak raba bun Dino-karto i ooo-darako). We thus learn from external sources that the group of contemporary priests, mentioned in the text, was actively employed (about a.d. 900) in an attempted revival of the religious literature of the Mazdayasnians, to which we owe either the revision or compilation of such works as the Dinkarf/, Da/istan-i Dinik, and Bundahix.

CHAPTER XXXIII, I 2 -XXXIV, 4. 1 49

Chapter XXXIV i.

o. On the reckoning of the years ^.

I. Time was for twelve thousand ^^ears ; and it says in revelation, that three thousand years was the duration of the spiritual state, where the creatures were unthinking, unmoving, and intangible^; and three thousand years* was the duration of G^yomar^, with the ox, in the world. 2. As this was six thousand years the series of millennium reigns ^ of Cancer, Leo, and Virgo had elapsed, because it was six thousand years when the millennium reign came to Libra, the adversary rushed in, and Gay6mar(/ lived thirty years in tribulation^. 3. After the thirty years '^ Mashya and Mashyoi grew up ; it was fifty years while they were not wife and husband ^, and they were ninety-three years together as wife and husband till the time when Hoshyang^ came.

4. Hoshyang was forty years ^",Takhm6rup'^ thirty years, Yim till his glory ^^ departed six hundred and

^ This chapter is found in all the MSS.

^ TD adds ' of the Arabs (Tazikan).'

^ See Chap. I, 8. * See Chaps. I, 22, III, i.

^ This system of a millennium reign for each constellation of the zodiac can hardly have any connection with the precession of the equinoxes, as the equinoxes travel backwards through the zodiac, whereas these millennium reigns travel forwards.

• See Chap. Ill, 21-23.

■^ That is, forty years after the thirty (see Chap. XV, 2).

« See Chap. XV, 19, 20. » See Chaps. XV, 28, XXXI, i.

^^ K20 omits, by mistake, from 'together' in § 3 to this point.

" See Chap. XXXI, 2.

''•* So in K20, but M6 has nismo, ' soul, reason,' as in Chap. XXIII, i; the word 'glory' would refer to the supposed divine glory of the Iranian monarchs (see Chap. XXXI, 32).

J 50 BUNDAHI5'.

sixteen years and six months, and after that he was a hundred years in concealment, 5. Then the millennium ^ reign came to Scorpio, and Dahak ^ ruled a thousand years. 6. After the millennium reign came to Sagittarius, Fre^^iin " rcigjicd five hundred years ; in the same five hundred years of Fre^un were the twelve years of h\x\k\ Manujr/'ihar* was a hundred and twenty years, aiid in the same reien of Manui-Z'ihar, when he was in the mountain fastness (dushkhvar-gar) ^, a^(?r^ the twelve years of Frasiyaz' ; Zob ^ the Tuhmaspian was five years.

7. Kai-KabiW^ was fifteen years ; Kai-Kaus, till he went to the sky, seventy-five years, and seventyfive years after that, altogether a hundred and fifty years ; Kai-Khusrov sixty years ; Kai-Lorasp ^ a hundred and twenty years ; Kai-Vi^tasp, till the coming of the religion, thirty years ^, altogether a hundred and twenty years.

8. Vohiiman ^^ son of Spend-da^T' a hundred and

^ The seventh millennium, ruled by Libra, is computed by Windischmann as follows: 30 + 401 + 50 + 93 + 40+30 + 6161 + 100 = 1000. The eighth millennium, ruled by Scorpio, is the thousand years of Dahak.

2 See Chap. XXXI, 6. ^ See Chap. XXXI, 7-1 1.

• See Chap. XXXI, 12-14. ' See Chap. XXXI, 21. « Written Auzobo in Chap. XXXI, 23, 24.

■^ Usually written Kai-Kavaa^ in Pahlavi (see Chap. XXXI, 24, 25).

• Also written Kai-Loharasp (see Chap. XXXI, 28, 29).

' This is the end of the ninth millennium, ruled by Sagittarius, which is computed by Windischmann as follows: 500 + 120 + 5 + 15 + 150 + 60+ 120 + 30=1000.

1" See Chap. XXXI, 29, 30, where he is said to have been also called Artakhshatar, which seems to identify him with Artaxerxes Longimanus and his successors down to Artaxerxes Mnemon ; so that Humai may perhaps be identified with Parysatis, and Darai A'ihar-a2a(/an with Artaxerxes Ochus, as Darai Darayan must be

CHAPTER XXXIV, 5-9. 15^

twelve years; Humat, who was daughter of Vohuman, thirty years; Darai son of A'ihar-a^^^f \ that is, of the daughter of Vohuman, twelve years ; Darat son of Darat fourteen years ; Alexander the Riiman^ fourteen years.

9. The A^kanians bore the title in an uninterrupted (a-arubak) sovereignty two hundred and eighty-four years ^ Ardashtr son of P^pak and the number of the Sasanians four hundred and sixty years ^ and then it went to the Arabs.

Darius Codomannus, while the reign of Kai-Vijtasp seems intended to cover the period from Cyrus to Xerxes.

^ A surname of Humai.

2 Sikandar-i Arumak, that is, Alexander the Roman (of the eastern or Greek empire), as Pahlavi writers assume.

^ This period is nearly two centuries too short.

• The actual period of Sasanian rule was 425 yearS (a. d. 226- 651). According to the figures given in the text, the tenth millennium, ruled by Capricornus, must have terminated in the fourth year of the last king, Yazdakar(/. This agrees substantially with the Bahman Yajt, which makes the millennium of Zaratu^t expire some time after the reign of Khusr6 Noshirvan; probably in the time of Khusro Parviz, or some forty years earlier than the fourth year of Yazdakar^/. According to the text we must now be near the end of the first quarter of the twelfth and last millennium.

APPENDIX TO THE BUNDAHI5.

y\

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM,

brother of the dastl^r of pArs and kirmAn,

A. D. 88l.

Part I, Chapters I-XI. (Paraphrase of Bundahi^, I-XVH.)

OBSERVATIONS.

1-5. (The same as on p. 2.)

6. Abbreviations used are: — Av. for Avesta. Bund, for Bundahis, as translated in this volume. B. Yt. for Bahman Ya^-t, as translated in this volume. Haug's Essays, for Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by Martin Haug, 2nd edition. Mkh. for Mainyo-i-kharc/, ed. West. Pers. for Persian. Vend, for Vendidad, ed. Spiegel. Yas. for Yasna, ed. Spiegel. Yt. for Ya^t, ed.Westergaard.

7. The MS. mentioned in the notes is K35 (written probably A.D. 1572), No. 35 in the University Library at Kopenhagen.

SELECTIONS

OF

ZAZ?-S PARAM.

They call these memoranda and writings the Selections (/C'irt^akiha) of Za^^-sparam, son of Yiadan- Yim.

Chapter I.

0. In propitiation of the creator Aiiharmazd and all the angels — who are the whole of the heavenly and earthly sacred beings (yazdan) — are the sayings of Herbad Za^^-sparam, son of Yudan-Yim, who is of the souths about the meeting of the beneficent spirit and the evil spirit.

1. It is in scripture thus declared, that light was above and darkness below, and between those two . was open space. 2. Auharmazd was in the light, and Aharman in the darkness ^ ; Auharmazd ivas aware of the existence of Aharman and of his coming for strife ; Aharman was not aware of the existence of light and of Auharmazd^. 3. It happened to Aharman, in the gloom and darkness, that

^ Zafl^-sparam appears to have been dastur of Sirkan, about thirty parasangs south of Kirman, and one of the most southern districts in Persia (see Ouseley's Oriental Geography, pp. 138, 139, 141, 143-145).

2 See Bund. I, 2-4.

^ Or ' of the light of Auharmazd' (compare Bund. I, 8, 9).

he was walking humbly (fro-tand) on the borders, and meditating other things he came up to the top, and a ray of light was seen by him; and because oitts antagonistic nature to him he strove that he might reach it, so that it might also be within his absolute power. 4. And as he came forth to the boundary, accompanied by certain others \ Auharmazd came forth to the struggle for keeping Aharman away from His territory; and He did it through pure words, confounding witchcraft, and cast him back to the gloom.

5. For protection from the fiend (dru^) the spirits rushed in, the spirits of the sky, water, earth, plants, animals, mankind, and fire He had appointed, and they maintained it (the protection) three thousand years. 6. Aharman, also, ever collected means in the gloom ; and at the end of the three thousand years he came back to the boundary, blustered (patista.^, and exclaimed thus: ' I will smite thee, I will smite the creatures which thou thinkest have produced fame for thee — thee who art the beneficent spirit — I will destroy everything about them.'

7. Auharmazd answered thus : ' Thou art not a doer of everything, O fiend ^ ! '

8. And, again, Aharman retorted thus : * I will seduce all material life into disaffection to thee and affection to myself^.'

9. Auharmazd perceived, through the spirit of wisdom, thus : ' Even the blustering of Aharman is capable of performance, if I do not allow disunion

^ Reading pavan /C'atarano ham-tanu, but the phrase is somewhat doubtful, and rather inconsistent with Bund. I, 10.

• Bund. I, 16. ^ Bund. I, 14.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, I, 4-1 4. I 57

(la barininam) during a period of struggle.' lo. And he demanded of him a period for friendship
for it was seen by him that Aharman does not rely upon the intervention of any vigorous ones, and the existence of a period is obtaining the benefit of the mutual friendship and just arrangement of both ; and he formed it into three periods, each period being three millenniums, ii. Aharman relied upon it, and Auharmazd perceived that, though it is not possible to have Aharman sent down, ever when he M'ants he goes back to his own requisite, which is darkness ; and from the poison which is much diffused endless strife arises ^.

12. And after the period was appointed by him, he brought forward the P\\Xxv3M-dLX formula'^ ; and in his Ahunavar these* kinds of benefit were shown: —
13. The first is that, of all things, that is proper which is somethinof declared as the will of ACiharmazd; so that, whereas that is proper which is declared the will of Auharmazd, where anything exists which is not within the will of Auharmazd, it is created injurious from the beginning, a sin of a distinct nature. 14. The second is this, that whoever shall do that which is the will of Auharmazd, his reward and recompense are his own ; and of him who shall not do that which is the will of Alaharmazd, the punishment at the bridge ^ owing thereto

1 Bund. I, 17, 18.

'^ Or ' the poison of the serpent, which is much diffused, becomes endless strife.'

' Bund. I, 21.

• The word an, 'those,' however, is probably a miswriting of the cipher for ' three.'

^ The K\xi-3,d or A'invar bridge (see Bund. XII, 7).

is his own; which is shown from th.\s^' formula; and the reward of doers of good works, the punishment of sinners, and the tales of heaven and hell are from it. 15. Thirdly, it is shown that the sovereignty of Aiiharmazd increases that which is for the poor, and adversity is removed ; by which // is shown that there are treasures for the needy one, and treasures are to be his friends ; as the intelligent creations are to the unintelligent, so also are the treasures of a wealthy person to a needy one, treasures liberally ofiven which are his own. 16. And the creatures of the trained hand of Auharmazd are contending and angry (ar^tk), one with the other, as the renovation of the universe must occur through these three things. 1 7. That is, first, true religiousness in oneself, and reliance upon a man's original hold on the truly glad tidings (nav-barham), that Auharmazd is all goodness without vileness, and his will is a will altoofether excellent ; and Aharman is- all vileness without goodness. 18. Secondly, hope of the reward and recompense of good works, serious fear of the bridge ^;/^/the punishment of crime, strenuous perseverance in good works, and abstaining from sin. 19. Thirdly, the existence of the mutual assistance of the creatures, or along with and owing to mutual assistance, their collective warfare ; it is the triumph of warfare over the enemy which is one's own renovation''.

^ The MS. has human, 'well-meditating,' instead of denman, ' this;' but the two words are much alike in Pahlavi writing.

'^ This commentary on the Ahunavar, or Yatha-ahu-vairy6 formula, is rather clumsily interpolated by Zac/-sparam, and is much more elaborate than the usual Pahlavi translation and explanation of this formula, which may be translated as follows : —

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, I, 1 5-24. 1 59

20. By this formula he (Aharman) was confounded, and\^ fell back to the gloom i; ^;^^/ Afiharmazd produced the creatures bodily for the world ; first, the sky ; the second, water ; the third, earth ; the fourth, plants; the fifth, animals; the sixth, mankind 2. 21. Fire was in all, diffused originally through the six substances, of which it was as much the confiner of each single substance in which it was established, it is said, as an eyelid when they lay one down upon the other.

22. Three thousand years the creatures were possessed of bodies and not walking on their navels; and the sun, moon, and stars stood still. 23. In the mischievous incursion, at the end of the period, Auharmazd observed thus : ' What advantage is there from the creation of a creature, although thirstless, which is unmoving or mischievous ?' 24.

' As is the will of the living spirit (as is the will of Aiaharmazd) so should be the pastor (so excellent should he be) owing to whatsoever are the duties and good works of righteousness (the duties and good works should be as excellent as the will of Auharmazd). Whose is the gift of good thought (that is, the reward and recompense good thought gives, it gives also unto him) which among living spirits is the work of Auharmazd (that is, they would do that which Auharmazd requires) ; there are some who say it is thus : Whose gift is through good thought (that is, the reward and recompense which they will give to good thought, they would give also unto him); Ataro-paa? son of Zaratd^t said that by the gift of good thought, when among living spirits, they comprehend the doing of deeds. The sovereignty is for Auharmazd (that is, the sovereignty which is his, Auharmazd has kept with advantage) who gives necessaries [or comfort, or clothing] to the poor (that is, they would make intercession for them).'

Additional phrases are sometimes inserted, and some words altered, but the above is the usual form of this commentary.

1 Bund. I, 22. ' Bund. I, 28.

l60 APPENDIX TO THE BUNDAliW.

And in aid of the celestial sphere he produced the creature Time (zorvin)^ and Time is unrestricted, so that he made the creatures of Auharmazd moving, distinct from the motion of Aharman's creatures, for the shedders of perfume (bot-da^^an) were standing one opposite to the other while emitting it. 25. And, observantly of the end, he brought forward to Aharman a means out of himself, the property of darkness, with which the extreme limits (virunako) of Time were connected by him, an envelope (posto) of the black-pated and ash-coloured kind. 26. And in bringing it forward he spoke thus : ' Through their weapons the co-operation of the serpent (a^'o) dies away, mid this which is thine, indeed thy own daughter, dies through religion ; and if at the end of nine thousand years, as it is said and written, is a time of upheaval (madam kar^ano), she is upheaved, not ended.'

2 7. At the same time Aharman came from accompanying Time out to the front, out to the star station ; the connection of the sky with the star station was open, which showed, since it hung down into empty space, the strong communication of the lights and glooms, the place of strife in which is the pursuit of both. 28. And having darkness with himself he brought it into the sky, and left the sky so to gloom that the internal deficiency in the sky extends as much as one-third ^ over the star station.

1 This is the Av. zrvana akarana, 'boundless time or antiquity,' of Vend. XIX, 33, 44. He is a personification of duration and age, and is here distinctly stated to be a creature of A(iharmazd. This throws some doubt upon the statements of Armenian writers, who assert that the two spirits sprang from Zrvana.

^ Compare Bund. Ill, 11.

SELECTIONS OF ZAZ)-SPARAM, I, 25- II, 6. 161

Chapter II.

I. On the coming in of Aharman to the creatures it is thus declared in revelation, that in the month Fravan/in and the day Auharmazd, at noon ^ he came forth to the frontier of the sky. 2, The sky sees kini and, on account of kis nature, fears as much as a sheep trembles at a wolf ; and Aharman came on, scorching and burning into it. 3. Then he came to the water which was arranged below the earth ^, and darkness without an eyelid was brought on by him ; and he came on, through the middle of the earth, as a snake all-leaping comes on out of a hole ; and he stayed within the whole earth. 4. The passage where he came on is his own, the way to hell, through which the demons make the wicked run.

5. Afterwards, he came to a tree, such as was of a single root, the height of which was several feet, and // was without branches and without bark, juicy and sweet ; and to keep the strength of all kinds of trees in its race, it was in the vicinity of the middle of the earth ; and at the self-same time it became quite withered ^

6. Afterwards, he came to the ox, the solecreated ^ as it stood as high as Gayomar^ on the

1 Bund. Ill, 12. 2 Bund. Ill, 13.

« Bund. Ill, 14, 16.

• The primeval ox, or first-created representative of animals, as Gayomar^ was of mankind ; from which two representatives all mankind and animals are said to have been afterwards developed. There seems to have been some doubt as to the sex of this mythological ox ; here it is distinctly stated to have been a female, but from Bund. X, I, 2, XIV, 3, it would appear to have been a male, and this seems to be admitted by Da^Z-sparam himself, in Chap. IX, 7.

[5] M

bank of the water of Daitih ^ in the middle of the earth ; and its distance from Gayomar^Tf being as much as its own height, it was also distant from the bank of the water of Daitih by the same measure ; and it was a female, white ajid brilliant as the moon. 7. As the adversary came upon it Auharmazd gave it a narcotic, which is also called ' bang,* to eat, and to rub the ' bang ' before the eye ^, so that the annoyance from the assault of crimes may be less ; it became lean and ill, ajid fell upon its right breast^ trembling,

8. Before the advance to Gay6mar(/, who was then about one-third the height of Zaratu^t, and was brilliant as the sun, Auharmazd forms, from the sweat ^ on the man, a figure of fifteen years, radiant and ta.\, and sends it on to Gayomar^'; and he also brino;s his sweat ^ on to him as lonor as one Yathaahu-vairyo ^ is Sein^" recited. 9. When he issued from the sweat, and raised his eyes, he saw the world when it was dark as night "^ ; on the whole earth were the snake, the scorpion, the lizard (vazak), and noxious creatures of many kinds; a7id so the other kinds of quadrupeds stood among the

^ The Daitik river (see Bund. XX, 13).

^ This is a misunderstanding of the corresponding phrase in Bund. Ill, 18. The narcotic here mentioned is usually prepared from the hemp plant, and is well known in India and the neighbouring countries.

' See Bund. IV, i.

• The word which, as it stands in the MS., looks like homanae, is here taken as a transposition of min khvae, in accordance with Bund. Ill, 19; but it may be a variant of anumae, 'embryo,' in which case the translation should be, ' forms an embryo into the shape of a man of fifteen years.'

° Or it may be ' sleep,' both here and in § 9.

« See Bund. I, 21. ' Bund. Ill, 20.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, II, 7-IV, I. 1 6

•y

reptiles ; every approach of the whole earth was as though not as much as a needle's point remained, in which there was no rush of noxious creatures. 10. The7^e were the coming of a planetary star into planetary conjunction, and the moon and planets at sixes and sevens ^ ; many dark forms with the face and curls of A^-i Dahak suffered punishment in company with certain non-Iranians ; and he was amazed at calling the wicked out from the righteous.

1 1. Lastly, he (Aharman) came up to the fire, and mingled darkness and smoke with it ^

Chapter III.

I. And Go^ilrvan, as she was herself the soul of the primeval ox, when the ox passed away, came out from the ox, even as the soul from the body of the dead, and kept up the clamour of a cry to Atiharmazd in such fashion as that of an army, a thousand strong, when they cry out together ^ 2. And Auharmazd, in order to be much more able to keep watch over the mingled creatures than in front of Gayomarrtf, went from the earth up to the sky. 3. And Goi-urvan continually went after him crying, and she kept up the cry thus: 'With whom may the guardianship over the creatures be left by thee?'

Chapter IV.

I. This was the highest predominance of Aharman, for he came on, with all the strength which he

^ Literally, ' in fours and fives.' 2 Bund. Ill, 24. ' Bund. IV, 2.

M 2

had, for the disfigurement of the creatures ; and he took as much as one-third of the base of the sky
in a downward direction, into a confined and captive state, so that it was all dark and apart from the light, for it was itself, at the coming of the adversary, his enemy among the struggles for creation. 2. And this is opposing the renovation of the universe, for the greatest of all the other means of the fiend, when he has come in, are of like origin and strength this day, in the sleep - of the renovation, as on that when the enemy, who is fettered on coming in, is kept back.

3. Amid all this struggling were mingled the instigations of Aharman, crying thus : ' My victory has come completely, for the sky is split and disfigured by me with gloom and darkness, and taken by me as a stronghold ; water is disfigured by me, and the earth, injured by darkness, is pierced by me; vegetation is withered by me, the ox is put to death by me, Gayomar^ is made ill by me, and opposed to those revolving " are the glooms and planets arranged by me ; no one has remained for me to take and pervert in combat except Auharmazd, and of the earth there is only one man, who is alone, what is he able to do ?'

4. And he sends Asto-vida*^* upon him with the thousand decrepitudes (auzvarano) and diseases

^ Compare Bund. Ill, 11. The involved style of Za(/-sparam is particularly conspicuous in this chapter.

^ The word seems to be khvapi^no.

^ INIeaning probably the zodiacal signs, but the word is doubtful, being spelt vardijnano instead of \z.xd\sxi^x\o. A very small alteration would change it into varoijnano, 'believers,' but there were no earthly believers at the time alluded to.

• See Bund. Ill, 21, and XXVIII, 35.

SELECTIONS OF ZAZ)-SPARAM, IV, 2-8. 1 65

which are his own, sicknesses of various kinds, so that they may make him ill and cause death. 5. Gayomar^ was not secured by them, and the reason was because it was a decree of appointing Time (zorvano) in the beginning of the coming in of Aharman, that : ' Up to thirty winters I appoint Gayomarrt^ unto brilliance and preservation of life.' 6. And his manifestation in the celestial sphere was through the forgiveness of criminals and instigators of confusion by his good works, and for that reason no opportunity was obtained by them during the extent of thirty years.

7. For in the beginning it was so appointed that the star Jupiter (Aitharmazd) was life towards the creatures, not through its own nature, but on account of its being within the control (band) of the luminaries^; and Saturn (Kevan) was death towards the creatures. 8. Both were in their supremacy (balist)^ at the beginning of the crea-

^ These luminaries are the fixed stars, especially the signs of the zodiac, to whose protection the good creation is committed (see Bund. II, 0-4) ; whereas Jupiter and all other planets are supposed to be, by nature, disturbers of the creation, being employed by Aharman for that purpose (see Mkh. VIII, 17-21, XII, 7-10, XXIV, 8, XXXVIII, 5).

^ The most obvious meaning of balist is 'greatest altitude,' and this is quite applicable to Jupiter when it attains its highest northern declination on entering Cancer, but it is not applicable to Saturn in Libra, when it has only its mean altitude. At the vernal equinox, hovi^ever, which was the time of the beginning mentioned in the text, when Aharman invaded the creation (see Chap. II, i), Libra is in opposition to the sun, and Saturn in Libra would be at its nearest approach to the earth, and would, therefore, attain its maximum brightness ; while Jupiter in Cancer would be at its greatest altitude and shining with four-fifihs of its maximum brightness. Both planets, therefore, were near their most conspicuous position (which would seem to be the meaning of balist

tures, as Jupiter was in Cancer on rising, that which is also called Qvan (' living ') \ for it is the place in which life is bestowed upon it ; and Saturn was in Libra, in the great subterranean, so that its own venom and deadliness bcca7ne more evident and more dominant thereby. 9. And it was when both shall not be supreme that Gayomar^ was to complete his own life, which is the thirty years ^ Saturn came not again to supremacy, that is, to Libra. 10. And at the time when Saturn came into Libra, Jupiter was in Capricornus ^ on account of whose own lowness^ and the victory of Saturn over Jupiter, Gayomar^ suffered through those very defects which came and are to continue advancing, the continuance of that disfigurement which Aharman can bring upon the creatures of Auharmazd.

here), and might each be supposed to be exercising its maximum astrological influence, so that the presumed deadly power of Saturn would be neutralised by the supposed reviving influence of Jupiter.

' This reading suits the context best, but the name can also be read Snahan, and in many other ways. It may possibly be the tenth lunar mansion, whose name is read Nahn in Bund. II, 3, by Pazand writers, and which corresponds to the latter part of Cancer.

• Saturn revolves round the sun in about 29 years and 167 days, so it cannot return into opposition to the sun (or to its maximum brightness), at or near the vernal equinox, in less than thirty years.

"^ That is, while Saturn performs one revolution round the sun, Jupiter performs two and a half, which is very nearly correct, as Jupiter revolves round the sun in about 11 years and 315 days. Therefore, when the supposed deadly influence of Saturn has returned to its maximum, the supposed reviving influence of Jupiter is at its minimum, owing to the small altitude of Capricornus, and no longer counterbalances the destructive power of Saturn.

•* There seems to be no other reasonable translation, but the MS. has la instead of rai, and nijkasp instead of nii'ij'.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, IV, Q-V^ 4. 1 67

Chapter V.

I. When in like manner, and equally oppressively, as his (Auharmazd's) creatures were disfigured, then through that same deterioration his own great glory was exhibited ; for as he came within the sky ^ he maintains the spirit of the sky, like an intrepid warrior who has put on metal armour ^ ; and the sky in its fortress ^ spoke these hasty, deceitful words to Aharman, thus : ' Now when thou shalt have come in I will not let thee back;' and it obstructed him until Auharmazd prepared another rampart, that is stronger, around the sky, which is called ' righteous understanding' (ashok akasih). 2. And he arranged the guardian spirits * of the righteous who are warriors around that rampart, mounted on horses and spear in hand, in such manner as the hair on the head ; and they acquired the appearance of prison guards who watch a prison from outside, and would not surrender the outer boundaries lo an enemy descended from the inside.

3. Immediately, Aharman endeavours that he may go back to his own complete darkness, but he found no passage ; and he recapitulated, with seeming misgiving, his fears of the worthiness which is to arise at the appearance of the renovation of I he niiive7^se at the end of the nine thousand years.

4. As it is said in the Gathas, thus ^ : ' So also

^ See Chap. Ill, 2. ^ Compare Bund. VI, 2.

^ Or ' zodiacal signs,' for biir^o means both.

• Bund. VI, 3, 4.

^ This quotation from the Gathas is from the Pahlavi Yas. .XXX, 4, and agrees with the Pahlavi text, given in Dastur Jamboth those spirits have approached together unto that which was the first creation — that is, both spirits have come to the body of Gayomar^^. Whatever is in hfe is so through this purpose of Auharmazd, that is : So that I may keep it ahve ; whatever is in hfelessness is so through this purpose ^ of the evil spirit, that is: So that I may utterly destroy it ; and whatever is thus, is so until the last in the world, so that they (both spirits) come also on to the rest of mankind. And on account of the utter depravity of the wicked tkeir destruction is fully seen, and so is the perfect meditation of him who is righteous, the hope of the eternity of Auharmazd.'

5. And this was the first contest 2, thai of \hQ sky with Aharman,

Chapter VI.

I. And as he (Aharman) came secondly to the water, tosrether with him rushed in, on the horse Cancer, he who is the most watery Ti^tar ; the equally watery one, that is called Avrak ^ gave forth a cloud and went down in the day; that is

aspji's old MS. of the Yasna in Bombay, very nearly as closely as Spiegel's edition does. It appears, therefore, that Da^/-sparam used the same Pahlavi translation of the Yasna as the Parsis do at the present day.

' The MS. here omits the words 'through this purpose,' by

mistake.

2 The word ar(/ik, which Da(/-sparam uses instead of the kharah, 'conflict,' of Bund. V, 6, VI, i, &c., may be connected with Pers. ard, ' anger.'

•' The ninth lunar mansion (see Bund. 11, 3, VII, i)..

SELECTIONS OF ZAZ)-SPARAM, V, 5-VI, 7. 1 69

declared as the movement of the first-comers of the creatures. 2. Cancer became a zodiacal constellation (akhtar); it is the fourth constellation of the zodiac for this reason, because the month Tir is the fourth month of the year \

3. And as Ti^tar begged for assistance, Vohuman and Horn are therefore co-operating with him in command, Bur^ of the waters and the water in mutual aid, and the righteous guardian spirits in keeping the peace. 4. He was converted into three forms, which are the form of a man, the form of a bull, and the form of a horse ; and each form was distinguished in brilliance for ten nights, and lets its rain fall on the night for the destruction of noxious creatures. 5. The drops became each separately like a great bowl in which water is drawn ; and as to that on which they are driven, they kill all the noxious creatures except the reptiles '^, who entered into the muddiness of the earth.

6. Afterwards, the wind spirit. In the form of a man, became manifest on the earth ; radiant and tall he had a kind of wooden boot (mukv6-ae-i darino) on his feet ; and as when the life shall stir the body, the body is advancing with like vigour, so that spirit of the wind stirs forth the inner nature of the atmospheric wind, the wind pertaining to the whole earth is forth, and the water in its grasp is flung out from it to the sides of the earth, and its wide-formed ocean arose therefrom.

7. It (the ocean) keeps one-third of this earth ^,

^ Bund. VII, 2-6 is paraphrased in §§ 2-6. ^ Reading neksund bara min khasandakano instead of the MS. bara nasund min khasandakano. ^ Compare Bund. XIII, i, 2.

and amone its contents are a thousand sources and fountains, such as are called lakes (var) ; a thousand water-fountains, whose water is from the ocean, come up from the lakes and are poured forth into it. 8. And the size of some of all the lakes and all the fountains of water is as much as a fast rider on an Arab horse, who continually compasses and canters around them, will attain in forty days, which is 1900' long leagues (parasang-i akarik), each league being at least 20,000 feet.

9. And after the noxious creatures died ^ and the poison therefrom was mixed up in the earth, in order to utterly destroy that poison Tii-tar went down into the ocean ; and Apaosh, the demon, hastened to meet him, and at the alarm of the first contest Ti-i'tar was in terror (par a'). 10. And he applied unto Auharmazd, ivJio brought such power unto Tirtar as arises through propitiation and praise and invoking by name ^, and they call forth such power unto TLstar as that ^ten vigorous horses, ten vigorous camels, ten vigorous bulls, ten mountains when hurled, and ten single-stream rivers when together. 11. And without alarm he drove out Apaosh, the demon, and kept him away from the sources of the ocean.

12. And with a cup and measuring bowl, which possessed the diligence even of a guardian spirit (fravahar), he seized many more handfuls of water,

^ Bund. XIII, 2 has 1700, but as neither number is a multiple of forty in round numbers, it is probable that both are wrong, and that we ought to read 1600.

^ Bund. VII, 7-14 is paraphrased in §§ 9-14.

^ The Av. aokhto-namana yasna of Ti^tar Yt. 11, 23, 24.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, VI, 8-1 7. I7I

and made it rain down ^ much more prodigiously, for destruction, drops as large as men's heads and bulls' heads, great and small. 13. And in that cloud and rain were the chastisement and beating which Ti^tar and the fire Vaziit inflicted on the opposition of Apaosh; the all-deciding (vispo-viiir) fire Vazi^t struck down with a club of fire, all-deciding among the malevolent (kebarano).

14. Ten days and nights there was rain, and its darting ^ was the shooting of the noxious creatures ; afterwards, the wind drove it to the shore of the wide-formed ocean, and it is portioned out into three, and three seas arose from it ; they are called the Puitik, the Kamiri^/, and the Gehan-bun ^ 15. Of these the Puitik itself is salt water, in which is a flow and ebb * ; and the control of its flow and ebb is connected with the moon, and by its continual rotation, in coming up and going down, that of the moon is manifested. 16. The wide-formed ocean stands forth on the south side as to (pavan) Albiir^ ^ and the Puitik stands contiguous to it, and amidst it is the gulf (var) of Sataves, whose connection is with Sataves, which is the southern quarter. 17. In the activity of the sea, and in the increase and decrease of the moon, whose circuit is the whole of Iran, are the flow and ebb ; of the

1 Or perhaps 'made the cloud rain,' if madam varanini(/ stands for az'ar varaniiuid?.

2 Reading partar; instead of the MS. patuta?', ' powerful fury.' ^ This is a variant of the ^ahi-bun or G^ahi-biin of Bund. XIII,

7, 15; the other two names differ but litUe from those given in Bund. XIII. In the MS. Puitik occurs once, and Puitik twice.

• Compare §§ 15-18 with Bund. XIII, 8-14.

^ Compare Bund. XIII, i.

curving tails in front of the moon two issue forth, and have an abode in Sataves ; one is the updrag and one the down-drag; through the up-drag occurs the flood, and through the down-drag occurs the ebb^ 18. And Sataves itself is a gulf (var) and side arm of the wide-formed ocean, for it drives back the impurity and turbidness which come from the salt sea, when they are continually going into the wide-formed ocean, with a mighty high wind^, while that which is clear through purity goes into the Aredvisur sources of the wide-formed ocean. 19. Besides these four^ there are the small seas^

20. And, afterwards, thei^e were made to flow from Albur-^, out of its northern border, two rivers % which were the Arvand ^ — that is, the Diglit, and the flow

^ This is even a more mechanical theory of the tides than that detailed in Bund. XIII, 13. Whether the 'curving tails' (ga^ak dunbak) are the 'horns' of the crescent moon is uncertain.

^ By an accidental transposition of letters the MS, has a tar 6, ' fire,' instead of vato, ' wind.'

' The ocean and three principal seas.

• Said to be twenty-three in number in Bund. XIII, 6.

^ Bund.VII, 15, 16, XX, I.

*^ This appears to be a later identification of the Arag, Arang, or Areng river of Bund. XX with the Tigris, under its name Arvand, which is also found in the Bahman Ya^-t (III, 21, 38) and the Afrin of the Seven Ameshaspends (§ 9). The Bundahi^ (XX, 8) seems to connect the Arag (Araxes .'') with the Oxus and Nile, and describes the Diglat or Tigris as a distinct river (Bund. XX, 12). This difference is one of the indications of the Bundahii- having been so old a book in the time of ZarZ-sparam that he sometimes misunderstood its meaning, which could hardly have been the case if it had been written by one of his contemporaries. As the Persian empire has several times included part of Egypt, the Nile must have then been well known to the Persians as the great western river of their world. The last time they had possession of part of Egypt was, for about half a century, in the reigns of Khusro

SELECTIONS OF ZAZ)-SPARAM, VI, l8~VII, I. 1 73

' i

of that river ivas to those of the setthig sun (val fro^-yehevun^ano) — mid th^Vth^ was the river of the first-comers to the sun ; formed as two horns they went on to the ocean. 21. After them eighteen ^ great rivers came out from the same Albtar^ ; and these twenty rivers, whose source is in Alburn, go down into the earth, and arrive in Khvaniras.

22. Afterwards, two fountains of the sea are opened out for the earth ^, which are called the A^e/C'asf* — a lake which has no cold wind, and on whose shore rests the triumphant fire Gu^-nasp^ — and, secondly, the Sovar ^ which casts on its shores all turbidness, and keeps its own salt lake clear and pure, for it is like the semblance of an eye which casts out to its edges every ache and every impurity ; and on account of its depth it is not reached to the bottom, for it goes into the ocean ; and in its vicinity rests the beneficial fire BurMn-Mitro '^.

23. And this was the second contest, which was with the water.

Chapter VII.

I. And as he (Aharman) came thirdly to the earth, which arrayed the whole earth against him —

Noshirvan, Auharmazd IV, and Khusro Parviz; but since the early part of the seventh century the Tigris has practically been their extreme western limit ; hence the change of the old Arag or Arang into the very similarly written Arvand, a name of the Tigris.

1 See Bund. XX, 9. ^ 2^^^. XX, 2, 7.

^ Bund. VII, 14. * Bund. XXII, 2.

5 Written Gu.fasp in Bund. XVII, 7, and Gu^nasp in B. Yt. Ill, 30, 40, while the older form Vijnasp occurs in B.Yt. Ill, 10.

« The Sovbar of Bund. VII, 14, XII, 24, XXII, 3.

' Bund. XVII, 8.

_- __ — _ --■■■■■- ■- - — ' - m

since //ic^-^e was an animation of the earth through the shattering — Alburn- grew up\ which is the boundary of the earth, ajid the other ^ mountains, which are amid the circuit of the earth, come up 2244 in number ^ 2. And by them the earth e£^^i' bound together and arranged, and on them was the sprouting a7id growth of plants, wherefrom was the nourishment of cattle, and therefrom was the great advantaofe of assistance to men.

3. Even so it is declared that before the coming of the destroyer to the creatures, for a thousand years the substance of mountains was created in the earth — especially as antagonism came on the earth, and settled on ?V with injury — and it came up over the earth just like a tree wJiose branch Jias grown at the top, and its root at the bottom. 4. The root of the mountains is passed on from one to the other, and is arranged in connection with them, and through it is produced the path and passage oi ^2X^x from below to above, so that the water may flow in it in such manner as blood in the veins, from all parts of the body to the heart, the latent vigour which they possess. 5. And, moreover, in six hundred years ^, at first, all the mountains apart from Alburn" were completed. 6. Alburn was growing during eight hundred years ^ ; in two hundred years it grew up to

^ Bund. VIII, 1-4 is paraphrased in §§ 1-4.

2 The MS. has avano, 'waters,' instead of avarik, 'other,' which alters the meaning into, ' which is the boundary of the waters of the earth, aiid the mountains,' &c.

2 Bund. XII, 2.

• Bund. VIII, 5, and XII, i, have 'eighteen years.' As both numbers are written in ciphers it would be easy for either to be corrupted into the other.

^ Bund. XII, I.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, VII, 2-12. I75

the Star station, in two hundred years up to the moon station, two hundred years up to the sun station, and two hundred years up to the sky. 7. After Albiirj^ the Aparsen mountain^ is the greatest, as it is also called the Avar-royim ^ (' up-growth ') mountain, whose beginning is in Sagastan and its end unto Pars and to A'inistan ^.

8. This, too, is declared, that after the great rain in the begfinninof of the creation'*, and the wind's sweeping away the water to the ocean, the earth is in seven portions ^ a little above it, as the compact earth, after the rain, is torn up by the noise and wind in various places. 9. One portion, moreover, as much as one-half the whole earth, is in the middle, and in each ^the six portions around is as much as Sagastan ; moreover, as much as Sagastan is the measure of what is called a keshvar ('region') for the reason that one was defined from the other by a kesh ('furrow'). 10. The middle 07ie is Khvaniras, of which Pars is the centre, and those six regions are like a coronet (az^isar) aronnd it. 11. One part of the wide-formed ocean wound around it, among those six regions ; the sea and forest seized upon the south side, and a lofty mountain grew up on the north, so that they might become separate, one from the other, and imperceptible.

1 2. This is the third contest, about the earth.

^ The Aparsen of Bund. XII, 9.

2 Written Apu-royi^n, as if it were an Arabic hybrid meaning ' father of growth.'

^ Bund.XII, 9. XXIV, 28, have Khu^istan instead of A'lnistan; the latter appears to be an old name of the territory of Samarkand (see note to Bund. XII, 13).

• Literally, ' creature.'

^ Bund. XI, 2-4 is paraphrased in §§ 8-1 1.

Chapter VIII.

I . As he (Aharman) came fourthly to the plants — which have struggled (kukhshi-aito) against him with the whole vegetation — because the vegetation was quite dry \ Ameroda^/, by whom the essence of the world's vegetation ^ was seized upon, pounded it up small, and mixed // up with the rain-water of Ti^tar. 2. After the rain the whole earth is discerned sprouting, and ten thousand^ special species and a hundred thousand* additional species (levatman sar^ako) so grew as if there zuere a species of every kind ; and those ten thousand species are provided for ^ keeping away the ten thousand ^ diseases.

3. Afterwards, the seed was taken up from those hundred thousand species of plants, a?id from the collection of seed the tree of all germs, amid the wide-formed ocean, was produced, from which all species of plants continually grow. 4. And the griffon bird (send muruvo) has his resting-place upon it; when he wanders forth fro}?i within it, he scatters the dry seed into the water, and it is rained back to the earth with the rain.

5. And in its vicinity the tree was produced which is the white Horn, the counteractor of decrepitude,

^ This chapter is a paraphrase of Bund. IX.

^ Or, perhaps, ' the worldly characteristics of vegetation.'

"' Written like ' one thousand,' but see the context and Bund.

IX, 4-

• In Bund. IX, 4, the ]MSS. have ' 120,000,' which is probably

wrong, as Bund. XXVII, 2, agrees with the text above,

5 The MS. has bara instead of pavan, a blunder due probably to some copyist reading the Huzvarii- in Persian, in which language bih (= bara) and bah (= pavan) are written ahke. In Pazand they are usually written b^ and pa, respectively.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, VIII, I - IX, 2. I 77

the reviver of the dead, and the immortaHzer of the hving.

6. This was the fourth contest, about the plants.

Chapter IX.

I. As he (Aharman) came fifthly to cattle — which struggled against him with all the animals — and likewise as the primeval ox ^ passed away, from the nature of the vegetable principle it possessed, fiftyfive ^ species of grain and twelve species of medicinal plants grew from its various members ; mid forasmuch as they should see from which member each one proceeds, it is declared in the Damda^f Nask"^. 2. And every plant grown from a member

1 See Chaps. II, 6, III, i, and Bund. IV, i, X, i, XIV, i.

• The MS. has 'fifty-seven' in ciphers, but Bund. X, i, XIV, i, XXVII, 2, have ' fifty-five' in words.

^ This was the fourth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian Hterature, according to the Dinkar^, which gives a very short and superficial account of its contents. But, according to the Dini-vao-arkard and the Rivayats of Kamah Bahrah, Nariman Hoshang, and Barzu Qiyamu-d-din, it was the fifth nask, and was called Dvazdah-hamast (or homast). For its contents, as given by the Dtni-va^'-arkard, see Haug's Essays, p. 127. The Rivayat of Kamah Bahrah, which has a few more words than the other Rivayats, gives the following account (for the Persian text of which, see ' Fragmens relatifs a la religion de Zoroastre,' par Olshausen et Jules Mohl) :—

' Of the fifth the name is Dvazdah-homast, and the interpretation of this is "the book about help" (dar imdad, but this is probably a corruption of dam dad). And this book has thirty-two sections (kardah) that the divine and omnipotent creator sent down, in remembrance of the beginning of the creatures of the superior world and inferior world, and it is a description of the whole of them and of that which God, the most holy and omnipotent, mentioned about the sky, earth, and water, vegetation and

[5] N

promotes that member, as it is said that there where the ox scattered its marrow ^ on to the earth, grain afterwards grew up, corn ^ and sesame, vetches ^ and peas; so sesame, on account of* its marrow quahty, is itself a great thing for developing marrow. 3. And it is also said that from the blood is the vine ^ a great vegetable thing — as wine itself is blood — for more befriending the sound quality of the blood. 4. And it is said that from the nose is the pulse (may^ or masah) which is called donak, and was a variety of sesame (i-a m a ga) ^ and it is for other noses.

fire, man and quadrupeds, grazing and flying animals, and what he produced for their advantage and use, and the like. Secondly, the resurrection and heavejily path, the gathering and dispersion, and the nature of the circumstances of the resurrection, as regards the virtuous and evil-doers, through the weight of every action they perform for good and evil.'

This description corresponds very closely with what the Bundahii' must have been, before the addition of the genealogical and chronological chapters at the end ; and Da(/-sparam mentions in his text here, and again in § 16, particulars regarding the Damda(/ which also occur in the Bundahij- (XIV, 2, 14-18, 21-24). There can be very little doubt, therefore, that the Bundahij was originally a translation of the Damda^/, though probably abridged ; and the text translated in this volume is certainly a further abridgment of the original Bundahix, or Zand-akas. Whether the Avesta text of the Damda^ was still in existence in the time of Da(/-sparam is uncertain, as he would apply the name to the Pahlavi text. At the present time it is very unusual for a copyist to write the Pahlavi text without its Avesta, when the latter exists, but this may not always have been the case.

^ Or 'brains.'

2 Supposing the MS. galolag is a corruption of gallak (Pers. ghallah).

^ Assuming the MS. aluno or arvano to be a corruption of alum or arzanu.

• Reading rai instead of la. ^ Compare Bund. XIV, 2.

^ Either this sentence is very corrupt in the MS. or it cannot be

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, IX, 3- 10. I 79

5. And it is also said that from the lungs are the ruelike herbs ^ zvhich heal, and are for the lung-disease of cattle. 6. This, rooted amid the heart, is thyme, from which is Vohuman's thorough withstanding of the stench of Akoman^, and it is for that which proceeds from the sick and yawners.

7. Afterwards, the brilliance of the seed, seized upon, by strength, from the seed which was the ox's, they would carry ^from it, and the brilliance was intrusted to the angel of the moon^; in a place therein that seed was thoroughly purified by the light of the moon, and was restored in its many qualities, and made fully infused with life (^anvarhomand). 8. Forth from there it produced for Airan-ve^, first, two oxen, a pair, male and female *, and, afterwards, other species, until the completion of the 282 species^; and they were discernible as far as two long leagues on the earth. 9. Quadrupeds walked forth on the land, fish swam in the water, and birds flew in the atmosphere ; hi every two, at the time good eating is enjoyed, a longing (az/- dahan) arose therefrom, and pregnancy and birth.

10. Secondly, their subdivision is thus : — First, they are divided into three, that is, quadrupeds walking on the earth, fish swimming in the water,

reconciled with the corresponding clause of Bund. XIV, 2. Altering donak and gunak into gandanak, and jamaga into jamaxdar, we might read, 'from the nose is mayj, which is called the leek, and the leek was an onion ; ' but this is doubtful, and leaves the word mayi' unexplained.

^ The MS. has gospendano, 'cattle,' instead of sipandano, 'rue herbs.'

3 Bund. X, 2, XIV, 3. * Bund. X, 3, XIV, 4. « Bund. X, 3, XIV, 13.

N 2

l80 APPENDIX TO THE BUNDAHI5.

and birds flying in the atmosphere. 1 1 . Then, into five classes \ that is, the quadruped which is roundhoofed, the double-hoofed, the five-clawed, the bird, and the fish, whose dwellings are in five places, and which are called aquatic, burrowing, oviparous, widetravelling, «;^^ suitable for grazing. 12. The aquatic are fish and every beast of burden, cattle, wild beast, dog, and bird which enters the water ; the burrowing are the marten (samur) and musk animals, and all other dwellers and movers in holes ; the oviparous are birds of every kind ; the widetravelling sprang away for help, and are also those of a like kind ; those suitable for grazing are whatever are kept grazing in a flock.

13. And, afterwards, they were divided into genera, as the round-hoofed are one, which is all called 'horse;' the double-hoofed are many, as the camel and ox, the sheep and goat, and others double-hoofed; the five-clawed are the dog, hare, musk animals, marten, and others; then are the birds, and then the fish. 14. And then they were divided into species 2, as eight species of horse, two species of camel, ten ^ species of ox, five species of sheep, five species of goat, ten of the dog, five of the hare, eight of the marten, eight of the musk animals, no of the birds, and ten of the fish; some are counted for the pigs, and with all those declared and all those undeclared there were, at first, 282 species ^ and with the species within species there were a thousand varieties.

1 Bund. XIV, 8-12.

2 Bund. XIV, 13-23, 26, 27.

8 Bund. XIV, 1 7 says ' fifteen,' which is probably correct.

• Only 181 species are detailed or ' declared' here.

SELECTIONS OF ZAC-SPARAM, IX, II- 1 Q. l8l

15. The birds are distributed^ into eight groups (ristako), and from that which is largest to that which is smallest they are so spread about as when a man, who is sowing grain, first scatters abroad that of heavy weight, then that which is middling, and afterwards that which is small.

16. And of the whole of the species, as enumerated a second time in the Damda// Nask^, and written by me in the manuscript (nipik) of 'the summary enumeration of races ^' — this is a lordly* summary — the matter which is shown is, about the species of horses, the first is the Arab, and the chief of them^ is white and yellow-eared, and secondly the Persian, the mule, the ass, the wild ass, the water-horse, and others. 1 7. Of the camel there are specially two, that for the plain, and the mountain one zuhich is double-humped. 18. Among the species of ox are the white, mud-coloured, red, yellow, black, and dappled, the elk, the buffalo, the camel-leopard^, the ox-fish, ^//^ others. 19. Among sheep are those having tails and those which are tailless, also the wether and the Ktiri^k which, because of its trampling the hills, its great horn, and also being suitable

1 Bund. XIV, 25.

2 See § I ; the particulars which follow are also found in Bund, XIV, 14-18, 21-24, showing that the Bundahi^ must be derived from the Damda(/.

^ The title of this work, in Pahlavi, is Tokhm-aui'marijnih-i hangar(/ik6, but it is not known to be extant.

• Reading marik (Chaldee X?.'?), but this is doubtful, though the Iranian final k is often added to Semitic Huzvari^ forms ending with a. It may be minak, 'thinking, thoughtful,' or a corruption of manik, 'mine,' in which last case we should translate, 'this is a summary of mine.'

5 Bund. XXIV, 6.

® Literally, ' camel-ox-leopard.'

for ambling, became the steed of Maniu/'ihar. 20. Among goats are the ass-goat, the Arab, the fawn (variko), the roe, and the mountain goat. 21. Amono- martens are the white ermine, the black marten, the squirrel, the beaver (khaz), and others. 22. Of musk animals with a bag, one is the Bishmusk — which eats the Bish poison and does not die throuo-h it, and it is created for the great advantage that it should eat the Bish, aiid less of it should succeed in poisoning the creatures — and one is a musk animal of a black colour which they desired (ayufto) who were bitten by the fanged serpent — as the serpent of the mountain water-courses (mako) is called — which is numerous on the river-banks; one throws the same unto it for food, which it eats, and then the serpent enters its body, when his^ serpent, at the time this happens, feeds upon the same belly in which the serpent is, and he will become clear from that malady. 23. Among birds two were produced of a different character from the rest, and those are the griffon bird and the bat, which have teeth in the mouth, and suckle their young with animal milk from the teat. 24. This is the fifth contest, as to animals.

Chapter X.

I. As he (Aharman) came sixthly to Gayomar^f there was arrayed against him, with Gayomar^^, the

^ This appears to be the meaning here of amat zak garzrako, but the whole sentence is a fair sample of Dac/-sparam's most involved style of writing. By feeding the black musk animal with snakes the effect of a snake-bite, experienced by the feeder, is supposed to be neutralized.

SELECTIONS OF ZA25-SPARAM, IX, 20-X, 5. 1 83

pure propitious liturgy (m an sar spend), as heard from Gayomarrt'; and Auharmazd, in pure meditation, considered that which is o^ood and rig-hteousness as destruction of the fiend (drti^o). 2. And when he (Gayomarrtf) passed away eight kinds of mineral of a metallic character arose from his various members ; they are gold, silver, iron, brass, tin, lead, quicksilver (az^ginako), and adamant; and on account of the perfection of gold it is produced from the life and seed.

3. Spendarmart^ received the gold of the dead Gayomar^^, and it was forty years in the earth. 4. At the end of the forty years, hi the manner of a "RivdiS-p iant, Mashya aiid Mashyoi '^ came up, and, one joined to the other, were of like stature and mutually adapted^; and its middle, on which a glory came, through their like stature *, was such that it was not clear which is the male and which the female, and which is the one with the glory which Auharmazd created. 5. This is that glory for which man is, indeed, created, as it is thus said in revela-

^ Compare Bund. XV, i.

2 The MS. has Mashai Mashaye, but see Bund. XV, 6, The Avesta forms were probably mashya mashyoi (or m ashy e), which are regular nominatives dual, masculine and feminine, of mashya, ' mortal,' and indicate that they were usually coupled together in some part of the Avesta which is no longer extant. Pazand writers have found it easy to read Mashyani instead of Mashyoi.

^ Reading ham-bajno ham-dakhik, but whether this is more likely to be the original reading than the ham-badi^-n va hamdasak of Bund. XV, 2, is doubtful. The last epithet here might also be read ham-sabik, 'having the same shirt,' but this is an improbable meaning.

• It is evident that ham-bandi^nth, 'mutual connection,' in accordance with Bund. XV, 3, would be preferable to the hamba^noih, 'like stature/ of this text.

tion : 'Which existed before, the glory ^ or the body?' And Auharmazd spoke thus: 'The glory was created by me before ; afterwards, for him who is created, the glory is given a body so that it may produce activity, and its body is created only for activity.' 6, And, afterwards, they changed from the shape of a plant into the shape of man^, and the glory went spiritually into them.

Chapter XI.

I. As he (Aharman) came seventhly to fire, which was all together against him, the fire separated into five kinds ^, which are called the Propitious, the Good diffuser, the Aurvazti-t, the Vazii't, and the Supremely-(5^;/^///2^. 2. And it produced the Propitious fire itself in heaven (gar 6 ^m an) ; its manifestation is in the fire which is burning on the earth, and its propitiousness is this, that all the kinds are of its nature. 3. The Good diffuser is that which is in men and animals ^, and its business consists in the digestion of the food, the sleeping of the

^ The old word nismo, ' soul' (see Bund. XV, 3, 4), has become corrupted here (by the omission of the initial stroke) into gadman, ' glory.' This corruption may be due either to Da^/-sparam not understanding the word (in which case the Bundahij- must have been an old book in his time), or else to some later copyist confounding the old word for ' soul ' with the better-known ' glory ' of the Iranian sovereigns.

2 Bund. XV, 5.

' Bund. XVII, I. Three of the Avesta names are here translated, the first two being the Spenii't and Vohu-fryan, which are the fifth and second in the Bundahij, and the fifth being the Berezisavang, which is the first in the Bundahij.

• See Bund. XVII, 2.

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, X, 6 -XI, 7. 1 85

body, and the brightening of the eyes. 4. The Atirvdzti-t is that which is in plants, in whose seed it is formed, and its business consists in piercing the earth, warming the chilled water ^ and producing the qualities and fragrance of plants and blossoms therefrom, and elaborating the ripened produce into many fruits. 5. And the Vazti-t is that which has its motion in a cloud, and its business consists in destroying the atmospheric gloom and darkness, and making the thickness of the atmosphere fine and propitious in quality, sifting the hail, moderately warming the water which the cloud holds, and making sultry weather showery. 6. The Supremelybenefiting, like the sky, is that glory whose lodgment is in the Behram fire 2, as the master of the house is over the house, and whose propitious power arises from the growing brightness of the fire, the blazing forth in ^ the purity of the place, the praise of God (yazdano), and the practice of good works. 7. And its business is that it struggles with the spiritual fiend, it watches the forms of the witches — who walk up from the river *, wear woven clothing, disturb the luminaries by the concealment of stench, and by witchcraft injure the creatures — and the occurrences of destruction, burning, and celebration of witchcraft, especially at night ; being an assistant of Srosh the righteous.

^ Reading maya-i afsar^Jni(/6 taftano instead of the seemingly unmeaning mayS 2,sz.xd\xAdo aftano of the MS.

^ The Verehrano atash, or sacred fire of the fire-temples.

^ Reading pavan instead of bara (see p. 176, note 5).

• Or 'sea' (dariyaz'6). This long-winded sentence is more involved and obscure in the original than in the translation.

8. And in the beginning of the creation^ the whole earth was dehvered over into the guardianship of the subHme Frobak fire, the mighty Gii^nasp fire, and the beneficial Bur(^in-Mitr6 fire ^ zvhich are like priest, warrior, and husbandman. 9. The place of the fire Frobak was formed on the Gadman-homand (' glorious ') mountain in Khvari^'em ^ the fire Gtii-- nasp was on the Asnavand mountain in Ataro-patakan, and the fire Bur£:in-Mitr6 on the Revand mountain which is in the Ridge of Vi^tasp, and its material manifestation in the world was the most complete.

10. In the reign of Hoshang^, when men were continually going forth to the other regions (keshvar) on the ox Sruvo ^, one night, half-way, while admiring the fires, the fire-stands which were prepared in three places on the back of the ox, and in which the fire was, fell into the sea, and the substance of that one great fire ivhich was manifest, is divided into three, and they established it on the three fire-stands, and it became itself three glories whose lodgments are in the Frobak fire, the Gui^nasp fire, and the Bursin-Mitro ^

^ Literally, * creature.'

^ The epithets of these three sacred fires are, respectively, var^an, tagiko, and pur-su^o in Pahlavi.

3 See Bund. XVII, 5, 7, 8.

• Bund. XVII, 4 says, 'in the reign Qf Takhmorup,' his successor.

^ Sarsaok or Srisaok in the Bundahi.?.

^ The remainder of ' the sayings of Za(/-sparam, about the meeting of the beneficent spirit ajid the evil spirit,' have no special reference to the Bundahij. They treat of the following matters : —

The coming of the religion, beginning in the time of Frasiyazi and Manuj/('ihar, with an anecdote of Kai-us and the hero Srito (Av. Thrita). The manifestation of the glory of Zaratujt

SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM, XI, 8-1 0. 1 87

before his birth. The begetting of Zaratui't through the drinking of horn-juice and cow's milk infused, respectively, with his guardian spirit and glory, as declared in the manuscript on 'the guidance of worship.' The connection of Zaratmt with Aiiharmazd, traced back through his genealogy as far as Gayomar^. The persistent endeavours of the fiends to destroy Zaratiut at the time of his birth, and how they were frustrated. His receiving the religion from Auharmazd, with another anecdote of Kai-ias and Srito, and of Zaratuxt's exclamation on coming into the world. The enmity borne to him by five brothers of the Karapan family, and how it was frustrated ; his own four brothers, and some of his wonderful deeds. The worthiness of his righteousness ; his compassionate and liberal nature; his giving up worldly desires; his pity; his good selection of a wife ; and what is most edifying for the soul. What occurred when he was thirty years old, and his being conducted by the archangel Vohfiman to the assembly of the spirits. The questions asked by Zaratuxt, and Afiharmazd's replies thereto. The seven questions he asked of the seven archangels in seven diff'erent places, in the course of one winter. [Westergaard's MS. K35 ends in the middle of the second of these questions.] The five dispositions of priests, and the ten admonitions. The three preservatives of religion, with particulars about the Gathas and the connection of the Ahunavar with the Nasks. Zaratui-t's obtaining one disciple, Me(^y6k-mSh, in the first ten years, and the acceptance of the religion by Vijtasp two years afterwards.

The second of the writings of Za(/-sparam consists of his ' sayings about the formation of men out of body, life, and soul ; ' and the third (which is imperfect in all known MSS.) contains his ' sayings about producing the renovation of the universe'

BAH MAN YA5T,

OR

ZAND-I VOHUMAN YASNO,

OF WHICH ZAND, OR COMMENTARY, THIS WORK SEEMS TO BE AN EPITOME.

OBSERVATIONS.

1-5. (The same as on p. 2.)

6. Abbreviations used are: — Av. for Avesta. Bund, for Bundshls, as translated in this volume. Dsid. for Da/istan-i Dinik. Gr. for Greek. Haug's Essays, for Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by Martin Haug, 2nd edition. Huz. for Huzvarij. Pahl. for Pahlavi. Paz. for Pazand. Pers. for Persian. Sans, for Sanskrit. Sis. for Shayast la-shayast, as translated in this volume. SZS. for Selections of Za^-sparam, as translated in this volume. Vend, for Vendidad, ed. Spiegel. Yas. for Yasna, ed. Spiegel. Yt. for Yast, ed. Westergaard.

7. The manuscripts mentioned in the notes are : —

K20 (about 500 years old), No. 20 in the University Library at Kopenhagen.

Paz. MSS. (modern), No. 22 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich, and a copy of one in the library of the highpriest of the Parsis at Bombay.

Pers. version (composed a. d. 1496, copied a.d. 1679) in a Rivayat MS., No. 29 of the University Library at Bombay.

BAHMAN YA5T.

Chapter I.

0. May the gratification of the creator Atlharmazd, the beneficent, the developer, the splendid, and glorious, and the benediction of the archangels, which constitute the pure, good religion of the Mazdayasnians, be vigour of body, long life, and prosperous wealth for him whose writing I am \

1. As ^ it is declared by the StiifT'gar Nask^ that

^ Or, possibly, '/or whom I am written,' the meaning of mun yektibunihem being not quite clear. In fact, the construction of the whole of this initial benediction is rather obscure.

^ It is possible that this is to be read in connection with Chap. II, I, with the meaning that *as it is declared by the Stu^gar Nask that Zaratujt asked for immortality from Auharmazd, so in the Vohuman Ya^t commentary it is declared that he asked for it a second time.' This introductory chapter is altogether omitted in both the Paz. MSS. which have been examined, but it is given in the Pers. version. It is also omitted in the epitome of the Bahman Yajt contained in the Dabistan (see Shea's translation, vol. i. pp. 264-271).

^ This was the first nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkar^, which calls it SiJfi^kar; but according to the Dini-va^arkar(/ and the Rivayats it was the second nask, called Sludgar or Istudgar. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar(/ (which agrees with the account in the Rivayats), see Haug's Essays, p. 126. In the Dinkar(/, besides a short description of this Nask, given in the eighth book, there is also a detailed account of the contents of each of its fargar(/s, or chapters, occupying twenty-five quarto pages of twenty-two lines each, in the ninth book. From this detailed statement it appears

Zaratu^t asked for immortality from Auharmazd, then Auharmazd displayed the omniscient wisdom to Zaratu5t, and through it he beheld the root of a tree, on which were four branches, one golden, one of silver, one of steel, and one was mixed up with iron. 2. Thereupon he reflected in this way, that this was seen in a dream, and when he arose from sleep Zaratu^t spoke thus : ' Lord of the spirits and earthly existences ! it appears that I saw the root of a tree, on which were four branches.'

3. ACiharmazd spoke to Zaratui-t the Spitamani thus: 'That root of a tree which thou sawest, and those four branches, are the four periods which will

that the passage mentioned here, in the text, constituted the seventh fargar^f of the Nask, the contents of which are detailed as follows : —

'The seventh fargar^, Ta-ve-rato (Av. ta ve urvata, Yas. XXXI, i), is about the exhibition to Zaratfijt of the nature of the four periods in the Zarattjjtian millennium (hazangrok zim, "thousand winters" ). First, the golden, that in which Auharmazd displayed the religion to Zaratii^t. Second, the silver, that in which Vi^tasp received the religion from Zaratui-t. Third, the steel, the period within which the organizer of righteousness, Atar6-pa(/ son of Marspend, was born. Fourth, the period mingled with iron is this, in which is much propagation of the authority of the apostate and other villains (sari tar an 6), along with destruction of the reign of religion, the weakening of every kind of goodness arid virtue, and the departure of honour and wisdom from the countries of Iran. In the same period is a recital of the many perplexities and torments of the period for that desire (girayih) of the Hfe of the good which consists in seemliness. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness (Av. ashem vohu vahijtem asti, Yas. XXVII,

14, w.v

If this be a correct account of the contents of this fargar^^, the writer was evidently consulting a Pahlavi version of the Nask, composed during the later Sasanian times.

^ Generally understood to mean ' descendant of Spitama,' who was his ancestor in the ninth generation (see Bund. XXXII, i).

CHAPTER I, 2-6. 19;

come. 4. That of gold is when I and thou converse, and King Vijtasp shall accept the religion, and shall demolish the figures of the demons, but they themselves remain for^ . . . concealed proceedings. 5. And that of silver is the reign of Ar^akhshir^ the Kayan king (Kai shah), and that of steel is the reign of the glorified (anoshakruban) Khusro son of Keva^^ and that which was mixed with iron is the evil sovereignty of the demons with dishevelled hair * of the race of Wrath ^ and when it is the end of the tenth hundredth winter (sato zim) of thy millennium, O Zaratu^t the Spitaman ! '

6. It is declared in the commentary (zand)« of the Vohuman Yajt, Horvada^ Ya^t, and ks\kd^s^

1 A word is lost here in K20 and does not occur in the other copies and versions, nor can it be suppUed from the similar phrase in Chap. II, 16. The meaning of the sentence appears to be that Vi^tasp destroyed the idols, but the demons they represented still remained, in a spiritual state, to produce evil.

2 See Chap. II, 17.

^ Khusro Noshirvan son of Qubad, in modern Persian, who reigned in a. d. 531-579- Keva(/ is usually written Kava^/.

• The epithet vi^ar(/-vars may also mean ' dressed-hair,' but the term in the text is the more probable, as the Persian version translates it by kushadah mut, ' uncovered hair.' That it is not a name, as assumed by Spiegel, appears clearly from the further details given in Chap. II, 25.

" Or, ' the progeny of Aeshm,' the demon. Wrath is not to be understood here in its abstract sense, but is personified as a demon. It is uncertain whether the remainder of this sentence belongs to this § or the next.

« If there were any doubt about zand meaning the Pahlavi translation, this passage would be important, as the Avesta of the Horvada^ (Khordad) and A^ta^ Ya^ts is still extant, but contains nothing about the heretic Mazdik or Mazdak (see Chap. II, 21). No Avesta of the Vohuman Ya^ is now known. [5] O

that, during this time, the accursed Mazdik son of B^mdtW, who is opposed to the reHgion, comes into notice, and is to cause disturbance among those in the rehgion of God (yazd^n). 7. Aud he, the glorified one'^, summoned Khusro son of Mah-da^ and Da^-Auharmazd of NishapCir, who were highpriests of Ataro-patakan, and Ataro-frobag the undeceitful (akadba), Ataro-p^^f, Ataro-Mitro, and Bakht-afrirtf to h's presence, and he demanded of them a promise ^, thus : ' Do not keep these Ya5ts in concealment, a/id do not teach the commentary except among your relations ^' 8. And they made the promise unto Khusro.

Chapter II.

I. In the Vohiiman Yai^t commentary (zand) it is declared ^ that Zaratu^t asked for immortality from

' That is, Khusro Noshirvan. As the names of his priests and councillors stand in K20 they can hardly be otherwise distributed than they are in the text, but the correctness of the MS. is open to suspicion. Da^/-Aiiharmazd was a commentator who is quoted in Chap. Ill, 16, and in the Pahl. Yas. XI, 22 ; Ataro-frobag was another commentator mentioned in Sis. I, 3 ; and Ataro-par/ and Bakht-afri(/ are names well known in Pahlavi literature, the former having been borne by more than one individual (see Sis. I, 3, 4).

^ The Pers. version says nothing about this promise, but states that Khusro sent a message to the accursed Mazdak, requiring him to reply to the questions of this priestly assembly on pain of death, to which he assented, and he was asked ten religious questions, but was unable to answer one ; so the king put him to death immediately.

^ A similar prohibition, addressed to Zaratujt, as regards the Avesta text, is actually found in the Horvada^ Yt. 10.

• This seems to imply that this text is not the commentary

CHAPTER I, 7-II, 3. 195

Aiiharmazd a second time, and spoke thus : ' I am Zaratui^t, more righteous and more efficient among these thy creatures, O creator ! when thou shalt make me ^ immortal, as the tree opposed to harm ^, and Gopatshah, Go^t-i Fry^n, and A"itr6k-miyan son ofVii-tasp, who is Peshyotanu, were made ^ 2. When thou shalt make me immortal they in thy good religion zuill believe that the upholder of religion, who receives from Auharmazd his pure and good religion of the Mazdayasnians, will become immortal ; then those men will believe in thy good religion.'

3. Auharmazd spoke * thus : ' When I shall make thee immortal, O Zaratu^-t the Spit^man! then Tur-i Br^^^'arvash the Karap ^ will become immortal, and

itself, but merely an epitome of it. The Paz. MSS. which have been examined, begin with this chapter.

^ Or, 'when I shall become;' the verb is omitted by mistake in K20.

^ Three of these immortals are mentioned in Bund. XXIX, 5, and Gojt-i Fryan is included in a similar enumeration in Da^. (Reply 89). The tale of G6^t-i Fryan (Av. Yoijto yo Fryananam, of Aban Yt. 81 and Fravardin Yt. 120) has been published with ' The Book of Ara'a-Viraf,' ed. Hoshangji and Haug.

^ Or, ' became;' most of this verb is torn off in K20.

• The verb is placed before its nominative in the Pahlavi text, both here and in most similar sentences, which is an imitation of the Avesta, due probably to the text being originally translated from an Avesta book now lost, or, at any rate, to its author's wish that it might appear to be so translated. In such cases of inverted construction, when the verb is in a past tense, the Pahlavi idiom often requires a pronominal suffix, corresponding to the nominative, to be added to the first word in the sentence; thus, guftoj Auharmazd, or afaj- guft Aflharmazd, does not mean 'Auharmazd spoke to him (or said it),' but merely 'Auharmazd spoke ' (lit. * it was said by him, Auharmazd').

^ According to an untranslated passage in the Selections of Za(/-sparam, mentioned in the note on p. 187, this is the name of

O 2

when Tur-i Bra^arvash the Karap shall become immortal the resurrection and future existence are not possible.'

4. Zaratui-t seemed uneasy about it in his mind^ ; and Auharmazd, through the wisdom of omniscience, knew what was thought by ZaratU5t the Spitaman with the righteous spirit, and he^ took hold of Zaratui-t's hand. 5. And he, Auharmazd the propitious spirit, creator of the material world, the righteous one, even he put the omniscient wisdom, in the shape of water, on the hand of ZaratuJt, and said to him thus : ' Devour it.'

one of the five brothers in the Karapan family of sorcerers, who were enemies of Zaratmt during his childhood. Their names, as written in SZS., may be read as follows, 'Brar/arvakhsh, Bra(/r6yijn6, Tur Bragresh, Azano, and Nasm,' and the first is also called ' Tur-i Braf/arvakhsh ; ' they are described as descendants of the sister of Manuj-)^ihar. In the seventh book of the Dinkar^f a wizard, who endeavours to injure Zaratia^t in his childhood, is called ' Tur-i Bra(/r6k-resh, the Karapo,' and was probably the third brother, whose name (thus corrected) indicates brathro-raesha as its Avesta form. Karap or Karapan in all these passages is evidently the name of a family or caste, probably the Av. karapano which Haug translates by ' performers of (idolatrous) sacrificial rites, 'nn connection with Sans, kalpa, 'ceremonial ritual' (see Haug's Essays, pp. 289-291).

^ K20 has 'among the spirits/ the word minijn having become mainokan by the insertion of an extra stroke.

• Reading afa^ instead of minaj (Huz. oizg2iS, 'from or by him,' which is written with the same letters as afaj', 'and by him'), not only here, but also in §§ 5, 7, 9. The copyist of K20 was evidently not aware that afaj is a conjunctive form, but confounded it with the prepositional form a^aj, as most Parsis and some European scholars do still. The Sasanian inscriptions confirm the reading afax for the conjunctive form ; and Neryosang, the learned Parsi translator of Pahlavi texts into Pazand and Sanskrit some four centuries ago, was aware of the difference between the two forms, as he transcribes them correctly into Paz. va)s- and aza^.

6. And Zaratui^t devoured some of it ; thereby the omniscient wisdom was intermingled with Zaratiut, and seven days and nights Zaratiut was in the wisdom of Auharmazd. 7. And Zaratu^t beheld the men and cattle in the seven regions of the earth, where the many fibres of hair of every one are, and whereunto the end of each fibre holds on the back.
7. And he beheld whatever trees and shrubs there were, and how many roots of plants were in the earth of Spendarma^, where and how they had grown, and where they were mingled.

9. And the seventh day and night he (Auharmazd) took back the omniscient wisdom from Zaratuj't, and Zaratui-t reflected in this way, that I have seen it in a pleasant dream produced by Auharmazd, and I am not surfeited with the dream.
10. And he took both hands, rubbed his body (kerp) again, and spoke '^ thus : ' I have slept a long time, and am not surfeited with this pleasant dream produced by Auharmazd.'

11. Auharmazd said to the righteous Zaratu.5t thus : ' What was seen in the pleasant dream produced by Auharmazd?'

12. Zaratu^t spoke thus: 'O Auharmazd, propitious spirit ! creator of the material world, righteous creator! I have seen a celebrity (khuni^f) with much wealth, whose soul, infamous in the body, was hungry (gurs)^ and jaundiced and in hell, and he did not seem to me exalted ; and I saw a beggar with no wealth and helpless, and his soul was thriving (farpih) in paradise, and^ he seemed to me exalted.

^ This verb is omitted in K20 by mistake.

2 Or else ' dirty.'

^ Reading afam instead of minam, both here and in § 14; the

13. [And I saw a wealthy ma7i without children, and he did not seem to me exalted;]^ and I saw a pauper with many children, and he seemed to me exalted. 14. And I saw a tree on which were seven branches, one golden, one of silver, one brazen, one of copper, [one of tin] -, one of steel, and one was mixed up with iron.'

15. Auharmazd spoke thus: 'O Zaratu^t the Spitaman ! this is what I say beforehand, the one tree which thou sawest is the world which I, Auharmazd, created ; and those seven branches thou sawest are the seven periods which zai// come.
16. And that which was golden is the reign of King Vi^tasp, when I and thou converse about religion, and Vi^tasp shall accept that religion and shall demolish the figures of the demons, and the demons desist from demonstration into concealed proceedings ; Aharman and the demons rush back to darkness, and care for water, fire, plants, and the earth of Spendarma^^ becomes apparent. 17. And that which was of silver* is the reign of Ar^ashir^ the

copyist of K20 having confounded these two words, like those mentioned in the note on § 4.

^ The passage in brackets is omitted in K20, but is suppUed from the Paz. ]\ISS., being evidently necessary to complete the contrast. It occurs also in the Pers. version.

■^ Supplied from the Paz. and Pers. versions, being omitted here in K20, though occurring in § 20.

•'' The female archangel who has charge of the earth (see Bund.

I, 26).

• The Paz. MSS. omit the description of the silver age.

^ Usually identified with Artaxerxes Longimanus, but his long reign of 1 12 years may include most of the Acha^menian sovereigns down to Artaxerxes Mnemon, several of whom are called Ahasuerus or Artaxerxes in the biblical books of Ezra and Esther. See Bund, XXXI, 30, XXXIV, 8.

CHAPTER 11, 13-19. 199

Kayan (Kai), whom ^ they call Vohuman son of Spend-da^^, who is he who separates the demons from men, scatters them about, and makes the religion current in the whole world. 18. And that which was brazen ^ is the reign of Ar^akhshir *, the arranger and restorer of the world, and that of King Shahpur, when he arranges the world which I, Auharmazd, created ; he makes happiness (bukhtakih)^ prevalent in the boundaries of the world, and goodness shall become manifest ; and Atar6-p4^ of triumphant destiny, the restorer of the true religion, with the prepared brass ^, brings this religion, together with the transgressors, back to the truth. 19. And that which was of copper is the reign of the Ai^kanian king '^, who removes from the world

^ Reading mun, ' whom,' instead of amat, ' when ' (see the note on Bund. I, 7).

^ Contracted here into Spenda^/, as it is also in Bund. XXXIV, 8 in the old MSS. This name of the king is corrupted into Bahman son of Isfendiyar in the Shahnamah.

^ This brazen age is evidently out of its proper chronological order. The Pazand and Persian versions correct this blunder by describing the copper age before the brazen one here, but they place the brazen branch before the copper one in § 14, so it is doubtful how the text stood originally.

• Artakhshatar son of Papaki and Shahpuhari son of Artakhshatar are the Sasanian forms of the names of the first two monarchs (a.d. 226-271) of the Sasanian dynasty, whose reigns constitute this brazen age.

^ Literally, ' deliverance from sin ' or * salvation ' by one's own good works, and, therefore, not in a Christian sense.

® Referring to the ordeal of pouring molten brass on his chest, undergone by Ataro-pa^ son of Maraspend, high-priest and prime minister of Shapur I, for the purpose of proving the truth of his religion to those who doubted it.

' It is uncertain which of the Ai'kanian sovereigns is meant, or whether several of the dynasty may not be referred to. The Greek

the heterodoxy (^avi^-rastakih) which existed, and the wicked Akandgar-i Kihsyakih ^ is utterly destroyed by this rehgion, and goes unseen and unknown from the world. 20. And that which was of tin is the reio^n of Kincr V^hram Gor ^, when he

successors of Alexander were subdued in Persia by A^k (Arsaces I), \vho defeated Seleucus Callinicus about b.c. 236. But the third book of the Dinkar^(in a passage quoted by Haug in his Essay on the Pahlavi Language) mentions Valkhaj (Vologeses) the A^kanian as collecting the Avesta and Zand, and encouraging the Mazdayasnian religion. This Valkhaj was probably Vologeses I, a contemporary of Nero, as shown by Darmesteter in the introduction to his translation of the Vendidad.

^ I am indebted to Professor J. Darmesteter for pointing out that Neryosang, in his Sanskrit translation of Yas. IX, 75, explains Kalajiyaka/^ as 'those whose faith is the Christian religion;' the original Pahlavi word in the oldest MSS. is Kilisayaik, altogether a misunderstanding of the Avesta name Keresani, which it translates, but sufficiently near the name in our text to warrant the assumption that Neryosang would have translated Kilisyakih by 'Christianity;' literally it means ' ecclesiasticism, or the church religion' (from Pers. kilisya, Gr. eKKXTjaia). Akandgar is probably a miswriting of Alaksandar or Sikandar ; though Darmesteter suggests that Skandgar (Av. skewdo-kara, Pers. jikandgar), ' causer of destruction,' would be an appropriate punning title for Alexander from a Persian point of view. The anachronisms involved in making Alexander the Great a Christian, conquered by an Ajkanian king, are not more startling than the usual Pahlavi statement that he was a Roman. To a Persian in Sasanian times Alexander was the representative of an invading enemy which had come from the countries occupied, in those times, by the eastern empire of the Christian Romans, which enemy had been subdued in Persia by the Ai'kanian dynasty ; and such information would naturally lead to the anachronisms just mentioned. The name Kilisyakih is again used, in Chap. Ill, 3, 5, 8, to denote some Christian enemy.

'^ This Sasanian monarch (a. d. 420-439), after considerable provocation, revived the persecution of the heretics and foreign creeds which had been tolerated by his predecessor, and this conduct naturally endeared him to the priesthood.

makes the sight ^ of the spirit of pleasure manifest, and Aharman with the wizards rushes back to darkness ant/ gloom. 21. And that which was of steel is the reign of King KhCisro son of Keva^f^, when he keeps away from this religion the accursed Mazdtk^, son of Bdmdartf, who remains opposed to the religion alonof with the heterodox. 22. And that which was mixed with iron [is the reign of the demons with dishevelled hair * of the race of Wrath, when it is the end of the tenth hundredth winter of thy millennium], O Zaraturt the Spitam^n ! '

23. Zaratu^t said thus: ' Creator of the material world! O propitious spirit! what token would you give of the tenth hundredth winter ? '

24. Auharmazd spoke thus: 'Righteous Zaratuj-t! I wi// make zV clear : the token that it is the end of thy millennium, and the most evil period is coming, is //la^ a hundred kinds, a thousand kinds, a myriad of kinds of demons with dishevelled hair, of the

^ Reading venap (Pers. binab), but it may be va dava^, in which case the phrase must be translated as follows : ' when he makes the spirit of pleasure and joy manifest.'

^ See Chap. I, 5. The characteristic of the steel age, like that of the tin one, was the persecution of heretics who had been tolerated by the reigning monarch's predecessor.

^ Generally written Mazdak, a heretic whose teaching was very popular in the time of King Kevad (or Kavaa', a. d. 487-531). His doctrine appears to have been extreme socialism built upon a Mazdayasnian foundation. He was put to death by Khusro I, as hinted in the text. It is remarkable that none of the successors of Khusro Noshirvan are mentioned in the Bahman Yast, so that a Parsi, who even did not believe in the verbal inspiration of the book, might possibly consider the remainder of it as strictly prophetical.

• The passage in brackets is omitted in K20 by mistake, and is here supplied from Chap. I, 5, in accordance with the Paz, and Pers. versions.

race of Wrath, rush into the country of Iran (Airan shatro) from the direction of the east\ which /las an inferior race and race of Wrath. 25. They have upHfted banners, they slay those hving in the world 2, they have ^/leir hair dishevelled on the back, and they are mostly a small and inferior (nitum) race, forward in destroying the strong doer ; O Zaratu^t the Spitaman ! the race of Wrath is miscreated (v i - shu^) and its origin is not manifest. 26. Through witchcraft they rush into these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created, since they burn and damage many things ; and the house of the houseowner, the land of the land-digger, prosperity, nobility, sovereignty, religion^, truth, agreement, security, enjoyment, and every characteristic which I, Auharmazd, created, this pure religion of the Mazdayasnians, and the fire of Vahram, which is set in the appointed place, encounter annihilation, and the direst destruction and trouble will come into notice. 27. And that which is a great district will become a town ; that which is a great town, a village ; that

^ Or 'of Khurasan.' It is difficult to identify these demons with the Arabs, who came from the west, though a dweller in Kirman might imagine that they came from Khurasan. In fact, hardly any of the numerous details which follow, except their longcontinued rule, apply exclusively to Muhammadans. It appears, moreover, from § 50 and Chap. Ill, 8, that these demons are intended for Turks, that is, invaders from Turkistan, who would naturally come from the east into Persia.

^ Reading gehan-zivo zektelund, but the beginning of the latter word is torn off in K20, and the other versions have no equivalent phrase. The Pazand substitutes the phrase ' black banners and black garments.'

^ This word, being torn off in K20, is supplied from the Paz. MSS.

which is a great village, a family; and that which is a [great] ^ family, a single threshold. 28. O Zaratu^-t theSpitaman! they will lead these Iranian countries of Ailharmazd into a desire for evil, into tyranny and misgovernment, those demons with dishevelled hair who are deceivers, so that what they say they do not do, and they are of a vile religion, so that what they do not say they do. 29. And their assistance and promise have no sincerity, there is no law, they preserve no security, and on the support they provide no one relies ; with deceit, rapacity, and misgovernment they will devastate these my Iranian countries, who am Auharmazd.

30. 'And at that time, O Zaraturt the Spitaman! all men will become deceivers, great friends will become of different parties, and respect, affection, hope ^, and regard for the soul will depart from the world ; the affection of the father will depart from the son ; and that of the brother from his brother ; the son-in-law will become a beggar (kid yak or kasik) from his father-in-law^, and the mother will be parted and estranged from the daughter.

31. 'When it is the end of thy tenth hundredth winter, O Zaratui't the Spitaman ! the sun is more unseen and more spotted (vasangtar); the year, month, and day are shorter ; and the earth of Spendarma^ is more barren, and fuller of highway-

• This word is omitted in K20, but supplied from the Pazand. The whole section is omitted in the Pers. version.

^ This word, being torn off in K20, is doubtfully supplied from the Pers. paraphrase. The Paz. MSS. omit §§ 30-32.

^ Or, perhaps, 'parents-in-law;' the original is khusriune, followed by some word (probably naf^man) which is torn off in K20. The Pers. version gives no equivalent phrase.

men ^ ; and the crop will not yield the seed, so that of the crop of the corn-fields in ten cases seven will diminish and three ^ will increase, and that which increases does not become ripe^; and vegetation, trees, and shrubs will diminish ; when one shall take a hundred, ninety will diminish and ten will increase, and that which increases gives no pleasure and flavour. 32. And men are born smaller, and their skill and strength are less ; they become more deceitful and more given to vile practices ; they have no gratitude and respect for bread and salt, and they have no affection for their country (desak).

2)Z' 'And in that most evil time a boundary has most disrespect * where it is the property of a suffering man of religion ; gifts are few among their deeds, and duties and good works proceed but little from their hands ; and sectarians of all kinds are seeking mischief for them ^ 34. And all the world will be burying and clothing the dead, and burying the dead and washing the dead will be by law ; the burninof, brineine to water and fire, and eatino^ of dead matter they practise by law and do not abstain from. 35. They recount largely about duties and good works, and pursue wickedness and the road to hell ; and through the iniquity, cajolery, and craving of wrath and avarice they rush to hell.

36. 'And in that perplexing time, O Zaratu.?t the

^ Or, 'tax-collectors;' Pahl. tangtar va ras-vanagtar. ^ In K20 'va 3' is corrupted into the very similar va vai, ' and a portion.' ^ Literally, 'white.'

*■ Reading anasarm instead of hana azarm. ^ That is, for the Iranians in general, who are the ' they ' in

§§ 32-35-

Spttdman! — the reign of Wrath with infuriate spear ^ and the demon with dishevelled hair, of the race of Wrath, — the meanest slaves walk forth with the authority of nobles of the land ; and the religious, who wear sacred ^/i7^ead-gird\es on the waist, are then not able to perforin their ablution (pa(fiyaz^ih), for in those last times dead matter and bodily refuse become so abundant, that one who shall set step to step walks upon dead matter ; or when he washes in the barashntim ceremony, and puts down a foot from the stone scat (magh)^ he walks on dead matter; or when he arranges the sacred .\y(g^ (baresom) and consecrates the sacred cakes (drono) in their corpse-chamber (nasai katak)^ it is allowable.

^ The Av. Aeshmo khrvidrui', ' Aeshma the impetuous assailant' (see Bund. XXVIII, 15-17); this demon's Pahlavi epithet is partly a transcription, and partly a paraphrase of the A vesta term.

^ According to Dastiir Hoshangji (Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, p. 65) the term magh is now applied to the stones on which the person undergoing purification has to squat during ablution in the barashnum ceremony. Originally, however, Av. magha appears to have meant a shallow hole dug in the earth, near or over which the person squatted upon a seat, either of stone or some other hard material (see Vend. IX). The term for the hole was probably extended to the whole arrangement, including the seat, which latter has thus acquired the name of magh, although magh and maghak still mean * a channel or pit' in Persian.

^ The Av. kata of Vend. V, 36-40; a special chamber for the temporary reception of the corpse, when it was impossible to remove it at once to the dakhma, owing to the inclemency of the weather. It should be large enough for standing upright, and for stretching out the feet and hands, without touching either walls or ceiling ; that is, not less than six feet cube. The text means that those times will be so distressing, that it will be considered lawful to perform the sacred ceremonies even in a place of such concentrated impurity as a dead-house not actually occupied by a corpse.

37. Or, in those last times, it becomes allowable to perform a ceremonial (ya^'i^n) with two men, so that this religion may not come to nothing and collapse^; there lui/l be only one in a hundred, in a thousand, in a myriad, who believes in this religion, and even he does nothing of it though z^ be a duty^; and the fire of Vahram, which will come to nothing and collapse, /^//i- off from a thousand to one care-taker, and even he does not supply it properly with firewood and incense ; or when a man, zvho has performed worship and does not know the Nirangistan^ ('code of religious formulas'), shall kindle it with good intentions, it is allowable.

38. ' Honourable^ wealth will all proceed to those of perverted faith (kevi(^-keshan); it comes to the transgressors, and virtuous doers of good works, from the families of noblemen even unto the priests (mog-marrtfan), remain running about uncovered; the lower orders take in marriage the daughters of nobles, grandees, and priests ; and the nobles, grandees, and priests come to destitution and bondage. 39. The misfortunes of the ignoble will overtake greatness and authority, and the helpless and ignoble will come to the foremost place atid advancement ; the words of the upholders of religion, and the seal and decision of a just judge will become the

^ The Paz. MSS. add, ' and helplessness.'

"^ The Paz. ]\ISS. add, ' and the prayers and ceremonies that he orders of priests and disciples they do not fulfil.'

^ The name of a work which treats of various ceremonial details, and appears to be a portion of the Pahlavi translation of the seventeenth or Husparam Nask, containing many Avesta quotations which are not now to be found elsewhere.

• The Paz. MSS. have misread a0tr damik, 'underground,' instead of asarmik.

words of random speakers (ande^o-gokan) among the just and even the righteous ; and the words of the ignoble and slanderers, of the disreputable and mockers, and of those of divers opinions they consider true and credible, about which they take ^ an oath, although with falsehood, and thereby give false evidence, and speak falsely and irreverently about me, Auharmazd. 40. They who bear the title of priest and disciples wish evil concerning ^ one another ; he speaks vice and they look upon vice ; and the antagonism of Aharman and the demons is much brought on by them ; of the sin which men commit, out of five ^ sins the priests and disciples commit three sins, and they become enemies of the good, so that they may thereby speak of bad faults relating to one another ; the ceremonies they undertake they do not perform, and they have no fear of hell.

41. 'And in that tenth hundredth winter, which is the end of thy millennium, O righteous Zaratiut ! all mankind will bind torn hair, disregarding revelation ^ so that a willingly-disposed cloud and a

^ Literally, ' devour an oath,' which Persian idiom was occasioned by the original form of oath consisting in drinking water prepared in a particular manner, after having invoked all the heavenly powers to bear witness to the truth of what had been asserted (see the Saugand-namah).

^ Reading rai instead of la, 'not.' The whole section is omitted by the Paz. MSS., possibly from politic motives, as the language is plain enough.

^ The Persian paraphrase has ' eight.'

• Referring probably to the injunctioi^s regarding cutting the hair and paring the nails, with all the proper precautions for preventing any fragments of the hair or nails from lying about, as given in Vend. XVII. One of the penalties for neglecting such precautions is supposed to be a failure of the necessary rains. The

2o8 BAHMAN VAST.

righteous wind are not able to produce rain in its proper time and season, 42. And a dark cloud makes the whole sky night, and the hot wind and the cold wind arrive, and bring along fruit and seed of corn, even the rain in its proper time ; and it does not rain, and that which rains also rains more noxious creatures than water ; and the water of rivers and springs will diminish, and there will be no increase. 43. And the beast 0/ burden and ox and sheep bring forth more painfully^ and awkwardly, and acquire less fruitfulness ; and their hair is coarser and skin thinner ; the milk does not increase and has less cream (y^arbii't); the strength of the labouring ox is less, and the agility of the swift horse is less, and it carries less in a race.

44. ' And on the men in that perplexing time, O Zaratui-t the Spitaman ! who wear the sacred t/iread-g'irdle on the waist, the evil-seeking of misgovernment and much of its false judgment have come as a wind in which their living is not possible, and they seek death as a boon ; and youths and children will be apprehensive, and gossiping chitchat and gladness of heart do not arise among them.
45. And they practise the appointed feasts (^ai-no) of tAeir ancestors, the propitiation (ausofri^/) of angels, ^;^^the prayers and ceremonies of the season festivals and guardian spirits, in various places, yet that which they practise they do not believe in unhesitatingly ; they do not give rewards lawfully, and

words anastak dino can also be translated by 'despising the religion.'

^ The word appears to be dar(/aktar, but is almost illegible in K20; it may possibly be kutaktar, 'more scantily,' as the Paz. MSS. have kodaktar baho^ 'become smaller.'

bestow no gifts and alms, and even those [they bestow] 1 they repent of again. 46. And even those men of the good rehgion, who have reverenced the good rehgion of the Mazdayasnians, proceed in conformity with (bar-hamako riibii-n) those ways and customs 2, and do not beheve their own rehgion. 47. And the noble, great, and charitable =*, who are the virtuous of their own country and locality, will depart from their own original place and family ^ as idolatrous ; through want they beg something from the ignoble and vile, and come to poverty and helplessness ; through them ^ nine in ten of these men will perish in the northern quarter.

48. • Through their way of misrule everything comes to nothingness and destitution, levity and infirmity; and the earth of Spendarma^ opens its mouth wide, and every jewel and metal becomes exposed, such as gold and silver, brass, tin, and lead. 49. And rule and sovereignty come to slaves, such as the Turk and non-Turanian (Atur) of the army^ and are turbulent as among the moun-

^ This verb is omitted in K20.

2 It is rather doubtful whether their own customs are meant, or those of their conquerors.

• Or dahakan may mean 'the skilful.'

• Reading du^ak instead of ru^/ak. At first sight the miswriting of r for d seems to indicate copying from a text in the modern Persian character, in which those two letters are often much alike; but it happens that the compounds du and rii also resemble one another in some Pahlavi handwriting.

» Whether through poverty and helplessness, or through the conquerors, is not quite clear.

« Very little reliance can be placed upon the details of this sentence, but it is difficult to make any other complete and consistent translation. Darmesteter suggests the reading heno, 'army,' but another possible reading is Khyon (Av. /^57yaona), the old name

[5] P

2IO BAHMAN YAST.

taineers^; and the A^ini 2, the Kaz'ull, the Softi, the Ruman (Arumayak), and the white-clothed Karmak^ then attain sovereignty in my countries of Iran, ^/zrt' their will and pleasure will become current in the world. 50. The sovereignty will come from those leathern-belted ones'* and Arabs (Ta^igan) and Rumans to them, and they will be so misgoverning that when they kill a righteous man who is virtuous and a fly, it is all one^ in their eyes, 51. And the security, fame, and prosperity, the country and families, the wealth and handiwork, the streams, rivers, and springs of Iran, and of those of the good religion, come to those non-Iranians ; and the army and standards of the frontiers come to them, and a rule with a craving for wrath advances in the world. 52. And their eyes of avarice are not sated with wealth, and they form hoards of the world's wealth, and conceal ^/inn underground ; and through wickedness they commit sodomy, hold much intercourse with menstruous zvomen, and practise many unnatural lusts.

of some country probably in Turkistan, as Aro-asp, the opponent of Vi jtasp, is called ' lord or king of Khyon ' in the Ya(/l^ar-i Zariran (see also Qos Yt. 30, 31, Ashi Yt. 50, 51, Zamyad Yt. 87).

^ Or, ' as the mountain-holding Khiidarak.' Darmesteter suggests that Khudarak may be an ' inhabitant of Khazar.'

^ Probably the people of Samarkand, which place was formerly called ^in according to a passage in some MSS. of Tabart's Chronicle, quoted in Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 298. See also Bund. XII, 22.

^ The Kabuli and Byzantine Rilman are plain enough ; not so the Softi and Karmak (Kalmak or Krimak).

^ That is, the Turks, as appears more clearly from Chap. Ill, 8, 9. The Arabs are mentioned here, incidently, for the first time, and again in Chap. Ill, 9, 51.

^ Literally, ' both are one.'

53. 'And in that perplexing time the night is brighter ^ and the year, month, and day will diminish one-third ; the earth of Spendarma^ arises, and suffering, death, and destitution become more severe in the world.'

54. Auharmazd said to ZaratCi^t the Spitaman : ' This is what I foretell : that wicked evil spirit, when it shall be necessary for him to perish, becomes more oppressive and more tyrannical.'

55. So Auharmazd spoke to Zaratu^t the Spitaman thus: 'Enquire fully and learn by heart ^ thoroughly! teach it by Zand, Pa^and, and explanation ! tell it to the priests and disciples ivho speak forth in the world, and those who are not aware of the hundred winters, tell it then to them ! so that, for the hope of a future existence, and for the preservation of their own souls, they may remove the trouble, evil, and oppression which those of other religions cause in the ceremonies of religion (din 6 yesnan). 56. And, moreover, I tell thee this, O Zaratii^t the Spitaman ! that whoever, in that time, appeals for the body is not able to save the soul, for he is as it were fat, and his soul is hungry and lean in hell ; whoever appeals for the soul, his body is hungry and lean through the misery of the world, and destitute, and his soul is fat in heaven.'

57. Zaratu^t enquired of Auharmazd thus: 'O Auharmazd, propitious spirit ! creator of the material world who art righteous!' — He is Auharmazd through righteous invocation, and the rest through

^ The Paz. version adds, * the motion of the sun is quicker.' ^ Literally, ' make easy.'

P 2

2T2 BAHMAN VAST.

praise; some say ' righteous creatorM ' — 'O creator ! in that perplexing time are they righteous ? and are there rehgious people who wear the sacred threadgirdle (kustik) on the waist, and celebrate religious rites (din 6) 2 with the sacred .\i^s (baresom)? and does the religious practice of next-of-kin marriage (khvet{ik-das) continue in their families?'

58. Auharmazd said to Zaratu^t thus : ' Of the best men is he who, in that perplexing time, wears the sacred ^/iread-girdle on the waist, and celebrates religious rites with the sacred twigs, thotigh not as in the reign of King Vi^tasp. 59. Whoever in that perplexing time recites Ita-a^j'-yazam (A v. itha 2.d yazamaide, Yas. Vand XXXVII)^ and one Ashemvohu^ ajtd has learned it by heart, is as though, in the reign of King Vi^tasp, it were a Dva^dahhomist"^ with holy-water (zohar). 60. And by

^ This interpolated commentary is a pretty clear indication that the writer is translating from an Avesta text.

2 Both Paz. and Pers. have dr6n6, ' sacred cakes.'

^ The third ha or chapter of the Yasna of seven chapters. It worships Auharmazd as the creator of all good things.

• See Bund. XX, 2.

^ For the following explanation of the various kinds of homast I am indebted to Dastur Jamaspji Minochiharji Jamasp-Asa-na of Bombay : —

There are four kinds of homast recited by priests for the atonement of any sin that may have been committed by a woman during menstruation, after her purification : —

1. Homast consists of prayers recited for 144 days, in honour of the twelve following angels : Auharmazd, Ti^tar, Khurshed, Mah, Aban, Adar, Khurdad, Amerdad, Spendarmad, Bad, Srosh, and Arda-fravash. Each angel, in turn, is reverenced for twelve days successively, with one Yasna each day.

2. Khaduk-homast, ' one homast,' differs from the last merely in adding aVendidad every twelfth day, to be recited in the Ushwhomever prayer is offered up, and the Gathahymns are chanted, it is as though the whole ritual had been recited, and the G2L\\2i-hymns consecrated by him in the reign of King Vi(rtasp. 61. The most perfectly righteous of the righteous is he who remains in the good religion of the Mazdayasnians, and continues the religious practice of next-of-kin marriage in his family.'

62. Aiiharmazd said to the righteous Zaratui-t : ' In these nine thousand years which I, Auharmazd, created, mankind become most perplexed in that perplexing time ; for in the evil reigns of Kz-
    Dahak and Frasiyaz^ of Tur mankind, in those perplexing times, were living better and living more

ahin Gah ( 1 2 p. M. to 6 a. m.) in honour of the angel whose propitiation ends that day.

3. Dah-homast/ ten homasts,' differs from the preceding merely in having a Vendidad, in addition to the Yasna, every day.

4. Dvazdah-homast, ' twelve homasts,' are prayers recited for 264 days in honour of twenty-two angels, namely, the twelve aforesaid and the following ten : Bahman, Ardibahi^t, Shahrivar, Mihir, Bahram, Ram, Dm, Rashnu, Qbs, and A^tad. Each angel, in turn, is reverenced as in the last.

The celebration of ho mast costs 350 rupis, that of khadukhomast 422 rfipis, that of dah-homast 1000 rupis, and that of dvazdah-homast 2000 rupis ; but the first and third are now no longer used. The merit obtained by having such recitations performed is equivalent to 1000 tanapfihars for each Yasna, 10,000 for each Visparad, and 70,000 for each Vendidad recited. A tanapuhar is now considered as a weight of 1200 dirhams, with which serious sins and works of considerable merit are estimated ; originally it must have meant a sin which was ' inexpiable ' by ordinary good works, and, conversely, any extraordinary good work which was just sufficient to efface such a sin.

The amount of merit attaching to such recitations is variously stated in different books, and when recited with holy-water (that is, with all their ceremonial rites) they are said to be usually a hundred times as meritorious as when recited without it.

numerously, and their disturbance by Aharman and the demons was less. 63. For in their evil reigns, within the countries of Iran, there were not seven ^ towns which were desolate as they wi/l be when it is the end of thy millennium, O Zaratu^t the Spitaman! for all the towns of Iran will be ploughed up by their horses' hoofs, and their banners ivill reach unto Part'ashkhvargar 2, and they will carry away the sovereignty of the seat of the religion I approve from there ; and their destruction comes from that place, O ZaratuJt the Spitam^n ! this is what I

foretell.'

64. Whoever ^ of those existing, thus, with reverence unto the good, performs much worship for Auharmazd, Auharmazd, aware of it through righteousness, gives him whatsoever Auharmazd is aware of through righteousness, as remuneration and reward of duty and good works, and such members of

^ So in the Pazand, but 'seventeen' in Persian; in K20 tlie word is partly illegible, but can be no other number than jiba,

• seven.'

2 The mountainous region south of the Caspian (see Bund.

XII, 2, 17).

• This section is the Pahlavi version of an Avesta formula which is appended to nearly two-thirds of the has or chapters of the Yasna, and, therefore, indicates the close of the chapter at this point. The version here given contains a few verbal deviations from that given in the Yasna, but none of any importance. The Avesta text of this formula is as follows : — YeNhe hatam aaa', yesne paiti, vangho mazdau ahuro vaetha, ashao' haH, yaunghilm/C'a, tasH taus/('a yazamaide. And it may be translated in the following manner : —

' Of whatever male of the existences, therefore, Ahuramazda was better cognizant, through righteousness in worship, and of whatc^•cr females, both those males and those females we reverence.'

CHAPTER II, 63-III, 3. 215

the congregation, males and females, I reverence ; and the archangels, who are also male and female, they are good.

Chapter III.

I. Zarat^i-t enquired of Auharmazd thus : ' O Auharmazd, propitious spirit! creator of the material world, righteous one ! whence do they restore this good religion of the Mazdayasnians ? and by what means will they destroy these demons with dishevelled halr\ of the race of Wrath? 2. O creator ! grant me death ! and grant my favoured ones death ! that they may not live in that perplexing time ; grant them exemplary living ! that they may not prepare wickedness and the way to heli;

3. Auharmazd spoke thus : 'O Zaratius-t the Spitiman ! after the ill-omened ^ sovereignty of those of the race of Wrath ^ there is a fiend, She^/aspih ^ of the Kilisyakih, from the countries of Salman'';' Mah-

^ The Paz. MSS. insert, 'and black clothing' here.

"^ Literally, ' black-marked,' or possibly, ' black standard.'

^ The Paz. MSS. add, ' the leathern-belted Tiirks,' that is, people of Turkistan.

• This fiend appears to be a personification of Christianity or 'ecclesiasticism' (Kilisyakih, see Chap. II, 19), and the writer seems to place his appearance some time in the middle ages, probably before the end of the thirteenth century (see the note on § 44). Darmesteter suggests that Sheo'asp may have been intended as a modern counterpart of Bevarasp (As-i Dahak), the ancient tyrant ; and that this Christian invasion may be a reminiscence of the crusades.

^ I have formerly read Miisulman instead of min Salman, and hence concluded that the text must have been written long'

2l6 BAHMAN YA^T.

vand-da^ said that these people are Rumaii (Arumayik), and Roshan ^ said that they have red weapons, red banners, andr^^ hats (kill ah). 4. ' It is when a symptom of them appears, as they advance, O Zaratui't the Spitaman ! the sun and the dark show signs, and the moon becomes manifest of .various colours; earthquakes (bum-gu^-and), too, become numerous, and the wind comes more violently ; in the world want, distress, and discomfort come more into view; and Mercury and Jupiter advance the sovereignty for the vile ^, and they are in hundreds and thousands and myriads. 5. They have the red banner of the fiend She^'aspih of Kilisyakih, and they hasten much their progress to these countries of Iran which I, Afiharmazd, created, up to the bank of the Arvand ^,' some have said ^ the Frat^ river, 'unto the Greeks (Yunan) dwelling in Asuristan ; ' they are Greeks by strict reckoning ^

after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia; but this reading is irreconcileable with the context. The position of Salman (Av. Sairima) is defined by Bund. XX, 12, which places the sources of the Tigris in that country.

^ The name of a commentator, or commentary, often quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad, and other texts. Mahvand-dad? is mentioned in the Pahlavi Yasna (see Sis. I, 4).

2 The Paz. MSS. state that ' Mercury and Jupiter beat down the strength of Venus.'

^ Here written Arang, Arand, or Arvad, but as it is Arvand in §§21, 38, that reading seems preferable, the difference between the two names in Pahlavi being merely a single stroke. The Arvand is the Tigris, and the Arang probably the Araxes (see SZS.VI, 20, Bund. XX, 8).

• Literally, ' there are and were some who said ; ' this phrase occurs several times in the latter part of this text.

^ The Euphrates.

® Or, 'of strict reckoning,' reading sakht amar, but both reading and meaning are very uncertain. As it stands in K20 it

CHAPTER III, 4-9. 217

and their Assyrian dwelling is this, that they slay the Assyrian people therein, and thus they will destroy their abode, some have said the lurking-^o^% (grestak) of the demons.

6. ' They turn back those of the race of Wrath ^ in hundreds and thousands and myriads ; and the banners, standards, and an innumerable army of those demons with dishevelled hair will come to these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created. 7. And the army of the invader- is an extending enemy of the Turk 3 and even the KarmS be it with banners aloft when he shall set up a banner, be it through the excessive multitude which will remain — like hairs in the mane of a horse — in the countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created.

8. 'The leathern-belted Turk and the Ruman She^aspih of Kilisyakih come forth with simultaneous movement ^ and in three places, with similar strife, there was and will be three times a great contest (ar^ih), O Zaratu^t the Spttaman !
9. One in the reign of Kai-Kaus ^ when through

may be sakht ^umal, ' extreme beauty,' or Sakhtimar (the name of a place), or this may stand for sakht timar, ' severe misfortune ; ' and other readings are possible.

^ It is not quite clear which party will turn the other back.

2 Literally, 'extender,' that is, one engaged in extending his own dominions.

^ The remainder of this § (except the verb ' remain ') is Pazand written in Persian characters in K20.

• Possibly the Karmak of Chap. II, 49- I" § 20 the Kur^ and Karman (or Karms) may refer to the Turk and Karm of this §, so it is doubtful whether Turk or Kurd? is meant.

^ Or, ' for the encounter,' pavan ham-rasii-nth.

« See Bund. XXXI, 25, XXXIV, 7. The letters are here joined together, so as to become Kai-gails, and this form of the name is

2l8 BAIIMAN YAST.

the assistance of demons ^V was with the archangels ; and the second when thou, O Zaratuj't the Spitaman ! receivedst the rehgion and /mds^ thy conference, and King Vi^tasp and Ar^asp \ miscreated by wrath, 7vere, through the war of the rehgion, in the combat of Spe^-ra(^ur ("the hoary forest 2"),' some have said i^ zvas in Pars ; ' and the third when it is the end of thy millennium, O Zaratui't the Spitaman ! when all the three, Turk, Arab, and Ruman, come to this ^ place,' some have said the plain of Nii-anak^. 10. 'And all those ^/ the countries of Iran, which I, Auharmazd, created, come from their own place unto Pa^ashkhvargar ^ owing to those of the race of Wrath, O Zaratiut the Spitaman ! so that a report of something of the cave dwellings, mountain dwellings, and river dwellings of these people will remain at Pa^ashkhvargar and Pars ; some have W^ the fire Vimasp^ on the deep Lake A'e/^ast which has medicinal water opposed to the demons, is there (in Part'ashkhvargar ?) as it were conspicuous,' some have said ' originating^' 'so that

often read Kahus or Kahos in Pazand (see Mkh.VIII, 27, XXVII, 54, LVII, 21). The Paz. MSS. omit § 9.

^ See Bund. XII, 32, 33.

2 See Bund. XXIV, 16.

^ Perhaps 'one' is meant, as hana, 'this,' is sometimes substituted for ae, ' one,' both being read e in Pazand.

" The reading of this name is quite uncertain.

^ See Chap. II, 63. The whole of the final clause of this section, about the fire Vijnasp, is inserted parenthetically at this point in the Pahlavi text.

^ Elsewhere called Gujnasp, Gii.s'nasp, or Gmasp (see SZS. VI, 22).

■^ The most obvious reading of this word is mahik, ' fish,' which can hardly be reconciled with the context. The view here taken is that the writer was translating from an Avesta text, and met

CHAPTER III, lO, II. 219

they may use it anew, and the fire may become shinine in these countries* of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created. 11. For when one shall be able to save his own life, he has then no recollection of wife, child, and wealth, that they may not live, m that perplexing time, O Zaratu^t ! yet the day when the hundredth winter becomes the end of thy millennium, which is that of Zaraturt, is so that nothing wicked may go from this millennium into that millennium ^'

with the word -^ithra, which means both peo'ak, ' clear,' and tokhmak, ' originating,' but to express the latter meaning he used the synonym mayakik, which can be written exactly like mahik. Owing to the involved character of this section it is not very clear in English, but it is still more obscure in the Pahlavi text, in which the whole of this clause about the fire is inserted parenthetically after the first mention of Paa'ashkhvargar.

^ This last clause may be read several ways, and it is by no means easy to ascertain clearly the chronological order of the events which are jumbled together in this last chapter. But it would appear that Zaratujt's millennium was to end at a time when the religion was undisturbed, and just before the incursion of the demons or idolators, the details of which have been given in Chap. II, 22-III, 11, and which is the first event of Hushea'ar's millennium (see § 13). Now according to Bund. XXXIV, 7-9, the interval from ' the coming of the religion,' in the reign of Kai- Vii-tasp, to the end of the Sasanian monarchy was 90 + 1 1 2 + 30 -I- 12 + 14+ 14 + 284 + 460=1016 years. If by ' the coming of the religion ' be meant the time when Zaratfijt received it, as he was then thirty years old, he must have been born 1046 years before the end of the Sasanian monarchy (a. d. 651), and the end of his millennium must have been in a. d. 605, the sixteenth year of Khusro Parviz, when the Sasanian power was near its maximum, and only a score of years before it began suddenly to' collapse. This close coincidence indicates that the writer of the Bahman YaJt must have adopted the same incorrect chronology as is found in the Bundahi^. If, however, ' the coming of the religion ' mean its acceptance by Vi^tasp, which occurred in Zaratmt's fortieth or

12. ZaratCuTt enquired of Auharmazd thus: 'O Auharmazd, propitious spirit ! creator of the material world, righteous one! when they are so many in number, by what means will they be able to perish ^ ? '

13. Afiharmazd spoke thus : ' O Zarati\j-t the Spitaman ! when the demon with dishevelled hair of the race of Wrath comes into notice in the eastern quarter, first a black token becomes manifest, and Hushe^ar son of Zaratiut is born on Lake Frazdan^.
14. It is when he comes to his conference with me ^ Atjharmazd, O Zaratu5-t the Spttaman ! ' that in the direction of A'inistan *, it is said — some have said among the Hindus — 'is born a prince (kai) ; it is his father, a prince of the Kayan race, approaches the

forty-second year, his birth must have been ten or twelve years earlier, and his millennium must have ended a. d. 593-595- But according to the imperfect chronology of Bund. XXXIV the tenth millennium of the world, that of Capricornus, commenced with ' the coming of the religion,' and ended, therefore, in a. d. 635, the fourth year of Yazdakar^/, the last Sasanian king, when the Muhammadans were just preparing for their first invasion ; so the millennium of Aquarius is very nearly coincident with that of Hushe^/ar, and may probably be intended to represent it. It appears, therefore, that the millennium of Hushe^ar is altogether past, having extended from a.d. 593-635 to a.d. i 593-1 635.

^ The Paz. MSS. omit§ 12. The writer having detailed the evils of the iron age, now returns to its commencement in order to describe the means adopted for partially counteracting those evils.

2 See Bund. XXII, 5, XXXII, 8, The P^z. MSS. add, 'they bring him up in Zavulistan and Kavulistan ; ' and the Pers. version says, ' on ihe frontier of Kabulistan.' With regard to the time of Hushe(^ar's birth, see § 44. His name is always written Khurshe^/ar in K20.

^ The Paz. and Pers. versions say, ' at thirty years of age,' as in § 44-

• Possibly Samarkand (see Chap. II, 49, note 2).

CHAPTER III, 12-17. 22 1

women, and a religious prince is born to him; he calls his name Vahrdm the Var^avand ' some have said Shahpur. 15. ' That a sign may come to the earth, the night when that prince is born, a star falls from the sky; when that prince is born the star shows a signal.' 16. It is Da^-Auharmazd ^ who said that the month Avan and day Va^^ is his father's end;

• they rear him with the damsels of the king, and a woman becomes ruler.

17. 'That prince when he is thirty years old' — some have told the time — ' comes with innumerable banners and divers armies, Hindu and Alni', having uplifted banners — for they set up their banners — having exalted banners, and having exalted weapons ; they hasten up with speed ^ as far as the Veh river' — some have said the country of Bambo' —

• as far as Bukhar and the Bukharans within its bank,

^ Bahram the illustrious or splendid (Av. vare)^anghan(/, compare Pers. var^), an epithet applied, in the Avesta, to the moon, Tijtrya, the scriptures, the royal glory of the Kayanians, the Kayanians themselves, and the hero Thrita. This personage may possibly be an incarnation of the angel Bahram, mingled with some reminiscences of the celebrated Persian general Bahram A'opin ; but see §§ 32, 49.

^ A commentator who is quoted in the Pahlavi Yas. XI, 22 ; see also Chap. I, 7.

• The 22nd day of the eighth month of the Parsi year, corresponding to October 7th when the year began at the vernal equinox, as the Bundahii' (XXV, 6, 7, 20, 21) describes.

• That is, Bactrian and Samarkandian.

^ Or, ' light up with glitter,' according as we read ta^end or taz'end. The Paz. MSS. omit §§ 17-44, except one or two isolated phrases.

" Spiegel was inclined to identify this name with Bombay, but this is impossible, as the MS. K20 (in which the name occurs) was written some two centuries before the Portuguese invented the name of Bombay. Its original name, by which it is still called by

O Zarat^^t the Spitam^n ! i8. When the star Jupiter comes up to t^s culminating point (balist)^ and casts Venus down, the sovereignty comes to the prince. 19. Quite innumerable are the champions, furnished with arms and with banners displayed,' some have said from Sagastan, Pars, and Khurasdn, some have said from the lake of Paa^ashkhvargar ^, some have said from the Hiratts^ and Kohistan, some have said from Taparistan * ; and from those directions * everj/ supplicant for a child ^ comes into ^ view. 20. It is concerning the displayed banners and very numerous army, which were the armed men, champions, and soldiers from the countries of Iran a^ Part'ashkhvargar — whom / told thee '^ that they call both Kur^^ and Karman — it is declared

its native inhabitants, being Mumbai. The locality mentioned in the text is evidently to be sought on the banks of the Oxus near Bukhara ; the Oxus having been sometimes considered the upper course of the Arag, and sometimes that of the Veh (see Bund. XX, 22, note 5). It is hardly probable that either Bami (Balkh) or Bamiyan would be changed into Bambo, and the only exact representative of this name appears to be Bamm, a town about 120 miles S. E. of Kirman ; this is quite a different locality from that mentioned in the text, but it is hazardous to set bounds to the want of geographical knowledge displayed by some of the Pahlavi commentators.

^ Compare SZS. IV, 8. Here the triumph of Jupiter over Venus appears to be symbolical of the displacement of the queen dowager by her son.

"^ That is, from the southern shore of the Caspian.

' Reading Hiriyan, but this is doubtful, as it may be * from the citadels (arigano), or defiles (khalakano), of Kohistan.'

• See Bund. XII, 17, XIII, 15.

^ That is, every man able to bear arms.

^ Reading pavan, 'into,' instead of bara, 'besides' (see SZS. VIII, 2, note 5).

'' See § 10, but as nothing is said there about Kur^or Karman, it is possible that the writer meant to say, ' of whom I told thee,

CHAPTER III, 18-22. 223

that they will slay an excessive number, in companionship and under the same banner, for these countries of Iran.

21. ' Those of the race of Wrath and the extensive army^ of She^aspih, whose names are the two-legged wolf and the leathern-belted demon on the bank of the Arvand ^ wage three battles, one in Spe^-ra^ur '^ and one in the plain of Nii-anak ;' some have said that // was on the lake of the three races, some have said that it was in Maruv'* the brilliant, and some have said in Pars. 22. ' For the support of the countries of Iran is the innumerable army of the east; its having exalted banners^ is that they have a banner of tiger skin (bopar post), and their wind banner is white cotton''; innumerable are the mounted troops, and they ride up to the lurking-\vo^'s,'^ of the demons ; they will slay so that a thousand women can afterwards see and kiss but one man.

and whom they call both Y^wxd and Karman.' It is more probable, however, that he is referring to § 7.

• Compare § 7. The 'extensive army' and ' two-legged wolf ' are terms borrowed apparently from Yas. IX, 62, 63.

2 That is, 'the rapid' (Av. aurvan^T)- The other names of this river, Tigris and Hiddekel, have the same meaning. See

§§ 5, 38.

• See § 9, of which this is a recapitulation, but the first of the

three battles is here omitted by mistake.

• Marv in the present Turkistan. ^ Referring to § 17.

® Supposing that bandok may be equivalent to Pers. bandak, but the usual Pahlaviterm for 'cotton' is pumbak (Pers. punbah).

■^ Reading grestak as in § 5, but the word can also be read dar diir/ak, ' gate watch-tower.' It is possible that the dru^o geredha, ' pit of the fiend,' of Vend. Ill, 24, may be here meant; the gate of hell, whence the demons congregate upon the Aresur ridge (Bund. XII, 8).

23. ' When it is the end of the time\ O Zaratui-t the Spitaman! those enemies will be as much destroyed as the root of a shrub when it is in the night on which a cold winter arrives, and in this night it sheds its leaves ; and they will reinstate these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created ^

24. 'And with speed rushes the evil spirit, with the vilest races of demons and Wrath with infuriate spear ^, and comes on to the support and assistance of those demon- worshippers and miscreations of wrath, O Zaratu^t the Spitaman! 25. And I, the creator Auharmazd, send Neryosang the angel and Srosh the righteous ■* unto Kangde^ ^, which the illustrious Siyavakhsh ^ formed, and to A'itro-miyan ^ son of Vii-tasp, the glory of the Kayans, the just restorer of the religion, to speak thus : " Walk forth, O illustrious Peshyotanu! to these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created; consecrate the fire ^;2^ waters for the Hart'okht^ and Dva^-dah-homast !

^ Compare, ' and at the time of the end ' (Dan. xi. 40). The writer appears to be here finally passing from a description of the past into speculations as to the future, which he has hitherto only casually indulged in.

'^ The supernatural means supposed to be employed for the destruction of the wicked and the restoration of the good are detailed in the following paragraphs.

^ See Chap. II, 36.

• The two angels who are the special messengers of Auharmazd to mankind (see Bund. XV, i, XXX, 29). This message was expected to be sent to Peshyotanu near the end of Hushe^ar's millennium (see § 51).

^ See Bund. XXIX, 10. « See Bund. XXXI, 25. ' A title of Peshyotanfi, written A'itro-maino in Bund. XXIX, 5.

• This was the twentieth nask or ' book ' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkard^; but the Dinivag^arkart/ and the Rivayats make it the twenty-first, and say very

CHAPTER III, 23-25. 225

that is, celebrate timn with the fire and waters, and such as is appointed about the fire and waters ! "

little about its contents (see Haug's Essays, pp. 133, 134). The Dinkarc?', in its eighth book, gives the following account of this Nask : —

'The Ha^/okht as it exists has three divisions among its 133 sections. The first has thirteen (twelve?) sections, treatises upon the nature of the recital of the Ahunavar, which is the spiritual benefit from chanting it aloud, and whatever is on the same subject. Admonition about selecting a7id keeping a spiritual and worldly high-priest, performing every duty as to the high-priest, and maintaining even those of various high-priests. On the twentyone chieftainships of the spirits in Auharmazd, and of the worldly existences in Zaratu.s-t, among which are the worship of God and the management of the devout. On the duty requisite in each of the five different periods of the day and night, and the fate at the celestial bridge of him who shall be zealous in the celebration of the season-festivals ; he who does not provide the preparations for the feast of the season-festivals, and who is yet efficient in the other worship of God. On how to consider, ajid what to do with, a leader of the high-priest class and a man of the inferior classes ; he who atones for unimportant sin, and he who does not atone even for that which is important, t7«^ whatever is on the same subject. On the apparatus with which ploughed land (?) is prepared. On the manifestation of virtuous manhood, and the merit and advantage from uttering good words for blessing the eating and drinking of food and drink, and rebuking the inward talk of the demons. On the recitations at the five periods of the day, and the ceremonial invocation by name of many angels, each separately, and great information on the same subject; the worthiness of a man restrained by authority, the giving of life and body to the angels, the good rulers, and their examination and satisfaction; the blessing and winning words which are most successful in carrying off the affliction which proceeds from a fiend. On all-pleasing creativeness and omniscience, and all precedence (?), leadership, foresight(?), worthy liberality, virtue (?), and every proper cause and effect of righteousness ; the individuality of righteousness, the opposition to the demons of Auharmazd's opinion, and also much other information in the same section.

'The middle division has 102 sections, treatises on spiritual and worldly diligence, the leadership of the diligent, and their mighty

[5] Q

26. ' And Neryosang proceeds, Tvtfk Srosh the righteous, from the good A'akartM-Dattik^ to Kangde^, which the ilhistrious Siyavakhsh formed, and cries out from it thus : " Walk forth, O ilhistrious PeshyotanCi ! O Altro-miyan son of Vii^tasp, glory of the Kayans, just restorer of the religion ! walk forth to these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created ! restore again the throne of sovereignty of the religion ! "

2^/. 'Those spirits move on, and they propitiate them ; with holy-water the illustrious Peshyotanu celebrates the Dva^dah-homast, with a hundred and fifty righteous who are disciples of Peshyotanu, in black marten fur, and they have garments as it were of the good spirit. 28. They walk up with ^Ae words: "Humat, hukht, huvari-t^," and consecrate

means, all former deeds of righteousness ; righteousness kindling the resolution is the reward of merit, each for each, and is adapted by it for that ^ which it is said that // is the Hart'okht which is the maintaining of righteousness, so that they may make righteousness more abiding in the body of a man.

' The last division has nineteen sections of trusty remedies, that is, remedies whose utterance aloud by the faithful is a chief resource among the creatures of God ; also the nature of sayings full of humility, well-favoured, most select, and adapted for that ^ which it is said that I reverence that chief, the excellent and eminent Hao'okht, of which they trust in the sustaining strength of every word of ZaratLut. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness (Av. ashem vohu vahijtem asti).'

According to tradition three chapters of this Nask are still extant, being the Yaxt fragments XXI, XXII of Westergaard's edition of the Avesta Texts ; but they do not correspond to any part of the description in the Dinkart/. For a description of Dvazdah-homast see Chap. II, 59.

1 See Bund. XII, 7.

^ That is, 'good thoughts, good words, and good deeds,' a formula often uttered when commencing an important action.

CHAPTER III, 26-31. 227

the fire of the waters ; with the illustrious Hart'okht they bless me, Auharmazd, with the archangels; and after that it demolishes one-third of the opposition. 29. And the illustrious Peshyotanu walks forth, with the hundred and fifty men who wear black marten fur, and they celebrate the rituals (yasnan) of the Gadman-homand ("glorious") fire, which they call the Roshano - kerp (" luminous form")\ which is established at the appointed place (dato-gas), the triumphant ritual of the Froba fire, Horvadart', and Ameroda^, and the ceremonial (ya- ^i^n) with his priestly co-operation; they arrange and pray over the sacred twigs ; aiid the ritual of Horvada^ and Ameroda^^, in the chapter of the code of religious formulas (ntrangistan)^ demo- _ lishes three-thirds of the opposition. 30. Peshyotanti son of Vi^tasp walks forth, with the assistance of the Froba fire, the fire Gu-?nasp, and the fire Bur^in-Mitro ^ to the great idol-temples, the abode of the demons^; and the wicked evil spirit, Wrath with infuriate spear ^ and all demons and fiends, evil races and wizards, arrive at the deepest abyss of hell ; and those idol-temples are extirpated by the exertions of the illustrious PeshyotanCi.

31. 'And I, the creator Auharmazd, come to Mount HCikairyartfs with the archangels, and I issue

1 See Bund. XVII, 5, 6. This appears to be an allusion to the removal of the sacred fire by Vi^iasp, from the ' glorious ' mountain in Khvarizem to the ' shining ' mountain in Kavulistan.

2 See Chap. II, 37.

^ Regarding these three manifestations of the sacred fire, see Bund. XVII, 3-9, SZS. XI, 8-10.

• Supplying the word .yedaan, ' the demons,' in accordance with §§ 36, 37 ; there being clearly some word omitted in K20.

5 See Chap. II, 36. « Hugar the lofty in Bund. XII, 2, 5.

• Q 2

orders to the archangels that they should speak to the angels of the spiritual existences thus : " Proceed to the assistance of the illustrious Peshyotanu!" 32. Mitro of the vast cattle-pastures, Srosh the vigorous, Rashn the just, Vahram^ the mighty, Ast3.d the victorious, and the glory of the religion of the Mazdayasnians, the stimulator of religious formulas (nirang), the arranger of the world, proceed'^ to the assistance of the illustrious Peshyotanu, through the order of which I, the creator, have just written ^

^i-^. ^Out of the demons of gloomy race the evil spirit cries to Mitro of the vast cattle-pastures thus : " Stay above in truth *, thou Mitro of the vast cattlepastures !"

34. 'And then Mitro of the vast cattle-pastures cries thus : '* Of these nine thousand years' support, which during its beginning produced Dahak of evil religion, Frasiyaz^ of Ttir, and Alexander ^ the RCiman, the period of one thousand years of those leathern-belted demons with dishevelled hair is a more than moderate reign to produce''."

35. 'The wicked evil spirit becomes confounded when he heard this ; Mitrd of the vast cattle-pastures will smite Wrath of the infuriate spear with

^ The fact that the angel Vahram goes in his spiritual form to the assistance of Peshyotanu, rather militates against the idea that he also goes in the form of Vahram the Var^avand.

^ This verb is omitted by mistake in K20.

^ Literally, ' arrive at the writing.'

• Or, ' stand up with honesty 1 '

^ The latter two names are here written Frasar' and Alasandar.

^ From this it appears that the writer expected the evil reign of the unbeUevers to last a thousand years, that is, till the end of HiJshea'ar's millennium, about a. d. 1593-1635, which corresponds very closely with the reign of the great Shah 'Abbas.

CHAPTER III, 32-39. 229

Stupefaction ; and the wicked evil spirit flees, with the miscreations and evil progeny he flees back to the darkest recess of hell. 36. And Mitro of the vast cattle-pastures cries to the illustrious Peshyotanii thus : " Extirpate and utterly destroy the idoltemples, the abode of the demons ! proceed to these countries of Iran which I, Ataharmazd, created! restore again the throne of sovereignty of the religion over the wicked ! when they see thee they will be terrified."

2^"]. 'And the illustrious Peshyotanti advances, and the fire Froba, the fire Gu-fnasp, and the triumphant fire Bur^m-Mitro will smite the fiend of excessive strength ; he will extirpate the idol-temples that are the abode of demons ; and they celebrate the ceremonial (yas'i^n), arrange the sacred tv^'i^s, solemnize the Dva-S'dah-homast, and praise me, Auharmazd, with the archangels ; this is what I foretell ^ 38. The illustrious PeshyotanCl walks forth to these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created, to the Arvand and Veh river ^ ; when the wicked see him they will be terrified, those of the progeny of gloom and those not worthy.

39. 'And regarding thatVahram the Varj^avand it is declared that he comes forth in full glory, fixes upon Vandi(^-khim ^ (" a curbed temper"), and having intrusted him with the seat of mobadship of the

^ Or, perhaps, ' what I said before,' being already narrated in § 29 as performed by Peshyotanu before advancing far into Iran.

^ The Tigris and the Oxus — Indus (see §§ 5, 21).

^ Probably a title of Peshyotanu; a more obvious translation would be, 'restrains a curbed temper, and is intrusted,' &c., but it is hardly probable that the warrior prince Vahram could become a priest. It is Vahram's business to restore the empire, leaving Peshyotanfi to restore the religion.

mobads\ and the seat of true explanation of the rehgion, he restores again these countries of Iran which I, Auharmazd, created; and he drives^ away from the world covetousness, want, hatred, wrath, lust, envy, and wickedness. 40. And the wolf period goes away, and the sheep period comes on ; they establish the fire Froba, the fire GCi^nasp, and the fire Biir^in-Mitro again at their proper places, and they will properly supply the firewood and incense ; and the wicked evil spirit becomes confounded and unconscious, with the demons and the progeny of gloom. 41. And so the illustrious Peshyotanu speaks thus: "Let the demon be destroyed, and the witch be destroyed ! let the fiendishness and vileness of the demons be destroyed ! and let the gloomy progeny of the demons be destroyed ! The glory ^ of the religion of the Mazdayasnians prospers, and let it prosper ! let the family^ of the liberal and just, who are doers of good deeds, prosper! and let the throne of the religion and sovereignty have a good restorer ! " 42. Forth comes the illustrious Peshyotanu, forth he comes with a hundred and fifty men of the disciples who wear black marten fur, and they take the throne of their own religion and sovereignty,'

43. Auharmazd said to Zaratu^-t the Spitaman : ' This is what I foretell, when it is the end of thy millennium it is the beginning of that of Hushe^ar^

^ The supreme high-priesthood, or primacy.

^ Merely a guess, as the verb varafse^ is difficult to understand.

' K20 has nismo, ' soul,' but the very-similarly written gadman, ' glory,' is a more likely reading here (see § 32).

^ Reading du(/ak instead of ru^'ak, as in Chap. II, 47.

® The writer having detailed the supernatural means employed for restoring the religion, now returns to the birth of Hushe«/ar

CHAPTER III, 40-46. 231

44. Regarding Hushe^ar it is declared that he will be born in i6oo\ and at thirty years of age he comes to a conference with me, Auharmazd, and receives the rehgion. 45. When he comes away from the conference he cries to the sun with the swift horse 2, thus : " Stand still ! "

46. ' The sun with the swift horse stands still ten

(§ 13) for the purpose of mentioning some of his actions, and making the chronology of his millennimn rather more clear. Nothing is said here about his miraculous birth, the details of which are given in the seventh book of the Dinkarfl? very much as they are found in the Persian Rivayats. The Dinkar^/ states that thirty years before the end of Zaratiut's millennium a young maiden bathing in certain water, and drinking it, becomes pregnant through the long-preserved seed of Zarati^ut (see Bund. XXXII, 8, 9), and subsequently gives birth to Husha/ar.

^ There seems to be no other rational way of understanding this number than by supposing that it represents the date of Hushe- (/ar's birth, counting from the beginning of Zaratfijt's millennium. According to this view Hushe^ar was to be born in the six hundredth year of his own millennium, and not at its beginning, as § 1 3 seems to imply, nor nearly thirty years earlier, as the Dinkar^ asserts. As the beginning of his millennium may be fixed about A. D. 593-635 (see note on § 11), the writer must have expected him to be born about a.d. i 193-1235; a time which was probably far in the future when he was writing. And as Vahram the Var- ^avand was to be born when Hfishe^/ar was thirty years of age (compare §§ 14, 44), and was to march into Iran at the age of thirty (§ 17), the great conflict of the nations (§§ 8, 19-22) was expected to begin about a.d. i 253-1 295, and to continue till near the end of the millennium, about a.d. i 593-1 635, when Peshyotanu was expected to appear (§ 51) and to restore the 'good' religion (§§ 26, 37, 42). An enthusiastic Parsi interpreter of prophecy might urge that though this period did not witness any revival of his religion, it did witness a restoration of the Persian empire under Shah 'Abbas, and also the first beginning of British power in India, which has been so great a benefit to the scanty remnant of his fellow-countrymen.

^ The usual epithet of the sun in the Avesta.

days and nights ; and when this happens all the people of the world abide by the good religion of the Mazdayasnians. 47. Mitro of the vast cattlepastures cries to Hushe^ar, so7i of Zaratu-rt, thus : " O Husherf'ar, restorer of the true religion ! cry to the sun with the swift horse thus : ' Move on !' for it is dark in the regions of Arzah and Savah, Fradada.{sh and Vida^afsh, Vorubari-t and Voru^ar^t, and the illustrious Khvaniras ^."

48. 'Hushe^ar son of Zaratu5-t cries, to the sun he cries, thus : "Move on !" 49. The sun with the swift horse moves on, and Var^avand ^ and all mankind fully believe in the good religion of the Mazdayasnians.'

50. Auharmazd spoke thus : ' O Zaratu^t the Spitaman ! this is what I foretell, that this one brings the creatures back to their proper state.
51. When it is near the end of the millennium Peshyotanu ^ son ofVi^tasp comes into notice, who is a Kayan that advances triumphantly ; and those enemies who relied upon fiendishness, such as the Turk, Arab, and Ruman, and the vile ones who control the Iranian sovereign with insolence and oppression and enmity to the sovereignty, destroy the fire and make the religion weak ; and they convey their power and success to him and every one who accepts the law and religion willingly; if he

^ The seven regions of the earth (see Bund. XI, 2, 3).

^ It is just possible to read, ' the sun with the swift horse, the splendid, moves on, and all mankind fully believe,' &c. But if the reading in the text be correct it effectually disposes of the idea of Vahram being an incarnation of the angel, as an angel would require no miracle to make him believe in the religion.

' See §§ 25-30.

• This verb is doubtful, as most of the word is torn off in K20.

CHAPTER III, 47-55- ^33

accept it unwillingly the law and religion ever destroy kzm 1 till it is the end of the whole millennium.

52. 'And, afterwards, when the millennium of Hushe^ar-mah comes, through Hushe^ar-mah ^ the creatures become more progressive, and he utterly destroys the fiend of serpent origin ^ ; and Peshyotanu son of Vi^tasp becomes, in like manner, highpriest and primate (ra^) of the world ^ 53-1^ that millennium- of Hiishefl'ar-mah mankind become so versed in medicine, and keep and bring physic and remedies so ^rnicA in use, f/ia^ when they are confessedly at the point of death they do not thereupon die, nor when they smite and slay ^/lem with the sword and knife ^.

54. 'Afterwards, one begs a gift of any description out of the allowance of heretics, and owing to depravity and heresy they do not give t^. 55. And Aharman rises through that spite ^ on to the moun-

^ This appears to be the meaning, but the latter part of the sentence is not very clear.

2 See Bund. XXXII, 8. The name is written Khurshe^f-mah in K20. The Dinkar^ gives the same account of the miraculous birth of Hushea'ar-mah as of the first Hushe^ar (see note on § 43); it also repeats the legend of the sun standing still, but for the longer period of twenty days; all which details are also found in the Persian Rivayats.

^ Av. azi/^ithra; such creatures are mentioned in Ar(/avahi.ft Yt. 8, 10, II, 15; but Az-i Dahak, 'the destructive serpent,' is probably meant here (see §§ 56-61).

• As in the previous millennium. According to the chronology deduced from § 44 the millennium of Hushe^ar-mah, which corresponds to the twelfth and last millennium of Bund. XXXIV, is now near the middle of its third century.

s The sentence is either defective or obscure, but this appears to be its meaning.

« The evil spirit is encouraged, by an act of religious toleration, apparently, to recommence his manoeuvres for injuring mankind.

tain of DImavand \ which is the direction of Bevarasp, and shouts thus :" Now it is nine thousand years, and Fre^^un is not Hving ; why do you not rise up, although these thy fetters are not removed, when 2 this world is full of people, and they have broueht them from the enclosure which Yim formed ^ ? "

56. 'After that apostate shouts like this, and because of it, A^-'i Dahak ^ stands up before him, but, throuo-h fear of the likeness of Fre^un in the body of Fre^^un, he does not first remove those fetters and stake from his trunk until Aharman removes them. 57. And the vigour of A^-i Dahak increases, the fetters being removed from his trunk, and his impetuosity remains ; he swallows down the apostate on the spot\ and rushing into the world to perpetrate sin, he commits innumerable grievous sins; he swallows down one -third of mankind, cattle, sheep, and other creatures of Auharmazd ; he smites the water, fire, and vegetation, and commits grievous sin.

58. 'And, afterwards, the water, fire, and vegetation stand before Auharmazd the lord in lamentation, and make this complaint: "Make Fre^un alive again ! so that he may destroy A^-i Dahak ; for if thou, O Auharmazd! dost not do this, we cannot

1 Here written Dimbhavand (see Bund. XII, 31).

2 Reading amat, ' when,' instead of mun, ' which' (see the note on Bund. I, 7).

3 The var-i Yim karfi^(see Bund. XXIX, 14). The men and creatures who are supposed to be preserved in this enclosure are expected to replenish the world whenever it has been desolated by wars and oppression.

• Whose surname is Bevarasp (see Bund. XXIX, 9). ^ The Paz. MSS. end here.

CHAPTER III, 56-63. 235

exist in the world ; the fire says thus : I will not heat ; and the water says thus : I will not flow."

59. 'And then I, Auharmazd the creator, say to Srosh and Neryosang the angel : " Shake the body of Keresasp the Saman, till he rises up!"

60. ' Then Srosh and Neryosang the angel go to Keresasp ^ ; three times they utter a cry, and the fourth time Sam rises up with triumph, and goes to meet A^-i Dahak. 61. And ^ Sam does not listen to his words, and the triumphant club strikes him on the head, and smites and kills him; afterwards, desolation and adversity depart from this world, while I make a beginning of the millennium ^ 62. Then Soshyans ^ makes the creatures again pure, and the resurrection and future existence occur,'

63. May the end be in peace, pleasure, and joy, by the will of God (yazdano)! so may it be! even more so may it be!

' Also called Sam in this same section ; he was lying in a trance in the plain of Pe^yansai (see Bund. XXIX, 7-9).

2 Reading afaj instead of minaj (see Chap. II, 4, note 2).

2 The thirteenth millennium, or first of the future existence, when Soshyans appears. The Dinkar^/ and the Persian Rivayats recount the same legends regarding the miraculous birth of Soshyans, and of the sun standing still (for thirty days), as they do with regard to Hushe(/ar (see note on § 43).

• See Bund. XXXII, 8.

OR

THE PROPER AND IMPROPER.

AN OLD PAHLAVI RIVAYAT

OR

MISCELLANY OF TRADITIONAL MEMORANDA.

OBSERVATIONS.

1-5. (The same as on p. 2.)

6. Abbreviations used are : — Af. for Afringan. Av, for Avesta. AV. for the Book of Arrt'a-Viraf, ed. Hoshangji and Haug. Bund, for Bundahij, as translated in this volume. B. Yt. for Bahman Yast, as translated in this volume. Chald. for Chaldee. Farh. Okh. for Farhang-i Gim-khadfak, ed. Hoshangji and Haug. Haug's Essays, for Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by Martin Haug, 2nd edition. Huz. for Huzvarij. Lev. for Leviticus. Mkh. for Mainy6-i-khar(/, ed. West. Nir. for Nirangistan. Pahl. for Pahlavi. Paz. for Pazand. Pers. for Persian. Sis. for Shayast la-shayast, as here translated. SZS. for Selections of Za^-sparam, as translated in this volume. W. for Westergaard. Vend, for Vendidad, ed. Spiegel. Visp. for Visparad, ed. Spiegel. Yas. for Yasna, ed. Spiegel. Yt. for Yajt, ed. Westergaard.

7. The manuscripts mentioned in the notes are: —

B29 (written a.d. 1679), a Rivayat MS., No. 29 of the University Library at Bombay.

K20 (about 500 years old). No. 20 in the University Library at Kopenhagen.

L7, L15, L22, &c. are MSS. No. 7, 15, 22, &c. in the India Office Library at London.

M5 (written a.d. 1723), No. 5 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich.

M6 (written a.d. 1397), No. 6 of the same Collection.

M9 (modern). No. 9 of the same Collection.

TD (written about a.d. 1530), a MS. of the Bundahii- belonging to Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria at Bombay.

Part I. — The Original Treatise.

Chapter I.

0. In the name of God (yazdan) and the good creation may there be the good health, long life, and abundant wealth of all the good and the rightdoers specially for him whose writing I am \

1. As revealed by the Avesta, it is said in the Vendidad ^ that these seven degrees (payak) of sin

^ See the note on B. Yt. I, o.

^ Referring to Vend. IV, 54-114, where seven classes of assault and their respective punishments are detailed. In our text eight classes of sin are named, although only seven degrees are mentioned ; the second and third classes being apparently arranged together, as one degree of sin in § 2. Or the inconsistency may have arisen from the addition of the Farman, a class of sin or crime not mentioned in the Vendidad, unless, indeed, it be the farman spokhtano, 'neglect of commandment' (referring probably to priest's commands), of Pahl. Vend. VI, 15. The other seven classes are thus described in Pahl. Vend. IV, 54-57, 79, 85, 93, 99, 106 : —

' By the man whose weapon (or blow) is upraised for striking a man, that which is his Agerept is thus implanted in him. When it has moved forward — that is, he makes it advance — it is thus his

A.

Avoirijt, that is, Avoirtjt is implanted in him and the Agerept merges into it, some say that it does not exist. When he comes on to him with thoughts of malice — that is, he places a hand upon him — zVis thus his Aredui-, that is, Areduj is implanted in him and the Avoirii-t merges into it, some say that it does not exist. At the fifth Areduj the man even becomes a Tanapuhar ; things at

are mentioned in revelation, which are Farman, Agerept, Avoiri^tS Aredu^, Khor, Ba^-ai, Yat, and TanapCihar-. 2. A Farman is the weight of four

sunrise (aj'ar-khurshe^fih) and in the forenoon (/('aitih = /^astih) are no more apart. . , . Whoever inflicts the Areduj blow on a man z7 z) one-fifth of a wound (res h). . . . Whoever inflicts that which is a cruel Khor ('hurt') on a man // is one-fourth of a wound. . . . Whoever inflicts that which is a bleeding Khor on a man it is one-third of a wound. . . . Whoever shall give a man a bone-breaking Kh6r it is half a wound. . . . Whoever strikes a man the blow which puts him out of consciousness shall give a whole wound.'

This description does not mention Bazai and Yat, unless they be the two severer kinds of Khor ; but Basai occurs in Pahl.Vend. IV, 115, V, 107, XIII, 38, though Yat seems not to be mentioned in the Vendidad. Areduj occurs again in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 151, and Khor in Pahl.Vend. Ill, 48, XIII, 38, and Yas. LVI, iv, 2.

^ Also written avoirijt, avirij-t, aivirijt, avokirijt, and avakorijt in other places.

^ Five of these names are merely slight alterations of the Av, agerepta, avaoiri^ta, areduj, /zz^ara, and tanuperetha (peretotanu or peshotanu). The last seven degrees are also noticed in a very obscure passage in Farh. Okh. pp. 36, 37 (correcting the text from the old MSS. M6 and K20) as follows : —

'Agerept, "seized," is that when they shall take up a weapon for smiting an inwocexit person ; AvoiriJt, "turning," is that when 0776 turns the weapon upon an innocent person ; when through sinfulness one lays the weapon on a sinner the name is Areduj; for whatever reaches the source of life the name is Khor; one explains Ba^ai as " smiting," aiid Yat as" going to," and the soul of man ought to be withstanding, as a counterstroke is the penalty for a Yat when it has been so much away from the abode of life. In like manner Agerept, Avoirut, Aredu^, Khor, Bazai, and Yat are also called good works, ivhich are performed in like proportions, and are called by the names of weights and measures in the same manner. Of pesh6tanu)r tanum pairyeite the meaning is a Tanapuhar ; as they call a good work of three hundred a Tanapuhar, on account of the three hundred like proportions of the same kind, the meaning of its name, Tanapuhar, thereupon enters into sin. ... A Khor is just that description of wound from which

CHAPTER I, 2. 241

Stirs, and each stir is four dirhams (^u^an)^; of Agerept and Avoiri^'t that which is least is a scourging (ta^rano), and the amount of them which was specially that which is most is said to be one dirham - ; an Areduj is thirty stirs'^; a Khor is sixty stirs ; a Ba^'ai is ninety stirs ; a Yat is a hundred and eighty stirs ; and a Tanaptihar is three hundred stirs*.

the blood comes, irrespective of where, how, how much, and wherewith it is inflicted ; it is that which is a wound from the beginning, and that which will result therefrom.'

The application of this scale of offences is, however, not confined to these particular forms of assault, but has been extended (since the Avesta was compiled) to all classes of sins, and also to the good works which are supposed to counterbalance them.

^ The dirham has been variously estimated, at different times, as a weight of forty-five to sixty-seven grains, but perhaps fifty grains may be taken as the meaning of the text, and the stir may, therefore, be estimated at 200 grains. The Greeks used both these weights, which they called SpaxMV ^i^d aruTrjp.

^ The amounts of these first three degrees of sin are differently stated in other places (see Chaps. XI, 2, XVI, 1-3, 5). It is difficult to understand why the amounts of Agerept and Avoirii't should here be stated as less than that of Farman, and some Parsis, therefore, read vihast (as an irregular form ofvist, 'twenty') instead of vej-ast, 'is most,' so that they may translate the amount as 'twenty dirhams;' but to obtain this result they would have to make further alterations in the Pahlavi text. In a passage quoted by Spiegel (in his Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, p. 88) from the Rivayat MS. Pi 2, in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, it is stated that Farman is seven stirs, Agerept twelve stirs, and Avoi- Yist fifteen stirs. Another Rivayat makes the Farman eight stirs.

2 All MSS. have Areduj si 30, ' an Aredft^ is thirty (30),' leaving it doubtful whether dirhams or- stirs are meant ; and the same mode of writing is adopted in Chap. XI, 2.

• All authorities agree about the amounts of the last five degrees of sin. These amounts are the supposed weights of the several sins in the golden scales of the angel Rashnu (see AV. V, 5), when the soul is called to account, for its actions during life, after the

[5] R

3. In the administration of the primitive faith ^ there are some who have been of different opinions

third night after death (see Mkh. II, 114-122). Its sins are supposed to be then weighed against its good works, which are estimated by the same scale of degrees (see the passage already quoted from Farh. Okh. in p. 240, note 2), and it is sent direct to heaven, or hell, or an intermediate place, according as the good works or sins preponderate, or are both equal. In the Avesta of the Vendidad, however, whence these degrees are derived, we find them forming merely a graduated scale of assaults, extending from first lifting the hand to smite even unto manslaughter ; and for each of these seven degrees of assault a scale of temporal punishments is prescribed, according to the number of times the offence has been committed. These punishments consist of a uniform series of lashes with a horse-whip or scourge, extending from a minimum of five lashes to a maximum of two hundred (see Vend. IV, 58-114); each degree of assault commencing at a diflferent point on the scale of punishments for the first offence, and gradually rising through the scale with each repetition of the offence, so that the more aggravated assaults attain the maximum punishment by means of a smaller number of repetitions. Thus, the punishments prescribed for Agerepta, from the first to the eighth offence, are 5, 10, 15, 30, 50, 70, 90, and 200 lashes respectively; those for Avaoirijta, from the first to the seventh offence, extend on the same scale from 10 to 200 lashes; those for Areduj-, from the first to the sixth offence, are from 1 5 to 200 lashes ; those for a bruised hurt (-^yara), from the first to the fifth offence, are from 30 to 200 lashes ; those for a bleeding hurt, from the first to the fourth offence, are from 50 to 200 lashes; those for a bone-breaking hurt, from the first to the third offence, are from 70 to 200 lashes ; and those for a hurt depriving of consciousness or life, for the first and second offences, are 90 and 200 lashes. The maximum punishment of 200 lashes is prescribed only when the previous offences have not been atoned for, and it is to be inflicted in all such cases, however few or trifling the previous assaults have been.

^ In M6 poryor/keshih, but poryofl'keshan, ' of those of the primitive faith,' in K20 ; from the Av. paoiry6(/kaesha of Yas. I, 47, III, 65, IV, 53, XXII, 33, Fravardin Yt. o, 90, 156, Af. Rapithwin, 2. It is a term applied to what is considered as the

CHAPTER I, 3. 243

about it, for Gogo^asp^ spoke otherwise than the teaching 2 (/^a^tak) of Ataro-Auharmazd^ and Soshyans* otherwise than the teaching of Ataro-frobag N6sai^ and Me«^6k-mah'^ otherwise than the teaching of Gogoi-asp^ and Afarg® otherwise than the teachingtrue Mazdayasnian religion in all ages, both before and after the time of Zaratmt.

^ One of the old commentators whose opinions are frequently quoted in Pahlavi books, as in Chap. II, 74, 82, 119, Pahl.Vend. Ill, 48, 138, 151, IV, 35, V, 14, 121, VI, 9, 64, VII, 6, 136, VIII, 64, 236, XV, 35, 48, 56, 67, XVI, 5, XVIII, 98, 124, and thirteen times in the Nirangistan. His name is sometimes written Gojasp (as it is here both in M6 and K20) and sometimes Gogo^osp.

^ Probably a written exposition or commentary is meant.

^ This commentator is mentioned once in the Nirangistan as Ataro Auharmazdan.

• This commentator is mentioned in Chaps. II, 56, 74, 80, 118, 119, III, 13, VI, 4, 5; also in Pahl.Vend. Ill, 64, 69, 151, IV, 6, V, 48, 80, 107, 121, 146, 153, VI, 15, 64, 73, VII, 4, 136, 168, VIII, 28, 59, 303, IX, 184, Xm, 20, XVI, 7, 10, 17, 20-22, 27, XVIII, 98, and forty-six times in the Nirangistan. He was a namesake of the last of the future apostles and sons of Zaratujt (see Bund. XXXII, 8), and his name is often written Soshans and read Saoshyos or Sosyoj- by Pazand writers.

'^ This commentator is mentioned once in the Nirangistan, and may probably be the Ataro-frobag of B. Yt. I, 7 ; compare also Nosai Burs-Mitro, the name of another commentator, in Chap.

VIII, 18.

• This commentator is mentioned in Chaps. II, i, 11, 12, 89, V, 5, 6 ; also in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 151, V, 6, 58, 107, VIII, 48, no,

IX, 132, XIII, 99, XIV, 37, and four times in the Nirangistan. His name is sometimes written Me(/y6k-mah or MaWok-mah, and he was a namesake of ZaratCut's cousin and first disciple (see Bund. XXXII, 2, 3). The Va^arkar^-i Dinik professes to have been compiled by Me(/y6k-mah, but there appear to have been several priests of this name (see Bund. XXXIII, i).

■^ Gojasp in M6.

• This commentator is mentioned in Chaps. II, 2, 64, 73, 88, 115, V, 5, 6 ; also in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 48, 115, V, 6, 14, 22, 58,

R 2

of Soshyans. 4. And all those of the primitive faith rely upon these six ^ teachings, and there are some who rely more weakly and some more strongly upon some of them.

146, VI, 9, VII, 6, 61, 93, 136, VIII, 48, 64, no, 250, IX, 132, XIII, 99, XIV, 14, 37, XIX, 84, Pahl. Yas. LXIV, 37, once in Farh. Okh., and thirty-eight times in the Nirangistan.

' Both MSS. have ' three,' although four teachings and six commentators are mentioned in the previous section, and a fifth ' teaching ' is mentioned in Chap. II, 2. The original reading was more probably ' six ' than ' four,' as a Pahlavi ' six ' requires merely the omission of a cipher to become ' three,' whereas a Pahlavi ' four ' must be altered to produce the same blunder.

Several other commentators are mentioned in Pahlavi books, such as Atar6-pa(/, son of Da(/-farukh, twice in the Nirangistan; Azadmar^ nine times in Nir. ; Baroshand Auharmazd once in Nir.; Dad Auharmazd in B. Yt. I, 7, III, 16, Pahl. Yas. X, 57, XI, 22 ; Dadfarukh in Pahl. Vend. V, 112, VI, 64, and twice in Nir.; Dart'-i-veh seventeen times in Nir. ; Farukho thrice in Nir. ; Kiratano-buo-efl' in Pahl. Vend. V, 80, VI, 15, IX, 184, XIII, 20, he is called the Kirmanik in Pahl. Vend. IV, 35, and Dastur Hoshangji thinks his name is merely a variant of the next; Kiashtan6-bia^e(/ in Sis. II, 57, 81, 118, VI, 6, Vm, 17, Pahl. Vend. Ill, 64, 69, IV, 6,V, 48, VI, 53, 64, 73, VIII, 28, XVI, 17, 2 1, 22, 27, and twenty-two times in Nir. ; Mah- Auharmazd in Pahl. Vend. VII, 82 ; Mah-gojaspo, Mahgoxospo, Mah-gospo, or Mah-vasp in Pahl. Yas. IX, 33, Pahl. Vend. Ill, 138, and ten times in Nir.; Mahvand-da(f or Mah-vinda^ in B. Yt.III, 3,Pahk Yas. IX, 33, X, 57, XI, 22, XIX, 27; Mar^-bu^ in Sis. II, 86, and twice in Nir., where he is called the son of Dadgun; Neryosang in Sis. VIII, 13, Pahl. Vend. V, 22; Nikhshapuhar, or Nishapuhar in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 151, V, 112, VI, 71, VIII, 64, XVI, 10, 17, AV.I, 35, and twenty-four times in Nir.; Nosai Burz-Mitro in Sis. VIII, 18; Parik or Pirik in PahLVend. Ill, 138, V, 14, 134, VII, 82, 93, VIII, 64, and once in Nir.; Roshan or Roshano (which, as the -S'ikand-gumani states, was the name of a commentary written by Roshan son of Ataro-frobag) in Sis. II, 39, 86, 107, B. Yt. Ill, 3, Pahl. Yas. IX, 5, 14, Pahl. Vend. Ill, 48, V, 112, 134, 176, VII, 93, XVII, II, and eleven times in Nir. ; disciples of Vakht-afrWo (possibly the Bakht-afri^ of Sis. XX, 1 1, B.Yt. I, 7) are mentioned once in Nir.; Vand- Auharmazd in Sis. II, 2, 6, 44, XIV, 5, Pahl. Vend. VI, 73; and Veh-dost once in

CHAPTERS I, 4-II, 2. 245

Chapter II.

I. For in the third fargar^ ('chapter') of the Vendidad of Mefl!ok-mah ^ it is declared that when Hfe is resigned without effort ^, at the time when the hfe departs, when a dog is tied to his foot, even then the Nasll^ ^ rushes upon it, and afterwards, when seen by it, the Nasui" is destroyed by it. 2. This is where it is stated which is the dog which destroys the Nasui", the shepherd's dog, the village-dog, the blood-hound, the slender hound ^, and the ruk^ntk*;

the Nirangistan. It must, however, be observed that the reading of some of these names is very uncertain.

.^ Alluding probably to Me^'ok-mah's complete commentary on the Vendidad (now no longer extant), as the commentary on Pahl. Vend. Ill, 48, which treats of Sag-di(/ or dog-gaze, does not mention IMert'ok-mah or any of the details described here in the text ; these details, however, are to be found in Pahl. Vend. VII, 4.

^ Reading amat bara zor ^an da«/. This phrase occurs only in M6 (as a marginal note) and in the text of its descendants. Assuming that bara may be a miswriting of pavan (see p. 176, note 5), we might read amat pavan zor shuya(/, 'when he shall wash with holy-water.'

^ The ' corruption ' which is supposed to enter a corpse shortly after death, whence it issues in the form of a fiend and seizes upon any one who touches the corpse, unless it has been destroyed, or driven away, by the gaze of a dog, as mentioned in the text (compare Vend. VIII, 38-48). The carcase of a dog is considered equally contagious with the corpse of a human being, and when the fiend of corruption (Nasu.f or Nas of Bund. XXVIII, 29) has seized upon any one, it can be driven out only by a long and troublesome form of purification described in Vend. VIII, iii- 228, IX, 4-117.

• This statement is now to be found in Pahl. Vend. VII, 4.

' See Bund. XIV, 19. The Persian Rivayats of Kamah Bahrah and Kaiis Kaman (quoted in B29) describe these dogs as ' the shepherd's dog, the house-dog, the strange or tame (gharib) dog, and the puppy.'

• Probably the Av. sukuruna of Vend. V, 100, XIII, 48, which

• 46 SHAY AST LA-SHAYAST.

and as to the rukunik there have been divers opinions, as Vand-Auharmazd ^ asserted, from the teaching of Afarg, that it does not destroy //. 3. The dog destroys the Nasu^ at the time when it sees the flesh, and when it sees the hair or nails it does not destroy // -. 4. A bhnd dog also destroys ?V at the time when it places a paw ^ on the corpse ; and when it places ?V upon the hair or nails it does not destroy zV *. 5. The birds which destroy the Nasiu are three: the mountain kite, the black crow, and the vulture ^ ; the bird, moreover, destroys // at the time when i^s shadow falls upon it ; when it sees it in the water, a mirror, or a looking-glass, it does not destroy zV ^.

is translated by hukar or hukur in the Pahlavi version. This fifth kind of dog is called 'the blind (kur) dog' in the Persian Rivayats ; but Pahl. Vend. VII, 4 asserts that ' Soshans said the rukunik also destroys it,' and then speaks of the blind dog as in § 4.

^ See the note on Chap. I, 4.

2 This is also stated in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 138.

^ See Pahl. Vend. VII, 4.

• The Persian Rivayats say this is because the NasiiJ is concealed beneath the hair and nails (compare Vend. VII, 70).

^ These are the birds ' created for devouring dead matter ' (see Bund. XIX, 25). Pahl. Vend. VII, 4 substitutes an eagle (d aim an) for the vulture.

" This sentence is probably defective, as the last clause evidently refers to the dog's gaze (see Pahl. Vend. Ill, 138), and not to the bird's shadow; the rule, however, is applicable to both. Thus the Persian Rivayats state that if the bird's shadow falls upon the hair or the nails of the corpse, or if the bird's shadow, or the dog's gaze falls upon a corpse in the water, or upon its reflection in a mirror, the Nasm is not destroyed. Dastur Jamaspji is of opinion that the utility of the bird's shadow is intended to apply only to cases of death in uninhabited places, where a dog is not procurable. As all three birds are such as feed upon corpses, it icems probable that the rule as to their utility was intended to pre-

6. Vand-Auharmazd said, where a pregnant woman is to be carried by two men\ both are to be cleansed by the Bareshnum ceremony'^, and the head of the corpse, when they carry it away, is to be set towards the Dakhma". 7. And on account of contamination

vent any neglect of corpses found in wild places, where some of these birds would be sure to approach and let their shadows fall upon the dead, after which the finder of the corpse would suppose that the Nasm was destroyed or driven away, and the corpse safer to approach.

^ This is an exceptional case, when not more than two men are available; the usual custom (see Chap. X, 10) is to employ four men and two dogs (double the usual number) in disposing of the corpse of a pregnant woman, on account of the double risk of contamination, owing to the Nasiu, or fiend of corruption, having seized upon two corpses at once. In consequence of the exceptional nature of the case, the mode of purification is also exceptional.

^ A long purification ceremony lasting nine nights, and described in Vend. IX, 1-145. Its name, according to Dastiir Hoshangji, is derived from the first word of the instructions for sprinkling the unclean person, which commence (Vend. IX, 48) as follows : Bareshnum he vaghdhanem paourum paiti-hi«/^6ij, 'sprinkle in front on the top of his head.' As it is usual to quote chapters by their initial words, the initial word of these instructions for the ceremony became a name for the ceremony itself.

^ The building in which the dead are finally deposited; here called by its Huzvari^- name, khazan. The Dakhmas used by the Parsis in India are like low circular towers in external appearance, and consist of a high wall enclosing a larger or smaller circular space which is open to the sky. The only opening in the wall is a small doorway, closed with an iron door. In the centre of the circular area is a circular well a few feel in depth, and the space around it is paved so as to slope gently downwards from the enclosing wall to the brink of the well. This paved annular area is divided (by shallow gutters grooved into its surface) into spaces, each large enough for one corpse to be laid upon it, with the head towards the wall and the feet towards the well. These spaces are arranged in two or more concentric rings around the well, and the gutters (which isolate each space on all four sides) drain into the

(pa^vishak)^ two are not to be carried at one time, and two by one person are not proper ; one dog and one person are proper ^. 8. Every one who understands the care of a corpse is proper ; two boys of eight years old, who understand the care, are proper ; a woman free from menstruation, or free from dead

well. After a sufficient time has elapsed the dry bones are said to be thrown into the well, and when the well is full the Dakhma ought to be finally closed, and another one brought into use. These Dakhmas are erected upon some dry and barren spot, remote from habitations and water ; upon the summit of a hill, if possible, as prescribed in Vend. VI, 93, and usually more than a mile from the town. In Bombay the town has gradually approached the Dakhmas, and to some extent surrounded them, but has been kept away from their immediate vicinity by the judicious measures of influential Parsis, who have acquired all the neighbouring land, and refrain from building on it. The reason for thus exposing their dead to the sun and carnivorous birds is that the Parsis consider fire, water, and earth too sacred to be defiled by corpses ; and they have less consideration for the air. Next to burning, the Parsi mode of disposing of the dead is the most rapid and effectual, as it avoids most of the concentrated evils which must accumulate in crowded cemeteries in the course of time, and which require ages to dissipate. As it is, most of the offensive effluvium in the immediate vicinity of a Dakhma arises not from direct contamination of the air, but indirectly through the ground, which becomes polluted, in the course of time, by impure filtrations.

' Dastur Jamaspji prefers reading patoshak, and thinks it means ' necessity,' as in cases where two deaths occur nearly simultaneously in the same house, when both corpses cannot be removed the same day. Such a meaning might suit this passage, but the word occurs again, in § 33 and Chap. IX, 7, where it can refer only to ' contamination,' and the etymology of pac^vishak (Av. paiti + vish) is plain enough.

'^ That is, when two persons cannot be found to carry a corpse, one can do it alone, provided he holds a dog by a string. This course is adopted, Dastur Jamaspji says, when a person happens to die in a place where only one Parsi is available.

CHAPTER 11,8-11. 249

matter ^ or a man, with a woman or a child of eight years old, is proper.

9. It is not to be carried all covered up^, for that is burying the corpse ; to carry it in the rain is worthy of deaths 10. When clouds have been around '', it is allowable to carry it away from the house; and when rain sets in upon the road it is not allowable to carry it back to the house ; but when it is before a veranda (d ah It 5') one should put // down there ; that is allowable when he who owns the veranda is apprehensive, and when he does not allow // inside; and, afterwards, it is to be carried away to its place, and when the water stands the height of a javelin (ni^ak) inside^, one puts it down and brings it away yet again. 11, Me^'ok-mah *^ says that there should be a shelter {y2ixy 07ie should

^ In the terms az'i-dashtano and az'i-nasai the compound a J' is written in an obsolete manner, both in M6 and K20. The meaning of the text is that either or both of the corpse-carriers may be any Parsi man, woman, or child who understands the proper precautions. Compare Pahl. Vend. VIII, 28.

^ K20 has ' when curved it is not to be carried.'

^ That is, it is a mortal sin to allow rain to fall upon a corpse before it is deposited in the Dakhma.

• Or ' withheld,' or ' continuous,' according as we compare hamun with Pers. amun (aman), aman, or haman.

^ Inside the Dakhma apparently. The meaning seems to be,

,that when the Dakhma is flooded the corpse is to be laid down

in some dry place in its vicinity until the flood has abated. But

according to Pahl. Vend. VIII, 17, it is allowable to throw the

corpse in when the Dakhma is full of water.

" See Chaps. I, 3, II, i. Here, again, the quotation must be from his complete commentary, as it is not extant in the present Pahlavi Vendidad.

■^ From Av. var, 'to cover, to shelter;' compare Pers. gull ah, ' a bower or shed.* Nowadays the Parsis have a permanent shelter near the Dakhma. Pahl. Vend. VIII, 17 says, 'to carry

fasten above that place, and it would make it dry below ^ ; one should place the corpse under that shelter, and they may take the shelter and bring it away.

12. From the fifth fargar^^ of the Vendidad of Mer/6k-mah ^ they state thus, that at the place where one's life goes forth, when he shall die upon a cloth, and a hair or a limb remains upon the bedplace and the ground ^ the ground conveys the pollution, even not originating with //^■^//"(ahambuni/C'), in like manner down unto the water ^. 1 3. And when he is on a bedstead, and its legs are not connected with the ground, when a hair or a limb remains behind on the bedstead, it does not convey the pollution down. 14. When he shall die on a plastered floor the plaster is polluted, and when they dig up that plaster and spread it again afterwards, it is clean. 15. When he shall die on a stone, and the stone is connected with the ground, the stone will become clean, along with the ground, in the length of a year ; and when they dig up the place, the stone being polluted is to be washed at the time.
13. When a stone is connected with the ground, or is separated, and one shall die upon it, so much space of the stone as the corpse occupied is polluted ■' ;

an umbrella (ar-'argash) from behind, or to hold up a shelter, is of no use.'

^ Or, 'it would make it very dry,' if we read az'ir, 'very,' instead of a^ir, 'below;' these two words being written alike in Pahlavi.

• Quoting again from his lost commentary.

' Or, perhaps, ' floor.'

^ This translation is somewhat doubtful, but the text seems to imply that the ground is polluted as deep as it contains no water.

^ K20 has had, ' the stone is all polluted, aiid will become clean at the time when they dig it up, the stone is all polluted, in so

when they shall leave it, in the length of a year it will become clean along with the ground ; and when they dig it up, the stone is all polluted, and is to be washed at the time ; when the stone is not made even with the ground, above the ground the stone is all polluted, and is to be washed at the time.

17. Dung-fuel and ashes, when the limbs of a menstruous woman come upon them, are both polluted ; and the salt and lime for washing her shift (kartak-shui) are to be treated ]wst like stoned

18. li one shall die on a terrace roof (ban)-, when one of his limbs, or a hair, remains behind at the edge of the roof, the roof is polluted for the size of the body as far as the water ; and they should carry down all the sacred twigs (bare so m) ^ in the house, from the place where the pollution is, until there are thirty steps of three feet^ to the sacred twigs, so that the sacred twigs may not be polluted ; and when his hair or limb has not come to the eaves (parakan) the roof is polluted to the bottom (tohik).
19. And when one shall die on a rita^ it is polluted

much space as the corpse occupied ?'/?) polluted ; ' but the additional matter seems to be struck out. Something analogous to the details in this paragraph will be found in Pahl. Vend.VI, 9.

^ This section would be more appropriate in Chap. III.

2 Or ' an upper floor;' Pahl. Vend. VI, 9 has, 'when he shall die on an upper floor, when nothing of him remains behind at the partitions (pardakan), the floor is polluted as far as the balcony (ai'kup) ajid the balcony alone is clean ; when anything of him remains behind at the partitions, the floor is polluted as far as the balcony, the ground is polluted as far as the water, aboiil the balcony alone it is not clear.'

^ See note on Chap. Ill, 32.

• The gam, 'step,' being 2 feet 7| inches (see note on Bund. XXVI, 3) these thirty steps are about 79 English feet.

^ ]\Ieaning uncertain ; the word looks like Huzvari.y, but it is possible to read ri^-ae instead of rita-i.

for the size of the body as far as the water ; in the length of a year it will become clean along with the ground. 20, A built bridge is liable just like a terrace roof. 21. When one shall die on the terrace roof of a trellised apartment (varam), that is also liable just like a terrace roof. 22. When he shall die in a trellised apartment, when one of his limbs, or a hair, does not remain on the borders (parakan), it does not convey the pollution down, but when any of him remains behind it conveys it down ; it is allowable when they dig it up ^ and one also spreads it again afterwards, and it is clean.

23. When one shall die by strangulation and a rope in a crowd, when there is no fear of his falling down they should not carry him down ; and when there is a fear of his falling clown, when that fear is as regards one side of him, they should carry him down on that side ; and when he has fallen down they should carry him down in such place as he has fallen. 24. When one is seated upright and shall die, when there is fear of his falling on one side they should carry him, down on that one side, and when there is fear on all four sides, theji on all four sides ; and when he has fallen down they should carry him down in such place as he has fallen ^.

25. And when one shall die on a tree, when its

' That is, the floor of the apartment ; which would probably be formed of earth beaten down, which, in India, is nearly always overspread with diluted cow-dung to hinder cracks in the smooth surface. A better class of floor is spread with lime plaster on a stony surface.

"^ The object of these rules is evidently to avoid disturbing the corpse more than is absolutely necessary, provided there be no fear of its polluting more of the ground by falling upon it.

^

bark is green and there is no fear of falling off, they should not carry him down ; and when there is fear of it, they should carry down the whole of the body (tanu masai). 26. And when the bark of the tree is withered, when there is fear of it and when there is no fear of it, they should carry it down. 27. When he shall die on a branch of a tree which is green, when there is no fear of his falling off they should not carry him down. 28. And when there is fear of it, or it is a branch of a withered tree, when also, a hair originating with him, or a limb, remains behind on the particular tree, they should carry down the whole of the body \ 29. And when it does not remain behind him on the particular tree, but when there is fear of its falling off, they should not carry it below (vad fro^)^.

30. When a corpse (nasai-i)^, from outside of it, remains behind on a jar (khumbo) in which there may be wine, the jar is polluted, ajid the wine is clean. 31. And when one shall die inside, in the wine in the jar, if not even a hair or a curl originating with him remains behind on the jar, the wine is polluted and the jar not polluted'*. 32. When it is

^ K20 has a portion of § 30 inserted here by mistake.

^ The object of these rules is likewise to prevent the risk of the corpse defiling more of the ground than is absolutely necessary by falling upon it, as it might do by the breaking of a dead branch.

• Nasai (Av. nasu) means not only a corpse or carcase of a human being, dog, or other animal of the good creation, but also any portion of such corpse or carcase ; that is, solid ' dead matter' in general, as distinguished from dirt or refuse from the living body, or any liquid exudation from a corpse or carcase, which is called hikhar (Av. hikhra).

• Pahl. Vend. VI, 9 states, that ' when one shall die on a jar of wine, the jar is useless, and the wine becomes just as though its

a jar in which there is oil \ and dead matter (nasai), from outside of it, remains behind on it, this is even as thoudi it remains inside it, because the oil comes outside and goes back to the inside, and both are polluted, the jar and the oil ; and even on making the jar dry^ it is not fit to put anything in.

33. When a serpent (gar^ak) is in a jar in which there is wine, both are useless and polluted, for it makes them contaminated (pa^vishak). 34. And when corn shall be in //, the jar is polluted and the corn clean ; and when nothing originating with the serpent inside the jar remains behind on the jar, so much of the corn as includes the serpent, and upon which the touch (malign) of the serpent has gone — because the touch of the serpent's seed might be the death of one — is to be taken out and to be thrown away. 35. And when hair or dead matter, even not originating with the serpent, remains behind on the jar, the jar is polluted, but is serviceable (shaya^T^) on making it dry^

;6. Brick, earth, and mortar are separated by

v3'

course (raviiri) had been within three steps of the corpse. And when he shall die in the wine, when nothing of him remains behind on the jar, the jar is proper on making // dry ' (or, perhaps, ' the jar is fit for bran-flour ').

1 Or 'clarified butter;' in this case the 'jar' is probably a globular vessel, or carboy, made of hide, through which the oil, or liquid butter, penetrates so far as to keep the outer surface greasy, which accounts for the remark about the oil passing in and out. Such vessels, called (/abar, are commonly used for oil and liquid butter in India.

2 Assuming that khu^kar stands for khfi^k-kar, as it does in Pahl.Vend. VI, 71; otherwise we should have to read thus: 'and the jar is not even fit to put any bran-flour in.'

^ Again assuming as in § 32 ; otherwise we must read thus: 'but is fit for bran-flour (khiukar).'

their own substance (pavan mindavam-i naf^- man), and are connected with the ground ; being separated by their own substance is this, that so much space as dead matter ^ comes upon is polhited ; being connected with the ground is this, that they would convey the polkition down unto the water. 37. Dung-fuel, ashes, flour, and other powdered things are connected with their own substance, and are separated from the ground ; being connected with their own substance is this, that when dead matter comes upon them the whole of them is polluted; and being separated from the ground is this, that when dead matter comes upon them it does not make the ground polluted '^

38. At a house in which the sanded ceremony (ya^ii-n) is prepared, and a dog or a person passes ^ away in it, the first business to be done is this, that the fire is to be preserved from harm ; moreover, if it be only possible to carry the fire so that they would carry it away within three steps of the corpse *, even then it is to be carried away, and the

^ Or ' a corpse ;' K20 has ' stands upon.' The meaning is that these substances do not communicate the contamination throughout their own substance, but only downwards to the ground, which conveys it farther down, so far as it contains no water.

^ That is, these substances communicate the contamination throughout their own substance, but not down to the ground.

2 The verb vi(/ar^an6 (Huz. vabruntano), ' to cross over, to pass away' (Av. vi + tar, Pers. gUDHa^tan), can only be used when referring to the death of good people or animals ; but the verb mur^/ano (Huz. yemituntano), 'to die, to expire' (Av. mar, Pers.murdan), can be used generally, though usually applied to the wicked and to evil creatures. Pahl. Vend. V, 134 contains nearly the same text as §§ 38, 39.

• Under ordinary circumstances fire must not be brought within thirty steps, or about 79 English feet, of a corpse (see Vend. VIII,

wall is not to be cut. 39. Roshan^ said that an earthen one is to be cut into, but a mortar one is not to be cut ; below and above no account is taken of damaging (b6^6ze(/ih)- the walP. 40. To bring the fire within ^ the three steps from the corpse is a Tanapuhar sin ; and when exudation happens to the corpse, it is worthy of deaths 41. The prepared food in that house is all useless, and that which is not prepared is usable in the length of nine nights

17). But the spirit of the Mazdayasnian law is reasonable, and, although strict, it allows for practical difficulties and chooses the least of two evils in a more judicious manner than might be expected (a fact which it would be well for Parsis and others to observe in doubtful cases). Here, breaking through the wall of a house is considered a greater evil than the possible pollution of the fire by passing at a distance of three steps, or eight English feet, from a corpse.

^ The name of a commentator, or commentary, often quoted in Pahlavi translations (see the note on Chap. I, 4).

2 Literally, ' destroying the consciousness,' or ' injuring the existence.' V)bddzQd or h6dyozz.d is a particular kind of sin which appears to consist chiefly of the ill-treatment of animals and injury of useful property. It is mentioned in Pahl. Yas. XXIX, lb, Pahl. Vend. V, 107, XIII, 38, Farh. Okh. pp. 32, 3,3 ; and in some editions of the Khurdah Avesta it is defined as selling stolen men or animals into misery, or one's own domestic cattle to the butcher, also spoiling and tearing up good clothing, or wasting and spoiling good food.

^ The meaning is, that if it became necessary to break through the wall in order to remove the fire unpolluted, the sin committed through damaging the wall will not be punished either in this world or the next.

^ That is, nearer than three steps, which is considered to be the minimum distance at which any degree of purity can be maintained.

^ A marg-ar^an sin, on committing which the sinner is required to place his life at the disposal of the high-priest (see Chap. VIII, 2, 5, 6, 21). It is usually considered equivalent to fifteen Tanapuhars (see Chap. I, i, 2).

or a month ^ 42. Clothing also in like manner, except that which one wears on the body ; that, even in that time, is not clean, since it remains in use. 43. And the holy-water (zohar)^ too, which is taken and remains in that place, is to be carried away immediately to the water ; also the sacred milk (^iv)2 and butter (^um)'* in like manner. 44. Of the prayer*^ clothing Vand-Auharmazd^ said that it is usable in the length of nine nights or a month ; the writer'^ (dapir) said that it is when they perform the washing of hands, and wash it thoroughly, it will become clean at the time.

45. If in a house there are three rooms (gun^inak), and one shall die in the entrance place (dargas), if it be so that they may set the door open, and the corpse comes to this side, only this

^ According to the season of the year, the period of uncleanness being nine nights in the five winter months, and a month in the seven summer months (see Vend. V, 129).

2 Av. zaothra; this holy-water is consecrated by the priest reciting certain prayers while holding the empty metal cups in his hands, while filling them with water, and after filling them (see Haug's Essays, p. 397).

^ The Av. gauj ^ivya, 'product ^ the living cow,' which is kept in a metal saucer during the ceremonies, and used for sprinkling the sacred twigs (baresom), and for mixing with the holy-water and Hom-juice in the mortar (see Haug's Essays,

pp. 403) 405, 406).

• Compare Pers. /^um, 'fat;' it is the Av. gSu^ hudh^/u, 'produd of the well-yielding cow,' a small piece of which is placed upon one of the sacred pancakes, or wafers (dron), during the ceremonies (see Haug's Essays, pp. 396, 407).

^ Reading yaj't; but it may be gajt, ' changed.'

• See the note on Chap. I, 4.

■^ There appear to be, as yet, no means of ascertaining the name of the writer of the Shayast la-shayast, who gives his own opinion here.

[5] s

side is polluted ; and if the corpse comes to that side, only that side is polluted ; when it comes to both sides at once (aeva/^), only the entrance place is polluted alone, both the dwelling-rooms (khanak) are clean.

46. And the vault of the sacred fires ^ alone does not become polluted.

47. If one shall die in a wild spot (va^kar), prepared food which is within three steps is all useless, and beyond four steps it is not polluted. 48. Prepared food is this, such as bread, boiled and roast meat, and prepared broth 2.

49. And the ashes (var) of the sacred fire ^ become in a measure polluted.

50. Should they carry in the fire into that house in which the length of nine nights or a month is requisite for becoming clean, there is a sin of one Tanapuhar* through carrying it in, and one Tanapuhar through kindling it ; and every trifling creature {khur or khul) which shall die and shall remain cattses a sin of one Tanapuhar. 51. Also through carrying water in, tAere is a sin of one Farman ; and to pour water on the place where any one's life departs is a sin of one Tanaptahar, and to pour it on a different place is a sin of one Yat. 52. And to

' Literally, ' the vault of the fires of Vahram.' Pahl. Vend. V, 134 says 'the vault of the fires is h'adk just like an empty house.' Both this section and § 49 seem out of place.

2 See Pahl. Vend. V, 134.

^ Literally, 'the produce of the fire of Vahram,' a term for ' ashes,' which is used in Pahl. Vend. V, 150 along with the equivalent phrase, 'clothing of the fire' (see Chap. Ill, 27).

• See Chap. I, i, 2 for the degrees of sin mentioned in §§ 50,

5h 53-

undergo ablution ^ inside the unclean house is all nonablution. 53. And whoever goes into it needlessly, his body and clothes are to be every time thoroughly washed, and his sin is one Tanapiihar ; and when he goes in needfully it is neither good work nor sin^.

54. And this pollution is all in the sharp account (tikhak amar) when the life departs ^ ; the only thing which amounts to polluting is contact with the flesh, and even with the hair and nails. 55. Of the contact which is stated in the Avesta*, the account is that it is from one side, and it ever cleaves to one; the curse (ga^i^n)^ which is stated in the Avesta advances from all four sides. 56. Soshyans® said it is, until its exhibition to a dog, just as it becomes at the time when its life departs ^ ; a priest, a

• That is, the ceremonial ablution (paa'iyajyih), or ' washing, with water, the hands and arms up to the elbows, the face as far as behind the ears, and the feet up to the ankles,' whilst a certain form of prayer is recited (see AV. p, 148, note).

2 Here again, as in § 38, the strict letter of the law is relaxed in case of necessity.

2 Meaning, apparently, that any pollution is taken into account, as a sin, in the investigation the soul has to undergo upon entering the other world. Much of this paragraph will be found in Pahl. Vend. V, 107.

• Referring to Vend. V, 82-107, which gives an account of the number of persons through whom the pollution of a corpse or carcase will pass, which is in proportion to the importance of the dead individual. The statement here made is that the infection, passing from one to the other, enters each person only on one side, but the demon of corruption attacks them on all sides.

^ Meaning, probably, the Nasui", or demon of corruption (see § i), who is said to rush upon all those polluted as detailed in Vend. V, 82-107.

« See Chap. I, 3.

^ That is, until seen by the dog the corpse remains pervaded by the demon of corruption and hazardous to approach (see

§§ 1-4).

S 2

26o SHAYAST LA-SHAYAST.

warrior, and a husbandman are no use, for merely a dog is stated. 57. Kushtano-bil^e^/ ^ said the account is at the time when its hfe departs ; and that which K{ishtan6-bu^e^ specially said is, 'when anything is inside it {the place) the pollution is as far as to the place where that thing stands.' 58. When a dog, or a goat, or a pig is requisite (darvai)^ it is proper, for the pollution does not attack further there ; and the pollution of a child in the womb is along with the mother.

59. The direct pollution of a hedgehog^ cleaves to one, and not the indirect pollution. 60. Direct pollution (hamre^) ^ is that when the body is in contact with a corpse, and indirect pollution (pait-

^ See Chap. I, 4, note. This name is nearly always written Kushtan6-bu^e(/ in Sis. in K20 and M6 ; it is not mentioned in Pahl. Vend. V, 107, although the details here quoted are there given in part.

2 The meaning is not quite clear, but this sentence is probably to be read in connection with the preceding one, as implying that where such domestic animals are kept they can be used for stopping the infection, as effectually as any inanimate object. The pig is here mentioned as a common domestic animal, but Parsis have long since adopted the prejudices of Hindus and Muhammadans as regards the uncleanness of the pig.

^ As Vend. V, 108-112 says the same of the dog urupi, it would seem that the writer of our text considered the urupi to be a hedgehog (zuzak); the Pahlavi translation of the Vendidad renders it by rapuk or ripuk, which appears to be merely an approximate transcript of the Avesta word ; traditionally, this is read raspuk and compared with Pers. rasu, 'ichneumon;' its identification with the hedgehog is certainly doubtful, although it appears to be admitted in Pahl. Vend. V, 112, where the same words are used as in this section.

• The technical terms hamre(/ and paitre^, for contagion and infection, are merely corruptions of Av. ham-raethwayeiti and paiti-raethwayeiti. The definition of the latter one is omitted in K20 by mistake.

VQd) is that when ^ one is in contact with him who touched the corpse ; and from contact with him who is the eleventh ^ indirect polhition cleaves to one in the same manner. 61. The indirect pollution of an ape 2 and a menstruous woman, not acting the same zvay, remains. 62. The shepherd's dog, and likewise the villaee-dosf, and others also of the like kind carry contamination to eight "" ; and when they shall carry the carcase down on the ground the placc^ is clean immediately ; and that, too, which dies on a balcony (a^kup), until they shall carry it down to the bottom, is polluted /^r the length of a year.

63. Whoever brings dead matter (nasai) on any person is worthy of death ; he is thrice worthy of

' Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mun, 'which ' (see note to

Bund. I, 7).

2 Vend. V, 86, 87 limits the pollution to the eleventh person infected, in the extreme case of the corpse having been a priest ; but Pahl. Vend. V, 107 quotes the opinion of Soshans that until a dog has gazed at the corpse the pollution extends to the twelfth, but only the first ten require the ceremonial purification of the bareshniam, the others being cleansed by ordinary washing with bull's urine and water.

3 Pahl. Vend. V, 107 states, however, that 'everything of th? ape (kapik) is just Hke mankind.' The meaning of § 61 is very uncertain, as the text can be both read and translated several ways, and none of them are very satisfactory.

• That is, in the case of the shepherd's dog (see Vend. V, 92, 93); the carcases of other dogs occasion the indirect pollution of fewer persons, in proportion to their inferior importance; but Pahl. Vend. V, 107 states, with regard to this importance, that when ' in doubt, every man is to be considered as a priest, and every dog as a shepherd's dog,' so as to be on the safe side, by exacting the maximum amount of purification in all doubtful cases,

« The Pahlavi text leaves it doubtful whether the place, the people, or the carcase becomes clean, but the first is the most probable.

death ^ at the time when a dog has not seen the corpse (nasai) ; and if through negligence of appliances and means (/^ar va ttibano) he disturbs it, and disturbs it by touching it, he knows that // is a sin worthy of death ; and for a corpse that a dog has seen, and one that a dog has not seen, the accountability is to be understood to be as much '^ and for the death and sickness ^ of a feeble man and a powerful one. 64. Afarg has said there is no account of appliances and means ^, for it is not allowable to commit a sin worthy of death in cases of death and sickness,

65. When they move a corpse which a dog has not seen with a thousand men, even then the bodies of the whole number are polluted ^, and are to be washed for them with ceremony (pii-ak)^ 66. And for that which a dog has seen, except that one only when a man shall move it all '^ by touching it, his washing is then not to be with ceremony. 67. And when he is in contact and does not move it, he is to be washed with bull's urine and water. 68. And

^ That is, he has committed a sin equivalent to three mortal sins (marg-ar^an).

^ Reading vej as equivalent to vej.

^ Reading rakhtakih (compare Pers. rakhtah, 'sick, wounded').

• This opinion of Afarg (see Chap. I, 3) is also quoted in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 48.

^ This statement is repeated in Chap. X, 33.

" That is, with the Bareshnum ceremony.

■^ This exception (which is repeated in §§ 68, 71) seems to imply that §§ 66, 68, 71 refer to the collection of any fragments of a corpse found in the wilderness, or in water ; and the exemption from the troublesome purification ceremony in such cases, is probably intended to encourage people to undertake the disagreeable duty of attending to such fragments.

when he shall move with a stake (dar)^ a corpse which a dog has not seen, except that one only when he shall move it all, the washing for him is not to be with ceremony,

69. And when a man shall move a corpse, which a dog has not seen, by the hand of another man, he who moves it by the hand of a man, and he also whose own hand's strength does it are polluted in the bodies of both ; and it is the root of a Tanaplihar 2 si7i for him himself and of a Tanapuhar for the other one, for this reason, because his own body and that also of the other are both made polluted through sinfulness. 70. And when there is not in him, nor even originating with him (ahambuni/^), the strength of him whose own hand it is, it is just as though he would move it (the corpse) with a stake ^; and he who held it in the way of contact with his hand is to be washed with ceremony ; and it is the root of a Tanapuhar sin for him whose own hand it is, and of a Khor ■* for himself. 71. When he shall move a corpse by the hand of a man, and the corpse is of those which a dog has seen — except that one only when he shall move it all '"' — the washing for him is not to be with ceremony.

^ The interposition of the stake, or piece of wood, prevents the direct attack of the Nasu^, or demon of corruption, which has not been driven away by a dog. That inanimate objects are supposed to stop the progress of the pollution appears from § 57.

^ See Chap. I, i, 2. A sin is figuratively said to take root in the body, when it has to be eradicated, or figuratively dug up.

• See § 68. If he employs another man to move the corpse merely because he is physically unable to do it himself, he escapes with less pollution than when he is able to do the work himself; but the man employed suffers the same in both cases.

• See Chap. I, i, 2. " See § 66.

72. When one is going by a place at night, and comes back there on the morrow, and a corpse lies there, and he does not know whether the evil (diu) was there when he came by \ or not, it is to be considered by him that it was not there.

73. Of a flock in which is a sheep by whom dead matter is eaten, of a forest in which is a tree with which dead matter is mingled, and of a firewoodstand (aesamdan) in which is a stick of firewood with which grease is mingled, Afarg said that it is not proper to make the flock and the forest fruitful, and the firewood is useless ^.

74. About a door on which a corpse impinges; as to the door of a town and city they have been of the same opinion, that it is to be discarded by his comrades (hamkar) '; as to a door which is mostly closed (badtum)* they have been of different opinions,

^ Literally, 'when I came by;' the usual Persian idiom in such phrases.

^ This statement of Afarg's, so far as it relates to greasy firewood, will be found in Pahl. Vend. V, 14.

^ Or, ' by the community.' The same rule is mentioned in Pahl. Vend.V, 14.

^ There is some uncertainty about this word. It is not the Pers. badtum, 'worst, vilest,' because that is written va^/tum or vatum in Pahlavi ; besides, the rule must apply to other than the vilest doors, otherwise it would not harmonize with § 75. It is not a miswriting of nitum, ' lowest, most debased,' for the same reason, and because it occurs elsewhere. It is not a miswriting of bet man, a possible variant of beta, *a house' (although 'a house-door' would suit the context very well), because it occurs also in Pahl. Vend. V, 14, XI, 10, in which latter place it is clearly an adjective partially translating Av. b^ndvo. And it would be hazardous to connect it with Pers. bidun, 'outside,' which seems merely a corruption or misreading of birun. The view taken here is that badtum stands for bandtum, 'most shut up,' the nasal being often dropped in Pahlavi, as in sag for sang, ' stone,' &c.

Gogo^asp ^ said that discarding it by his comrades is likewise proper, and Soshyans said that it is not proper ; and as to other doors they have been of the same opinion, that it is not proper. 75. The door of one's own chief apartment (shah-gas) is fit for that of the place for menstruation (da^tanistan), and that of the place for menstruation is fit for that of the depository ybr ///e' ^(?(^^ (kh a zano) 2, and that of the depository of the dead is not fit for any purpose whatever ^ ; that of the more pleasant is fit for that of the more grievous.

76. Any one who, through sinfulness, throws a corpse into the water, is worthy of death on the spot^; when he throws only one it is one sin worthy of death, and when he throws ten at one time it is then one sin worthy of death ; when he throws them separately it is a sin worthy of death for each one.
77. Of the water, into which one throws dead matter, the extent of pollution is three steps of three feet in the water advancing, nine steps of three feet in the ^2i.^r passed ov^x , and six steps of three feet in the water alongside ^ ; six steps of three feet in the depth of the water, and three steps of three feet in the water pouring over the dead matter are polluted as regards the depth *'. ^'^. When it is thrown into the midst of a great standing water, in like manner, the proportion it comes is ever as much as it goes, and

^ See Chap. I, 3.

^ The Huz. equivalent of Paz. dakhmak (see § 6).

3 See Pahl. Vend. V, 14.

' Compare Pahl. Vend. VII, 66. "^ See Vend. VI, 80.

•^ That is, the pollution extends about eight English feet up-stream and upwards, sixteen feet sideways and downwards, and twentyfour feet down-stream. Some of the latter part of the sentence is omitted in K20 by mistake.

is the proportion of it they should always carry away with ^/le dead matter ^

79. And when a man comes forth, and a corpse lies in the water, when he is able to bring it out, and it is not an injury to him, it is not allowable to abandon it except when he brings it out^ 80. Soshyans^ said that, when it is an injury, it is allowable when * he does not bring it out ; and when it is not an injury, and he does not bring it, his sin is a Tanapuhar '^. 81. Kushtano-buc'e^^ said that even in case of injury it is not allowable to abandon it, except when he brings it out ; when he does not bring it he is worthy of death. 82. And Gogo-yasp ^ said that it is even in case of injury not allowable, except when he brings it out ; and when, in case of injury, he does not bring it out his sin is a Tanapuhar ; and when it is no injury to him, and he does not bring it, he is worthy of death.

83. And when, he shall wish to bring it his clothing is to be laid aside ^ for it makes the clothing

^ The sentence is obscure, but this seems to be the meaning ; that is, when a corpse or any dead matter is thrown into a pond or tank, the pollution extends sixteen feet from it in all directions ; and that quantity of water ought to be drawn off, in order to purify the tank (see Vend. VI, 65-71). As the corpse, in nearly all cases, must be either at the bottom or on the surface, the quantity of polluted water to be drawn off must be a hemispherical mass sixteen feet in radius, or about forty-eight tons of water.

"^ See Pahl. Vend. VI, 64, where it states that bringing it out is a good work of one Tanapuhar, and leaving it is a sin of the same amount.

^ See Chap. I, 3.

^ Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mun, 'which' (see Bund. I, 7, note).

• See Chap. I, i, 2. ® See Chap. I, 4, note.

' See Chap. I, 3. « See Pahl. Vend. VI, 64.

polluted, and whatever he is first able and best able to bring is to be brought out by him. 84. When, too, he is able to bring it out through the breadth of the water, then also it is to be brought out so ' ; and when he is not able, it is to be brought out through the length of the water ; and showing it to a dog and the two men are not to be waited for 2.

85. And it is to be carried by him so much away from the neighbourhood of the water that, when he puts it down, the water which comes out dropping from the corpse does not reach back to the water ; for when the water which comes out from the corpse reaches continuously back to the water he is worthy of death ; and after that (min zak fra^) it is to be shown to a dog, and it is to be carried away by two men. 86. And when he wishes to throw it out from the water, Mar^-bu^^ said it is allowable to throw // out thus, so that the water of the dripping corpse does not reach continuously back to the water ; Roshan said it would be allowable to throw it out far.

Z']. To drag it over the water is allowable, to grasp and relinquish it is not allowable ■*; and when it is possible to act so that he may convey it from a great water to a small water, when the water is

^ So that less water may be polluted by the corpse taking the shortest route through it; but if that be impossible it must come out quickly, at any rate.

^ That is, the otherwise indispensable dog's gaze and two bearers must be dispensed with, if not at hand, in order to save time, until the corpse is out of the water (see § 85).

^ It might be, ' there was a man who said,' but Mar^-bu(/ occurs in the Nirangistan as the name of a commentator (see Chap. I, 4, note).

*■ See Pahl.Vend.VI, 64 for this prohibition.

connected it is allowable, and when separated it is not allowable. 88. Afarg ' said it is allowable to drag // below through the water, but to drag it over is not allowable, for this has come on the water as a danger 2, and that has not come on it as a danger. 89. Me^ok-mah^ said it is allowable to drag // above, biit to drag it below is not allowable, for the danger has gone out across the water, and the danger is not now to be brought upon it ; and on that which is below, on which the danger has not come, the danger will at last arrive.

90. When he goes into the water he is to go into it with this idea, that ' should there be many below, then I will even bring all ;' for whoever goes in not with this idea, and shall disturb any other one which lies there, will become polluted ^ 91. And if the corpse be heavy and it is not possible to bring it out by one person, and he goes out with this idea, that ' I luill go and prepare means, and bring this corpse out of the water;' and when through sinfulness^ he does not go back his body is polluted and worthy of

' See Chap. I, 3.

''■ Or ' fear.' The difference of opinion between the two commentators on this question in casuistry, appears to have arisen from Afarg regarding the water merely as the representative of a spirit, who might be endangered or frightened by the source of impurity becoming more visible when above the water, while Me(/6k-mah considered the water in its material aspect, and wished to save it from the further pollution consequent upon drawing the corpse through more of it.

=^ See Pahl. Vend. VI, 64.

• These rules generally distinguish clearly between offences committed ' through sinfulness,' that is, wilfully, and those arising from accidental inability ; more stress being laid upon the intention than upon the action.

death, and when he Is unable to go back he is not poHuted.

92. When the corpse is so decomposed (pudak), when i^ is thus necessary to bring it out, that he must cut off various fragments, even after he cuts fAem off ^/ley are to be brought out ; and for every fraofment his hands and knife are to be washed with bull's urine (gome^), and with dust and moisture (nambo) ^/icy are clean ^ 93. And ^/ley are to be torn off^ by him, and for every single fragment which he brings out his good work is one Tanapuhar.

94. And when rain is falling the corpse lies in the water ; to take zV from the water to deposit zV in the rain is not ^ allowable.

95. Clothing which is useless ^, this is that in which they should carry a corpse, and that even when very much or altogether useless ; of that on which they shall decompose^ (bara vishupend), and of that on which the excretions (hikhar) of the dead come, so much space is to be cut away ^, and the rest is to be

^ See Pahl.Vend. VI, 64 for §§ 92, 93.

2 Or 'twisted off;' the Huz. neskhuntano must be traced to Chald. np3 ' to pluck out, to tear away,' and seems to have a similar meaning in Pahlavi ; its Paz. equivalent vikhtano (Av. vi^) ought to be compared rather with Pers. kikhtan, 'to bruise or break,' than with bekhtan or pekhtan, 'to twist.'

^ This negative is omitted in M6 by mistake.

• Compare Pahl. Vend. VII, 32.

^ Or 'go to pieces;' that this is the meaning of vishiipend appears clearly from Pahl. Vend. VII, 123, but a Persian gloss in the modern MS. M9 explains it as ' deposit fragments from the beak of a bird,' meaning, of course, fragments of dead matter dropped by a carrion bird.

^ As useless, being incapable of purification ; such cuttings are to be buried, according to the Avesta of Vend. VII, 32, though the Pahlavi commentary explains that they are to be thrown away.

thoroughly washed for the six-months period'^. 96. That which a menstruous woman has in wear (mahmanih)^ is to be discarded in hke fashion.

97. The clothing which is to be washed for the six-months' period is such as is declared in the Avesta^ 98. If the clothing be leathern it is to be thoroughly washed three times with bull's urine (gome^), every time to be made quite dry with dust, and to be thoroughly washed three times with water, and to be laid out three months in a place to be viewed by the sun ^ ; and then it is proper for an unclean person (arme^'t) ^ who has not performed

^ Khshva^-maugok is merely a corruption of the Av. khshva^ maungho, 'six months,' of Vend. VII, 36, where this form of cleansing is thus described : ' If (the clothing) be woven, they should wash it out six times with bull's urine, they should scour it six times with earth, they should wash it out six times with water, they should fumigate it six months at the window of the house.'

2 See Pahl. Vend. VII, 32.

^ That is, woven clothing, as declared in Vend. VII, 36 (quoted above in note i).

• See Vend. VII, 35.

^ A Persian gloss defines arme^t as * a woman who has brought forth a dead child,' and this is the general opinion ; but that seems to be only a particular example of an unclean person who would be included under the general term armej-t, for according to Pahl. Vend. IX, 133, 137, 141 a man when only partially purified must remain apart in the place for the armej-t (Av. air i ma, compare Sans, il or ri) for a certain time. Neryosang, in his Sanskrit translation of Mkh. (XXXVII, 36, XXXIX, 40, LI, 7), explains armejt as 'lame, crippled, immobility;' it also means 'stagnant,' when applied to water ; and its primitive signification was, probably, ' most stationary,' an appropriate term for such unclean persons as are required to remain in a particular place apart from all others, as well as for helpless cripples, and insane persons under restraint (see Chap. VI, i). The meaning 'most polluted' would hardly apply to tank water.

worship, or it is proper for a menstruous woman. 99. Other clothing, when hair is on it^, is liable just Hke woven cloth (ta^fak); all the washing of wool, floss silk, silk, hair, and camel's hair is just like that of woven cloth; and woven clothing is to be washed six times ^.

100. Wool which is connected together, when one part is twisted over another, and a corpse rests ^ upon it, is all polluted on account of the connection ; and when fleece (mesh) rests upon fleece, then so much space as the corpse rests upon is polluted. JOT. When one shall die upon a rich carpet (bup) when the carpet is on a coarse rug (nama^) and is made connected, the rug and carpet are both polluted, and when separated the rug is clean. 102. When several cushions are heaped {nxkid) one upon the other, and are not made connected, and dead matter comes upon them, they have been unanimous that only that one is polluted on which the dead matter came. 103. A cushion together with wool * is liable just like a carpet with a rug ^.
101. Of several cushions which are tied down together, when dead matter comes to the tie, both are polluted, the cord and the cushions ; and when the dead matter comes to a cushion, and does not come to the tie, the cushions are all polluted on account of the connection, and the tie is clean ^.

• Pahl. Vend. VII, 35 says ' when a single hair is on it.' ^ As mentioned in a note on § 95.

' Literally, ' impinges.' Here, as in many other places, ' dead matter' may be read instead of 'corpse,' as nasai means both or either of them.

• That is, laid upon wool. ^ See § loi.

« See Pahl. Vend. VII, 27.

105. A pregnant woman who devours dead matter through sinfulness is polhited and worthy of death, and there is no washing for her ^ ; and as for the child, when it has become acquainted with duties (pi^-ak-shinas), ashes ^ and bull's urine are for its eating and for its washing. 106. As for a child who is born of solitary carriers of the dead ^, although its father and mother may both have devoured dead matter through sinfulness, that which is born is clean on the spot, for it does not become polluted by birth.

107. Roshan ^ said that every one, who, through sinfulness, has become polluted by means of dead matter, is worthy of death, and his polluted body never becomes clean ; for this one is more wretched than the fox which one throws into the water living, and in the water it will die. 108. One worthy of death never becomes clean ; and a solitary carrier of the dead is to be kept at thirty steps from ceremonial ablution (pa^iyaz^ih).

109. Whichsoever of the animal species has eaten their dead matter^ its milk, dung, hair, and wool are polluted the length of a year ; and if pregnant when it has eaten it, the young one has also eaten it, and the young one is clean after the length of a year from being born of the mother, no. When a male which has eaten // mounts a female, the female is not polluted, in. When dead matter is eaten by it,

^ That is, she cannot be purified. 2 Reading var (see note on § 49).

8 Carrying a corpse by a single person being prohibited (see §§ 7, 8) ; but why he is supposed to devour it is not clear.

• See Chap. I, 4, note.

• Compare Pahl. Vend. VII, 192.

CHAPTER II, IO5-II6. 273

and even while it is not digested it shall die, it is liable just like a leathern bag (anban) in which is dead matter.

112. Gold, when dead matter comes upon it, is to be once thoroughly washed with bull's urine (gome^), to be once made quite dry with dust, and to be once thoroughly washed with water, and it is clean \ 113. Silver is to be twice thoroughly washed with bull's urine, and to be made quite dry wdth dust, and is to be twice thoroughly washed with water, and it is clean ^. 114. And iron, in like manner, three times, steel four times, and stone six times ^ 1 15. Afarg said : ' Should it be quicksilver (at'ginak)'^ it is liable just like gold, and amber (kahrupai) just like stone, and all jewels just like iron.' 116. The pearl (murvarit^')^, amber, the

^ The purification here detailed is prescribed for golden vessels in Vend. VII, 186.

^ This is the purification prescribed for silver vessels in Vend. VII, 74 W.; it is found in the Vendidad Sadah, but is omitted (evidently by mistake) in the Vendidad with Pahlavi translation, and has, therefore, been omitted in Spiegel's edition of the texts. By this accidental omission in the MSS. silver is connected with the purification for stone (see § 114).

^ See Vend. VII, 75 W., much of which is omitted in the Vendidad with Pahlavi translation, and in Spiegel's edition (see the preceding note), the sixfold washing of stone being erroneously applied to silver (see Vend. VII, 187 Sp.), owing to this omission of the intervening text. It appears from this section that the Av. haosafna, which has usually been translated as 'copper,' was understood to be pulaz'^, ' steel,' by the Pahlavi translators.

• Or *a mirror' (Pers. abginah), but the word is evidently used for a metal in SZS. X, 2, and very likely here also.

^ Most of the substances mentioned in §§ 115, 116 are detailed in Pahl. Vend. VII, 188, where it is stated that 'as to the pearl there have been different opinions, some say that it is liable just like gold, some say that it is just like the other jewels, and some say that there is no washingybr //.'

[5] T

ruby (yakand) gem, the turquoise \ the agate (shapak), coral-stone (vasa^in sag), bone, and other substances (gohar) which are not particularly mentioned, are to be washed just like wood - ; and when they are taken into use there is no washing ^ and when they are not taken their washing is once. 117. Of earthen and horny articles there is no washing ; and of other substances which are not taken for use the washing is once, and they are declared out of use.

118. Firewood, when green, is to be cut off the length of a span (vitast), one by one, as many sticks as there are — and when dry one span and two ^wg^Y-dreadtks * — and is to be deposited in some place the length of a year, and water is not to be dropped upon it; and it is drawn out after the length of a year ; Soshyans ^ said that it is proper as firewood for ordinary fires, and Ktashtano-bu^ert^^ said that it is just as declared in the Avesta : ' The

^ This is doubtful; the word can be read pirinak, and has the Pers. gloss piruzah, ' turquoise,' in some MSS. If read pilinak it might perhaps be taken for 'ivory.' But in Pahl. Vend. VII, 188 it is vafarino, 'snowy,' and the reading there seems to be 'jetblack awif snow-white stone-coral ;' so here the original meaning may have been ' snow-white and jet-black coral-stone.'

"^ Vend. VII, 188 says that 'earthen or wooden or porcelain vessels are impure for everlasting.'

^ Meaning, apparently, that they cannot be purified for immediate use.

• That is, one-sixth longer than when green, the vitast being twelve ^x^QX -breadths, or nine inches (see Bund. XXVI, 3, note). The purification of firewood, here prescribed, is simply drying it for a year in short lengths; but Vend. VII, 72-82 requires it also to be sprinkled once with water, and to be cut into longer pieces.

• See Chap. I, 3.

• See Chap. I, 4, note.

CHAPTER II, II 7-1 22. 275

washed one, even then, is proper in dried clothing ' 119. About corn 2 they have been unanimous that so much space is poUuted as the dead matter comes upon ; and of that which is lowered into pits ^ or is wanted to be so, and of that which is scattered (afsid) at such a place t/iere are different opinions ; Soshyans said : ' Should it be of such a place it is polluted as much as the dead matter has come upon it ; ' and Gogo^asp ^ said : ' Should it be so it is all polluted, and the straw is all polluted.'

1 20. A walnut ^ through its mode of connection, is all polluted, and the washing of both its shell and kernel (post va mazg) is just like that of wood. 121. A pomegranate also is of such nature as a walnut. 122. As to the date, when its stalk « is not connected the date is polluted and the stalk and stone (astak) are clean ; the washing of the date is just like that ^/corn ; and when it is touched upon the stalk, when the stalk, stone, and date are connected, the whole is polluted ; as to the date when not connected with the stalk, and touched at the

^ Something similar is said in Pahl. Vend. VI, 7 r.

"^ According to Vend. VII, 83-93 polluted corn and fodder are to be treated like polluted firewood, but to be cut into pieces of about double the length.

• Reading den gopan farostak; the practice of storing corn in dry pits underground is common in the East and in some parts of Europe. In Pahl. Vend. VII, 93 it is den gopan avist, ' concealed in pits.'

• See Chap. I, 3.

5 Pahl. Vend. VII, 93 classes the almond with the walnut as a connected fruit, and the date with the pomegranate as a separated one.

« The word is kfirapak or kurazak, but its meaning' is

doubtful.

T 2

Stalk, tlie date is clean, and the washing of the stone is just like tJiat of wood. 123. The pomegranate, citron, quince, apple, pear, and other fruit, when in bearing and the rind (pazaz^i^no) is perceptible on* it, when dead matter comes upon it tJiere is no pollution of it; and when the rind (pazami.cno) is not perceptible on it, its washing is just like that of zox'sx ; and rind is ever with the citron
124. For meat, butter, milk, cheese, and preserves (ri/C'ar) there is no washing ^.

Chapter III.

I. The clothing of a menstruous woman which they shall take new for her use is polluted, and that which is in use is not polluted ^ 2. When a bedchamber (sha^-atirvan) is overspread, and a carpet (bup) is laid upon it and a cushion on the two"*, and

' Pahl. Vend. VII, 93 says, 'fruit whose rind (pazaz') exists is also just like that in a pod (kuvak), zxiAfor that which does not remain in a rind, when pollution shall come upon it, there is no cleansing whatever. Afarg said that there is ever a rind (pazaz'ijno) with the citron.'

^ Pahl. Vend. VII, 93 says, ^for everything separated there is a washing, except meat and milk.' Articles for which there is no washing cannot be purified.

^ Pahl. Vend. XVI, 5 says, ' when in the place she remains in for the purpose, she does not make the clothing she wears on her body polluted, it remains for use within the place.' The meaning is, probably, that clothing already set apart for the purpose does not become further polluted, so as to be unfit for her use. It appears also (Pahl. Vend. XVI, 5) that on the spot where menstruation first appears, not even the twigs uplifted in the sacred ceremony are polluted, unless the circumstances are abnormal.

' This phrase, about the carpet and cushion, is omitted in K20 by mistake.

CHAPTER II, I23-III, 6. 277

a woman sits upon it and menstruation occurs, when she puts a foot from the cushion on to the carpet, and from the carpet out into the bed-chamber, the carpet and bed-chamber are both polluted, for tJiey are taken newly for her use, but of the cushion tJiere is no pollution for this reason, because it is in use. 3. And when she sits on the cushion so that she shall have both the carpet and cushion in use, the bed-chamber is polluted by itself; and when all three shall be in use tJiere is no pollution whatever ^

4. Just as she knows that it is menstruation, in the place sJie is in for the purpose '-, first the necklace, then the ear-rings, then the head-fillet (iambar), and then the outer garments (^amak) are to be put off by her, 5. When in the place she remains in for the purpose, even though she may remain a xtxy long time for that purpose, yet then the outer garments are clean, aiid tJiere is no need of leather covering and leather shoes •^.

6. When she knows for certain (aevar) that // is menstruation, until the complete changing (guhari- ^anoj of all her garments, and she shall have sat down in the place for menstruation *, a prayer is to

^ §§ 2, 3 are merely corollaries from § i.

^ Or, possibly, ' on the spot she is in on the occasion ;' although it would appear from § 5 that the place referred to is the dashtanistan, or place of retirement for the unclean.

^ Reading ma^k va jalmiha, but both reading and meaning are doubtful. The first word may be muxko, ' musk,' and the other can be read sharmgah, but, if so, the construction of the sentence is defective, as it stands in the MSS.

• The dashtanistan, a comfortless room or cell provided in every Parsi house for unclean persons to retire to, where they can see neither sun, moon, stars, fire, water, sacred vessels, nor righteous men; it ought to be fifteen steps (39^ feet) from fire,

2/8 SHAYAST lA-SHAYAST.

be retained imvardly^. 7. When worship is celebrated a prayer is to be retained^ imuardly, and should menstruation occur the prayer is to be spoken out by her. 8. When in speaking ottt the prayer should menstruation occur, both afterwards, when the time was certain (az^tguman), and now she is certain ^ 9. When she retains a prayer mivardly, and a call of nature arises, there is no need for her to speak out the prayer, for the formula for the call is to be spoken by her ''.

10. Hands sprinkled in cei-emonial 2iki\x\AO^ (pa^iyaz^), when a menstruous woman sees them, become quite unclean (apa^iyaz/) by her look ^ and even when she looks hastily, and does not see the sacred twigs (baresom), it is the same. 11. And on the subject of a house (khanak-i baba), when a menstruous woman is above in it, and the sacred twigs

water, and the sacred twigs, and three steps (8 feet) from righteous men (see § 33 and Vend. XVI, i-io).

1 This kind of prayer (Av. va-^, ' a word or phrase,' Pahl. va^-^, Pers. baz) is a short formula, the beginning of which is to be muttered in a kind of whisper, or (according to the Pahlavi idiom) it ' is to be taken ' and ' retained ' inwardly (as a protection while eating, praying, or performing other necessary acts) by strictly abstaining from all conversation, until the completion of the act, when the prayer or v% ' is to be spoken out,' that is, the conclusion of the formula is to be uttered aloud, and the person is then free to speak as he likes. Different formulas are used on different occasions.

2 K20 has, ' she retains a prayer.' See Pahl. Vend. XVI, 5. 2 The meaning is, however, uncertain.

• The Pahlavi text is as follows : Amat va^ yakhsenune^, pejinkar (Pers. pejyar) bara yatune^/, a^ va^ guftano kar loit mamanaj nask-i pavan ^amijn yemaleluniino. Compare Pahl. Vend. XVI, 5.

■^ See Pahl. Vend. XVI, 10.

CHAPTER III, 7-14. 279

Stand right below, if even fully fifteen steps below, even then the sacred twigs are unclean (apa^iyaz^) ^; but when not right below fifteen steps are plenty.

12. Prepared food which is within three steps of a menstruous woman is polluted by her, and food which she delivers up (bara parda^-e^) from her morning meal (/('asht) is not fit for the evening meal (^am), nor that which she delivers up from her evening meal for the morning meal; it is not fit even for the same woman ^; and water which is within three steps of her, when they shall put it into a pail (dubal) or ablution-vessel (pa^'iyaz^dan), and shall do it without handling (ayadman), is fit for the hands in ceremonial ablution. 1 3. When she touches the bedding ^ and garments of any one, Soshyans * said that so much space is to be washed with bull's urine (gome-s') and water; her bedding which touches the bedding of any one does not make it polluted.

14. A menstruous woman who becomes clean in three nights is not to be washed till the fifth day ; from the fifth day onwards to the ninth day, when-

^ Pahl. Vend. XVI, 10 says, 'everything, when at the right distance, is proper, except only that one case, when uncleanness is above and cleanness also right below ; although it be even much below, yet it is not proper.' In such a case the prescribed distance of fifteen steps is not sufficient; therefore, the dashtanistan should be on the ground floor, not over an underground watertank, nor within fifteen steps of the water in such a tank.

2 Or, possibly, ham ne^man may mean ' a companion woman,' when two or more are secluded at the same time. Pahl. Vend. XVI, 17 says, ' food delivered up by a menstruous woman is of no use whatever, it is not proper; in parts free from pollution (^avi^f- ^'aj-no), in those likewise it is not proper;' the reading ga.v\d' va,sn6 (proposed by Dastur Hoshangji) is, however, doubtful.

^ Or 'clothing,' vistarg.

• See Chap. I, 3.

28o SHAY AST LA-SHAYAST.

ever she becomes clean, she is to sit down in cleanliness one day for the sake of her depletion (tihik), and then she \sjit for washing; and after nine nights the depletion is no matter \

15. A woman who has brought forth or miscarried (nasai), during forty days sees whenever she is polluted ; but when she knows for certain that she is free from menstruation she is, thereupon, to be associated with meanwhile (vada^), from the forty days^ onward ; but when she knows for certain that there is something of it, she is to be considered meanwhile as menstruous.

16. A menstruous woman when she has sat one month as menstruous, and becomes clean on the thirtieth day, when at the very same time she became quite clean she also becomes again menstruous, her depletion (tihik) is from its beginning, and till the fifth day washing is not allowable. 17. And when she is washed from the menstruation, and has sat three days in cleanliness, and again becomes menstruous as from the beginning, four days are to be watched through by her, and the fifth day is for washing^. 18. When she has become free

^ See Pahl. Vend. XVI, 22. The Hebrew law (Lev. xv. 19) prescribes a fixed period of seven days, except in abnormal cases.

^ The same period of seclusion as appointed by the Hebrew law, after the birth of a man child (see Lev. xii. 2-4). The Avesta law (Vend. V, 135-159) prescribes only twelve nights' seclusion, divided into two periods of three and nine nights respectively, as the Hebrew woman's seclusion is divided into periods of seven and thirty-three days.

^ The substance of §§ 16, 17 is given in Pahl. Vend. XVI, 22, but in language even more obscure than here. The washing mentioned here is merely for the first menstruation ; that for the second one being prescribed in § 18.

CHAPTER III, 15-22. 281

from the second menstruation she is not in cleanliness for nine days and nights, — these days and nights are for watching, — and then she is to be washed ; when the nine days aiid nights are completed, on the same day washing is good \

19. Of leucorrhoea (/§iharak)^ when it has quite changed colour, that which comes on before and also that which is after menstruation, the pollution is just like that of menstruation.

20. When she has become so completely clean from menstruation that her washing may be as usual (dastobarag hae), she does not make the sacred twigs (bares 6m), nor even other things, polluted when beyond three steps.

21. On account of severe cold it is allowable /br her to sit out towards ^ the fire ; and while she washes a. prayer (va^) is to be taken inwardly by her^, and the washing of her hands, except with bull's urine (gome^'), is not proper till then; and when they are washed by her, two hundred noxious creatures are to be destroyed by her as atonement for sin.

22. A woman who goes beyond the period of menstruation ^ and, afterwards, sees she is polluted, when her pregnancy is certain — except when her

^ In such abnormal cases the Hebrew law (Lev. xv. 25-28) prescribes seven days' seclusion after recovery.

2 Av. /^ithra, see explanation of X-iharak-homand (Av. /^ithravan^) in Pahl. Vend. XVI, i, 34,

^ Dastur Jamaspji reads val bavan-i atash, 'to the part of the fire.' From what follows it would seem doubtful whether this distant approach to the fire is allowable until she is ready for washing,

• See § 6, note.

^ Or, ' goes up from the place of menstruation.'

miscarriage (nasai yehevuntano) is evident — is then to be washed with bull's urine and water; when her pregnancy is not certain she is to be considered as menstruous. 23. Some say\ moreover, that when miscarriage is certainly manifest she is, meanwhile, to be considered as menstruous. 24. Some say that when she is doubtful about the miscarriage she is to be washed with ceremony ^.

25. And for any one^ who comes in contact with a menstruous woman, or with the person whom it is necessary to wash with water and bull's urine, it is the root of a sin of sixty stirs *. 26. And for whomever knowingly has sexual intercourse with a menstruous woman it is the root of a sin of fifteen Tanapuhars and sixty stirs ^

27. Of a menstruous woman who sees a fire the sin is one Farman ^ and when she goes within three steps it is one Tanapuhar, and when she puts a hand on the fire itself" it is a sin of fifteen Tanapuhars ; and in like manner as to the ashes ^ and zvater goblet ^ 28. When she looks at water it is a

' Literally, ' there is one who says thus.'

2 See Chap. II, 65.

' Reading -aXs instead of adinaj, 'then for him.'

^ That is, the sin is a Khor (see Chap. I, 2).

'" According to the Avesta (Vend. XV, 23, 24) he becomes a peshotanu (Pahl. tanapuhar). The Hebrew law (Lev. xv. 24) makes him unclean for seven days.

•= See Chap. I, 2. That it was sinful for her to look at fire, even in Avesta times, appears from Vend. XVI, 8.

"' Literally, ' on the body of the fire.'

• That libfijya means 'ashes' appears from Pahl. Vend. V, 150; literally it is Huzvari.y for ' clothing or covering,' and is so used in Pahl. Vend. VI, 106, VII, 122. Metaphorically, ashes are the clothing of the fire.

" Reading dijbalak; but the word is doubtful. Possibly it

CHAPTER III, 23-32. 283

sin of one Farman; when she sits in water it is a sin of fifteen Tanapuhars ; and when through disobedience she walks out in the rain every single drop is a sin of fifteen Tanapuhars for her. 29. And the sun and other luminaries are not to be looked at by her, and animals and plants are not to be looked at by her, and conversation with a righteous man is not to be held by her ; for a fiend so violent is that fiend of menstruation \ that, where another fiend does not smite anything with a look (akhsh), it smites with a look.

30. As to a house 2 in which is a menstruous woman, the fire of that house is not to be kindled ; food which is delivered up from before a menstruous woman is not proper for the same woman ^
31. A tray-cloth (khvano ^amak) which stands before her, when it is not in contact with her, is not polluted; a table-napkin (pata^khur) when apart from her thigh, and contact does not occur, is proper ^.

32. When one^ wishes to consecrate the sacred cakes (dr6n)«, when one holds up the sacred twigs

should be read gobarak for gav-bar, 'bull's produce,' referring to the bull's urine which, with ashes, is prescribed (Vend. V, 148) as the first food for a woman after miscarriage.

^ The demoness Geh (see Bund. Ill, 3-9).

2 By khanak, ' house, abode,' must here be understood merely the woman's place of seclusion. K20 inserts ata^- den after mun, which renders it possible (by assuming another preposition) to translate as follows : 'As to a house in which is a fire, the fire in that house is not to be kindled by a menstruous woman.'

^ See § 12.

• Fit to use again.

^ Perhaps we should read ' she ' throughout this section, as a woman can perform these rites among women (see Chap. X, 35).

« The dron (Av. draona, corrupted into drfin or darun by

(bare SO m)^ from the twig-stand (bares 6m-dan), and menstruation occurs, and just as it came to ones knowledge one puts down the sacred twigs and goes out, the sacred twigs are not polluted.

Paz, writers) is a small round pancake or wafer of unleavened bread, about the size of the palm of the hand. It is made of wheaten flour and water, with a Httle clarified butter, and is flexible. A dron is converted into a frasast by marking it on one side, before frying, with nine superficial cuts (in three rows of three each) made with a finger-nail while thrice repeating the words humat hukht huvar^-t, 'well-thought, well-said, well-done,' one word to each of the nine cuts. Any dron or frasast that is torn must not be used in any ceremony. In the dron ceremony two drons are placed separately by the priest upon a very low table before him, on its left side, the nearer one having a small piece of butter (gauj' hudhau) upon it; two frasasts are similarly placed upon its right-hand side, the farther one having a pomegranate twig (urvaram) upon it ; and between this and the farther dron an t%^ is placed. The sacred twigs (baresom) must also be present on their stand to the left of the priest, and a fire or lamp must stand opposite him, on the other side of the table. The priest recites a certain formula of consecration (chiefly Yas. Ill, i-VIII, 9), during which he uplifts the sacred twigs, and mentions the name of the angel, or of the guardian spirit of a deceased person, in whose honour the ceremony is performed. After consecration, pieces are broken off" the drons by the officiating priest, and are eaten by himself and those present, beginning with the priests (see Haug's Essays, pp. 396, 407, 408, AV. p. 147).

^ The baresom (Av. baresma) consists of a number of slender rods or tai (Pahl. tak), formerly twigs of some particular trees, but now thin metal wires are generally used. The number of these twigs varies according to the nature of the ceremony, but is usually from five to thirty-three. These twigs are laid upon the crescentshaped tops of two adjacent metal stands, each called a mah-ru, 'moon-face,' and both together forming the baresom-dan or ' twig- stand.' The baresom is prepared for the sacred rites by the recital of certain prayers by the officiating priest, during which he washes the twigs with water, and ties them together with a kustik or girdle formed of six thread-like ribbons split out of a leaflet of the date-palm and twisted together; this girdle, being

CHAPTER III, 33-IV, I. 285

33. And during her menstruation she is to be so seated that, from her body, there are fifteen steps of three feet to water, fifteen steps to fire, fifteen steps to the sacred twigs, and three steps to a righteous man ^ 34. And her food is to be carried forth in iron or leaden vessels; and the person (valman) who shall carry forth the food stands at three steps away from her^. 35. When worship is celebrated, every time at the dedication (shnumane)" of the consecration of sacred cakes (dron ya-ft) it is to be uttered aloud by her ; some say the Itha and Ashem-vohti ^.

Chapter IV.

I. A sacred thread-girdle (kustik), should it be made of silk (parvand), is not proper; the hair (pashm) of a hairy goat and a hairy camel is

passed twice round the twigs, is secured with a right-handed and left-handed knot on one side, and is then passed round a third time and secured with a similar double knot on the other side, exactly as the kustik or sacred thread-girdle is secured round the waist of a Parsi man or woman (see Haug's Essays, pp. 396-399).

^ See Vend. XVI, 9, 10. All the ceremonial apparatus must be kept as far removed as the sacred twigs.

^ See Vend. XVI, 11-14, which states that the food is to be carried forth on iron, lead, or the basest metal.

^ This is the time when the name of the angel or spirit is mentioned, in whose honour the cakes are consecrated (see § 32, note on dron, and Chap. VII, 8).

• The Itha is Yas.V (so called from its first word), which forms a part of the dron ya^t or formula of consecration (see § 32, note on dron). The Ashem-vohu is probably that in Yas. VIII, 9, which concludes the consecration. The same details are given in Pahl. Vend. XVI, 1*]. These prayers also form a portion of all ceremonial worship, including the Ya.zisn.

proper, and from other hairy creatures (m^yino) it is proper among the lowly (nakhe^'ik). 2. The least fulness ^ necessary for it is exactly three ^ng^Y-dreadths ; when it is exactly three fingerbrcadtJis altogether ^ from one side, and when the rest is cut off, it is proper. 3, When one retains the prayer inzvardly^ and has tied his girdle, and ties it anew once again, he will untie that which he has tied, and it is not proper ^.

4. Cloth of thick silk brocade (dipako) and figured silk (parnikano) is not good for girdling^; and cloth of hide when the hair is stripped from it, of wool, of hair, of cotton, of dyed silk, and of wood^ is proper for shirting (^apikih). 5. Four fingerbreadths of shirt '^ is the measure of its width aivay

^ Literally, ' width ; ' that is, extra width, or slackness round the waist, as the girdle sits very loosely over a loose shirt ; or, as the text implies, the slackness ought to admit three fingers together, projecting edgeways from the waist. After tying it so loosely, any unnecessary length of string may be cut off, when the girdle is put on for the first time. The necessary looseness is again mentioned in Chap. X, i.

2 Literally, 'extreme to extreme;' roejman-a-roejman being Huzvarij for sarasar.

^ That is, has begun the prayer formula (requisite while tying on the girdle) with a baz or muttered prayer (see Chap. Ill, 6, note).

• The meaning appears to be that he must not tie the girdle a second time without recommencing the prayer formula.

^ This word, ay ibyaeg.hanih, is chiefly a transcript from the Avesta name of the kustik or girdle, aiwyaunghana. Probably garments in general are meant.

® Perhaps darin may mean cloth of bark, hemp, or flax here.

' The sacred shirt, worn by Parsis of both sexes (young children excepted) in India, is a very loose tunic of white muslin, with very short loose sleeves covering part of the upper arm. It is called sadaro (Pers. sudarah) in Gu^g'arati, and shapik (Pers. shabi) in Pahlavi.

CHAPTER IV, 2-9. 287

from each side, from the neck to the skirt (parik); and as to the length before and behind, as much as is proper to cover up is good. 6. So much length and breadth, when it is double or thickened \ are not proper; when on the separation (dilrmanak) of the two folds 07te remains clothed on one side, both when he wears the girdle (kustlk), and when he does not wear the girdle, even then it is not undress (vishart'akih)l

7. When a shirt of one fold is put on, and the skirt has concealed both sides, the girdle is tied over it, and it is proper. 8. When two shirts are put on, and they shall tie the girdle over that which is above, then it is for him a root of the sin owing to ^ running about uncovered ^

9. By a man and woman, until fifteen years of age, there is no committal of the sin of running about uncovered 5; and the sin of unseasonable

^ Assuming that aitabari^/ stands for astabari^/; the Huz. ait being substituted for the Paz. ast. The text appears to refer to lined or stuffed shirts, such as would be very suitable for the cold winters of Persia, like the clothing padded with cotton wool used by natives of the cooler parts of India in the cold season.

2 That is, the degree of nakedness which is sinful (see§§ 8-10).

» K20 has la, 'not,' instead of rai, 'owing to;' this would reverse the meaning of the sentence, but it ,is not the usual place for the negative particle.

• This sin is called visha(/-dubarijnih ; it is mentioned in Pahl. Vend. V, 167, VII, 48, but not described there. The usual definition of the sin is ' walking about without the sacred threadgirdle;' and it is generally classed with the two other Parsi sins of ' walking with one boot ' and ' making water on foot ' (see AV. XXV, 5, 6) ; sometimes a fourth Parsi sin, ' unseasonable chatter,' is associated with them, as in the text, but this is supposed to be punished in a different manner in hell (see AV. XXIII).

^ Indicating that it is not absolutely necessary to wear the sacred thread-girdle till one is fifteen years old (see Chap. X, 1 3).

chatter^ arises after fifteen years of age^. lo. The sin of running about uncovered, as far as three steps, is a Farman each step ; at the fourth step it is a Tanapuhar ^ sin.

1 1 . A girdle to which there is no fringe is proper ; and when they shall tie a woman's ringlet (gurs)^ it is not proper.

1 2. Walking with one boot^ as far as four steps is

^ This sin is called drayan-^uyi^nih, literally, 'eagerness for chattering,' and consists in talking while eating, praying, or at any other time when a prayer (va^) has been taken inwardly and is not yet spoken out ; many details regarding it are given in the next chapter. The sin consists in breaking the spell, or destroying the effect, of the va^.

^ This is modified by Chap. V, i, 2.

^ See Chap. I, i, 2. These particulars are deduced by the Pahlavi commentator from Vend. XVIII, 115, which refers, however, to a special case of going without girdle and shirt. He says (Pahl. Vend. XVIII, 116), ' so that as far as the fourth step it is not more than (ai) a Srosho-z^aranam, and at the fourth step it amounts to the root of a Tanapuhar within him ; some say that he is within what is allowed him in going three steps. When he walks on very many steps it is also not more than a Tanapuhar, and when he stops again it is counted from the starting-point ' (compare § 12).

• Probably referring to the possibility of tying the girdle over a woman's hair, when hanging loose down to her waist. The present custom among Parsi women in India is to cover up the whole of their hair with a white handkerchief tied closely over the head ; but whether this is an ancient custom is uncertain,

^ This sin, which is mentioned in Bund. XXVIII, 13, is called ae-muk-dubarij'nih or khadft-muk-dubarij'nih, literally, 'running in one boot,' and is usually so understood, but how there can be any risk of the committal of so inconvenient an offence is not explained. Dastur Hoshangji thinks that ae-muk, 'one boot,' was formerly written avi-muk, 'without boots;' and no doubt avi is sometimes written exactly like khadu, ' one,' (indicating, possibly, a phonetic change of avi into agvi). Perhaps, however, the word alludes to the Persian practice of wearing an outer boot

CHAPTER IV, 10-14, 289

a Tanaptihar sin, when with one ^ movement ; and after the fourth step as much as one shall walk is a Tanaptihar; and when he sits down and walks on the sin is the same that it would be from his startingpoint (b(anih); and there were some who said it is a Tanipuhar for each league (para sang).

13. At night, when they lie down, the shirt mid girdle are to be worn, for they are more protecting for the body, and good for the soul. 14. When they lie down with the shirt and girdle, before sleep one shall utter one Ashem-vohti ^^ and with every coming and going of the breath (vayo) is a good work of three Srosho-y^aranams^; and if in that

(muk) over an inner one of thinner leather, when M'alking out of doors ; so that the sin of ' running in one pair of boots' would be something equivalent to walking out in one's stockings; and this seems all the more probable from the separate account of walking 'without boots or stockings,' avimQ^ak, given in Chap. X, 12, But whatever may have been the original meaning of the word, Parsis nowadays understand that it forbids their walking without shoes; this should be recollected by any European official in India who fancies that Parsis ought to take off their shoes in his presence, as by insisting on such a practice he is compelling them to commit what they believe to be a serious sin.

' Assuming that hana, ' this,' stands for ae, 'one ' (see p. 218, note 3). The amount of sinfulness in walking improperly shod appears to be deduced from that incurred by walking improperly dressed (see § 10).

2 See Bund. XX, 2. The same details are given in Chap. X, 24.

^ The Av. sraosho -/Parana appears to have been a scourge with which offenders were lashed by the assistant priests (see Vend. Ill, 125, 129, IV, 38, &c.), and a Srosho-y^aranam was, therefore, originally one lash with a scourge. As the gravity of an offence was measured by the number of lashes administered, when this term was transferred from the temporal to the spiritual gravity of sin, it was considered as the unit of weight by which sins were estimated ; and, by a further process of reasoning, the good works

[5] u

A _ _ A .

sleep decease occurs, his renunciation of sin is accomplished \

Chapter V.

I. Of unseasonable chatter- that of children of five years of age has no root ; and from five years till seven years, when one is under the tuition of his

necessary for counterbalancing sins were estimated by the same unit of weight. Regarding the amount of a Srosho-^aranam there is much uncertainty; according to Chap. XVI, 5 and Pahl.Vend. VI, 15 it is the same as a Farman, and this appears to be the case also from a comparison of § 10 with Pahl.Vend. XVIII, 116 (see note on § 10); but according to Chap. XI, 2 it is half a Farman, and the Farman is also probably the degree meant by the frequent mention of three Sr6sh6-)^aranams as the least weight of sin or good works that will turn the scale in which the soul's actions are weighed after death (see Chap. VI, 3). This uncertainty may perhaps have arisen from ae, * one,' and the cipher 3 being often written alike in Pahlavi. But, besides this uncertainty, there is some discordance between the various accounts of the actual weight of a Srosho- /^aranam, as may be seen in Chaps. X, 24, XI, 2, XVI, 5. As a weight the Sr6sh6--^aranam is not often mentioned in the Pahlavi Vendidad, for wherever it translates the Av. sraosho-z^arana it means 'lashes with a scourge;' but the weight of one Srosho- X'aranam is mentioned in Pahl.Vend. VI, 15, three Srosho-z^aranams in IV, 142, VII, 136, XVII, II, XVIII, 55, 116, and five Sroshd- ^aranams in XVI, 8.

^ Patitikih, 'the dropping' or renunciation of sin, is effected by confessing serious offences to a high-priest, and also by the recitation of a particular formula called the Patit, in which every imaginable sin is mentioned with a declaration of repentance of any such sins as the reciter may have committed. The priest ordains such atonement as he thinks necessary, but the remission of the sins depends upon the after performance of the atonement and the effectual determination to avoid such sins in future (see Chap. VIII, i, 2, 8).

^ See Chap. IV, 9.

CHAPTER V, 1-5. 2.91

father and innocent \ it has no root in him, and when sinful it has root in the father 2. 2. And from eight years till they are man and woman of fifteen years, if even one is innocent during the performance of the ritual (ya^to), but is able to say its Itha and Ashem-vohu 2, and does not say them, it is the root of unseasonable chatter for him'^; and when he is able to perform his ritual by heart (narm), and says only the Itha ^/zrt' Ashem-vohii, some have said that such is as when his ritual is not performed and there is no offering (yastofri^), and some have said that it is not unseasonable chatter.

3. Unseasonable chatter may occur at every ceremonial (ya^'ii'no); yi?r him who has performed the ritual it is a TanapCihar sin ^• for him who has not performed the ritual // is less, some have said three Srosho-zC-aranams*'. 4. The measure of unseasonable chatter is a Tanapuhar sin; this is where every ceremony, or every morsel, or every drop of urine is not completed''. 5. Of the unseasonable chatter of

^ That is, intending no harm, as contrasted with sinful or wilful chatter in defiance of instruction.

2 Because the father is supposed to be responsible, in the next world, for the sins of the child, even as he will profit by its good works (see Chaps. X, 22, XII, 15).

^ See Chap. Ill, 35.

• Inattention to prayers evinced by improper silence is thus put upon the same footing as inattention evinced by improper talking. This portion of the sentence is omitted in K20.

^ See Chap. I, i, 2. It is a greater sin in the officiating priests than in the other persons present at the ceremony.

^ Probably a Farman sin (see Chap. IV, 14, note).

■^ Referring to the three principal occasions when a prayer (va^) is taken inwardly and retained until the completion of the action ; during which time it is unlawful to say anything but the prescribed prayers (see Chap. Ill, 6, note).

U 2

him who has not performed the ritual Afarg ^ said this degree is slighter ; Me^ok-mah ^ said both are alike, and he spoke further of this, since for him who has not performed the ritual, and does not attend to ^ saying its Itha and Ashem-vohu, it is more severe than for him who has performed the ritual, and does not attend to consecrating its sacred cake (dron). 6. Mert'ok-mah said that it (the ceremonial)^ does not become Geto-khart^; Afarg said that it amounts to an offering (yastofria^)^ for every one, except for that person who knozvs the ritual by heart, and through sinfulness will not perform it; and it becomes his at the time when, during his life and by his command, it is recited with this intention, namely : * I wish to do it, my faith (astobanih) is in the religion','

7. The deaf and dumb when it is not possible for him to say an Ashem does not commit unseasonable chatter '^ ; and when it is possible for him to say an Ashem he shall three times say of it, 'Ashem, ashem, ashem ;' and if it be possible for him to say

' See Chap. I, 3.

• Literally, ' believe or trust to.'

• Durin2: which unseasonable chatter occurs.

• Generally written Geii-khari^ (see Bund. XXX, 28); but, perhaps, we should here read yastofri^, 'offering,' though getokkharit/ occurs in Chap. XII, 30.

^ The MSS. have merely stofrit/, which differs from the foregoing get6-khari(/ only in one Pahlavi letter, so we should probably read the same word in both cases, but which of them it ought to be is uncertain.

® Meaning, apparently, that he can obtain the benefit of any past ceremony, forfeited by wilful negligence, by repentance and a repetition of the ceremony during his lifetime.

■^ By omitting to say it (see § 2). This clause of the sentence is omitted in K20.

CHAPTER V, 6-VI, 2. 293

'itha' and ' ashem-vohu ' it is well, and when it is only possible for him to say 'itha' it matters not\

Chapter VI.

I. The deaf and dumb and helpless (arm^5t)^ though of unblemished conduct and proper disposition, is incapable of doing good works, and from the time when he is born till the time when he shall die, all the duty and good works which they may perform in the world become his property (naf^- man) as much as his even by whom they are performed ; some say that it is thus : as much as they belong to Zaratu^t^ 2. Though he does not do the good works not really originating with (ahambuni/^) him, and does not commit the sin not really originating with him, it is better than though he were able to do the good works not really originating with him, and should not do them ; but should commit the sin not really originating with him ; when, afterwards, he passes away, and then also comes to his account as to sin and good works, w^hen the good works not really originating with him are more he is in heaven (vahi^t), when the sin

1 That is, any one barely able to speak must repeat so much of the indispensable prayers as he is able to pronounce, otherwise he will commit sin,

2 That is, any one compelled to remain stationaiy or secluded, owing to bodily or mental infirmity (see Chap. II, 98); an idiot, or insane person, is probably meant here.

3 This comment seems to imply that its writer was translating from an Avesta text, and here met with a word which some persons thought contained a reference to Zaratiut, but which he first translated°so as to suit the context; perhaps Av. zarazdaiti may be suggested.

not really originating with him is more he is in hell, and when both are equal he is among the everstationary (hamistakan)\ 3. When the good works are three Srosho-Z'aranams ^ more than the sins he is in heaven (vahi^t), when the good works are one Tanapljhar more he attains to the best existence (pahlum ahvan)^ when his ceremony (ya^t) is per-

' That is, he is treated, with regard to the actions merely imputed to him, precisely as all others are with regard to their own actions. With reference to the hamistakan, Arrt'a-Viraf states (AV.VI, 2, 5-12) that on his journey to the other world he ' saw the souls of several people who remain in the same position,' and he was informed that ' they call this the place of the Hamistakan ("those ever-stationary"), and these souls remain in this place till the future existence ; and they are the souls of those people whose good works and sin were equal. Speak out to the w'orldlings thus : " Consider not the easier good works with avarice and vexation ! for every one whose good works are three Srosho- ^aranams more than his sin is for heaven, they whose sin is more are for hell, they in whom both are equal remain among these Hamistakan till the future existence." And their punishment is cold or heat from the changing of the atmosphere ; and they have no other adversity.'

• Probably equivalent to a Farman sin (see Chaps, I, i, 2, IV, 14, note).

^ This appears to be another name for Garort'man, ' the abode of song,' which is the highest heaven, or dwelling of Afaharmazd. The lower heaven is here called Vahirt, which is a general term for heaven in general. AV.VH-X, XVII, 27, and Mkh. VII, 9-12, 20, 21 describe four grades in heaven and four in hell, besides the intermediate neutral position of the Hamistakan (AV. VI, Mkh. VII, 18, 19). The four grades of heaven, proceeding upwards, are Hfimat for good thoughts in the station of the stars, Hukht for good words in the station of the moon, Huvarjt for good deeds in the station of the sun, and Gar6(/man where Afiharmazd dwells (Vend. XIX, 121). And the four grades of hell, proceeding downwards, are Dui'-hijmat for evil thoughts, Duj-hfikht for evil words, Duj-huvarjt for evil deeds, and the darkest hell (Vend. XIX, 147) where the evil spirit dwells. The pahlum ah van of

CHAPTER VI, 3-6. 295

formed \ 4. Soshyans ^ said that to come into that best existence it is not necessary to perform the ceremony, for when his good works are one ^ Tanapuhar more than the sin he attains to the best existence, and no account is taken of performing his ceremony; because in the heavenly existence (garortfmanikih) it is not necessary to perform a ceremony, for an excess of good works must attain Garortfm^n *. 5. As Soshyans said, in heaven (vahi^t) he who is below is elevated to him who is above ; and it says thus : * Happy indeed art thou, O man! who art in any way near unto that imperishable existence ^.'

6. Kushtano-bCi^e^^ said that an infidel (akdino) ^ when his good works are one Tanapuhar more than his sin, is saved from hell.

the text is merely the Pahlavi form of Av. vahi^tem ahum (Vend. VII, 133, XVIII, 69, XIX, 120, Yas. IX, 64), whence the term vahi^-t (Pers. bahijt) is also derived.

^ That is, when his surviving relatives have performed the proper religious ceremonies after his death.

2 See Chap. I, 3.

3 Reading ae, 'one,' and supposing that this Paz. form has been substituted for an original Huz. khaduk, ' one.' This supposition being necessary to account for the ae preceding its noun, instead of following it; and without it we ought to read 'three' instead of ' one,' which seems, however, hardly reconcileable with the context (but compare Pahl. Vend. VII, 136). This is an instance of the ambiguity occasioned by a6, ' one,' and the cipher 3 being often written alike in Pahlavi, as already noticed in p. 289, note 3. The word might also be taken as the conditional verbal form ae, ' shall be,' but in that case it is likewise misplaced.

• See note on pahliim ahvan in § 3.

5 A somewhat similar exclamation to that in Vend. VII, 136.

• See Chap. I, 4, note.

' That is, one of another religion; not an apostate, nor an atheist.

7. Of a pure law (da^) are we of the good religion, and we are of the primitive faith ; of a mixed law are those ^ the Sinik congregation^; of a vile

1 It is not easy to identify this Sinik vajkar(^ih, but Professor J. Darmesteter suggests that the term may have been appHed to the Manicheans settled in eastern Turkistan and western China, whence they may have been called Sinik (the country of the Seni, Av, Saini, being identified with A^inistan or China in Bund. XV, 29, because T'^in is the Arabic name of the latter). This is confirmed, to some extent, by a passage in the Dinkar^ (see Dastur Pgshotan's edition of the Pahlavi text, p. 27), where three foreign religions are mentioned, that of the Jews from Arum, that of the Messiah from the west, and that of Manih from Turkistan. Darmesteter further points out the following passages in Barbier de Meynard's French translation of Mas'audi, which show that the Manicheans had considerable influence in eastern Turkistan as late as A.D. 944 : —

(Meynard, I, 268) : '. . . the Turks, the Khuzlu^, and the Taghazghaz, who occupy the town of Kuran, situated between Khurasan and China, and who are now (a.d. 944) the most valiant, most powerful, and best governed of all the Turkish races and tribes. Their kings bear the title of irkhan ("sub-khan.?"), and they alone, among all these nations, profess the religion of Mani.'

Again, after stating that the Chinese were at first Samanians (Buddhists), it is added (Meynard, II, 258): 'Their kingdom is contiguous to that of the Taghazghaz, who, as we have said above, are Manicheans, and proclaim the simultaneous existence of the two principles of light and darkness. These people were living in simplicity, and in a faith like that of the Turkish races, when there turned up among them a demon of the duahst sect, who showed them, in tempting language, two opposing principles in everything that exists in the world, such as life and death, health and sickness, riches and poverty, light and darkness, union and separation, connection and severance, rising and setting, existence and non-existence, night and day, &c. Then, he spoke to them of the various ailments which afflict rational beings, animals, children, idiots, and madmen; and he added that God could not be responsible for this evil, which was in distressing contradiction to the excellence which distinguishes his works, and that he was

CHAPTER VI, 7 -VII, I. 297

law are the Zancliki, the Christian (Tarsak), the Jew (Yahu^), and others of this sort (^ano)l

Chapter VII.

I. The morning sun it is necessary to reverence (ya5tan6) till midday, and that of midday it is necessary to reverence till the afternoon time, and that of the afternoon time it is necessary to reverence till nighty whenever ^;^^ is quite prepared

above any such imputation. By these quibbles, and others like them, he carried away their minds, and made them adopt his errors.'

The tenets of the Manicheans ought, no doubt, to have been considered by the Zoroastrians as a mixture of truth and error, just as those of the Sinik congregation are represented to be in our text ; but such tenets being an heretical offshoot of Zoroastrianism, it argues unusual liberality in the priests if they preferred Manicheans to Christians, that is, heretics to infidels.

K20 has altered sinik va^kar^ih into nisinik(or vidinik) jikaftih, which appears to be an attempt to bring the words within the limits of the writer's knowledge, without paying much attention to their collective meaning.

^ A sect which (according to its name) probably adhered to a certain heretical interpretation (zand) in preference to the orthodox Avesta and Zand. Neryosang, in his Sanskrit version of Mkh. XXXVI, 16, explains a Zandik as one who 'thinks well of Aharman and the demons.'

2 Unless this paragraph be a continuation of the quotation from Kushtano-bu^e^'s commentary, which seems unlikely, its contents have an important bearing upon the age of the Shayast la-shayast. As it does not mention Muhammadanism by name it could hardly have been written after the fall of the Sasanian dynasty, when that new faith had become much more important, in Persia, than those of the Christians and Jews.

3 Referring to the recitation of the Khurshe^ Nyayi.y, or ' salutation of the sun,' which should be performed thrice a day, in the Havan, Rapitvin, and Auzerin Gahs, or periods of the day (see

for activity (khve^karih), and shall then do reverence, it is proper. 2. And when anything of that happens which indicates when it is not proper to wash the hands, and about this he considers that when he does not reverence the sun it will stop \ at the time previous to that in which it occurs the sun is to be fully reverenced by him, and, afterwards, when his hands are washed, it is to be reverenced again ; and when he does not reverence it, except when innocent through not reverencing //^, then it becomes irreverence (la ya^t) of the s,wxifor him^.

2,. As to the sun it is better when one reverences it every time at the proper period (pavan gas-i nafi'man); when he does not reverence it for once it is a sin of thirty stirs •*. 4. Reverencing the sun is every time a good work of one Tanapuhar ^ ; and so of the moon and fire in like manner *'. 5. When on account of cloudiness the sun is not visible (pert^ak), and one shall reverence it, it is proper.

Bund. XXV, 9) ; a few sentences in the Nyayu, or formula of salutation, are altered to suit the particular Gah in which it is recited.

^ K20 has, ' it will protect it;' having read netrune^/ instead of ketrunert^ in its original. To pray with unwashed hands would be sinful (see Pahl. Vend, XIX, 84).

• That is, except when the omission is to avoid a worse evil, as in the instance just mentioned.

^ Or, perhaps, ' it does not become a KhArshe^ Yart (" a formula of praise in honour of the sun") for him.' This Yajt forms a part of the Nyayi^-.

• That is, an Areduj sin (see Chap. I, 2). M6 has, ' when he does not reverence it again.'

^ That is, a good work sufficient to counterbalance a Tanapuhar sin, which puts the performance of a Nyayij on the same footing as the consecration of a sacred cake or dron (see Chap. XVI, 6),

« The moon and fire have each a separate Nyayis.

CHAPTER VII, 2-8. 299

6. And while one does not reverence the sun, the good works which they do that day are not their own ; some say that of the good works which they do within the law (da^f) of the good religion he has no share. 7. While they do not wash dirty hands any good work which they do is not their own, for while one does not utterly destroy corruption (nasui-)^ there is no coming of the angels to his body, and when there is no coming of the angels to his body he has no steadfastness in the religion, and when he has no steadfastness in the religion no good work whatever reaches unto him.

8. When one wishes to perform the propitiation (shnuman)^ of fire, it is allowable to perform one 'athro ' by itself, and, when two and the ' ma^ vispaeibyo aterebyo,' these three are thus the propitiation everywhere^; some say that it would be proper to perform it while allowable, except that of the heterodox.

^ That is, the demon of corruption, who is supposed to enter and reside in all filth of the nature of dead matter, until expelled or destroyed by cleansing.

^ A shnuman or khshnftmano (Av. khshnuman) is a short formula of praise, reciting all the usual titles of the spirit intended to be propitiated by it, and is used for dedicating the prayers or ceremony specially to his service (see Chaps. Ill, 35, X, 2, XIV, 3). The propitiatory formulas for the thirty angels and archangels who preside over the days of the month constitute the Sirozah, or form of prayer ' relating to the thirty days.'

^ The propitiation of fire (as given in Siroz. I, 9, Ataf Nyayij- 5, 6) consists of five sentences, each beginning with the word athro, 'of the fire,' and the last sentence also contains the words mai/ vispaeibyo aterebyo, ' with all fires.' The meaning of the text appears to be that it is allowable to use only one of these sentences (probably the last), but if two are used besides the last they are amply sufficient for practical purposes.

9. Whoever shall extinguish ^ a fire, by him ten fires are to be gathered together, by him ten punishments are to be endured, by him ten ants are to be destroyed^, and by him holy-water (zohar) is to be presented to the sacred fire (atai--i Vahram).

Chapter VI 1 1.

I. Sin which affects accusers "' is to be atoned for (vi^ari^n) among the accusers, and that relating to

^ Literally, ' kill/

^ The ant being a creature of the evil spirit, on account of its carrying away corn.

^ Vinas-i hamemalan, 'sin relating to adversaries.' Sins appear to be divided into two great classes, hamemal and rubanik. A hamemal sin seems to be any secular offence which injures some person or animal who, thereupon, becomes a hamemal, 'accuser' (Av. hameretha, 'opponent,' Yas. LVI, x, 10), and who must first be satisfied by atonement, before confession to the high-priest, or renunciation of sin, can be of any avail for removing the sin (compare Matthew v. 23-26). The Rivayats assert that if a person dies without atoning for a hamemal sin, his soul will be stopped at the K'\n\2id bridge (see Bund. XII, 7) on its way to the other world, and kept in a state of torment until the arrival of the ' accuser,' and after he is satisfied the sinner's soul will be disposed of, in the usual manner, according to the balance of its good and bad actions. It is also probable that only a man of ' the good religion,' or an animal of the good creation, can be an 'accuser.' A rubanik sin, on the other hand, seems to be one which affects only the sinner's own soul, and for which the high-priest can prescribe a sufficient atonement. It is doubtful, however, whether the Parsis nowadays have any very clear notions of the exact distinction between these two classes of sins, although aware of their names, which are mentioned in their Patit, or renunciation of sin. The explanations given in some editions of their Khurdah Avesta, or prayer-book, are confined to mentioning certain special instances of each class of sin ; thus,

CHAPTER VII, 9-VIII, 3. 301

the soul is to be atoned for among the high-priests (ra(/an), and when they do whatever the highpriests of the rehgion command the sin will depart, and the good works which they may thenceforth do will attain completion (avasporik). 2. The sin of him who is worthy of death (marg-ar^an) is to be confessed (gars'isno) unto the high-priests, and he is to deliver up his body^; except to the high-priests he is not to deliver up his body.

3. On account of the dexterity (farhang) of horsemen it is not their business to hunt (nakh/^ir kara'ano); and it is not allowable for any one else to hunt for game, except for hi7n whose wealth is less than three hundred stirs ^.

murder, seduction, unnecessary slaughter of cattle, embezzlement, slander, seizing land by force, and a few other evil deeds are stated to be hamemal sins; while unnatural offences and intercourse with women of another race and religion are said to be rubantk sins. In the Pahlavi Vendidad these classes of sins are rarely mentioned, but hamemalan occurs in Pahl. Vend. Ill, 151, IV, 23, XIII, 38; hamemalih in III, 119; and rubantk in XIII, 38 ; although, perhaps, not always in the sense of sin.

^ By committing a marg-ar^an or mortal sin, that is, a sin worthy of death, he has forfeited his life, and ought to place it at the disposal of the X2.d, or high-priest.

^ This section, intended to preserve game for the poor, is evidently out of place here, as it has no connection with the context. With reference to the property qualification for hunting, it appears, from a passage in the Persian MS. M5 about the proper dowry for a privileged wife, that 2000 dirhams of silver were worth 2300 rupis, and that 2 dirhams were 2\ tolas ; this was written in a. d. 1723, when neither the rupi nor the tola were of uniform amount, though now the rupi is exactly a tola weight of silver. As the stir was four dirhams (see Chap. I, 2), three hundred stirs would have been 1380 rupis or 1350 tolas of silver, according to the standards mentioned in M5 ; so that hunting was intended to be confined to those whose property was less than 1 350-1 380 rupis ; but how

4. The ceremonial worship (ya^'i^n) of those worthy of death, which they do not perform by way of renunciation of sin \ is the ceremonial which is demon worship ; and when the officiati7ig priest (aerpat) does not know it the merit (kirfak) of the ceremonial goes to the store (gan^) of the angels, and they give the enjoyment which arises from that merit in the spiritual existence to the soul of that person who has at once (aeva/§) become righteous in mind.

5. When the mortal sinner (marg-ar^ano) has delivered his body and wealth at once to the highpriests, and engages mentally in renunciation as to the sin which has occurred, and the high-priests give him their decision (dastobarih) as to duty and good works, the duty and good works which zvere before performed by him come back to him; and when they inflict punishment for three nights ^ he does not enter hell. 6. And if the high-priest orders the cutting off of his head he is righteous on the spot^ and the three nights (satuth) ceremony is to be celebrated for ///;;/, and the account of the

this limitation is to be reconciled with the fact that hunting was a favourite pursuit of kings and nobles does not appear, unless it be considered as a sacerdotal protest against that practice.

^ That is, in those cases when they do not have the yasi^n performed as an atonement for sin, by order of the high-priest after confession.

2 This appears to refer to temporal punishment, inflicted by order of the high-priest, for the purpose of saving him from the ' punishment of the three nights' in the other world, mentioned in Bund. XXX, 16.

^ Reading pavan ^inak; but M6 marks the phrase as pavan dinak (for dina), 'through the decree,' which is probably an error.

CHAPTER VIII, 4-9. 303

three nights (satuih) does not affect him ^ 7. And if he does not engage in renunciation Jie is in hell till the future existence ; and in his future body they will bring hiin from hell, and for every mortal si7t they will cut off his head once, and the last time they will make hi77i alive again, and will inflict (nu may end) three nights' severe punishment^.

8. However a man engages in renunciation of sin the duty of his state of renunciation (patitih) is to be engaged therein openly and mentally in renunciation ; the duty of openness is this, that the sin which he knows has assailed him ^, is to be specially confessed (bara gobii-no) by him ; and the mental duty is this, that he engages in renunciation with this thought, that ' henceforth I will not commit sin.' 9. And that which occurs before the renunciation, except pious alms, it is well for him not to be overlooked ^ by him, and not to be kept ^ secret by him ; for when he shall overlook*^, or shall keep secret, about sin committed, it becomes for him as

^ That is, the usual ceremonies after death are not to be withheld in this world, and his soul is able to pass through the usual investigation, as to his sins and good works, on its way to the other world, without delay. This period of three nights (satuih, 'the triplet'), which Pazand writers miscall sedoj or sadis, is the time during which the soul is supposed to hover about the body, before finally departing for the other world (see Mkh. II, 114, 158- 160, AV. IV, 9-14, XVII, 2-9).

^ The same statement is made in nearly the same words in Pahl. Vend. VII, 136. This is the future three nights' punishment for impenitent sinners, mentioned in Bund. XXX, i6.

^ Literally, ' which he knows thus : " It assailed me." '

• Reading aveni.yn6, but the word can also be read khuninij-no, 'to be made celebrated, to be boasted of.'

^ Literally, ' carried on, borne away.'

^ Reading avene^, but it may be khuninec/, 'boast of.'

much, some say, as three Srosho-Z'aranams ^ ; some say that when he keeps secret about a sin of three Srosho'/'aranams he is worthy of death ; some say much otherwise ^ lO. Ataro-pa^ son of ZaratlJ^t^ had remarked (pe^^akini^) to a disciple, about this duty, thus: 'Conform to the renunciation of si?t/' and one^ time a secret was kept by him, and he ordered him thus : 'Henceforth be thou never apparent in this duty!' and after that he looked upon the supplication (avakhshih) and much repentance of that disciple, and even then he did not become the high-priest (dastobar) over him,

II. The rule is^ this, that of those who would be proper for this priestly duty (dastobarih), that person is proper who is perfect in (narm) the commentary (zand) of the law, and the punishment of sin is easy for him, and he has controlled himself; some say thus : ' By whom a course of priestly studies (aerpatastan) is performed.' 12. And the punishment of sin being easy for him, and his having controlled himself are proper ; and when, in danger before a menstruous woman, he engages in renunciation it is proper.

' Probably the same as a Farman sin (see Chaps. I, i, 2, IV, 14).

^ Or ' many other /kings.'

' This Atar6-pa(/-i Zaratmtan is mentioned in a manuscript about 500 years old, belonging to Dastur Jamaspji, in Bombay, as having lived for 160 years, and having been supreme high-priest for ninety years : he is also mentioned in the sixth book of the Dinkar(f. He may, possibly, have been the Ataro-pa^/ mentioned in B. Yt. I, 7, but it is hazardous to identify an individual by a single name so common as Atar6-pa(/ used to be.

• Reading ae, ' one,' instead of hana, 'this' (see p. 218, note 3).

" Assuming that the word ainak has been omitted at the beginning of this section (see Chap. X, i).

CHAPTER VIII, 10-14. 305

13. Neryosang^ said thus: 'Thou deemest it most surprising that, of the renunciation of sm with energy, whatever may be its efficacy, they have been so imich of the same - opinion, so that whenever they perform renunciation, however they perform it, and before whomever they perform it, whenever a sin is not even mentally originating with one ^ a renunciation should be performed by him ; and when very many mortal sins (margar^an) are committed by him, and he engages mentally in renunciation of every one separately, he is not on ^ the way to hell, owing to his renunciation ; and if there be one of which he is not in renunciation the way to helH is not closed to him, for he does not rely upon the beneficence {^\kd) of Auharmazd, and it is allowable to appoint a priestly retribution (ra^^ to^i^n) to fully atone for it, and when thou appointest a priestly retribution for it, and dost not fully atone, it is allowable to inflict it justly and strongly (drubo).'

14. When his sin is committed against (den)

' This cannot be the learned Parsi translator of several Pahlavi texts into Sanskrit, who bore the same name, and is supposed to have lived in the fifteenth century. Being quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad (see Chap. I, 4, note) he must have been one of the old commentators.

2 K20 has homanam, 'I am,' instead of ham, 'the same;' a mistake arising from reading am, 'I am,' for ham.

' This applies to all cases of merely imputed sin, such as those committed by children, which are imputed to the father, and for which he is spiritually, as well as temporally, responsible.

• Reading pavan, 'on,' instead of bara, 'out of (see p. 176, note 5),

^ Most of this clause is omitted in K20 by mistake.

[5] X -

accusers ^ it will be necessary to act so that the head of the family (mirak) shall not become evil-minded^, and shall not divorce the wife from matrimony, and they shall not bring ^ him on unto him ; before his accusers he is to be engaged in renunciation, and when not, he is to be engaged in renunciation of the sin before the high-priests (rart'an), and it will become debts, and debt does not make a man wicked^; its effect is this, that in the future existence they may quite forsake him, and this becomes a great shame, and they disturb (kaz^end) his enjoyment. 15. As to the sin which affects the accusers, when the female has atoned for it, its stem (pa yak) is atoned for; some say that the stem (payakghih) has no root; some say that it is just like a tree whose leaves wither away.

16. Sin relating to the soul ^, when one engages in renunciation, stays 2.w2iy from him ; when it shall be fully atoned for it is well, and when he does not fully atone they will make him righteous by the three nights (satuih) punishment. 17. Kushtanohxlgo^d^ said that even that which affects accusers, when one engages in renunciation, stays diWdiy from him.

^ Hamemalan (see § i) ; the particular instance of hamemal sin here referred to is seduction.

^ Reading du«fminan instead of the unmeaning dujmiyan of the MSS.

^ Reading yaityuna instead of the unmeaning yai tarn of the MSS. ; a being often written very much like m in Pahlavi.

• This clause about the hamemal sin becoming a debt, to be settled with the ' accuser,' either here or hereafter, is taken from Pahl. Vend. Ill, 151.

^ That is, rubanik sin (see § i, note).

I See Chap. I, 4, note.

CHAPTER VIII, 15-22. 307

18. Nosai Bur^'-Mitro ^ spoke these three sayings, that is, ' Next-of-kin marriage will extirpate mortal sins (marg-ar^anan), and the sacred twigs when their ablution is such as renders tlmn improper for firewood, and a man when his wife becomes pregnant by him/

19. Whoever commits a sin against (den) water, and kills a lizard, or other noxious water-creature, has atoned for it; also when thou atonest to (den) fire for that against water it is proper -, and when thou atonest to water for that against fire it is proper ; some say that even a scorpion is proper to be killed. 20. And when a sin of one TanapCihar ^ is committed by him, and he shall consecrate "a sacred cake (dron), or shall accomplish a good work of one Tanapuhar ^, it has atoned for it.

21. When he has committed a mortal sin (margar^an), and engages mentally in renunciation, and the high-priest (ra^) knows that, though he ought to give up his body, he will not give it up, it is allowable when he shall kill him; that is, because he relies upon the beneficence (surtf) of Auharmazd.
22. Moreover, from the rule (mank) 'yazemna^ ka^^ na haka(i^' (* through being worshipped what then at

^ See Chap. I, 4, note.

^ A blank space is left for this verb in M6, indicating that that MS. was copied from an original already old and not very legible.

^ See Chap. I, i, 2.

• Consecrating a sacred cake is a Tanapuhar good work (see Chap. XVI, 6). The theory of counterbalancing sins by good works of the same weight is here clearly enunciated.

^ Written izimn in the MSS. This quotation appears to be, from some part of the Avesta, no longer extant, and being only the first words of the passage its exact meaning is very uncertain. The section, generally, seems to refer to the beneficence of Auharmazd.

X 2

^OS SHAYAST LA-SHAYAST.

once,' &c.) it Is evident, and it becomes his through ceremoyiial ablution of the hands ; it amounts to a whole quarry (kano) of good works, and the worship of God (ya^i^n-i yazdano) is to be performed for him^ 23. Atar6-pa^2 son of Maraspend said that it is always necessary to be more diligent in performing one's worship of God at the time that many mortal sms are committed ; all sins being admissible into renunciation, when thou shalt atone by complete self-sacrifice (pur-^^an-da^iha), and\Av&xi one engages in renunciation of the sin from its root, he becomes /r^^ from the sin in renunciation of which sin he engaged ; for Auharmazd will not leave his own creatures unto the evil spirit, unless on the path of non-renunciation.

Chapter IX.

I. The greater Hasar is one part in twelve parts of the day and night, and the lesser Hasar is one part in eighteen parts ^

^ It seems that the execution of the sinner after repentance is here considered as furnishing him with a store of good works, so that it is allowable to perform such ceremonies for him, after death, as are usually performed for righteous men ; the reason being given in § 23. The end of this section and beginning of the next are omitted in K20.

2 Whether the prime minister of Shapiir II, or the last editor of the Dinkarrt'(see Bund. XXXIII, 3, 11), is not clear.

' The Hasar is not only a measure of distance (see Bund. XXVI, i), but also a measure of time (see Bund. XXV, 5). According to the text here the greater Hasar must be two hours, and the lesser Hasar (which is not mentioned in M6) must be one hour and twenty minutes. But Farh. Okh. (p. 43) says, ' dvadasang-hSthrem asti aghrem ayare, "of twelve Hasars is the

CHAPTER VIII, 2 3- IX, 4. 309

2. The priest (asruk) who passes away in idolatryi (au^dayakih) thou hast considered as desolate (viran)^; and there is a high-priest (dastobar) who is of a different opinion, there is one who says he is as a non-Iranian (anai ran) country I 3. It is declared that, when a supreme high-priest (zaratu^trotum) passes away in idolatry, an apostate (ah arm ok) will be born in that dwelling, and a rumour of this calamity is uttered "* by that supreme high-priest.

4. In order to be steadfast in the good religion it is to be discussed with priests and high-priests, and when one does not discuss it is proper that he do not teach it.

longest day ; " the day and night in which is the longest 'day are twelve of the greatest Hasars, eighteen of the medium, and twentyfour of the least;' according to which statement there are three kinds of Hasar, that are respectively equivalent to two hours, one hour and twenty minutes, and one hour. As the longest day is said (Bund. XXV, 4) to be twice the length of the shortest day, and the greatest Hasar is twice the length of the least one, it may be conjectured that the Hasar varied with the length of the day, being a subdivision (one-eighth) of the time the sun was above the horizon; this would account for the greatest and least Hasars, which are one-eighth of the longest and shortest days, respectively ; but it does not account for the medium Hasar, which is not a mean between the two extremes, but one-ninth (instead of oneeighth) of the mean day of twelve hours. If the Hasar of distance were really a Parasang, as is sometimes stated, the connection between it and the Hasar of time would be obvious, as the average Hasar of one hour and twenty minutes is just the time requisite for walking a Parasang, which seems indeed to be stated in Farh. Okh. p. 42.

^ Or it may be ' passes over into idolatry.'

^ K20 has giran, 'grievous.'

3 That is, he reads anairan instead of viran in the foregoing statement.

• Or, perhaps, ' this calamity is at once announced.'

A .A „,, A,

5. The ceremonial worship (ya^i^n) which they perform in a fire- temple \ when not done aright, does not reach unto the demons ; b^tt that which they perform in other places, when they do not perform it aright, does reach unto the demons ; for there is no medium in worship, it reaches either unto the aneels or unto the demons. 6. Of a man who has relinquished a bad habit, and through his good capabilities engages in renunciation of sin ^, the good work advances unto the future existence.

7. Any one who shall die in a vessel (ka^tik) it is allowable, for fear of contamination (pa(i^vishak), to throw into the water ; some say that the water itself is the receptacle for the dead (khazanih).

8. This, too, is declared: * When in the dark it is not allowable to eat food ; for the demons and fiends seize upon one-third of the wisdom and glory of him w^ho eats food in the dark;' and it is declared by that passage (^inak) which Auharmazd spoke to Zaratui-t, thus : '' After the departure of the light let him not devour, with unwashed hands, the water and vegetables of Horvadart^ and Ameroda^^ ; for if after the departure of the light thou devourest, with unwashed hands, the water and vegetables of Horvada^ and Ameroda*^, the fiend seizes away from thee two-thirds of the existing original wisdom

^ Literally, ' in the dwelling of fires.' The fire must always be sheltered fi-om the sun's rays, and in a fire-temple it is kept in a vaulted cell, with a door and one or two windows opening into the larger closed chamber which surrounds it.

2 K20 has, ' and it shall happen through his good capabilities.' ^ The two archangels whose chief duties are the protection of water and plants, respectively (see Chap. XV, 5, 25-29, Bund. IX, 2).

CHAPTER IX, 5-9. 311

which, when he seizes it away, is the glory and reho-ion which are auspicious for thee that day, so that dihgence becomes a vexation this day^'

9. In a passage of the fifth fargar^f of the Pa^on Nask^ it is declared that one mentions these charac-

^ This passage does not appear to be now extant in the Avesta.

2 This was the sixth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkara', which calls it Past or Pasag; but according to the Dini-va^arkar(/ and the Rivayats it was the seventh nask, called Vagzva. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar(/, see Haug's Essays, pp. 128, 129. The following is a short summary of the account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkar(/ (that published in the Pahl.-Paz. Glossary, pp. 184, 185, being taken from the fifteenth nask, whose contents were mixed up with those of the seventh through the abstraction of several folios from the Iranian MS. of the Dinkar*/ before Mi 3, or any other copy, was written in India) : —

The Past (or Pasag) is about the lawful slaughtering of animals in the ceremonial rites of fire and water at the season-festivals ; also where, when, and how the festivals are to be celebrated, their advantages, and the duties of the officiating priests. The rotation of days, months, and years, summer and winter, the ten days at the end of the winter, when the guardian spirits visit the world, and the ceremonies to be then performed. The time for gathering medicinal plants. The retribution necessary for the various sins aff"ecting the soul, the advantage of providing for such retribution, and the harm from not providing it. The thirty-three principal chiefs of the spiritual and worldly existences. The miracles of great good works, and the heinous sinfulness of apostasy. How far a wife can give away her husband's property, and when it is lawful for him to recover it. Whither winter flees when summer comes on, and where summer goes when winter comes on. The amount of disaster (voighn) in one century, and the duration of everything connected with such disaster. The summer and winter months, the names of the twelve months, their meaning, and the angels they are devoted to ; also the thirty days of the month, and the five Gatha days at the end of the year, when the guardian spirits are to be reverenced.

The fifth fargarrt', quoted in the text, was probably that portion of the Nask which described the duties of the officiating priests.

teristics of four kinds of worship of the celestial beings (yazdan) : — one is that whose Avesta is correct, but the man is bad ; the second is that whose Avesta is faulty (zifan6)\ but the man is good ; the third is that whose Avesta is correct, and the man is good ; and the fourth is that whose Avesta is faulty and the man is bad. lo. That whose Avesta is correct, but the man bad, the archangels will approach and will listen to, but do not accept ; that whose Avesta is faulty, but the man good, the archangels and angels^ will approach, but do not listen to, and will accept ; that whose Avesta is correct, and the man good, the archangels a7id angels will approach, will come to, will listen to, and will accept ; that whose Avesta is faulty, and the man bad, they do not approach, do not listen to, and do not accept.

II. In every ceremonial (ya^ii-no), at the beginning of the ceremony ^ and the beginning of the sacred-cake consecration (dron)*, the angels and guardian spirits of the righteous are to be invited to the ceremony. 12. When they invoke the angels they will accept the ceremony, and when they do

^ K20 has hiiz van, ' tongue, speech,' for zifan, 'faulty' (compare Pers. zif, ' sin'), in all occurrences of the word.

'^ K20 omits from this word to ' will approach ' in the next clause of the sentence.

^ That is, shortly before beginning the regular recitation of the Yasna, the angels, in whose honour the ceremony is being performed, are invited to approach by reciting their proper Khshnumans, or propitiatory formulas (see Chap. VII, 8, and Haug's Essays, p. 404).

• This begins with Yas. Ill, i, and the spirits are to be invited by adding their proper Khshnumans to those contained in Yas. Ill, 3-20 (see Haug's Essays, p. 408).

CHAPTER IX, IO-I2. 313

not invoke them, all the guardian spirits of the righteous are to be invoked at the beginning of 'staomi^ ;' and when not, they watch until the words ' frash6-/'arethram saoshya;^tam -,' and when they shall invoke them there they will accept the ceremony ; and when not, they will watch until the words ' visp(2u fravashayo ashaonam yazamaide ^' and when they shall invoke them there they will accept ^ the ceremony ; and when not, they zvill ivatch until the words ' t^^usM yazamaide^;' and when they invoke them ^ at the threefold ' ashem vohu ' and the word damanam^' at the .\N\z^-told ' aokhto-namano ^' the ' ashartf ha/ia '■',' or the ' yatumanahe ^asaiti ^^'

^ This may be at the ' staomi ' of Yas. XII, 6, which is recited before the Yasna is commenced ; but K20 alters the meaning (by inserting the relative particle) into 'they are to be invoked at " staomi," the beginning of " all the guardian spirits of the righteous" (Yas. XXVI, i).'

^ Yas. XXVI, 34.

• K20 has, ' shall not invoke,' and ' will not accept.'

^ The concluding words of the yexhe hatam formula, probably of that one at the end of Yas. XXVII, just preceding the recital of the Gathas, up to which time the spirits wait, but, if not invoked, they are then supposed to ascend, away from the ceremony, as mentioned in the text.

® K20 has, ' when they do not invoke them.'

^ Yas. VIII, 10; which is preceded by a thrice-told 'ashem vohia,' at which the officiating priest tastes the sacred cake, being the end of the Dron ceremony (see Haug's Essays, pp. 404, 408).

^ Yas. XXII, 33 (§§ 14-33 being recited twice). At this point the officiating priest brings out the mortar for pounding the Hom twigs (see Haug's Essays, p. 405) ; Yas. XXII being called the beginning of the Homast in the Vijtasp Yajt Sadah.

« Yas. XXIV, 30, when the officiating priest turns the mortar right side upwards.

1° Yas. VIII, 9, which is practically the same place as the threefold ' ashem vohu ' before mentioned.

they will accept^; and when not, they go up the height of a spear (ni^ak) and will remain. 13. And they speak thus : * This man does not understand that it will be necessary even for him^ to go from the world, and our prayer (apistan) is for reminding men ; it is not that our uneasiness ajHses from this, that we are in want of their ceremony, but our uneasiness arises from this, that when they do not reverence and do not invoke us, when evil comes upon them it is not possible for us to keep it away.' 14. 'O creator! how much is the duration in life of him who is dead ?' And Auharmazd spoke thus : ' As much as the wing of a fly, O Zaratu^t the Spitaman ! or as much as the hearing a wing unto a sightless one^!

Chapter X.

I. The rule^ is this, that a sacred t/iread-g\rd\e (kustik) be three finger-dreadt/is loose transversely

^ K20 has, ' they will not accept.'

2 Literally, ' for me,' which seems to refer to the man, and not to the spirits.

^ This appears to be the complete translation of the Avesta sentence partially quoted in Pahl. Vend. VIII, 64 : ' yatha makhshy^u perenem, yatha v^ perenahe,' &c. The last clause is doubtful; the reading adopted here is /^and zak-i shinavak-/ par andarg avenak, as nothing more satisfactory suggests itself; it might also be translated by ' as much as the sound of a wing in the invisible.'

• Reading ainak; Pazand writers convert it into yak, which can, however, have the same meaning, though they evidently take the word to be Huz. khaduk, 'one,' which is written precisely Hke ainak in Pahlavi characters. Most of the miscellaneous statements, contained in the latter part of Sis., commence with this phrase.

CHAPTER IX, I3-X, 3. 315

(pa van targun)^ as is said in every teaching (/6a5tak)2, and when it is less it is not proper.

2. The rule is this, that the sacred cake (dron), set aside at the dedication formula (shnumane) on the days devoted to the guardian spirits ^ is to be used at the season-festivals, the N6nabar^ the three nights ceremony^, the Hom-dron, and other rites of the righteous guardian spirits ; and when they shall not do so, according to some teachings, it is not proper.

3. In the exposition (ia^tak) of the Niha^^um Nask"^ it says that a man is going to commit rob-

^ That is, round the waist (see Chap. IV, i).

"^ That is, 'interpretation or exposition' (see Chap. I, 3, 4)- K20 has, ' a7id by every teaching it is proper.'

^ These fravart/ikan are, strictly speaking, the five supplementary days at the end of the Parsi year, but the last five days of the last month are usually added to them, so as to make a period of ten days at the end of the year, during which the guardian spirits of the departed are supposed to revisit their old homes, and for whom the sacred cake is set aside.

• The initiatory ceremony of a young priest (see Chap. XIII, 2). ° The ceremonies performed by the survivors for three nights

after a death (see Chaps. VIII, 6, XVII, 3, 4).

• This was the fifteenth nask or ' book' of the complete Mazdayasnian Hterature, according to the Dinkar^', which calls it Nikafifum ; but according to the Dini-va^arkar^ and the Rivayats it was the sixteenth nask, called Niyarum. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar(/, see Haug's Essays, p. 132. The following is a brief summary of the account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkard/, where it occupies twenty-five quarto pages of that work : —

The beginning of the law (da^/) is the Nika^um of thirty fargar(/s. The section Patkar-ra^istan (' the arbitrator's code') is about umpires and arbitration, contracts by words of four kinds and by signs of six kinds ; and twelve sorts of arbitrators are described in four sub-sections, according as they decide by hearing or seeing, and with regard to women and children, foreigners and

3l6 SHAYAST LA-SHAYAST.

bery, and a wall falls in upon him, it is his destroyer ; when a man strikes at him he is his adversary, and both are in sinfulness ; when he is going to perform the worship of God (ya^i5"n6-i yazdano) both of them are in innocence.

4. The rule is this, that when a woman becomes pregnant, as long as it is possible, the fire is to be maintained most carefully in the dwelling, because it is declared in the Spend Nask^ that towards

those worthy of death. The second section, Zas^amistan (* the assault code'), is a treatise on assault and the consequences of assault, pain, blood, and unconsciousness ; on blows and conflicts, man with man, women with women, and child with child, with their proper penalties ; also the murder of slaves and children. The third section, Reshistan ('the wound code'), is a treatise on various kinds of wounds and their characteristics. The fourth section, Hamemalistan ('the accuser's code'), is a treatise on accusation and false accusation of various specified crimes, on lying and slander, the care of pregnant women, impenitence and various offences against priests and disciples, remitting penalties, abetting and assisting criminals, mediation, punishment of children, smiting foreigners, murder, medical treatment, and many other things (see Pahl.-Paz. Glossary, p. 184, where they are erroneously ascribed to the Pazon Nask, owing to the defective text of the MS. Mi 3). The fifth section contained twenty -four treatises on miscellaneous subjects connected with crime and sin (see Pahl.- Paz. Glossary, pp. 184, 185).

The passage mentioned in the text cannot be recognised in any of the details supplied by the Dinkara'.

^ This was the thirteenth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to all authorities, but is called Sfend in the Rivayats. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar^/, see Haug's Essays, pp. 131, 132. The following is a summary of the short account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkar^: —

The Spend is a treatise on the origin and combination of the existence, guardian spirit, and glory of Zaratmt; on his generation and birth ; on the coming of the two spirits, the good one to sustain, and the bad one to destroy him, and the victory of the good

CHAPTER X, 4, 5. 317

Dtikdav^ the mother of Zaratti^t, when she was pregnant with Zaratu-st, for three nights, every night a leader (khu^a)^ with a hundred and fifty ^ demons rushed for the destruction of Zarattai-t, but owincr to the existence of the fire in the dwelHno^ they knew no means of accompHshing it.

5. The rule is this, that they have a tank (mo^) for the disciples, when they are going to perform the worship of God, and are sprinkling the stone seat (magok)"*; and lest they should make a wet place by that sprinkling through taking water out from it, it is to be done sitting ; for in the Vendidad^ the high-priests have taught, about making

spirit ; on his going, at thirty years of age, to confer with Auharmazd, and his seven conferences in ten years; on the seven questions he proposed to the archangels on those occasions ; on the conveyance of the omniscient wisdom into him, showing him heaven and hell, and the intermediate place of those ' everstationary,' the account taken of sin and good works, the future existence, and the fate of the religion on earth till the renovation of the universe, with the coming of his future sons, the last three apostles.

^ The Paz. Dughda of Bund. XXXII, 10 would indicate Pahl. Dukdan, but the Dinkar^/ has Dukfl^aubo and Duk(/aubag (pointing to Av. Dughdhavan), and the Persian forms are Dughdii and Dughdavih. Here the name is Dukdavo, which is transposed into Du(/kav in Chap. XII, 1 1 ; it must have meant either ' milk -maid ' or ' suckler ' originally.

^ K20 has jea'a, 'a demon,' and in Chap. XII, 11, where this section is repeated, the word can be read either jeda, * a demon,' or shah, *a king or ruler;' of course 'an arch-fiend' is meant.

' M6 appears to have ' sixty,' instead of ' fifty,' but see Chap. XII, II.

• Or magh, on which they squat in the purification ceremony (see B. Yt. II, 36).

^ Referring probably to Pahl. Vend. XVIII, 98 ; the ground is not to be wetted further than the length of the fore-part of the foot beyond the toes, that is, not more than a hand's breadth ; this

3l8 SHAYAST LA-SHAYAST.

water when standing on foot\ that the measure it refers to appHes to everything else, not even of a like origin; by him who makes water the A vesta ^ for making water is to be uttered, mid then it is the root of a Tanapuhar sin^ for him, and when he does not utter it he is more grievously sinful.

6. The rule is this, that to recite the Gathas over those passed away is not to be considered as beneficial, since it is not proper to recite the three Has* which are the beginning of the K\xsX.\v2X Gatha whenever one is on the road ; whenever one recites them over a man in the house they are healing.

7. The rule is this, that in the night wine and aromatic herbs (sparam) and anything like food are not to be cast away towards the north quarter, because a fiend^ will become pregnant ; and when one casts them away one Yatha-ahu-vairyo ^ is to be uttered.

measure is here extended to washing water, hence the necessity of squatting during such ablutions.

^ This is a sin which is usually classed with 'running about uncovered' and 'walking with one boot' (see Chap. IV, 8, note).

"^ This Avesta is prescribed in Vend. XVIII, 97, and is still in constant use ; it consists of three Ashem-vohus (see Bund. XX, 2), two Humatanums (Yas. XXXV, 4-6), three Hukhshathrotemais (Yas. XXXV, 13-15), four Ahunavars (see Bund. I, 21), and one YeNhe-hatam (see B.Yt. II, 64).

' See Chap. I, i, 2.

• The three chapters (Yas. XLII-XLIV) which begin the U^tavaiti Gatha (Yas. XLII-XLV).

^ A dru^, or fiend, is usually considered as a female demon (see Vend. XVIII, 70-77); and the demons are supposed to come from the north, where they congregate on the summit of Aresur, at the gates of hell (see Vend. XIX, i, 140, 142, Bund. XII, 8).

• See Bund. I, 21. This statement is repeated in Chap. XII, 18.

CHAPTER X, 6-1 I. 319

8. The rule is this, that reverential should be the abstinence from unlawfully slaughtering of any species of animals ; for in the Stu^gar Nask^ it is said, concerning those who have unlawfully slaughtered animals, the punishment is such that each hair of those animals becomes like a sharp dagger (tekh), and he who is unlawfully a slaughterer is slain. 9. Of animals, the slaughtering of the lamb, the goat (vahik), the ploughing ox, the war-horse, the hare, the bat (/('ihara^), the cock or bird of Vohuman, and the magpie (kaskinak) bird, and of birds that ^the kite, eagle (humai), and swallow is most to be abstained from.

10. A pregnant woman who passes away is not to be carried away by less than four men", who are at it constantly with united strength ; for with other corpses, after a dog's gaze, when they carry them along by two men with united strength, they do not become polluted ; hit for a pregnant woman two dogs are necessary, to whose united power she is to be exposed ; and they carry her along by four men with united strength, and they do not become polluted ; bid when they carry her along by two men they are to be washed with ceremony (pi^ak)^

11. The rule is this, that when they beg forgiveness for a person (mar^fum) who has passed away,

^ See B.Yt. I, i. The passage here referred to is probably one in the middle of the seventeenth fargar^ of this Nask, which is mentioned as follows, in the ninth book of the Dinkarc/: 'And this too, namely, those who unlawfully slay sheep and cattle, which diminishes their life and glory.'

2 This is the usual custom, while that mentioned in Chap. II, 6 is the exceptional case, mentioned at the end of this section, which necessitates extraordinary purification.

2 That is, with the Bareshniim ceremony (see Chap. II, 6).

such a p7'ayer is more significant when one says thus : ' Whenever a trespass (vinas) of mine has occurred against him, you will take account of it along with those of his which have occurred against me, and the trespasses have passed away one through the other ; any further trespasses of his which have occurred against me are then made a righteous gift by me'

12. The rule is this, that one should not walk without boots ^; and his advantage therefrom is even this, that when a boot (mla^ak) is on his foot, and he puts the foot upon dead matter, and does not disturb the dead matter, he does not become polluted ; when a boot is not on his foot, and he puts the foot upon dead matter, and does not disturb zV, he is polluted"^, except when he knows for certain (aevar) that a dog has seen //, or if not it is to be considered as not seen by a dog *.

13. The rule is this, as revealed i^i the Dubasrtagtd JVask^, where a day in the year is indicated,

• That is, I pardon them in charity.

^ Or, perhaps, 'without stockings,' avimu^ak; this seems to be something different from the sin of ae-muk-dubarijnih, ' running in one boot' (see Chap. IV, 13).

^ Without these words, which do not exist in the MSS., the sentence seems to have no clear meaning.

• And, therefore, still containing the Nasuj, or fiend of corruption, who will enter into any one who merely touches the dead matter, without disturbing it, and can be driven out only by the tedious and troublesome Bareshnum ceremony,

^ This was the sixteenth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkart/, which calls it Diabasru^^/ or Dubasrurt'; but according to the Dini-va^arkar^^, which calls it Dvasriizd, and the Rivayats, which call it Dvasrij^ad, Dvasrun^ad, or Dvasrfib, it was the eighteenth nask. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkara', see Haug's Essays, pp. 132, 133. The following is a brief summary of the account of it given

CHAPTER X, 12-14. ^^2 1

that the sacred ////r^r^Z-girclle of every one who shall be one day more than fourteen years and three months old is to be tied on — it is better so than when he remains unto fifteen years, and then ties on the girdle — who is more cared for, that way, than a five-months' child \ on whom they should put it in the womb of its mother.

14. The rule is this, that when one retains a prayer inwardly ^, and wind shall come from below, or wind shall come from the mouth, it is all one ^.

in the eighth book of the Dinkar.^, which occupies ten quarto pages of that work : —

Of the first eighteen sections of the Dubasru^r/ the first is a treatise on thieves, their arrest, imprisonment, and punishment, with the various kinds of robbery ; the second section is about the irresponsibility of a father for the crimes of a grown-up son, and of a husband for those of a separated wife, about the time for instructing children, and when they first become responsible for sin, the crime of giving weapons to women, children, and foreigners, about warriors plundering, the various kinds of judges and their duties, and offences against accusers. Of the twelve next sections one, called Pasuj-horvistan (' the shepherd's dog code '), is about shepherd's dogs, their duties and rights. Of the last thirty-five sections the first, called Storistan (' the beast of burden code '), is about the sin, affecting the soul, of unlawfully beating and wounding cattle and beasts of burden, birds and fish ; the second section, Ar^istan ('the value code'), is a treatise on the value of animate and inanimate objects; the third section, Arate^taristan ('the warrior code '), is a treatise on warriors, arms, armies, generals, battles, plunder, &c. ; the fourth section is about warm baths, fires, clothing, winter stores, reaping fodder and corn, &c.

The passage mentioned in the text was probably in that part of the second section which referred to the responsibility of children. The words from ' as revealed ' to ' indicated ' are omitted in K20.

^ K20 has ' nine-months' child.'

^ See Chap. Ill, 6.

8 Literally, ' both are one ; ' that is, in either case the spell of the va^ or prayer is broken.

[5] Y

15. Also this, that ten women are necessary for affordinof assistance to a woman who is in labour : iive women for directing the making of the cradle (gavarak), one woman should be opposite the left shoulder, and one to hold the right shoulder, one woman to throw a hand on her neck, one woman to hold her waist, and one woman, when the infant shall be born, to take it up and cut the navel cord, and to make the fire blazed 16. Three days and three nights no one is to pass between the fire and the child, nor to show the child to a sinful man or woman ; they are to triturate a little sulphur in the sap (may a) of a plant, and to smear it over the child ; a7id the first food to give it is Hom-juice (parahom) and aloes (shap^yar).

17. The rule is this, that in case any one shall beat an innocent man, until the pain shall cease it becomes every day the root of a Tanapuhar sin^ for him.

18. The rule is this, that when in a country they trust a false judge, and keep }mn among their superiors, owing to the sin and breach of faith which that judge commits, the clouds and rain, in that country, are deficient, a portion (bavan) of the deliciousness, fatness, whole someness, and milk of the cattle and goats diminishes^, and many children become destroyed in the mother's womb.

19. The rule is this, that a man, when he does not wed a wife, does not become worthy of death ; but when a woman does not wed a husband it

^ Literally, ' make the fire high.' ^ See Chap. I, i, 2.

^ Most of these evils are also ascribed (see B. Yt. II, 41-43) to neglect of the precautions prescribed with regard to hair-cuttings.

CHAPTER X, 15-21. 323

amounts to a sin worthy of death ; because foi- a woman thei'e is no offspring except by intercourse with men, and no Hneage proceeds from her ; but for a man without a wife, when he shall recite the Avesta, as it is mentioned in the Vendidad \ there may be a lineage which proceeds onwards to the future existence.

20. The rule is this, that a toothpick is to be cut out clear of bark (post pak)^for the high-priests have taught that when one's toothpick — made for the mouth with the bark — shall fall, and when a pregnant woman puts a foot upon it, she is apprehensive about its being dead matter I

21. The rule is this, that in accepting the child of a handmaid (/'akar)* discrimination is to be exercised; for in the fourteenth of the Nask Husparam^

^ This reference is probably to the circumstances detailed in Vend. XVIII, 99-112, but the Pahlavi commentary on §§ iii, 112 of that passage is missing in all MSS. The Avesta to be recited in such cases is precisely the same as that detailed in a note on § 5.

^ This translation is in accordance with the seventeenth chapter of the prose Sad-dar Bundahi^, or ' Bundahii' of a hundred chapters,' a Pazand work of later times ; but the text here might be translated ' cut out of clean skin,' and in Chap. XII, 13, where the statement is repeated, the word used is also ambiguous.

^ The Sad-dar Bundahij- says, ' the fear arises that the infant may come to harm.' This section and the three which follow are repeated in Chap. XII, 13-16.

• This might mean a ^akar, or 'serving' wife (see Bund. XXXII, 6), but the further details given in Chap. XII, 14, where this statement is repeated, make it more probable that a concubine is meant.

^ As this was the seventeenth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to all authorities, it is probable that the word ' fourteenth,' in the text here, refers to some particular chapter or fargar^, most likely to the last group of fourteen

Y 2

the high-priests have taught thus : ' My son is suitable also as thy son, but my daughter is not suitable also as thy daughter.'

sections, mentioned below, in the summary of its contents ; and this is confirmed by another reference in Chap. XII, 7. This nask is called Asparam in the Rivayats, and Asparum in the Dini-va^arkara'; for its contents, as given by the latter, see Haug's Essays, p. 133. The following is a brief summary of the account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkarr/, where it occupies sixteen quarto pages of that work : —

Of the first thirty sections of the Husparam, one is the Aerpatistan ('the priest's code'), a treatise on priestly studies, priests, disciples, and their five dispositions. One section is the Nirangistan ('religious formula code'), a treatise on the formulas of worship, the Avesta to be recited by the officiating priests twice, thrice, and four times, the five periods of the day and their proper ceremonies, the season-festivals, the sacred girdle and shirt, cutting the sacred twigs, reverencing water, the families of Zaratiut, Hvov, and Vijtasp, &c. One section is the Goharikistan ('quality code'), a treatise on nobility and superiority, buying and selling, cattle, slaves, servants, and other property, houses where men or dogs have been sick, dealings with foreigners, &c. And other sections are about appropriating the property of others, obedient and disobedient wives, foreign wives, advantages of male and female offspring, breeding of cattle, treatment of labourers and children, the evil eye, judges, the origin and cultivation of corn, the degrees of crime and punishment, &c. Of the next twenty sections, one is about the treatment of furious cattle and mad dogs, and the damage they may do. One section on the means of accumulating wealth, the giving of sons and daughters in marriage, the goodness of charity and evil of waste, the five best actions and the five worst, unlawful felling of trees, the sin of burying the dead, &c. And one section on the begetting, birth, and treatment of children. Of the last fourteen sections, one is a treatise, in six fargara's, on the ownership of property and disputes about it, on one's own family, acquiring wife and children, adoption, &c. And a section of seven fargar^^s, at the end, is a treatise on the sufferings of men, women, children, and dogs, on the connection of owner and herds, priest and disciple, on various offences and sins, spiritual and worldly healing, physic and physicians, astrology,

CHAPTER X, 22-24. 325

2 2. The rule is this, that one perseveres much in the begetting of offspring, for the acquisition of abundance of good works at once ; because, in the Nihart'um NaskS the high-priests have taught that the duty and good works which a son performs are as much the father's as though they had been done by his own hand; and in the Damda^ Nask^ it is revealed thus : ' Likewise, too, the good works, in like measure, which come into the father's possession.'

23. The rule is this, that they shall give to the worthy as much of anything as is proper for eating ^;2^ accumulating ; because in the Niha^um A^«j-/C'" the high-priests have taught thus : ' A man gives a hungry one bread, and it is too much, yet all the good works, which he shall perform through that superabundance, become as much his who gave it as though they had been done by his own hand.'

24. The rule is this, where one lies down, in circumstances of propriety and innocence, one Ashemvohu is to be uttered^ and in like manner when he

the proper feeding of cattle, horses, sheep, goats, and pigs, the duty of a frontier governor during a foreign invasion, &c.

The passage mentioned in the text was probably in that portion of the last group of fourteen sections which treated of wives, children, and adoption.

^ See § 3 ; the passage mentioned here cannot be traced in the account of this Nask given in the Dinkar^/.

2 See SZS. IX, i. The passage here quoted cannot be traced in any of the short accounts of the contents of this Nask. This section is repeated, with a few verbal alterations, in Chap. XII, 15.

^ See § 3 ; the passage here quoted is also not to be traced in the account of this Nask given in the Dinkar^. This section is repeated, with a few verbal alterations, in Chap. XII, 16.

^ Compare Chap. IV, 14, where much the same is stated as what occurs in this section.

gets up well ; when he does so, every single drawing of the breath (vayo) becomes a good work of three Sr6sh6-/§aranams, that is, a weight of ten dirhams of the full weight of four mads \

25. The rule is this, that when an action or an opinion comes forward, and one does not know whether it be a sin or a good work, when possible it is to be abandoned and not executed by him ; as it says in the Saka^um Nask - that Zaratiut has

1 Reading i mad-4, instead of va maz-4 ; the word mad (see Pahl.-Paz. Glossary, p. 21) being Huz. for the dang or quarterdirham. The amount of the Sr6sh6-/^aranam, as deduced from this statement, differs from those given in Chaps. XI, 2, XVI, 5, and must be awkwardly fractional, unless the sentence be altered into lo^'-u^an sang nem z\s pur sang yehevunefl', 'a weight of ten dirhams and a half, which is its full weight;' in which case one Sr6sh6-/C'aranam would be 3^ dirhams, as in Chap. XVI, 5.

"- This was the eighteenth nask or ' book' of the complete Mazdayasnian hterature, according to the Dinkar(/; but according to the Dini-va^arkar(/ and the Rivayats it was the nineteenth nask, called Askarum or Askaram. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar^/, see Haug's Essays, p. 133. The following is a brief summary of the account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkar^, where it occupies twenty quarto pages of that work : —

Of the first thirty sections of the SakLWilm one is a treatise on the necessity of obedience and understanding the laws, on newborn infants and their proper treatment, on the care of fire and sharp-pointed things, on race-courses, the use of water, salt and sweet, warm and cold, flowing and stagnant, &c. One section is the Ha/^i^akanistan ('annoyances code'), a treatise on irritating words and ill-treatment of living creatures and trees, the finding of buried treasure at various depths and in different places, &c. And one section is the Ziyanakistan ('damage code'), a treatise on damao-e to animate and inanimate objects. Of the last twenty-two sections, one is the Vakhshistan ('increase code'), a treatise on the progress of growth, breeding of cattle and other animals, pleadings regarding debts, growth of corn, &c. One section is the Varistan ('ordeal code'), a treatise on the detection of witchcraft by ordeal, by heat and cold, &c. One section on asking assistance

CHAPTER X, 25, 26. 327

not provided about everything whatever, but three times it has been done by Zarati^Jt about this duty, that is, so that the Avesta and Zand, when one has learned it thoroughly by heart^, is for recitation, and is not to be mumbled^ (^uyij-no), for in mumbling (^ti^ano) the parts of the Ahunavar^ are more chattering*. 26. As it says in the Bagh Nask^

and rewarding it, on the unjust judge and the sagacious one, on daughters given in marriage by mothers and brothers, on the disobedient son, &c. And one section on the spirits of the earthly existences, the merit of killing noxious water-creatures, the animal world proceeding from the primeval ox, the evil spirit not to be worshipped, and much other advice.

The passage mentioned in the text appears to have been in the first section of this N^sk, as the Dinkar(/ says it treated, among other matters, ' about a man's examining an action before doing it, and when he does not know whether // be a sin or a good work, when possible, he is to set it aside and not to do //.' But nothing is said there about Zaratmt, and what is said here seems to have very little connection with the 'rule' laid down in this section.

' Literally, ' made it quite easy.'

"^ Literally, ' not to be devoured or gnawed.'

' The formula commencing with the words Yatha ahu vairyo (see Bund. I, 21); its parts or bag ha are the phrases into which it may be divided (see Yas. XIX, 4, 6, 9, 12).

• Reading draitar, 'more clamourous or chattering;' but the word is ambiguous, as it may be daraktar, 'more rending,' or giraitar, 'more weighty, more threatening,' &c.

^ M6 has Bak. This was the third nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkar(/, which calls it Bako ; but according to the Dini-va^arkar(/ and the Rivayats it was the fourth nask. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkarrt', see Haug's Essays, p. 127. In the Dinkar^, besides a very brief account of it, in the eighth book, which states that it was a treatise on the recitation of the revealed texts, there is, in the ninth book, a long description of the contents of each of its twenty-two fargara^, occupying fifty quarto pages in the MSS. of the Dinkar^/. From this it appears that the passage quoted in our text probably occurred in the first

thus: 'Whoever shall mutter, O Zaratii^t ! my allotment of the Ahunavar ^ — that Is, shall softly take it inwardly — and shall let it escape^ again — that is, shall utter it aloiui — so much as a half, or one-third, or one-fourth, or one-fifth, his soul will I shield, I who am Auharmazd, from the best existence — that is, I ivill keep it away — by so much of an interval as the width of this earth.'

27. The rule is this, that one is to proceed with ofreat deliberation when he does not know whether it be a sin or a good work, that is, it is not to be done.

28. The rule is this, that an opinion (anda^'ak) of anything is to be formed through consultation

fargara'. It also occurs, in nearly the same words, in Pahl. Yas. XIX, 12-15, and as Yas. XIX is called 'the beginning of the Bakan' in some MSS., it is possible that the three Has (Yas. XIX-XXI) which relate to the three short Avesta formulas are really the first three fargar^/s of the Bagh Nask, which are said to have treated of the same subjects.

^ The text is corrupted into min zak-i li, Zaratujt! be^tarih-i min Ahunavar dru^ist, which might be translated, in connection with the following phrase, thus : ' Of my vexation, O Zaratmt ! from the Ahunavar, the most fiendish is that one shall softly take it', &c. But very slight alterations of the Pahlavi letters (in accordance with Pahl. Yas. XIX, 12) convert min into mun, bej-tarih into bakhtarih, and dru^ist into dren_^a^. Instead of 'allotment of the Ahunavar ' we might read ' predestination, or providence, from the Ahunavar ; ' because the Pahlavi translator, by using the word bakhtarih or bakhtarih, appears to have understood the Av. bagh a in its sense of ' divinity, providence,' rather than in that of ' part, portion.'

^ Reading ranined? or rahoine^/. The Pahlavi translator seems to think the sin consists in breaking the spell of the va^ or inward prayer (see Chap. Ill, 6) by speaking part of it aloud ; but the original Avesta of this passage attributes the sin to obscuring the meaning by imperfect recitation.

CHAPTER X, 27, 28. 329

with the ofood ; even so it is revealed in the KidrsLSt A/'as^ ^ that Spendarma^ spoke to Manu^/ihar thus : ' Even the swiftest horse requires the whip (ta^a-

^ This was the twelfth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkara', which calls it XidrdiStd or A'i^/rojto ; but according to the Dini-va^arkar^/ and the Rivayats it was the fourteenth nask called Cira^t. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar(/, see Haug's Essays, p. 131. The following is a summary of the short account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkar^/ : —

The I^ididsid is a treatise on the race of man ; how Auharmazd produced the first man, Gayomar^^, how the first pair, Mashya and Mashyoi, arose, with their progeny, till the region of Khvaniras was full, when they supplied the six surrounding regions, till they filled and cultivated the whole world. The Pe^da^ian d} nasty of H6- shang, Takhmorupo, and Yim, the evil reign of Dahak, descended from Ta2, the brother of Hoshang and father of the Arabs, then Fre^/un who divided Khvaniras between his three sons, Salm, Tu^, and AiriX', who married the daughters of Patsrobo (compare Pahl. Vend. XX, 4) king of the Arabs, then Maniu/C'ihar, descendant (napo) of AirU, the penal reign of Frasiyaz^ ruler of Turan, then Auzobo the Tumaspian, descendant of Manm/^ihar, then Kai- Kava^ and the penal reign of Karsaspo. The Kayanian dynasty of Kai-Us, Kai-Khusrob son of Siyavakhsh, with many tales of the specially famous races of Iran, Turan, and Salman, even to the reigns of Kai-Loharasp and Kai-Vii'tasp. The apostle Zaratujt, and the progress of time and events from the reign of Fred'ijn till Zaratijjt's conference with Ailharmazd. The race of Manuj/^ihar, No^ar, and others. Avarethrabau's (see Fravardin Yt. 106) father, Ataro-pa^ son of Maraspend. On future events and the reign of the renovation of the universe; the origin of the knowledge of occupation, and the care and industry of the period ; the great acquaintance of mankind with the putting aside of injury from the adversary, the preservation of the body, and the deliverance of the soul, both before and after the time of Zaratmt.

As Maniaj/^ihar is several times mentioned there are several places in this Nask where the statement, quoted in the text as a saying of Spendarmaai', the female archangel who has special charge of the earth (see Chap. XV, 5, 20-24, and Bund. I, 26), may have occurred.

nak), the sharpest steel knife requires the whetstone (afsan), and the wisest man requires counsel (hampOrsih),'

29. The rule is this, that when one laughs outright (bara khandert') the A vesta and Zand are not to be mumbled, for the wisdom of Auharmazd is omniscient, ajid good works are a great exercise of liberality, but an extreme abstinence from producing irritation (han^irt^ar-daht^nih) ; because in the Ratuj)taitih Nask ^ many harsh things are said about the severe punishment of producers of irritation, in the spiritual existence.

30. The rule is this, that as there may be some even of those of the good religion who, through unacquaintance with the religion, when a female fowl crows in the manner of a cock, will kill the

• This was the seventh nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkar(/, which calls it Ralujtaiti ; but according to the Dini-va(;'arkarrt? and the Rivayats it was the eighth nask called Ratmtai. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar(/, see Haug's Essays, p. 129. The following is a summary of the short account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkar^/: —

The Ralu^taiti is a treatise on indispensable religious practices, the reason of the worthiness and superexcellence in a purifying priest, and how to distinguish worthiness and superexcellence from unworthiness, in the priesthood of each of the seven regions of the earth ; on the indication and manifestation of an assemblage of the archangels, the formulas and means to be employed in reverencing the angels, the position and duties of the two officiating priests in the ceremonies, and all the business of the orderers of ceremonies, with their various duties; on the greatness and voluntariness of good works, the kinds of voluntariness, and the proximity of Auharmazd to the thoughts, words, and deeds of the material world.

It is uncertain under which of these heads the passage mentioned in the text may have occurred.

CHAPTER X, 29-32. 331

fowl, SO those of the primitive faith ^ have said that there may be mischief (vinastarih) from wizards in that dwelHng, which the cock is incapable of keeping away, and the female fozvl makes that noise for the assistance of the cock^ especially when the bringing of another cock into that dwelling is necessary.

31. The rule is this, that when one sees a hedgehog, then along with it^ a place in the plain, free from danger, is to be preserved ; for in the Vendidad * the high-priests have taught that it is when the hedgehog every day voids urine into an ant's nest that a thousand ants will die.

32. The rule is this, that in the Vendidad^ seven kinds of things are mentioned, and when they are the cause of a man's death, until the forthcoming period of the day (gas-i levin) comes on, contami-

^ See Chap. I, 3.

2 The cock is considered to be an opponent of demons and wizards (see Bund. XIX, 33), and to warn men against the seductions of the demoness of lethargy (see Vend. XVIII, 33-42, 52).

^ Assuming that levatman val means levatman valman, but the reading 'he takes it back to (lakhvar val) the plain,' which occurs in the repetition of this section in Chap. XII, 20, seems preferable.

• The details which follow are to be found in Bund. XIX, 28, but they appear to be no longer extant in the Pahlavi Vendidad ; though the hedgehog is called ' the slayer of the thousands of the evil spirit,' in Vend. XIII, 5, of which passage the statement in our text seems to be an illustration. The ant is considered noxious.

5 Vend. VII, 5, 6, where, however, eight modes of death are mentioned, which delay the arrival of the Nasuj, or fiend of corruption, till the next period of the day ; these are when the person has been killed by a dog, a wolf, a wizard, anxiety, falling into a pit, the hand of man as sentenced by law, illegal violence, or strangulation. In all other cases it is supposed that the fiend of corruption enters the corpse immediately after death (see Vend. VII, 2-4).

nation (nisru^t) ^ does not rush upon him; and for this reason, this, too, is well/(?r the good, that is, to show a dog rightly again a previous corpse in the forthcoming period of the day ^.

33. The rule is this, that by those who attend to a corpse among the pure // is then to be shown to a dog very observant of the corpse ; for when even a thousand persons shall carry away a corpse which a dog has not seen, they are all polluted I

34. The rule is this, that meat, when there is stench or decomposition not even originating with it, is not to be prayed over ^ ; and the sacred cake (dron) and butter (gau^-dak) which are hairy are also not to be prayed over ^.

35. A woman is fit for priesdy duty (zotih) among women ", and when she is consecrating ^ the sacred

1 See Bund. XXVIII, 29.

^ In order that there may be no risk of the fiend of corruption having entered the corpse after it was first exhibited to a dog.

^ This statement has been already made in Chap. II, 65.

• That is, it is not to be used in any religious ceremony. Small pieces of meat are consecrated, along with the sacred cakes, in the Dron and Afringan ceremonies at certain festivals.

^ So in K20; but M6 has, 'the sacred cake they present, even that is not to be prayed over.' Although M6 is more carefully written than K20, it seems to have been copied from an original which was hardly legible in some places, of which this is one. The presence of a hair in the cake or butter would render it useless for religious purposes.

® But only for some of the minor priestly oifices, such as consecrating the sacred cake. According to Avesta passages, quoted in the Nirangistan, any man who is not a Tanapuhar sinner can perform certain priestly duties for virtuous men, and any woman who is not feeble-minded (kasu-khrathwa) can perform them for children.

' M6 has, ' when she does not consecrate.'

CHAPTER X, 33-40. 333

cake (dron), and one Ashem-vohu ^ is uttered by her, she puts the sacred twigs (bares 6m) back on the twie-stand, brings them- awav, and the utterance of another one is good ; when she says it is not expedient to do it with attention before a meal, it is proper. 36. The sacred cake of a disreputable woman is not to be consecrated, but is to be rendered ineligible (avi^inako).

3']. When one places a thing before the fire observantly, and does not see the splendour itself, ' tava athro^' is not to be said.

^8. At nieht, when^ one lies down, the hands are to be thoroughly washed. 39. That which comes from a menstruous woman to any one, or to anything, is all to be thoroughly washed with bull's urine (gome^") and water ^.

[40. The rule is this, as Ataro-pa^ son of Maraspend^ said when every one passed away: — 'The mouth-veil ^ and also the clothing are to be well

1 See Bund. XX, 2 ; it is rather doubtful whether we should read ' one ' or ' two.'

2 These Avesta words, meaning ' for thee, the fire,' are used when presenting anything to the fire, such as firewood and incense (see Yas. VII, 3, XXII, 10, 22, &c.)

^ Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mun, 'who' (see Bund. I, 7, note).

• Here ends the original Shayast la-shayast. § 40 is found only in M6, and is evidently a later addition to that MS. by another hand. Then follows the Farhang-i Oim-khaduk, both in M6 and K20; this is an old Avesta-Pahlavi Glossary which has no connection with Sis., although it may be of the same age, as it quotes many Avesta sentences which are no longer extant elsewhere, and amongst others passages from the Niha^'iim Nask (see Sis. X, 3) and the commentary of Afarg (see Sis. I, 3).

" See Bund. XXXIII, 3.

« The padam (Av. paitidana, Paz. penom) 'consists of two

set apart from the gifts (dasaran), so that his soul may become easier.' Completed in peace and pleasure.]

Part II, — A Supplemcntai'y Treatise^.

Chapter XI.

I. The degrees of sin are these ^ such as a Farman, Sr6sh6-/{'aranam, Agerept, Aiviri^t, AredCi^, Khor, Basai, Yat, and Tanapuhar, and I ivill mention each of them a second time. 2. A Farman is the weight of three dirhams of four mads ^ ; a

pieces of white cotton cloth, hanging loosely from the bridge of the nose to at least two inches below the mouth, and tied with two strings at the back of the head. It must be worn by a priest ■whenever he approaches the sacred fire, so as to prevent his breath from contaminating the fire. On certain occasions a layman has to use a substitute for the penom by screening his mouth and nose with a portion of his muslin shirt.' (Haug's Essays, p. 243, note i ; see also Pahl.Vend. XVIII, 1-4.)

^ This second part is evidently by another writer, for he not only repeats several passages (Chaps. "XI, i, 2, XII, 11, 13-16, 18, 20), which are given in the first part, but he also writes generally in a less simple style. In some MSS. of Sis. alone, such as M9, the second part immediately follows the first, as in this translation ; indicating that it has been accepted as a part of the same work. But in M6 the two parts are separated by the Farh. Okh., occupying twenty folios; and in K20 there is an interval of ninety-two folios, containing the Farh. Okh., Bund., B. Yt., and several other texts.

2 §§ I, 2 are a repetition of Chap, I, i, 2, with a few variations. The number of degrees is here raised to nine by the addition of the Srosho-z^aranam (see Chap. X, 24); which is written Srosha/^aranam in both these sections.

^ Reading i mad-4, instead of va m-4; the mad being a quartcr-dirham (see Chap. X, 24, note) ; or we can read 'weight and quantity (may ah) of three dirhams.' The amount of the Farman

CHAPTER XI, 1-4. 335

Srosho-zC'aranam is one dirham and two mads ; three Sr6sh6-/'aranams are the weight of four dirhams

A

and two mads^; an Agerept is thirty-three stirs^; an Aiviri.9t is the weight of thirty-three dirhams ; an Arediijr is thirty stirs ^; a Khor is sixty stirs ; a Basai is ninety stirs ; a Yat is a hundred and eighty stirs, and a Tanapuhar is three hundred stirs.

3. Every one ought to be unhesitating and unanimous about this, that righteousness is the one thing, and heaven (garo^man)^ the one place, which is good, and contentment the one thing more comfortable.

4. When a sheep'* is slaughtered and divided, its meat-offering (gavus-dak) '^ is to be thus presented:— the tongue, jaw, and left eye are the

here given appears to agree with that stated in Chap. XVI, i, but differs very much from the sixteen dirhams mentioned in Chap. I, 2, and the twenty-eight dirhams quoted by Spiegel

^ That is, one Sr6sh6--^aranam is one dirham and a half, and three of them, therefore, are four dirhams and a half; the mad being a quarter-dirham. This computation differs considerably from the amounts stated in Chaps. X, 24, XVI, 5, but corresponds better with the supposition (see Chap. IV, 14, note) that a Srosho- ^aranam is one-third of a Farman.

2 Both this amount and the next are evidently wrong, and no doubt the Pahlavi ciphers have been corrupted. Chap. XVI, 5 gives ' sixteen' and ' twenty-five' stirs, which are probably correct, though the computation in Chap. I, 2 is very different.

^ Written Areduj 30 si, ' an Arediu is 30 (thirty),' as in Chap. I, 2 ; with which also all the remaining amounts correspond.

• See note on pahlum ahvan in Chap. VI, 3. ^ Or 'goat.'

• Av, gauj hudhau, which is generally represented by a small piece of butter placed upon one of the sacred cakes ; but on certain occasions small pieces of meat are used. The object of this section is to point out what part of the animal is suitable for use in a ceremony dedicated to any one of the angels, or spirits, mentioned.

^),2)^ SHAY AST LA-SI I A VAST.

angel Horn's^ own ; the neck is Ashavahirt's^ own ; the head is the angel Vae's^ own ; the right shoulder (arm) is Ardvisur's*, the left is Drvasp's '^ ; the right thigh (hakht) 'i for the guaj^diaii spirit^ of Vi.Ttasp, and the ^i. for the guardian spirit of G^amasp'; the back \s for the supreme chiefs ; the loin is the spirits' own ; the belly is Spendarmai2''s " ; the testicles ^*^ 2.r^ for the star Vanand '^ ; the kidneys are

' Av. haoma, the angel of the Horn plant (see Yas. IX-XI, Bund. XVIII, 1-3, XXVII, 4, 24), the juice of which is used in ceremonial worship by the Parsis.

• The same as Arrt'avahij't (see Bund. I, 26).

^ M6 has ' Ram ' as a gloss ; he is the Vayo of the Ram Yt., ' the good Vae' of Mkh. II, 115, who assists the righteous souls in their progress to the other world ; his name. Ram, is given to the twenty-first day of the Parsi month (see Chap. XXII, 21).

• Av. Ardvi sura of the Aban Yt., a title of Anahita, the female angel of the waters (see Bund. XXXII, 8). This title is written Aredvivsur in the Bundahi.v, and applied to the source of pure water (Bund. XIII); while the name Avan, 'waters,' is given to the eighth month and the tenth day of each month in the Parsi year.

-' Av. Drvaspa of the G6.S- Yt., the name of the female angel of cattle, called Gojurvan in Bund. IV; her alternative name, Goi-, is given to the fourteenth day of the Parsi month.

^ The word fravash-i, 'the guardian spirit of,' is evidently omitted here, as it occurs with the next name. For Vij'tasp, see Bund. XXXI, 29, XXXIV, 7.

^ ' Av. G^amaspa of Yas. XIII, 24, XLV, 17, XLVIII, 9, L, 18, Aban Yt. 68, &c., the prime minister of Vijtasp.

*^ Ratpok bereza^ stands for the Av. rath wo berezato of Yas. I, 46, &c., a ' supreme chief who is often associated with the chiefs of the various subdivisions of time, and seems to be Auharmazd himself (see Yas. LVI, i, to).

' The female archangel who has charge of the earth (see Chap. XV, 5, 20-24, ^ri*-'' Bund. I, 26).

'" The word gund has here, in most MSS., the usual Persian gloss dahan, 'mouth' (see Bund. XIX, i), which is a very improbable meaning in this place.

" Probably Fomalhaut (see Bund. II, 7, note).

CHAPTER XI, 4, 5. S37

Haptoiring's ^ ; the ventricle (naska^fako) ^ \s, for the guardian spirit of priests ; the lungs are/br the guardian spirit of warriors ; the liver is for compassion and sustenance ^ of the poor ; the spleen is Mansarspend's ^ ; the fore-legs (ba-S'ai) ^ro. for the waters ; the heart is for the fires ; the entrail fat is Ar^ai-fravar^'s^; the tail-bone (dunb-ga^-ako) isfo^^- the guardian spirit of ZaratuJt the Spitamin "^ ; the tail (dunbak) is forVdid'^ the righteous; the right eye is in the share of the moon ^ ; and any ^ that may be left over from those \s for the other archangels. 5. There have been those who may have spoken about protection, and there have been those who may have done so about meat-offerings ; whoever has spoken about protection is such as has

^ Ursa Major, called Haptok-ring in Bund. II, 7.

^ Translating in accordance with the Persian gloss .^ustah, given in the modern MS. M9 ; but nas-ka^ako may perhaps mean 'the womb.'

^ Reading sar-ayi^no, ' maturity,' the usual equivalent of Av. thraoi'ta (see Yas. XXXIV, 3), and not srayi^no, 'chanting.'

• Av. mathra spe«ta, 'the beneficent sayings, or holy word,' of which this angel is a personification; his name is often corrupted into Mahraspend or Maraspend, and is given to the twentyninth day of the Parsi month (see Chap. XXII, 29).

^ A personification of the Av. ashaonam fravashayo, 'guardian angels of the righteous' (see Fravardin Yt. i, &c.), whence the first month, and the nineteenth day of each month, in the Parsi year, are called Fravar«/in.

^ This clause and the next are omitted in K20.

■^ The angel of the wind, whose name is given to the twentysecond day of the Parsi month (see Chap. XXII, 22).

• Or its angel, Mah, whose name is given to the twelfth day of the Parsi month.

'^ M6 has va ae-maman = va ■a.^k (Pers. \k, 'any'); K20 has koia maman, 'whatever,' and omits the words ' may be left over' and ' other.'

[5] z

spoken well, and whoever has spoken about meatofferings has not spoken everything which is noteworthy ^ 6. Whea^;^^ shall offer up^ what pertains to one (khadukag) on account of another it is proper ; except the tongue, jaw, and left eye, for that those are the angel Horn's own is manifest from the passage: ' Hizvam fr^renao^^,' &c.

Chapter XII.

I . The rule is this, that when one's form of worship (ya)f t) ^ is performed, and it is not possible for him to prepare it, the practice of those of the primitive faith^ is, when the girdle (aipiyaung) is twined about a sacred twig-bundle (baresom)^ of seven twigs (tak), to consecrate a sacred cake (drono) thrice, which becomes his form of worship that is performed one degree better through the sacred cake ; and of the merit of a threefold consecration

^ Meaning, apparently, that to pray for protection as a favour is better than to pray for it as a return for an offering.

^ K20 has ' shall give up.'

^ It is doubtful if this passage can be found in the extant Avesta ; but a passage of similar meaning, and containing the words fr(?renao^ and hizvo, occurs in Yas. XI, 16, which states that ' the righteous father, Ahuramazda, produced for me, Haoma, as a Draona, the two jaws, with the tongue and the left eye;' and it then proceeds (Yas. XI, 17-19) to curse any one 'who shall deprive me of that Draona, or shall himself enjoy, or shall give away what the righteous Ahuramazda gave me, the two jaws, with the tongue and the left eye.'

• A Ya^t is a formula of praise in honour of the sun, moon, water, fire, or some other angel, as well as a term for prayers and worship in general.

'" See Chap. I, 3. ^ See Chap. Ill, 32, note.

CHAPTER XI, 6-xii, 3. 339

of the sacred cake the high-priests have specially taught, in the Husparam Nask^, that il is as much as that of a lesser form ^worship.

2, The rule is this, that he who is himself more acquainted with religion is he who considers him who is more acquainted with religion than himself as high-priest, and considers him as high-priest ^ so that he may not destroy the bridge of the soul ^ ; as it says in the Saka^lam Nask * that no one of them, that is an inattentive (asrushdar) man who has no high-priest, attains to the best existence ^ not though his recitations should be so many that they have made his duty and good works as much as the verdure (sap dak) of the plants when it shoots forth in spring, the verdure which Auharmazd has given abundantly.

3. The rule is this, that they keep a fire "^ in the house, because, from not keeping the fire properly, there arise less pregnancy of women and a weeping (azz-difl^ano) for the loss of strength (tanu) of men^; and the chilled charcoal (angi^t) and the rest which are without advantage (bar) are to be

^ See Chap. X, 21. The passage mentioned in the text was probably in the section called Nirangistan.

^ K20 omits this repetition.

^ That is, may not render the passage of his soul to heaven, over the K\n\2.d bridge (see Bund. XII, 7), impossible, owing to the sin of arrogance in this world.

• See Chap. X, 25 ; the passage alluded to was probably at the beginning of the Nask, which treated of ' the reward of the precepts of religion, and the bridge of the destroyers of good preceptors, adapted to their destruction.'

5 See Chap. VI, 3.

® K20 has ' that a fire is to be properly kept.'

'' K20 has ' and a loss of the strength and wealth of men.'

Z 2

carried away from the fire ; and in the Spend Nask ^ it is revealed that a fire, when they shall make it quite clean from its chilled charcoal, has as much comfort as a man whose clothing they should make clean,

4. The rule is this, that when any one passes away it is proper to render useless ^ as much as the smallest mouth-veil ^ for it says in the Vendidad ^ that ' if even those Mazdayasnians should leave on him who is dead, in parting with him, as much as that which a damsel would leave in parting with the food-hoy^X (pa^fmanako) — that is, a bag (anbanako-hana)^' — the decree is this, that it is a Tana-

^ See Chap. X, 4 ; the passage mentioned was probably in that part of the Nask which described the protection afforded by the fire to the new-born Zaratij^t.

^ Probably a negative is omitted, or akarini(fan6 should be translated ' to make no use of.'

^ See Chap. X, 40. K20 has 'garment.'

• Always written Vadikdarf'in this second part of Sis., except in Chap. XIII, 7 ; whereas in the first part it is written in its uncorrupted form Gavi^-def-da(/ or 6^avi(f-jeda-da(/, 'the law opposed to the demons.' The passage here quoted is Pahl. Vend. V, 171, 172, with one or two verbal variations.

^ Standing for anbanak-ae, which is corrupted in the Vendidad MSS. into the unintelligible form andanako-i, so that this old quotation throws a rather unexpected light upon a passage in the Vendidad which translators would be almost certain to misunderstand. The allusion is to the bags used by a menstruous woman, when eating, to prevent contamination of the food. The Persian Rivayats state that three bags (kisah) are made of two thicknesses of strong linen, one bag to wear on each hand, and the third, which is larger, to hold the metal food-bowl and water-goblet. After thoroughly washing her hands and face, she puts the two bags on her hands, taking care that they do not touch her food, or clothes, or any other part of her body. She then feeds herself with a metal spoon, which must not touch her nose ; and when the meal

CHAPTER XII, 4, 5. 341

puhar sin ^ at root, which is hell ; and in the Vendidad" it says that the clothing of the charitable (dahii-n-homand) soul, and even the clothing which they will give it, are out of almsgivings (dasaran) ^

5. The rule is this, that when any one passes away, after keeping fasting the three nights^, still the presentation of holy-water (zohar) to the fire is to be performed, which is the presenting of the holy-water to the nearest fire ; for in the Damda^ Nask^ it is revealed that when they sever (tebrund) the consciousness of men it goes out to the nearest fire, then out to the stars, then out to the

is finished the food-bowl and water-goblet are placed on the large bag, and the two smaller bags inside it, till wanted again.

^ See Chap. I, i, 2.

2 This passage does not appear to be now extant in the Vendidad, and it is possible to read Nask Das? instead of Vadikda(/. The Da^i or Da^fak Nask was the eleventh nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkar^/, which merely says that its ' Avesta and Zand are not communicated to us by the high-priest.' According to the Dini-va^arkan/, which calls it Khiisto, and the Rivayats, which call it Kha^t, it was the twelfth Nask, and they give its contents in more detail than usual (see Haug's Essays, pp. 130, 131).

^ Meaning that the dead require no clothing, as their future bodies will be clothed out of the garments they have given away in charity. The resemblance of this statement to that contained in Bund. XXX, 28, which must have been abridged from the Damdac/ Nask (see SZS. IX, i), renders it possible that it may have been taken from that Nask.

• No fresh meat is to be cooked or eaten for the first three days after a death in the house, according to the Sad-dar Bundahii-, LXXVIII (compare Chap. XVII, 1-3).

5 See SZS. IX, i. The passage here quoted may perhaps be found in the complete text of the Bundahi.?, as given in TD (Chap. 37 ; see Introduction, p. xxxvii).

moon, and then out to the sun ^ ; and it is needful that the nearest fire, which is that to which it has come out, should become stronger (zor-homandtar)-.

6. The rule is this, that they should not leave a Vi2i!A-paring unprayed over {anafsu(^ak), for if it be not prayed over (afsand)^ it turns into the arms and equipments of the Mazanan demons ** ; this is explicitly shown in the Vendidad '".

7. The rule is this, that the labour of child-birth ^ is not to be accomplished at night, except while with the light of a fire, or the stars and moon, upon it; for great opposition is connected with it, and in the twentieth of the Husparam Nask'^ it is shown that over the soul of him who works in the dark there is more predominance of the evil spirit.

8. The rule is this, that they should allow the &gg and other food ^ for those gifts and favours of the

1 A righteous soul is supposed to step out first to the star station, then to the moon station, and then to the sun station, on its way to Garo^/man, the highest heaven ; but if its righteousness is imperfect it has to stop at one of these three stations, which are the three lower grades of heaven (see note on pahliim ahvan, Chap. VI, 3).

2 Or ' more provided with zor,' which may mean ' holy- water,' as the two words zor and zohar are occasionally confounded.

^ Or, perhaps, ' if they shall not pray over it'

• See Bund. Ill, 20, XIX, 19, 20.

5 Vend. XVII, 29.

® Barman-zerkhuni)rnih may also mean 'begetting a son.'

'' See Chap. X, 21. The word ' twentieth' appears to refer to the second group of twenty sections, one of which treated of the begetting, birth, and treatment of children.

• Referring to the egg, drons, frasasis, and gaus hudhau or 'meat-offering' (which may be either butter or meat, see Chap. XI, 4) that are used in the dron ceremony, or consecration of the sacred cakes (see note on dron, Chap. Ill, 32). The object of

CHAPTER XII, 6-II. 34^^

sovereign moon (mah-i khurt'ai) and the other angels ; if so, it is to be allowed by them thus : ' I will consecrate so much food for such an angel,' and not thus: 'One sacred cake (drono) in so much food.' 9. And the reason of it is this, that ^/ley who shall allow thus: 'One sacred cake out of so much food,' and of which eV is one thing less, even though one shall consecrate ?V many times, still then he /las not repaid ; and ^Aey who should allow thus : ' I will consecrate so much food for such an angel,' though one shall reverence /lim with many sacred cakes, it is proper. 10. And in the twenty-two sections of the Saka^um Nask^ grievous things are shown about those who do not make offerings (austofri^) unto the angels.

II. The rule is this, that when a woman becomes pregnant, as long as it is possible, a fire one cares for well is to be maintained in the house, because it is revealed^ in the Spend Nask that to Dukdav^ the mother of ZaratCwt, when she was pregnant with ZaratujTt, for three nights, every night a leader (shah)-^ with a hundred and fifty demons came for the destruction of Zaratu^t, and yet, owing to the existence of the fire in the dwelling, they knew no means for it.

this paragraph is, evidently, to reprove niggardliness in such offerings, and to prevent their being mere pretexts for feasting.

^ See Chap, X, 25. The passage alluded to here was probably in that section, of the last twenty-two, which treated of the spirits of the earthly existences, one portion of which was ' about preparing offerings (austofrito) to the angels.'

2 1M6 has ' the fire of Auharmazd is to be fully maintained, and it is revealed,' &c. This section is a repetition of Chap. X, 4, with a few variations.

^ Here written Duf/kav.

• Or it may be read jeda, 'a demon,' meaning 'an arch-fiend.'

12. The rule is this, where a child is born, during three days, for protection from demons, wizards, and witches, a fire is to be made at night until ddL.ylight, and is to be maintained there in the day, and pure incense is to be put upon it, as is revealed in the thirtieth of the Sakart'um Nask^.

13. The rule is this 2, that from a toothpick the bark'^ is to be well cut off, for there are some of those of the primitive faith* who have said that, when ^ they shall make it for the teeth with the bark on, and they throw it away, a pregnant woman, who puts a foot upon it, is doubtful about its being dead matter.

14. The rule is this, that it is well if any one of those who have their handmaid (i:akar) in cohabitation (zanih), and offspring is born of her, shall accept all those who are male as sons ; but those who are female are no advantage, because anadopted son (sator) is requisite, and in the fourteenth of the Husparam Nask^ the high-priests

^ That is, in the first thirty sections of the Nask (see Chap. X, 25); the passage alluded to must have been in that portion which treated of new-born infants and their proper treatment.

2 §§ 13-16 are a repetition of Chap. X, 20-23, with a few variations.

^ The word appears to be topo or tufo, which would rather mean 'scum' or ' gum' (see Bund. XXVII, 19), unless it be considered a miswriting of itgo or tozo, which would mean 'thin bark' or 'bast.' It can also be read t^par, 'a leather bag,' and the sentence can be so translated as to imply that a toothpick should be cut out of a leather bag, an alternative similar to that suggested by the text of Chap. X, 20.

• See Chap. I, 3.

® Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mian, 'who' (see Bund. I, 7, note).

^ See Chap. X, 21.

CHAPTER XII, 12-17. 345

have taught thus : * My son is suitable also as thy son, but my daughter is not suitable also as thy daughter;' and there are many who^ do not appoint an adopted son with this idea, that : ' The child of a handmaid may be accepted by us as a son.'

15. The rule is this, that one is to persevere much in the begetting of offspring, since it is for the acquisition ^ of many good works at once ; because in the Spend 3 and Nihart'tjm Nasks^ the high-priests have taught that the duty and good works which a son performs are as much the father's as though they had been done by his own hand ; and in the Damdart' Nask ^ it is revealed thus : ' Likewise, too, the good works, in like manner, which come to the father as his own.'

16. The rule is this, that what they shall give to the worthy is as much as is proper and beyond, for eating and accumulating; because in the Nihart'um Nask^ the high-priests have taught thus : ' When a man gives bread to a man, even though that man has too much bread, all the good works, which he shall perform through that superabundance, become as much his who gave it as though they had been done by his own hand.'

17. The rule is this, that in the night water is

^ The writer of M6 evidently found his original illegible at this place, as he wrote . . . maman instead of mun denman.

2 M6 has ' perforaiance,' which is probably a misreading, due to the original of that MS. being partially illegible.

3 See Chap. X, 4. This Nask is not mentioned in Chap. X, 22, and the passage here alluded to is not to be traced in any of the short accounts of its contents.

• See Chap. X, 3, 22.

5 See SZS. IX, i, and Chap. X, 22.

« See Chap. X, 3, 23.

not to be drawn ^ from a well, as in the Bag-yasno"^ notice is given about the uncleanness(ayoi'dasarlh) of well-water at night.

1 8. The rule is this, that in the night anything eatable is not to be cast away to the north, because a fiend will become pregnant ; and when it is cast away one Yatha-ahta-vairyo ^ is to be uttered. 19. Those of the primitive faith '^ who 7ised to act more orthodoxically (hu-rastakihatar), when food was eaten by them in the night, for the sake of preservation from sin owing to the coming of strainings and sprinklings 07i to the ground, directed a man to chant the Ahunavar^ from the beginning of the feast

^ K20 has 'that water is not to be drawn on foot.'

^ Probably the Bakan-yasto is meant, which was the fourteenth nask or ' book ' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dinkar^; but according to the Dini-va^arkar^ and the Rivayats it was the fifteenth nask, called Baghan-ya^t. For its contents, as given by the Dini-va^arkar^, see Haug's Essays, p. 132. The following is the account of it given in the eighth book of the Dinkarc/: —

'The Bakan-yast6 is a treatise, first, on the worship (yasto) of Auharmazd, the most pre-eminent of divinities (bakan az^artum), and, secondly, the worship of the angels of the other invisible and visible worldly existences, out of whom are even the names of the days, and the glory, power, triumph, and miraculousness of their life also is extreme ; the angels who are invoked by name in their worship, and the attention mid salutation due to them ; the worthiness and dispensation of favour for worshippers, and the business of their many separate recitations unto the angels ; the business of unlimited acquaintance with knowledge about the promoters of the treasures of the period, unto whom the creator Auharmazd is to intrust them, and they remain to cause industry. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness.'

3 See Bund. I, 21. This section is a repetition of Chap. X, 7, with a few variations.

• See Chap. I, 3.

f That is, the Yatha-ahu-vairyo (see Bund. I, 21).

CHAPTER XII, 18-22. 347

(myazd) unto the end, more especially at the feast of the season-festivals ; as it says in the Hart'okht Nask^, that of the sayings which are spoken out the Ahunavar is that which is most triumphant.

20. The rule is this, that when one sees a hedgehog he takes it back to the plain, and its own place is to be preserved free from danger ; for in the Vendidad the high-priests have taught, that every day, when the hedgehog voids urine into an ant's nest, a thousand ants will die^.

21. The rule is this, that some who are of the good religion say, where one is washing his face, one Ashem-vohu^ is always to be uttered, and that Ashem-vohu is to be uttered before the washing; for when he utters it while washing his face, he is doubtful (var-homand) about the water coming to his mouth.

22. The rule is this, that they select from the purifiers* — when their business (mindavam) is as important (raba) as purity and impurity — him with whom the control^ of ablution (pa«'tyaz/ih)*' and non-ablution is connected ; they select him especially

^ See B.Yt. Ill, 25. The passage here quoted must have been in the first division of the Nask.

^ This section is a repetition of Chap. X, 31.

3 See Bund. XX, 2.

• The yojdasaran, 'purifiers' (Av. yaozdathrya), are those priests who retain so much of the purifying effect of the Bareshnum ceremony (see Chap. II, 6) as to be able to assist in purifying others by means of the same ceremony. When that effect has passed away a priest can no longer perform the sacred rites, until he has again undergone the nine nights' purification of the Bareshnum.

^ Reading band, but it may be bod, ' vitality, essence.'

^ See Chap. II, 52.

with regard to the good disposition and truthful speaking of the man, and to the particular work ; and on account of his being in innocence he is to be considered more righteous. 23. As in the Vendidad^ it says, about the two shares of righteousness, how one should tell that he is ' a righteous man, O Zarattii-t the Spitaman ! who is a purifier, who should be a speaker that speaks truly, an enquirer of the sacred texts — that is, he has performed his ritual (yai-t) — a righteous one who specially understands purification from the religion of the Mazdayasnians, that is, he understands its religious formulas (nirang).' 24. When it is so that the control of their ablution is connected with him, so that they consider what pertains to the purifying bowl (zak-i ta^tik) as his, and ever abstain from it, though the angels hear and consider them as clean, and they select for him those who consecrate the water and bull's urine (gome^) on account of their control of purification (yo^dasarkarih), and it is to be performed very observantly by the consecrators at the place which is to be measured with a measure and very exactly (khuptar)^. 25. And the purifier is so much the better when washed again, and when it is by some one through whose periodic (zamanik)

' The passage here quoted is from Pahl.Vend. IX, 4-6.

"^ Referring to the Bareshnum-gah, or place prepared for the Bareshnum ceremony of purification with bull's urine and water, which are handed to the person undergoing purification by an officiating priest (see Chap. II, 6). The place is marked out with furrows in the ground, and furuished with stones (magh) to squat upon during the ablutions (see B. Yt. II, 36). The construction of this paragraph is very obscure in many places, and its proper division into sentences is, therefore, uncertain.

CHAPTER XII, 23-28. 349

care he is thus done ; for in the periodic interval many secret^ kinds of polhition are produced. 26. Of the celebrators of the Vendidad the good are they who shall again perform the Navashart'ar rite^ ; for, on account of the same nicety (na^ukih) which is written above by me, and on account of much also that is secret, which has happened and mostly arises about it, there is no harm from performing it. 27. And any one of those who shall receive the water and bull's urine it is very important to wash beforehand (pavan pe^)^; because, if the^x be impurity aboiU him*, and he puts a hand to the cup (^amak), the water, and the bull's urine, they are unclean (apa/^az^o)^- when it is so that there be some one, when so, it is better that they always wash his eyelids (moyak gas), and to wash them by the clean is good.

28. The rule is this, that thou shouldst not consider even any one hopeless (anaime^) of heaven,

^ Reading nihan, but we might perhaps read ' causes (vahan) of pollution of many kinds.' The meaning of the section is, that it is necessary for the purifying priest to maintain his own purity by frequently undergoing the Bareshnum ceremony himself.

2 Ya^t-i Navasha(^ar in all MSS., but the latter word is most probably a corruption of Av. navakhshapara, ' a period of nine nights,' for which length of time the Bareshnum ceremony must be continued (see Vend. IX, 144, XIX, 80). The ' NavashaJar rite ' is, therefore, ' the ceremony of the nine nights,' which should be frequently undergone by the priests who celebrate the Vendidad ceremonial.

^ M6 has pavan ptjak, 'with ceremony.'

• M6 has ' them.'

^ M6 has 'one knows it is unto the cup and bull's urine;' but as M6 was evidently copied from a MS. already nearly illegible in some places, it is generally safer to follow K20, except when M6 suppUes words omitted by the more careless writer of K20.

and they should not set their minds steadfastly on hell; thereby much sinfulness for which there is a desire would be undesirable, because there is nothing which is a sin in my religion for which there is no retribution, as it says in the Gathas^ thus: — 'Of those who are aware that thou art, O Auharmazd ! is even he who is infamous (raspako) ; and they know the punishment of him even who is very sinful.' 29. And as to him even w^ho is a very sinful person, through the desire ^ of good works which is entertained by him, there then comes more fully to him the joy of a soul newly worthy (nuk shaya^^) ; as in the Spend Nask^ it was shown to Zaratiut about one man, that all Jiis limbs were in torment, and one foot was outside ; and Zaratu^t enquired of Auharmazd about the reason of it ; and Auharmazd said that he was a man, Davans ^ by name ; he was ruler over thirty-three^ districts, and he never practised

^ The passage here quoted from the Gathas will be found in Pahl. Yas. XXXII, 7.

2 M6 has merely ' through the good works which are practised by him;' but K20 has ' i hamak' inserted at this point, which seems to indicate the existence of the nearly identical Pahlavi letters kamak, 'desire,' in the original from which it was copied.

^ See Chap. X, 4. The passage here quoted was no doubt contained in that part of the Nask which treated of the exhibition of heaven and hell to Zaratujt, which must have been very similar to the Ar(/a-Viraf-namak, in which most of the details of this story about Davans are given (see AV. XXXII).

• This is, no doubt, the Av. davas of Yas. XXXI, 10, which may be translated ' hypocrite.' The Pahlavi translation of the line in which the word occurs is thus rendered in Haug's Essays (p. 351) : ' Auharmazd does not allot to him who is an idler, the infidel who is any hypocrite (davas) in the sacred recitations. In the good religion it is asserted that even as much reward as they give to the hypocrite they do not give to the infidel.'

^ K20 has 'thirty-four.'

CHAPTER XII, 29-31. 351

any good work, except one time when fodder luas conveyed by him to a sheep with that one foot.

30. The rule is this, that when a man has performed h.\s form ^worship (ya.s"t), and his wife has not performed it, it is extremely necessary to perform the suitable form, of worship, or to order a Get6-kharW\ so that they may become such as are dwelling more closely together in the spiritual existence than in the world; and in the Ha^okht Nask^ it says that a woman (nairik) who shall be reverent (tarsak) is to be considered as much as she who is suitable (ziyak).

31. The rule is this, that these five ceremonies (ya^ii"n), when they shall perform them, are good works ^; when 07te does not perform t/iem, and the time is manifest to him, and when he shall set them aside to perform them out of the proper time, they shall go to the bridge -^^ sin; the ceremonies which go to the bridge are these, and in the Husparam Nask^ it says that they are the non-celebration of the rites (la yai^tano) of the season-festivals ^ the

^ Here written getok-khari^f, but see Chap. V, 6, and Bund. XXX, 28.

2 See B. Yt. Ill, 25 ; but the passage here quoted is not clearly indicated in the accounts we have of the contents of this Nask.

^ The distinction between these ceremonies and those whose values as good works are given in Chap. XVI, 6, appears to be that any omission in performing these five at their proper times amounts to an absolute sin, whereas the others are not so indispensable.

• That is, they will be taken into account at the judgment on the soul's actions at the ^invart? bridge (see Bund. XII, 7).

^ See Chap. X, 21. The passage here quoted was probably in the section called Nirangistan.

^ The Gasanbars or Gahanbars (see Bund. XXV, 1-6).

Rapitvin \ the three nights ^ after a death, the days devoted to the guardian spirits^, and the sun and moon ^

32. The rule is this, that at every one of these three things, which come through hungry Hving, that is, sneezing, yawning, and sighing, one is to speak out a Yatha-ahti-vairyo and one Ashem-vohti "; and also when ofie hears the sneezing of any one, to speak ill like manner is so considered as an action of the good ^ ; and in the Stu^gar Mask ^ it says thus : ' " What prepares sneezing ? that is, through what process (kir) does it come ? " And Atiharmazd said thus : " Hungry living, O Zaratui"t ! because the remedy for its existence is the Ahunavar, O Zaratu^t ! and righteousness *. " '

Chapter XIII.

o. The signification of the Gathas ^.

1. These three Ashem-vohCis (Yas. XI, end) which

^ The midday period (see Bund. II, 8, 9, XXV, 9-14).

• See Chap. VIII, 6. ' See Chap. X, 2.

• See Chap. VII, 1-5. ^ See Bund. I, 21, XX, 2.

® That is, it is commendable, though not obligatory. The practice of uttering a blessing on hearing a sneeze is still common in many parts of Europe.

■^ See B. Yt. I, i. The passage here quoted is not to be traced in any of the accounts of this Nask.

• ' The Ahunavar and praise of righteousness ' would be a Pahlavi equivalent for ' the Yatha-ahu-vairyo and Ashem-vohia.'

® That is, the mystical meaning or influence supposed to attach to various parts of the ancient hymns, or to the manner in which they are chanted. The term Gatha or 'hymn' (Pahl. gas) is applied, in this chapter, not only to the five Gathas properly so called, but also to the Yasna of seven chapters, and apparently to

CHAPTER XII, 32 -XIII, 2. 353

repj^escnf^ the Fravarane (Yas. XI, end) of the prehminary ritual (pei" nirang) and the rotation of these three Has (' chapters '), the Fravarane, Frastuye, and Astuye — fravarane demg the beginning of the Fravarane^ which extends as far as frasastayae/^a^, frastuye*, the beginning of the Frastuye (Yas. XII, i-XIII, 26) which extends up to the Astuye, and astuye ^ the beginning of the Astaothwanem "^ (Yas. XIII, 27-XIV, end) zvhich extends as far as astaothwanem/^a daenay^u Mazdayasn6i.9 — also represent the Visai-V6'-amesha-spe;^ta (Yas. XV), which is the beginning of the Stotanyasno (' the ritual of praisers ') ^, and these three Has of the Bagham (Yas. XIX-XXI).

2. In the exposition (/^ashi^ak) and through the

other portions of the Yasna written in the Gatha dialect of the Avesta.

^ This appears to be the meaning, but the construction of this section is altogether very obscure, and the text is more or less corrupt in all MSS. In the celebration of the Yasna or Yazii-n the officiating priest tastes the Horn juice during the recitation of Yas. XI (see Haug's Essays, p. 404), and shortly afterwards he commences the preliminary prayers mentioned in the text. ^^ Both K20 and M6 have Freran in Pazand.

' Both K20 and M6 omit the initial f.

■* M6 has astuye.

^ ]M6 omits this word.

" This is the Avesta name of the Ha or chapter consisting of Yas. XIII, 27-XIV, 19 ; as Fraoreti is the name of the preceding Ha, consisting of Yas. XII, i-XIII, 26.

■^ Probably consisting of the three Has, Yas. XV-XVII ; in which case, the meaning seems to be that the three Ashem-vohias, at the beginning of this preliminary ritual, are symbolical of each of the three triplets of chapters which follow them ; first, of the Fravarane, Fraoreti, and Astaothwanem chapters ; secondly, of the three chapters of the Stotan-yasno ; and thirdly, of those of the Baghan Yaj-t.

[5] A a

evidence of revelation (dino) the wise of those of the primitive faith ^ have thus said, that a man of fifteen years ^ and a son and brother of Mazdayasnians — when he confesses his failings (mandak) to the high-priests (ra^^an), and they shall bring him the whip and scourge ^, and these five Gathas * are chanted and the good waters consecrated by him, and the whole of the renewed-birth cereinony (navi^- zart^ih) ^ is performed by him — becomes a mature youth and not a child, and a share of the prayers of initiation (napar) and of the fires is to be given over to him*'; and when thus much is not performed by him, a share is not to be given. 3. These five ^ Gathas are made up from the body of a righteous man.

^ See Chap. I, 3.

^ Referring to one about to become a priest.

^ The Av. a^tra and sraosh6-)^arana of Vend. IV, 38-114, &c., which were formerly used for the temporal punishment of sinners. Whether they are here brought to the neophyte as a token of his admission to the priesthood, or are administered to him as a punishment for his offences, is not quite clear.

• The five Gathas are the Ahunavaiti (Yas. XXVIII-XXXIV), the Ujtavaiti (Yas. XLII-XLV), the Spewta-mainyu (Yas. XL VI- XLIX), the Vohu-khshathra (Yas. L), and the Vahijtoijti (Yas. LII) ; the?e collections of hymns are thus named from the words with which each of them commences, excepting the first, which derives its name from the Ahunavar (see Bund. I, 21) which is written in the same metre.

'" This is the Pahlavi form of the Parsi navazudi, a term applied to the whole initiatory ceremonial of a nonabar, or newly initiated priest; the term evidently implies that the ceremony is considered somewhat in the light of ' regeneration.'

• That is, he can take his part in the regular priestly duties, including the initiation of other neophytes.

■^ Both K20 and M6 have four in ciphers, which can hardly be right ; the sentence is clear enough, but the idea of its writer is rather obscure.

CHAPTER XIII, 3-5. 355

4. Ahya-yasa (Yas. XXVIII), Khshmaibya (Yas. XXIX), and A^-ta-vakhshya (Yas. XXX) have, severally, eleven stanzas (va-^est), because eleven things move spiritually within the bodies of men, as life, consciousness, religion, soul, guardian spirit, thought, word, deed, seeing, smelling, and hearing ; and the bodies of men and other creatures are formed of water, fire, and wind \

5. Ashem-Ahurem-mazdam (Visp. XV) is fo be recited"" three times before the coming of Hushe^ar, Hushe^ar-mah, and Soshyans; and when they also recite the chapter (ha^f) well, and by line (gas) and stanza, those apostles are present^, and the

^ These first three chapters of the Ahunavaiti collection of hymns are here supposed to symbolize the three material elements, whose union distinguishes a man's body from inorganic substances ; while the eleven stanzas, which each of these chapters contains, symbolize the eleven immaterial existences said to be contained in the same body.

^ This is doubtful, as no verb is expressed, and the word bSr, ' time,' is struck out in M6, so it is possible to read ' the " three foremost " of the Ashem-Ahurem-mazdam are the coming of Hushe^far,' &c. The ' three foremost ' (3 lev 1 nog) would be a possible Pahlavi translation of the Av. ti^ro paoiryo and tijra paoirya of Visp. XV, 4-6, instead of the actual 'three first' (3-i fratum), as may be seen from Pahl. Visp. VIII, 17, 20, where both pej (= levino) and fratum are used indifferently for Av. paoiryo. At any rate the idea embodied in the text is that these 'three first' have some reference to the three future apostles of the Parsi religion (see Bund. XXXII. 8, B. Yt. Ill, 13, 44, 52, 62). In fact, however, they seem to refer to the first three chapters of the Ahunavaiti Gatha, immediately after which this chapter (Visp. XV) is recited in the full Parsi ritual ; the phrase being rendered in the Pahlavi translation thus : — ' I reverence the three first by not speaking out, that is, I do not say anything during them, and not wearing out, that is, I do not doze away during them,'

^ K20 has ' arrive early.'

A a 2

country becomes more flourishing and more dominant in the world.

6. The twenty-two stanzas of Ta-V£?-urvata (Yas. XXXI) are the twenty-two judgments (da^istan) of which it speaks in the Ha-dokht JVas/;^ thvis : — 'Anaomo mananghe daya vispai kva, kva paro ? ' (' where are ^/ley to be produced beyond every thought ? ajid where before ? ') ' Lodging in the judge, that while /le has twenty-two judgments he may be more just ;' — so that when they pray the Ta-V(?-urvata chapter well, and recite it by line and stanza, the judges possess those twenty-two judgments more correctly, and judiciousness is more lodging in them.

7. The sixteen stanzas of the iYz^aetumaithl chapter (Yas. XXXII) ^ are lodging in warriors, so that it becomes possible, during their good protection, to force the enemy azoay from those sixteen countries which the Vendldad " mentions In its first fargar^.

^ See B. Yt. Ill, 25. Both the Avesta text here quoted and the translation suggested must be received with caution, as the MSS. do not agree in the three central words; K20 has manaxhe dya vispai kaua, and M6 has manaNhe kya visai kaia. The former reading has been adopted, with very slight correction, as it seems the more intelligible ; but the meaning of the preceding word, anaomo, is far from certain. The writer seems to have been quoting from a Pahlavi version of the Nask which contained this Avesta quotation.

^ This Ha, which begins with the words 2ihvy?ika. hviitins, is not called by its initial words, as the preceding chapters are, but has this special name (see the prayers at the end of it) derived from its second word, and which is corrupted in Pahlavi into Khvetmano.

•'' Here written G^avi^Z-jeda-da^ as in Sis. Part I, and not Vadikda^ as in other parts of Sis. Part H (see § 19 and Chap. XII, 4, 6, 20, 23, 26). Vend. I contains an account of the sixteen

CHAPTER XIII, 6-9. 357

8. The fourteen stanzas of Yatha-aii- (Yas. XXXIII) are for this reason, because seven archangels are more diHgent in activity for the spirit, and seven archangels ^ for the world, so that they may attain ' to heaven, the home (mehono) of Auharmazd, the home of the archangels, the home of those righteous ones,' avi garo-nmanem, maethanem Ahurahe mazd^u, maethanem ameshanam spe;^tanam, maethanem anyaesham ashaonam^. 9. The three repetitions (danar) of Ye-?)ev\sX.o (Yas. XXXIII, 11) ^ and the holding up of the holy-water (zohar) at these repetitions, are for the four classes'^, and for this reason at Ahurai mazdai and ashem/'a frada^f^ the holy-water is

'best of regions and countries' where the Iranian power and religion extended at an early date.

^ The seven archangels besides their spiritual duties have severally charge of the seven worldly existences, man, animals, fire, metal, earth, water, and plants (see § 14 and Chap. XV). But perhaps we should read ' angels,' as they are often mentioned as ' the angels of the spiritual and worldly existences.'

"' This quotation, of which the Pahlavi translation is first given, and then the Avesta text, is from Vend. XIX, 107.

^ This stanza is recited thrice, and about the same time the officiating priest strains the Hom juice, and prepares to pour holywater into the mortar in which the Hom twigs were pounded (see Haug's Essays, pp. 402, 406).

• Or ' professions ' of the community, of which there were originally only three, the priest, warrior, and husbandman ; but at a later date the artizan was added. Both K20 and M6 have ' four classes,' but this is inconsistent with the ' three repetitions.' The Avesta generally knows only three classes, but four are mentioned in the BaghanYa^-t (Yas. XIX, 46).

^ That is, probably, at the words Ahuro mazd(7us)^a in the first line, and ashemia frada(/ in the second line of the stanza; but this is doubtful, as the MSS. give the words corruptly, in a mixture of Av. and Pahl., as follows; pavan Ahurai mazdai aharayih-i daz/oih.

to be held level with the heart of him who is the officiating priest (zot), and at sraota^ it is to be held level with the arm of him who is the officiating priest, so that while the warriors are in battle with foreigners (an air an) they may be fuller of breath (vayo-girtar), and the husbandmen stronger-armed in the tillaofe and cultivation of the world.

10. The fifteen stanzas of Ya-i-kyaothana (Yas. XXXIV) are for this reason, because it is given ^ for the destruction of those fifteen fiends who are disclosed in the medical part (besha^r) of the Ha^okht Nask^. II. The four repetitions (bar) of Mazda-a^- moi (Yas. XXXIV, 15)^ are for the right coming on of the share of these five chieftainships (ra^ih), the house-ruler, the village-ruler, the tribe-ruler, the province-ruler, and the supreme Zaratujt ^.

12. The two repetitions of Ahya-yasa (Yas. XXVIII, i)*^ are for this reason, that the sovereign (dahyupat) may not at once seize body, conscious-

^ The first word in the third line of the stanza ; but this, again, has to be guessed from a Pahlavi version in the MSS. which may be read va va-srodaan.

2 Or 'produced.'

^ In the last division of that Nask (see B. Yt. Ill, 25, note).

" This last stanza of the Ahunavaiti Gatha is recited four times.

^ See Yas. XIX, 50-52. The last of these rulers must have been the supreme pontiff or patriarch of the province, and in the province of Ragha (Rages or Rai, near Teheran) he was both temporal and spiritual ruler,

® This first stanza of the Ahunavaiti Gatha is recited twice, not only in its proper place (as the first stanza of each chapter is, in the Gathas), but also at the end of every chapter of the Ahunavaiti Gatha, while the officiating priest sprinkles the sacred twigs with the sacred milk or gauj ^ivya, ' living-cow /-/Ww^' (see Haug's Essays, pp. 405, 406).

CHAPTER XIII, 10-15. 359

ness, and soul. 13. Those four Yatha-ahu-vairyos of the first Gdtha ^ are for this reason, that is, so that inferiors may become more tolerant of the commands of superiors, and good thoughts, good words, and good deeds be more domesticated (mahmantar) in the world, and the fiend more powerless (apa^akhshahtar).

14. In short (ae-mar)^, Ahya-yasa is as (pavan)^ Auharmazd and the righteous man, Khshmaibya as Vohiiman and cattle, Art^-ta-vakhshya as Ar^avahi^t and fire, Ta-v^-urvata as Shatvairo'^ and metal, the i7z/aetumaithi as the Gatha of Spendarma(/ and the earth, Yatha-aii" as Horvada^ and water, and Ya- ^kyaothana as Ameroda^ and plants.

15. The progress which is in ^ the Ahunavaiti Gatha the house-rulers should carry on ; that which is in the U^tavaitl Gatha the village-rulers should carry on ; that which is in the Spe?^ta-mainyu ^ Gatha the tribe-rulers should carry on ; that which is in the Vohu-khshathra Gatha the province-rulers should carry on ; that which is in the Vahi^to-ijti Gatha the supreme Zaratu^ts should carry on ; and

1 After the two Ahya-yasas, at the end of each chapter of the Ahunavaiti Gatha, the Yatha-ahu-vairyo formula (see Bund. I, 21) is recited four times.

^ Or 'to sum up.'

3 It is not quite clear how pavan, ' in, on, with, by, through, as, for,' &c., should be translated in each clause of this section ; but the intention is evidently to compare the seven chapters of the Ahunavaiti Gatha with the seven archangels and the seven earthly creations which they severally protect (see Chap. XV).

• Here written Shatrivar.

^ INIeaning probably ' the prosperity which is occasioned by ; ' but the exact signification of the word frak-sham or frehk a sham (or however it may be read) is uncertain.

^ Spendomat or Spendamat in Pahlavi.

that which is in the Yasna, which is the place of riditeous blessinor\ these four classes themselves should carry on.

16. Of the Yasna of seven chapters (Yas. XXXV- XLI, 17) the beginning section (kar^^fako) has nine stanzas; and its beginning^ is Humatanam (Yas. XXXV, 4), and its end is Humatanam (Yas. XLI, 1 7 supl.)

17. The six stanzas of Ahya-thwa-athro (Yas.

XXXVI) are owing to the six hot ordeals (var) which, in the Husparam Nask^, are effected by /C'athrayaim athraiam*.

18. The five stanzas of Itha-a^-yazamaide (Yas.

XXXVII) are thanksgiving and praise for the production of the good creations by Auharmazd.

19. The five stanzas of Imam-aa^-zam (Yas.

XXXVIII) are owing to those five comforts and five discomforts of the earth, which, it is declared in the third fargar^ in the Vendidad ^ are accomplished

^ That is, the Yasna of seven chapters (Yas. XXXV-XLI), which is called simply ' the Yasna ' in this chapter. This last clause, which is omitted in M6, connects these later hymns with the four classes of the community (see § 9), just as the five older hymns are connected with the five chiefs of the community (see § 11) in the former clauses. This section may be a translation from the Avesta, as the verbs precede their nominatives.

2 That is, the beginning of the Yasna of seven chapters.

••' See Chap. X, 21 ; but the Saka^um Nask (see Chap. X, 25) is probably meant, as it contained a section on ordeals by heat and cold.

• These Avesta words are evidently corrupt, but perhaps ' a quadruple fire ' is meant. K20 has /^athrayaim athraiam.

5 Here written Vandikda^ (see § 7). The passage here cited is not a quotation, but only a brief summary of Vend. Ill, i-37 J and appears to have been derived direct from the Avesta, without the assistance of the Pahlavi version, as several words differ from that translation.

CHAPTER XIII, 16-22. 361

thus : — ' The first comfort of the earth is from the land on which a righteous man walks forth ; the second is when they shall make the dwelling of the good and fires upon it ; the third is when they sow corn upon it, and shall take heed of dead matter ;; the fourth is when all beasts of biLrdcu are born upon it ; the fifth is when every beast of burden, is on it ^ ; and its first chscomfort is from the Arezur ridge ^ and the gate of hell ; the second is when they dig^' it up_/^r a dead body ; the third is when one constructs a depository /^r the rt'mrtf (khazan) * upon it ; the fourth is from the holes of its noxious creatures ; the fifth is when they shall forsake a man in affliction (var^/akih) upon it, who is righteous.'

20. The five stanzas of Itha (Yas. XXXIX) are just as those which ^^ before.

21. The four stanzas of Ahii-art'-paiti (Yas. XL) are about the benefit (ar^-homandih) which is on account of water, earth, plants, and animals.

22. The six stanzas of Stuto-garo (Yas. XLI, I- 1 7), the two repetitions of Humatanam (Yas. XXXV, 4-6), and the three repetitions of Hukhshathrotemai (Yas. XXXV, 13-15) are on account of the existence of the sons of Zaratui"t ^

^ The verb is probably omitted by mistake, and we ought to read ' voids urine upon it,' in accordance with Vend. Ill, 20.

2 See Bund. XII, 8.

^ Reading kalendend (Pers. kalandand), as Vend. Ill, 27 refers to burial of the dead, and the same idea might be obtained, more fancifully, by reading kilinend, ' they turn to clay' (compare Pers. gil, 'clay'); but the most obvious reading is karinend, ' they cut,' and as the sentence stands it would imply that ' they cut up its dead.'

• See Chap. II, 6.

" The three apostles expected in the future (see § 5 and Bund. XXXII, 8). It is doubtful whether these three passages in the

23. The two repetitions of Ashahya-aai^-sairi ^ (Yas. XXXV, 22, 23) are for the laudation of righteousness and the destruction of the fiend. 24. The two repetitions of YeNhe-hatam ^ are for the laudation of Auharmazd and the archangels, and the destruction of the evil spirit and the miscreations (vishu^akan). 25. The two repetitious of^ Thwoistaotaras/C'a (Yas. XLI, 12-14) ^^e for the laudation of ceremonial worship (ya-^i^no) and the sacred feast (mazd).

26. The two repetitions of Atarem/C'a (Visp. XIX, 1-8)^ are for the laudation of the Frobak fire and the fire Vazi^t ^

27. Of the sixteen stanzas of the U^tavaiti chapter (Yas. XLI I) « it is related just as about the Hv2i&iwmaithi chapter '^.

Yasna are here intended all to refer to the same subject, but no ether subject is mentioned for the two former. Having completed the enumeration of the sections of the Yasna of seven chapters, the writer is now proceeding to notice those passages which are recited more than once in the performance of the ritual.

^ M6 has gairi, 'in a song,' with the obsolete g, which is very like s, and is also used in the word gar6in§22; this is a variant well worth consideration by translators of the Avesta. K20 has only Ashahya.

2 This formula (see B.Yt. II, 64) is recited after every chapter of the Gathas, but does not appear to be anywhere recited twice ; so the words 2 danar, 'two repetitions,' may perhaps be inserted here in the wrong place, as they are wanting in § 25.

^ These words are omitted in the Pahlavi text, evidently through mistake.

• Visp. XIX, XX follow Yas. XLI in the full Parsi ritual, and the first of them is recited twice.

^ The Frobak is the oldest sacred fire on earth, and the Vazi^t is the lightning (see Bund. XVII, i, 5, SZS. XI, 5, 8-10).

" The first chapter of the U^tavaiti Gatha (see § 2, note 4), so called from its first word ujta.

' See § 7.

CHAPTER XIII, 23-29. ^6

■y

28. The twenty stanzas of Tartf-thwa-peresa (Yas. XLIII) are the twenty judgments (da^istan) between the beneficent spirit and the evil spirit ; and for this reason they should every time utter Ta^- thwa-peresa again \ because they should utter the original judgment again, and the twentieth time the evil spirit becomes confounded.

29. The eleven stanzas of A(/-fravakhshya (Yas. XLIV) are made up from the six chieftainships ^ and the five accomplishments (farhang) owing to religion ; one is thus, not to do unto others ^ all that which is not well for one's self; the second is to understand fully what is well-done and not well-done ; the third is to turn from the vile and their conversation (andarag-guftano) ; the fourth is to confess ones failings to the high-priests, and let them bring the w^hip ; the fifth is not to neglect the season-festivals at their proper hour (den hasar), nor the other things which go to the bridge ^ ; and the six chieftainships are not his property who has not these

^ That is, the first line (ta^ thwa peresal ercj moi vao/^a Ahura! 'that 1 shall ask thee, tell it me right, O Ahura!')is repeated at the beginning of each of the first nineteen stanzas, and the first stanza being recited twice (as in all chapters of the Gathas) these words are recited twenty times before the last stanza is reached. The phrases 'and for this reason'' and 'because they should utter the original judgment again ' are omitted in ]\I6.

^ These cannot be the same 'chieftainships' (ra(/ih) as those mentioned in § 11, of which there are only five; but perhaps they are the spiritual chieftainships, or primacies, of the six other regions of the earth (see Bund. XXIX, i).

^ Assuming that ai^an stands for ai^an,

^ The Kmyi'^d bridge, or route of the soul to the other world (see Chap. XII, 31). Part of these fourth and fifth clauses is omitted in K20 by mistake.

five accomplishments, and he is not fit even for teaching.

30. The nineteen stanzas of Kam-nemoi-zam (Yas. XLV) are for this reason, that every one may so persevere in his own duty (khve^akanih) \ that while those are our nineteen propitiations (aui"6- frid)^, which it says in the Saka^T'um Nask"^ should be my own, the strength and power of the angels shall become more considerable, and the destroyer more perishable.

31. The Ui-tavaiti Gatha is a Gatha (gis) of four chapters^, and each stanza of five lines (gas), except Hae/t-a^-aspa-vakhshya (Yas. XLV, 15)^. 32. The two repetitions of IJj-ta-ahmai (Yas. X LI I, i)" are, one as a retention and embrace of Auharmazd, and one as a destruction of the fiends ; and Ui"ta-Ahuremmazdam (Visp. XXI, 1-5)'^ in like manner.

'^■i,- Spe;^ta-maiayu (Yas. XLV I) has six stanzas, Yezi-adai^ (Yas. XLV II) twelve stanzas, A^-mayava (Yas. XLV 1 1 1) twelve stanzas, and Ka^-moiurva (Yas. XLIX) eleven stanzas. 34. The Spe;^tamainyu Gatha is a Gatha of four chapters ^ and

^ Or, it may be, 'through his own intellect (khvei'ak hush),' or merely another mode of writing khve^karih, 'industry.'

^ Considering each of the stanzas as an offering to, or propitiation of, (Av. usefriti) the angels.

^ See Chap. X, 25.

• Those detailed in §§ 27-30.

^ Which stanza has only four lines. Pahl. gas means both the whole hymn and also each line of the hymn.

^ The first stanza of the U^tavaiti Gatha, which is recited twice, both in its proper place and at the end of each chapter of that Gatha (see § i a, note).

■^ Visp. XXI follows Yas. XLV in the full Parsi ritual, and is recited twice.

• Those detailed in § 33.

CHAPTER XIII, 30-40. 365

each stanza of four lines ; it is made up from the five chieftainships and four classes ^ 35. The two repetitions of Spe;^ta-mainyu (Yas. XLVI, i)^ are, one /^r the laudation of the beneficent spirit (spendamat), and one for that of the earth -K

2,6. One Spe;^tem-Ahurem-mazdam (Visp. XXII, i-i i) ^ is the laudation of the creatures of the beneficent spirit, and one is the destruction of the creatures of the evil spirit.

^y. The twenty-two stanzas of the Vohu-khshathra Gatha (Yas. L) are those twenty-two judgments which are lodging within judges, as written above ^ 38. The two repetitions of Vohu-khshathrem (Yas. L, i)" are, one the laudation of living (zindakih), and one of the supreme Zaratiut.

39. One Vohii - khshathrem yazamaide (Visp. XXIII, 1-9)^ is for the laudation of Shatvairo ^, and one of metal. 40. The two repetitions of Avi-

' See §§ 9, II.

^ The first stanza of the Spewla-mainyu Gatha, which is recited twice, both in its proper place and at the end of each chapter of that Gatha (see §12, note).

^ It seems probable that the Pahlavi writer has here confounded Spendamat, ' the beneficent spirit,' with the archangel Spendarma(/ who has special charge of the earth ; their names being even more alike in Pahlavi than in English, though corrupted from the distinct Avesta forms spewta mainyu and spe7/ta armaiti, respectively.

• Visp. XXII follows Yas. XLIX in the full Parsi ritual, and is recited twice.

^ See § 6.

• The first stanza of the Vohu-khshathra Gatha, which is recited twice, both at the beginning and end of the chapter (see § 12, note).

^ Visp. XXIII, 1-9 follows Yas. L in the full Parsi ritual, and is recited twice.

^ The archangel who has special charge of metal (see § 14, Chap. XV, 5, 14-19, and Bund. I, 26, XXX, 19); the name is here written Shatrivar.

apam (Visp. XXIV, 1-12)^ are, one for the laudation of waters, and one of plants.

41. The nine stanzas of the Vahi^toi^ti (Yas. LI I) are on account of those nine things which are ^ . . . the supreme Zaratu5tship lodging in the supreme Zaratu^ts, the source of fountains, the bridge over waters, and even the navigable river, the righteous man, and the righteous woman. 42. And it is a Gatha of one chapter, and each stanza of four lines, except Itha-i-haithya-naro (Yas. LII, 6)^ for there is always one lord and sovereign in the world. 43, And those four lines are for this reason, because it is declared : /^athruj hamay^^^u khshapo dahmaya^ paro afrit6i^^ 'four times every night is the "blessing of the holy" (Yas. LIX),' and three times Srosh^, twice Bushasp^ and once Aeshm^^ will come

^ After the two recitations of Visp. XXIII, 1-9 there follow Vend. XV, XVI, and Visp. XXIII, 10, and then Visp. XXIV, 1-12 is recited twice, in the full Parsi ritual, followed by Visp. XXV.

2 Some words are evidently lost here ; M6 has m followed by a blank space, and K20 has madam, 'on.' It is not quite certain whether the things mentioned are to be reckoned as four, five, or six ; but assuming they are five, it is possible that the four things missing in the text are the four remaining chieftainships (see § 11), the rulerships of the house, village, tribe, and province lodged in the rulers of the saniie, respectively.

^ Which stanza has five lines, and is, therefore, here considered symbolical of the ruling monarch, or pontiff.

• This Avesta passage does not appear to be extant elsewhere, and its Pahlavi translation, given in the text, is not quite correct ; it would be better thus: 'through the "blessing of the holy" four times every night;' dahma afriti (Pahl. dahman afrino, ' blessing of the holy ') is the technical name of Yas. LIX.

° See Bund. XIX, 33, XXX, 29. This angel, invoked by the 'blessing' (Yas. LIX, 8), comes to defend mankind against the wiles of Bushasp and Aeshm.

« The demoness of sloth (see Bund. XXVIII, 26).

' The demon of wrath (see Bund. XXVIII, 15-17, 20).

CHAPTER XIII, 41-49. ^i^']

to the material world. 44. And the five lines of that one stanza (Yas. LI I, 6) are for this reason, because the assistants of the supreme Zaratui-t are five, the house -ruler, the village -ruler, the tribe-ruler, the province -ruler, and she even who is his own wife (narik)^ 45. The two repetitions of Vahii-ta-tni^ (Yas. LII, 1)2 are, one for the laudation of sovereigns, and one for the laudation of peace (pa^- man).

46, The two repetitions of Vahirtem-Ahuremmazdam (Visp. XXVI) ^ are, one for the laudation of Aiiharmazd and the archangels, and one for the destruction of the fiends. 47. The four repetitions of the Airyamana (Yas. LIII)* are for the existence of more submission (airmanih) in the house, village, tribe, and province. 48. The four repetitions of Ava^-mi^-dem (Visp. XXVII) are for the healing of those ^ who dwell in the house, village, tribe, and province.

49. The section (kar^ako) whose beginning is Ta^-s6idhi5 (Yas. LVII, 1-9.)^ is, for the completion

^ Though bound to be strictly obedient to her husband or guardian, a Mazdayasnian woman occupied a more honourable position in the community than was sanctioned by any other oriental religion.

^ The first stanza of the Vahijtoijti Gatha, which is recited twice, both at the beginning and end of the chapter (see § 12, note).

^ Visp. XXVI follows Yas. LII in the full Parsi ritual, and is recited twice, followed by Vend. XIX, XX.

• So called from its first words a airy^ma; it is recited four times after Vend. XX, and shortly afterwards Visp. XXVII is also recited four times, as mentioned in § 48.

® M6 has ' of the soul,' which is, no doubt, a blunder due to the illegibility of the MS. from which it was copied.

• This is the Fshusho-mathra (' a spell or prayer for prosperity ')

of the Gathas, taught as pertaining to the Gathas (gasanik /^a5"t).

50. The beginning of the Gathas is Ahya-yasa (Yas. XXVIII, i), and their end is drigave vahyo (Yas. LI I, 9, end); and there are 278 stanzas, 1016 lines, 5567 words (va/C-ak), 9999 marik, and 16,554 khur^ak^ 51. For the lines and stanzas of the Gathas zc^r^ collected by us, and were : — one hundred stanzas of the Ahunavaiti Gatha (Yas. XXVIII- XXXIV), of which each stanza is three lines; forty stanzas of the Y ^sndi of seven chapters (Yas. XXXV-

of Visp. I, 28, 11, 30, Yas. LVI, ix, 6, LVIII, 13. Whether the remainder of Yas. LVII is to be considered as pertaining to the Gathas is uncertain ; it is recited in seven sections by the assistant priest, each section from a different position ; these seven positions being the stations of the seven assistant priests who are supposed to be present spiritually, and to be arranged three on each side, and one at the south end, of the ceremonial area, while the chief officiating priest occupies the north end (see Haug's Essays,

P- 332).

^ The numbers of the stanzas and lines are correct, as may be seen from the details given in § 51. Regarding the words there is the uncertainty as to what constitutes a compound word, but, taking each compound in Westergaard's edition of the texts as a single word, the total number of words in the 1016 lines is about 6147; a"d this could be reduced to 5567 only by omitting the Yasna of seven chapters, and somewhat relaxing the rule as to compound words. The meaning of the last two terms, marik and khur(/ak, is doubtful, but they are certainly not syllables and letters, as the number of syllables exceeds 13,000. In other places (see Bund. I, 21) marik usually means 'a word,' but that meaning is expressed by the term va-^ak here. If the number 9999 be correct, marik must signify some particular class of syllable which would include about three-fourths of the whole number of syllables. It may be noted, however, that Za^-sparam, in the particulars he gives about the Gathas (see SZS. XI, 10, note 6), states the number of marik at 6666. The khur^ak or ' small' things are probably the consonants.

CHAPTER XIII, 50-XIV, I. 369

XLI, 17), of which each stanza is three lines; sixtysix stanzas of the Ui-tavaiti Gatha (Yas, XLII- XLV), of which each stanza is five lines, except Hae/t'a^-aspa (Yas. XLV, 15), for that one is four lines ; forty-one stanzas of the Spe;^ta-mainyu Gatha (Yas. XLVI-XLIX), of which each stanza is four lines ; twenty-two stanzas of the Vohu-khshathra (Yas. L), of which each stanza is three ^ lines ; and nine stanzas of the Vahii'toii'ti (Yas. LII), of which each stanza is four lines, except Itha-t (Yas. LII, 6), for that one is a stanza of five ; — the amount of the foregoing^ is 278 stanzas^.

Chapter XIV*.

0. May it be in the name of God (yazdan) and the ofood creation !

1. When they consecrate a sacred cake (drono), and it becomes demon worship ^, what and how many things are not proper ?

^ All MSS. have ' four,' and then add the exception about Itha-i to the account of this Gatha, instead of mentioning it in the details of the Vahijtoi^ti ; which blunder is here corrected.

^ Reading kadmon yehevunijno, but the latter word, with part of the ciphers which follow, is torn away in K20, and in M6 it is written so as to resemble the Avesta letters gnn gnn, which are unintelligible, though something like Pahl. yehevunii-no ; there can, however, be little doubt as to the general meaning of the phrase.

^ The number of lines is easily computed from the same details, as follows: — 300+120-1-329-1-164-1-66 + 37 = 1016 lines, as stated in § 50, and as they still exist in the Gatha texts.

• This chapter is also found in L15, fols. 1-4, and a Pazand version of §§ 1-3 exists in L22, fols. 126, 127, and L7, fols. 78, 79.

^ That is, it becomes desecrated through some fault in the cere-

[5] B b '

A.

2. The decision is this : — Whoever knowingly consecrates a sacred cake -with unpurified sacred twigs (bares6m-i apa^^iyaz^)^, or with a twigbundle the number of whose twigs (tak) is too many or too few, or of another plant not proper y^r sacred twigs ; or holds the end of the twig-bundle to the north ^ and utters the A vesta attentively; or whoever consecrates with efficacy unawares, it is not to be considered as uttered by him. 3. Nor by him who advertently or inadvertently takes a taste (/^ashnik), not from the sacred cake with the butter (gaiu-dae)^ but from the frasast; or takes the prayer (va^)* inwardly regarding that cake (drono) before the officiating priest (zot) takes a taste from the same cake ; or shall utter the length of a stanza in excess, and does not again make a beginning of the consecration of the sacred cake ; or takes up the

mony, for any ceremony, which is too imperfect for acceptance by the celestial beings, is supposed to be appropriated by the demons, as performed for their benefit (see Chap. IX, 5). Demon worship is a term also applied to many other evil actions which are supposed to give the demons special power over the perpetrator of them.

' See Chap. Ill, 32, note.

''■ The supposed direction of the demons (see Chaps. X, 7, XII, 18). When praying, a Parsi must face either the sun, or a fire or lamp ; and when the direction of the sun is doubtful, or when it is nearly overhead, he must face to the south, even when he is in so low a latitude that the sun may be somewhat to the north of him.

^ Which usually takes the place of the meat-offering mentioned in Chap. XI, 4-6, and is placed upon one of the cakes on the left side of the table during consecration, while the frasast s are the cakes on the right-hand side of the table (see Chap. Ill, 32, note).

• That is, prepares for eating by muttering the portion of the grace which is to be recited in a low murmur before eating (see Chap. Ill, 6, note). This clause is omitted in K20.

CHAPTER XIV, 2-6. 37I

dedication forimtla (shnumano)^ too soon or too late ; or does not utter the Avesta for the fire when he sees the fire.

4. This is how it is when the period of the day (g^s)^ is retained, and how it should be when one may relinquish it; that is, when even one of the stars created by Auharmazd is apparent, it is retained, and when not it is relinquished. 5. It is Vand-Auharmazd " who said that when, besides Tinar, Vanand, or Sataves*, one of the zodiacal stars (akhtarik) is apparent, it is retained, and when not it is relinquished. 6. There have been some who said that when, besides one of those three, three zodiacal stars are apparent, it is retained, and when not it is relinquished^.

1 See Chaps. Ill, 35, VII, 8.

^ See Bund. XXV, 9. The text appears to refer to the transition from the Ushahina to the Havani Gah at daybreak ; and as certain portions of the prayers are varied according to the period of the day, it is very necessary to know precisely when each period commences, so as to avoid vitiating the whole ceremonial by the use of a wrong prayer.

' See Chap. I, 4, note.

• Three of the leading stars, probably Sirius, Fomalhaut, and Antares (see Bund. II, 7).

^ This chapter is followed (in both the old MSS. M6 and K20) by the Pahlavi text of the Patit-i Khu^, or renunciation of one's own sin, a translation of which will be found in Bleeck's English version of the Avesta, London, 1864, III, pp. 159-162, derived from Spiegel's German translation of the Pazand text. This translation is fairly correct on the whole, although some passages might be improved, thus (p. 162), instead of 'all sins which may attack the character of man [or] have attacked my character, if I, on account of much death, have not recognised the death,' &c., we should read ' of all sins which may become the lot of men, and have become my lot, on account of whose excessive number I do not know the number,' &c.

B b 2

Part III. — Appendix^.

Chapter XV ^

1. //is revealed by a passage of the A vesta that Zaratu^t, seated before Auharmazd, always wanted information {yz.k) from him; and he spoke to Auharmazd thus : ' Thy head, hands, feet, hair, face, and tongue are in my eyes just like those even which are my own, and you have the clothing men have ; give me a hand, so that I may grasp thy hand.'